Peter Langtoft's Chronicle, (as illustrated and improv'd by Robert of Brunne) from the death of Cadwalader to the end of K. Edward the First's reign. Transcrib'd, and now first publish'd, from a ms. in the Inner-Temple Library by Thomas Hearne, M.A. To which are added, besides a glossary and other curious papers, (1) A roll concerning Glastonbury abbey, being a survey of all the estates belonging to that house at the dissolution, taken by King Hen. the Eigth's order and for his use. (2) An account of the hospital of St. Mary Magdalen near Scroby in Nottinghamshire, by John Slacke, master of that hospital. (3) Two tracts by an anonymous author; the first relating to Roman antiquities, near Conquest in Somersetshire, the second concerning Stonehenge. Oxford, Printed at the Theater, 1725.
About this Item
- Title
- Peter Langtoft's Chronicle, (as illustrated and improv'd by Robert of Brunne) from the death of Cadwalader to the end of K. Edward the First's reign. Transcrib'd, and now first publish'd, from a ms. in the Inner-Temple Library by Thomas Hearne, M.A. To which are added, besides a glossary and other curious papers, (1) A roll concerning Glastonbury abbey, being a survey of all the estates belonging to that house at the dissolution, taken by King Hen. the Eigth's order and for his use. (2) An account of the hospital of St. Mary Magdalen near Scroby in Nottinghamshire, by John Slacke, master of that hospital. (3) Two tracts by an anonymous author; the first relating to Roman antiquities, near Conquest in Somersetshire, the second concerning Stonehenge. Oxford, Printed at the Theater, 1725.
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- Peter, of Langtoft, d. 1307?
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- [Reprinted for S. Bagster, in the Strand,
- 1810]
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- Great Britain -- History
- Great Britain -- Antiquities, Roman
- Scrooby, Eng.
- Stonehenge (England)
- Glastonbury Abbey.
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"Peter Langtoft's Chronicle, (as illustrated and improv'd by Robert of Brunne) from the death of Cadwalader to the end of K. Edward the First's reign. Transcrib'd, and now first publish'd, from a ms. in the Inner-Temple Library by Thomas Hearne, M.A. To which are added, besides a glossary and other curious papers, (1) A roll concerning Glastonbury abbey, being a survey of all the estates belonging to that house at the dissolution, taken by King Hen. the Eigth's order and for his use. (2) An account of the hospital of St. Mary Magdalen near Scroby in Nottinghamshire, by John Slacke, master of that hospital. (3) Two tracts by an anonymous author; the first relating to Roman antiquities, near Conquest in Somersetshire, the second concerning Stonehenge. Oxford, Printed at the Theater, 1725." In the digital collection Corpus of Middle English Prose and Verse. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/ABA2096.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed April 26, 2025.
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The Author hath here an eye upon the History of Ead|burg, (or, as he just above writes her, Edburgh) King Brictrick's Queen, who was Daughter of Offa, K. of Mercia; but, as he hath represented it, it is very obscure and imperfect; and whereas he tells us, that Bri|ctrick was buried at Tewksbury, others assure us, that it was at Warhame, Whence the Saxon Annals. An. DCCLXXXIV. Her Cyneheard of-sloh Cy|newulf cyning. & he þær we|arð of-flegen. & LXXXIV. monna mid him. And þa on|feng Byrhtric West-Seaxna rices. & he ricsode XVI. gear. and his fæderen-cyn geð to Cerdice. The story of Eadburg is given at large by several Writers. She was a most beau|tifull Lady, and had gained the Affections of the King her Hus|band (a good natured mild Prince) so much, that he was governed and directed more by her, than was consistent with his Royal Dignity. She was of a very haughty, proud temper, and could not brook, that the King should have any favourites, but such as she approved of. So that if she saw, or knew of, any, that, without her special con|sent and approbation, were countenanced, and particularly respected by him, she contrived methods to make such away. There happened to be a very delicate, fine young Gentleman (Son, it seems, as Langtoft in|forms us, to the King of Kent) that the King shew'd a more than ordinary kindness to, both upon account of his exquisite beauty, and the excellency of his understanding. The youth was perfectly innocent, and the King (notwithstanding an Usurper, as being not of the right line [See Dr. Brady's History of the Succes|sion, p. 359.]) of too virtuous a nature to cause any just grounds of suspicion, that there was any immorality in the case. The Queen, however, thought otherwise. She look'd upon the youth as the King's minion, and her jealousy wrought her to such a pitch of madness, that