A Common-place book of the fifteenth century, containing a religious play and poetry, legal forms and local accounts. Printed from the original ms. at Brome Hall, Suffolk, by Lady Caroline Kerrison. Edited with notes by Lucy Toulmin Smith.
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- A Common-place book of the fifteenth century, containing a religious play and poetry, legal forms and local accounts. Printed from the original ms. at Brome Hall, Suffolk, by Lady Caroline Kerrison. Edited with notes by Lucy Toulmin Smith.
- Publication
- London,: Trübner,
- 1886.
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DPLA Rights Statement: No Copyright - United States
- Subject terms
- Commonplace-books
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http://name.umdl.umich.edu/AJD3529.0001.001
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"A Common-place book of the fifteenth century, containing a religious play and poetry, legal forms and local accounts. Printed from the original ms. at Brome Hall, Suffolk, by Lady Caroline Kerrison. Edited with notes by Lucy Toulmin Smith." In the digital collection Corpus of Middle English Prose and Verse. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/AJD3529.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed April 25, 2025.
Pages
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Part 1.—Poetry,
INCLUDING A FEW PUZZLES AND SAYINGS.
SOME OLD PUZZLES AND SAYINGS. [Fos. 1, 1 vo. (see fac-simile.)]
The puzzle of the riddles consists in the words being spelt in a sort of cypher; every vowel is indicated by the letter which follows it in the alphabet; thus, what should be a is written b
o is written p
e is written f
i is written k
w is written x
The rubricator appears to have made a mistake in writing F instead of B (for A) as the initial of the two first lines.
Professor Skeat, who kindly helped me to decipher these queer|looking puzzles, has met with several of the same kind among Anglo|Saxon MSS. In the Sloane MS. 351, fo. 15 vo. (fifteenth cent.) are some curious directions for writing in this style, but more complicated; they are printed in Wright and Halliwell's Reliquæ Antiquæ, vol. ii. p. 15. Other instances, are, doubtless, to be found scattered here and there in old family books like the present. They are also well known in French MSS. It will be observed that the final result of all the five puzzles is highly uncomplimentary to women. I give a solution in the right-hand column.
[Sayings.] [folio 1a]
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[Different positions. [These sentences, as well as the Daily Rules (but not the previous four lines) are found also in the Boke of St. Alban's, among the household sayings and aphorisms with which Caxton filled up the blank pages at the end of Dame Juliana Berners' Boke of Hunting. (See Mr. Blades' preface, p. 21, to reprint of 1881, and signatures f 5, f 7 b.) But Caxton has, instead of the second and third lines above, "a bucke lodgith, an esquyer lodgith;" lines 6 and 7 run, "an haare in her forme shulderyng or leenyng," which gives better sense; "a wodecoke beekyng" is a ninth line wanting here.] ] [folio 1b]
F hert hfrbprpwkth. | [A] hart harborowith. |
F knyth hfrbprpwkth. | [A] knyth harborowith. |
B dowke lpggkth. | A dowke loggith. |
B Roo Bftdkth. | A Roo betdith. |
B ȝ[e]man Bftdkth. | A ȝeman betdith. |
B hbrf in b forme syttyng. | A hare in a forme syttyng. |
schuldryng of lenyng. | [shouldering or leaning.] |
B cony syttyng. | A cony syttyng. |
[Five puzzles.]
B pkf. | A pie. |
B kbk. | A iai (jay). |
B xpmbn. | A woman. |
B bpf. | A ape. |
B pwlf. | A owle. |
B xpmbn. | A woman. |
B xbspf. | A waspe. |
B xfskll. | A wesill. |
B xpmbn. | A woman. |
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B ffrkfr. | A frier. |
B ffpx. | A fox. |
B xpmbn. | A woman. |
B stpkfksch. | A stockfisch. [Stockfish, a kind of fish dried for keeping, especially in the north. It was so hard that it required much beating, and soaking in water, to render it eatable. (See The Babees Book, &c., ed. Furnivall, Early English Text Society, pp. 155, 214, and Index.) The stock-fishmonger was a regular trade in London. (See Riley's Liber Albus, translation, pp. 325, 328.)] |
B mklstpn. | A milston. |
B fffdkrbfd. | A fedirbed. |
B xopmbn. | A wooman. |
[Daily Rules.] [These rules differ a little from Caxton's version. They are given here to complete the explanation of the fac-simile.]
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RULES FOR CONDUCT.