she pre|par'd a potion for him (an or|dinary practise with her, when she had a mind to vent her spleen) that prov'd fatal not only to the lovely youth, but even to the King himself, who had the misfortune (tho' quite contrary to her design) to tast first of the cup. This raised the indignation of the King's Sub|jects to such a degree, that she was forced, for security, to fly beyond Sea, and the West-Sax|ons thereupon resolv'd, that, for the future, no Queen should sit on the throne with the King, nor be stil'd his Queen, but only the King's wife. But this custom being look'd upon as barbarous and very dishonourable, it was soon after broke by King Ethel|wolf (father to Ælfred the Great) notwithstanding in the times of some of his successors there was often a respect had unto it, as I have shew'd in my Notes upon Sir John Spelman's Life of K. Ælfred, p. 24. to which place I shall refer the Reader, and, upon this occa|sion, will only beg leave to in|sert, what is said about King Brictrick in the prose additions to the MS. of Robert of Glou|cester, that belongs to the He|ralds Office. After him [Kyne|wulfe] Brightrik regned. xvi. yere, more studious a boute pees thanne bataille. This toke to wyfe Edburge, kyng Offes doughter of Merchene|riche. Whiche Edburge stu|ried her lorde a yenst gilt|lese men, notwithstandyng that him self was meoke and benynge. And yf she ne myght nat come to here purpose by counseille to ouercome thoo that here liked by werre, sheo dude hem be slayne by poy|son. This was preued in a yonglyng of the kynges whiche he muche loued, which heo with her poysen sloughe. And after that the kyng deyde þorgh a drenche, whiche vnwytyng the quene he dranke, of hure makyng. and whenne the tythinge here of was sprong oute, thulke wikked quene by the comminalte was driue oute of the countre, and a statute i made a mong the West|Saxones, that no quene af|terwarde shulde sitte by the kynge atte mete, ne be clepud quene, for the malice of Ed|burge forsaiden. And sheo þen wendyng to kyng
Charles the gret Charles of Fraunce, bi the grete. happe on a tyme, as she was essheked of him, whether sheo hadde lyuer haue him, than his sone that stode ther by, into housbond, sheo chees his sone. Thenne Charles, of he answere a|meved, saide thus. Yf thow haddest chose me, thow shuld|est haue hadde my sone; but for thow castest me a way, and chese my sone, nother him ne me shalt þow haue. And then he putte her in a abbey, where she was wor|shipfulliche I founde. but af|ter sheo was founde gylty in lecherie, wherefore she was putte oute ther of. Kyng Bryghtryc had take these to wyue as for the mightyest kynge's doughter of En|glisshemen, that thourgh the affinite of hure he myghte haue his regne atte his wille, and putte of his Enmys the lightloker, and a gaste the rebelle to him. By the helpe of this kyng Offe he droff in to Fraunce Egbright, of the kynge's kynrede alone a lyf, and whiche he most dradde to be a yenst hym and contrarie to his profytes. For this Brightric, and other kynges fram Ine to him, were oute of the right lyne of kynges, as of Certikes kyn. Whanne Egbright thus was exiled, to Brightric a newe gre|uance yut sprong. For a folke of hethen Danes, y vsed to lyue by see robbery, pryuy|lich in iii. shippes shende the pes of Westsex. Whiche ship|pes aspied the plenteuous|nesse of the londe and the ver|tues of the men ther inne dwellyng, and they thenne wendyng home a ye, brought more peple, and assaide to stroye the contre, so that they toke the kyngus toune that was neighe and robbed hit. but anon, for drede of the peple rennyng therto, they flow to her shippus, lesyng her praye. And whenne Brigheric [sic] was dede, as aboue is saide, by poyson happeliche I dronke, atte Warham his body was take to buriels.
] purueid þat poyson þorgh hatered of old.Page 12
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The Author here (as he does also in many other Places) strangely differeth from other Historians, in making Maud the Empress to be married to Henry Son of the Earl of An|jou, when she was really mar|ried (after the Death of the Emperour Henry IV. who was her first husband) to Geffrey Plantagenet Earl of Anjou, son of Foulk King of Jeru|salem. Hence John Rastall (in his most scarce Chronicle) writes thus: ¶ About the. xxi. yere [of Hen. I.) there was a great counsell called in Lon|don | for the correccyon of the vicyous lyuynge of preestes to be done by the kynges offycers. Sone after this Henry the Emperour dyed | & Maude the empresse came to her father kynge henry | whiche caused Dauyd the kynge of Scotlande and the more parte of the lordes of Englande to do othe and fealte to the Empresse | and to kepe the lande to her if the kynge dyed without issue male.
¶ Also about the, xxviii. yere | one Geffrey Plantage|net erle of Angeo maryed the sayd Maude and after by her had issue Henry | whiche henry after kynge Steuyn was kynge of Englande.