The poet Lydgate says "An olde proverbe, mesour is tresour," and he has left us two poems on the theme, one of which excellently descants on the various meanings of "measure," moderation among the rest. [Halliwell's volume of Lydgate's Minor Poems, Percy Society, 1840, pp. 80, 208.] The following poem, starting with the proverb, does not appear to be by Lydgate, and I have not found it elsewhere; perhaps some other East Anglian versifier thus inculcated patient virtue and good manners.
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FORTUNE IN LIFE TOLD BY THE CASTING OF DICE.
I do not know any other version of these lines, save one in Sloane MS. 513, fo. 98 vo. (the only English thing in a volume of Latin pieces) though they probably exist in other miscellaneous books. The first line is wanting in the Brome MS. and is supplied from the Sloane; this latter, on the other hand, is not perfect, being cut off at line 70 of the Brome MS. The numerals of each cast are set in figures in the margin of the Sloane, and are transferred here to the left side of the page; they are pictured in red like red dice, on the side of one page of the Brome MS. The curiosity of the poem, otherwise without merit, lies in the combination of two favourite pastimes of our fathers—nay, they are hardly extinct yet.
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FRAGMENTS BY LYDGATE.
The three following stanzas are part of a poem by Lydgate which is found in several MSS., as Harl. 116, fo. 124, and Harl. 2251, fo. 173. These contain three or four more stanzas, on Fortitude and other virtues, the two last lines here headed Fortitudo are not however the same. The names of the first and third stanzas are reversed. The scribe was perhaps careless, and did not complete this copy, but the top of the next leaf shows that Lydgate's poems were still in mind; the same hand copied there six lines (incorrectly) from another of his short pieces, beginning—"The more I goo the ferther I am behynd," which is printed in the volume of Lydgate's
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poems edited by Mr. J. O. Halliwell for the Percy Society, 1840, p. 74. See also Harl. 2251, fo. 38 vo. and Add. 29,729, fo. 131. The final stanza on fo. 81 I have not been able to identify.
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THE CATECHISM OF ADRIAN AND EPOTYS.
This poem is not a romance or a legend, but a relic of the early educational method of teaching religion and philosophy. Instruction by means of question and answer was popular both in England and on the Continent from early times; and examples of such dialogues, embodying not only knowledge on the tenets of faith, the doctrines of religion and morals, but also scraps of metaphysics, ethics, and natural science, are found from the eighth century, if not earlier.
The Joca Monachorum [Printed from an eighth century MS. in Paris Bib. Nat., 13,246, fol. 7, in Romania, i. 483 (1872), and analytically compared with the Schlettstadt and Arundel 351 MSS. of Adrian and Epictetus.] is a set of questions and answers which M. Paul Meyer supposes to be as old as the sixth century (on account of certain biblical names and phrases quoted in it, which are only found in an ancient Latin version of the Bible, the so-called Itala, supposed to be older than the Vulgate); this really appears to be the prototype of our more modern Adrian and Epotys. Such a dialogue also is found among the works attributed to the Venerable Bede [Works printed at Cologne, 1612, vol. iii., Bedæ Collectanea et Flores, pp. 479 b—487 a. This is reprinted in Salomon and Saturn, by J. Kemble, Ælfric Society, 1848, p. 322, a book which contains much early literature of the kind, though the author seems to have been unaware of its middle-age issue in Adrian and Epotys.] (died 735.) The celebrated Alcuin (sometimes called Albinus),
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who died A.D. 804, among his educational works left one of these, which has been studied and compared by Dr. Wilmanns [Disputatio Pippini cum Albino, Zeitschrift für deutsches Alterthum, vol. xiv. (1869), p. 530.] with the Altercatio Hadriani et Epicteti, an ancient dialogue, of unknown authorship, purporting to be held between the Emperor and the philosopher on subjects of natural and speculative science. [The Altercatio or Disputatio was printed by F. Lindenbrog, Frankfurt, 1628, in a little volume. Another version may be found at the end of a folio volume, edited by S. Gelenius, Basle, 1522, entitled Notitia utraque cum Orientis tum Occidentis, &c.] In Old English (Anglo-Saxon) there also exist the Dialogues of Salomon and Saturn, in poetry and prose—the latter of which deals with the Creation, Adam, and the subjects arising out of Genesis. In editing these for the Ælfric Society, in 1848, Mr. Kemble also printed three other similar question-books or catechisms, one of which in Latin, of a later period (probably twelfth or thirteenth century), called Adrian and Epictus, [Page 212, from the Arundel MS. 351, fol. 39.] considerably resembles in substance our Brome poem. The same thing appears also to have been translated into Welsh and Provençal. [Kemble's Salomon, p. 216; Bartsch, Denkmäler der Prov. Litteratur, p. 306-310; Bulletin de la Soc. des Anc. Textes Franc. (1875), pp. 71-74.] On the Continent other copies of this dialogue, dating from the ninth century, have been found and printed, with many interesting notes and comparisons of individual questions with those in other collections, by Dr. Wilmanns [Zeitschrift für deutsches Alterthum, vol. xv. p. 166; see also Ib., vol. xiv. p. 546, and on the general subject E. Schröder, in the Auzeiger, band viii. p. 121, bound with vol. xxvi. of the Zeitschrift.] and Dr. Bethmann, [See Schlettstadt MSS. in Serapeum for 1845, p. 29.] with which should also be compared versions in Provençal, Spanish, and Latin, studied by Dr. Bartsch. [Zur Räthsel Litteratur, in Germania (Vienna, 1859) iv. 308.]
Although this dialogue has played its part in the literature of every country in Europe, and as M. Meyer says, "apparait avec son carectère chrétien dès les premiers temps du moyen age," [Bulletin de la Soc. des Anc. Textes Fran. (1875), p. 72.] it should be noted that the various forms it takes belong to two distinct families, which existed contemporaneously, viz., the one in which Christian history and doctrine appear, the other in which they are wholly absent; the latter being current long after the rise of the
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former. Combined with these are also reminiscences of the beliefs found in the Eddas of the north. [See Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, translation 1883, ii. pp. 564-569; as to Yggdrasil, Bartsch in Germania, iv. p. 312.]
The form of question and answer gave full play to the close definition of the philosopher, the double and hidden meaning of the scholastic and the theologian, or the statement of old belief, whence the transition to the play of wit and words in riddles was easy. Consequently, in the frequent repetition or copying of these dialogues or catechisms, one, or two, or a group of questions which commended themselves might be inserted from another catechism or from a collection of what seem to us riddles. Riddles, proverbs, apoph|thegmes, question-books, dialogues—all contained the popular wisdom, "part of that stock of traditional sayings which prevailed with living power among us from the tenth till the sixteenth century," [Kemble, Salomon and Saturn, p. 286.] and among our French neighbours long survived in the prose form of the popular little book, L'enfant sage à trois ans, etc.
Thus it was, in course of time, that the Christian religious legend and ethics became grafted on to the philosophic dialogue, and it is probable that from a Latin original some English theological rhymer, of the fourteenth or fifteenth century, drew his inspiration for the following poem. The poet must also have used other sources, as we may judge by the study of two portions of the poem. Lines 163-218 describe the substances of which Adam was made, and the effects of the preponderance of different materials on a man's character. This subject is found in many places; in the prose Old English Salomon and Saturn (ques. 8, 9, Kemble, p. 180); in a Latin and Old English ritual of the tenth century, a German poem of the twelfth century, and other instances quoted by J. Grimm; [Teutonic Mythology, Stallybrass's translation (1883), ii. p. 566.] also in three French manuscripts—one a treatise, De Adam et Eve feme, Bib. Nat. Fr. 1553, fol. 286; [Cited by Kemble, Salomon and Saturn, p. 194.] another, Bib. Nat., 4207; the third, MS. A 454, at Rouen, fol. 250, [Bulletin de la Société des Anciens Textes Francais (1883), p. 96.] also on the creation of Adam. These declare that Adam was formed of eight substances (clay, the sea, the sun, clouds, wind, stone, the Holy Spirit, &c.), varying with the writer, but resolving into the four elements. Perhaps a touch of Eddic doctrine here unconsciously found its way into the orthodox theology of the middle ages. For the second portion, lines 511-582: Why do men fast on
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Friday? we may turn for comparison to the same MS. of Rouen just named, fol. 251 vo, which gives twelve reasons in answer; to a MS. of the thirteenth century in Paris (Bib. Nat. nouv. acq. fr. 1098, fol. 60); [Bulletin de la Société des Anciens Textes Francais (1883), p. 96.] and a Russian essay on the subject by Prof. Wesselowsky.
From a comparison of the style of thought, and of the theological dicta of this poem, with those of similar passages in the Cursor Mundi, the conjecture may be hazarded that Adrian and Epotys was written about the same period, viz., the early part of the fourteenth century. The name of the old well-known Altercatio Adriani et Epicteti had been adopted, the philosopher's name became shortened to Epicte, and finally pronunciation brought it to Epotis, when the dialogue itself no longer bore a trace of its heathen descent. [ Chaucer, in the thirtieth stanza of his Rhyme of Sir Thopas, mentions Ipotis:— but, as it has been suggested by Dr. Schroeder, as all the books he speaks of here are romances, except Ipotis, under which name no romance is known, it may be that the singer had the romance Ipomydon in his head, and for once made a slip of the pen. We get no other indication from him of what Ipotis was.