] his sonne, Alle his tenement, þat his eldres was wonne.Page 108

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Without all doubt King Ri|chard was used very roughly, and not agreeable to his Royal Dignity, after he was impri|soned. 'Tis for that very rea|son, that some Historians tell us (notwithstanding it be not mentioned in this Chronicle) that a Lyon was brought to him when he was confined in pri|son, with an intent to have (by that means) destroyed him. But instead of that, he kill'd the Lyon (to the great confusion and astonishment of his ene|mies) by thrusting his arm into his mouth, and thereby bruis|ing him so at the heart, that he died. John Rastall is one of those, that speaks of this memo|rable Action, taking notice, at the same time, of the causes of his being set upon, and of the vast sum of money that was de|manded and paid for his ran|som. At the same time he like|wise observes, that, according to some, he was called Cure de Lyon from this Heroical Exploit, but, according to o|thers, (who take no notice of this Affair) from his invincible Cou|rage. Rastall himself seems to think, this Denomination was oc|casion'd by his killing the Lyon; and for that reason, as I take it, it is, that the wooden Cut, which he hath given us of K. Richard, represents him with the Lyon be|tween his Legs, and thrusting his right Arm down his Throat. 'Tis probable he had seen old Pictures that confirm'd this Re|presentation. 'Tis also likely, that his Brother-in-law Sir Thomas More (from whom he had receiv'd so much assistance in his Historical Enquiries) approved of it. Indeed I have not yet seen (that I remember) any other old Figure, (besides this in Rastall) in which K. Richard is drawn after this manner. And yet I cannot but think, that he was sirnamed Cure de Lyon from some par|ticular Action, rather than from his Courage in general, it being usual with our Ancestors to give Sirnames from particular remark|able Accidents, such as distin|guished them in a peculiar man|ner from other eminent persons. And as Richard I. had got a very great name for his overcom|ing the Lyon (as well as he had for abundance of other very un|common Instances of Courage) so others also strived to follow his Steps, and were forward to encounter Lyons, and were will|ing to have themselves pictured as engaging with them. And, for better remembrance of such Adventures, they were often painted in old Halls, just as were also the Encounters that Gentle|men of Activity in Feats of Arms had with any strange Knights, such as those of the Blesells, hinted at by Leland, Itin. Vol. VII. p. 61. Such Pi|ctures were look'd upon very justly as great Ornaments to Halls, and 'tis pity more care hath not been taken to preserve them. Sometimes there were figures in our old Wainscotts that had Allusion to Heroical Actions, and these, therefore, ought also to be regarded by curious Persons, who may even from thence be capable of illu|strating some Particulars in our History. I have seen curious Works of this nature in some old Houses in Oxford. They were much in vogue in Q. Elizabeth's time, as they had been also in the Reign of her Father K. Henry VIIIth. when Cabi|nets were, withall, finely adorn'd with Pictures of Antiquity, as may appear as well from other instances, as from that which had been Leland's Cabi|net in the Bodleian Library. But instead of exspatiating, I shall give Rastall's own words, as I find them in the Copy of his Chronicle that was lent me by my kind Friend Mr. Murray.—This kynge Rycharde perceyued that the Chrysten people decresyd in the holy lande | aswell by in|fyrmytes as lacke of vytell | toke a truce for. iii. yere and returned whomewarde | and sent the quene his wyfe by the see | and he sayled with a small company into Histra & there landed | where he was takyn prisoner by the duke [kynge rycharde takyn prisoner.] of Ostreche and by him put in prison | and brought to Henry Emperour of Almayne | whiche put hym in stronge prison | and after Raunsomed hym at c. M. li. whiche duke of Ostryche was afterwarde therfore accursed of the pope for the wronge done to kynge Rycharde.
¶ Also for the payment of this sayd Raunsome | after|warde the woll of all the whyte monkes and chanons in Englande was solde | and rynges | iewels of prelates and vessels and chalyces of all the churches thorowe the lande | and dyuers and many shrynes scraped and spoyled of theyr golde and syluer. Dyuers causes there were as wryters reherse | that the Emperour sholde owe grudge to kynge Richarde | one was because kynge Rycharde had promysed to the Emperour an ayde for the wynnynge of the kyngdome of Cicyle | whiche the Emperour claym|ed as his inheritance | whiche promyse kynge Rycharde as he sayd brake. Another cause was for that the kyng Rycharde toke from a knyght of the duke of Ostryche the dukes banner and trode it vnder his fete in dispyte of the duke and of the Empe|rour his lorde | & therfore the duke & the Emperour were gladde to do kynge Ry|charde displeasure.
¶ It is sayd that a Lyon was put to kynge Rycharde beynge in prison to haue de|uoured hym | and when the Lyon was gapynge | he put his Arme in his mouthe and pulled the lyon by the harte so hard | that he slewe the lyon. And therfore some say he is called Rycharde Cure de lyon | but some say he is called Cure de lyon because of his boldenesse and hardy stomake.
] iren nayles sad, it sais, his fete was schod.Page 199
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It should be rather Worcester, as it is in other Historians, and indeed in the French Peter de Langtoft. En labbeye de Swynheued home lenpusonayt, Il gist a Wircestre, il memes le volait. Ore est le Rey Jon mort, e senelye Lerceuesqe Esteuen ad coroune Henry. Prodhome fu touz jours, des pouers aueyt mercy, Plus ama seinte Egleyse qe nul Rey deuauntly. Clers ke chaunter|ent bien sunt tost enrichy. Eglyses & prouandes ne sunt esparny, Ke Clerk de la cha|pele nait porcioun par my, in the MS. of the Heralds Of|fice. But in one of Mr. Anstis's Copies we have, home lem poy sonayt, Egista Wyrcestre, and a little after, plus ama seynt Eg|lises, and after that, Eglises ne prouandres. Which variations are not of so much consequence as those in the other of Mr. Anstis's Copies, where the whole passage is read thus: Al Abbaye de la Swyne|heued home lenponsonait, Il gist a Wilecester, il meme le volait.
Anno Domini M. cc. xvi.
Ore est le Ray Joh mort, et en senely Lerceueske E|steuene ad corounet Henri. Prodhome fust tuz jeurs, de pouers auait mercy, Plus ama seint eglise ke nul Rays deuaunt ly. Deus en sa cha|pele fu noblement seruy, Par chapelayns et clers de la re|uestery. Clers ke chauntent ben sunt tost en richi. Egli|ses et prouendes ne sunt pas esparny, Ke clerk de la cha|pele nad porcioun par my.
] Westmynstere euen es Jon laid solempnely, [Henricus tercius coronatus est.] þe Ersbisshop Steuen corouned his sonne Henry, A gode man alle his lyue, of pouer men had mercie, Clerkes þat wild þryue, auanced þam richelie:Page 213

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Others say the 12th. of May. See Stowe's Annals, pag. 194. Ed. fol. But not so rightly, as I take it. See Dug|dale's Baronage, Tome I. p. 408. Rastall says in his Chronicle, that it was fought the 23d. of May.—And than [The ba|tell at Lewys.] (says he) the barons with a great multytude of the citye of London | and with a great hoost of other people came agaynst the kynge—betwene whome the. xxiii. day of May was fought a maruelous cruell battell at Lewys | and the Lon|doners that gaue the fyrst as|sent | by reason of the sharpe shot of Arowes & strokes gyuen by them of the kynges partes began to drawe backe.
But the barons incurrag|ed theyr men in suche wyse that they nat onely set vpon them with fresshe men | but incurraged so them that gaue backe | that they turned a|gayne & fought so fersly that the kynges parte gaue backe | & the kyng lost the fylde. where the kyng hym selfe & the kyng of Romayns & Edwarde the kynges son were takyn prisoners & many other mo | and. xx. M. men slayne for this battell conty|nued the more part of the day.
] fourtend day of May þe batail of Leaus was A þousand & tuo hundreth sexti & foure in pas. ¶ þe kyng of Almayn was taken to prisoun, [Rex Al|manniæ captus est, multi alii.] Of Scotlond Jon Comyn was left in a donjoun. þe erle of Warenne, I wote, he scaped ouer þe se, & Sir Hugh Bigote als with þe erle fled he. Many faire ladie lese hir lord þat day, & many gode bodie slayn at Leaus lay. þe numbre non wrote, for telle þam mot no man, Bot he þat alle wote, & alle þing scs & can. Edward, þat was ȝing, with his owen rede, For his fader þe kyng himself to prison bede. For þe kyng of Almayn his neuow was ostage, In prison nere a ȝere was Edward in cage. [Prœfige, &.]Page 219

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Pur le grant honour, qe Edward le seneFist a Jon Baliol, tel est la bounte.Est reguerdone.:Dount le Reys EdwardDu Reys Jon musardLa gest auaunt parle, MSS. Gall.:Descoce seyt cum poetParfourmir nous estoet] Of Jon Baliol musard suilk was his curteysie. a wikked bounte.: For Edward gode dede þe Baliol did him mede a Maddok þer left we.: Turne we ageyn to rede & on our geste to spede
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