Seven copies [Four at Oxford, viz., Vernon MS., fol. 296; Ashmol. 750; Ashmol. 61; Douce, 323, fol. 160. At the British Museum: (besides Add. 22283, an old copy of the Vernon MS.); Cotton Calig., A ii., fol. 79; Cott. Titus, A xxvi., fol. 163; Arundel, 140, fol. 1. The Douce and Titus copies are imperfect.] of Adrian and Epotis (or Ipotis) are known among English manuscripts; our Brome forms the eighth. It has not been hitherto printed in England, nor indeed thoroughly examined. Dr. C. Horstmann has printed two of the copies—that from the famous Vernon MS. and from the Cotton Caligula MS., giving various readings from some of the others. [Altenglische Legenden, neue folge, Heilbronn, 1881, pp. 341, 511.] He says of four of the MSS. (the two Cotton, Arundel, and Ashmole, 61) that they are all equally poor and equally removed from the Vernon. My comparison of the following copy with the two printed by him does not tend to confirm that judgment, but rather shows that, one original having been transcribed several times, succeeding transcribers added in a piece here or left out a piece there, or may be invented a new piece; and that really the Vernon and Cotton copies, though differing, are nearly upon a par in value. Such alterations, together with the changes following from
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difference of dialect and speech, may account for these varying versions. As the Vernon is probably the oldest, I have taken it as the basis of comparison, and have numbered the lines of the Brome poem to correspond with it. I have also compared it with the Cott. Calig., A ii (the best of the British Museum copies); and those lines in it which are found in the latter, but not in the Vernon, are numbered between (), to correspond to the Cotton, a note pointing out here and there where parts are peculiar to the Vernon only. There remains a residuum of lines (only twenty-two in all) which are new, i.e., found in the Brome copy only: these are indicated by letters—a, b, &c. The whole thing, though following pretty closely the Vernon, and in the latter part the Cotton, is by no means identical in language or expression; only those variants are given, however, at the foot, which may serve to explain errors or difficulties of the Brome text. Inversion of lines is shown by the figures, exchange (if it may be so called) of lines, in a few cases, may be seen from the foot notes. A few lines are supplied from the Vernon or Cotton between [], where they fill up the sense of the Brome copy.
The substance of the poem is as follows:—A child who calls himself Epotys is brought before the Emperor Adrian in Rome. He answers the Emperor's questions (to which there is no preamble) as to Heaven, God, the Word, Trinity. He describes the seven heavens (ll. 52-87), the nine orders of angels (ll. 90-114), the week of creation (ll. 115-158), of what Adam was wrought (ll. 164-218), the sea (ll. 221-226), the hour when Adam lost Paradise (229-236 f.), the seven sins of Adam, in which, descanting upon gluttony, he leads to the whole story of the fall and the redemption (ll. 239-352). The Emperor is further told what are the five sins that lead man's soul to hell (ll. 359-408), the four forms of penance that may save him (ll. (387)-(396), the four virtues that lead to bliss (ll. (398)-470), four deaths a man may die (ll. 418-428), the two sins that God will not forgive (ll. 431-456). He is instructed how a man shall bear himself so that the devil may not injure him for sin (ll. 471-480), and what three deeds will please God (ll. 484-508). The child then gives thirteen lengthy reasons why men fast on Friday (ll. 511-594), after which the Emperor solemnly conjures him to say who he is, whereupon he avows himself to be Jesus, and departs (ll. 595-608). The writer boldly says that St. John the Evangelist told this tale in Latin.
The poem, in bringing Hadrian and Epictetus, St. John and Christianity thus together, offers a curious example of the power of traditional names.
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For ll. 67, 68, the Vernon has,—
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In Vernon these two lines stand:—
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Vernon ends thus:—
Cotton has but two lines after 1. (606) 612, viz.:—
The total of lines in this Brome version amounts to 660. The Vernon contains 622, the Cotton. Calig. A II. 608 lines.
] ffinis.PLAY OF ABRAHAM AND ISAAC.
Five English plays on the subject of Abraham's sacrifice are known, the Brome MS. gives a sixth, and no two are alike. [Besides these, Arthur Golding translated one from the French of Theodore Beza, in 1575, (a copy is in the Bodleian Library). See Mistére du Viel Testament, pub. par Baron J. de Rothschild (Soc. des Anciens Textes Franc. 1879), vol. ii. p. xviii.] Each of the four great collections of plays, the Chester, York, Towneley, and Coventry, includes it; one is also found in a separate form at
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Trinity College, Dublin. In the lists of plays performed at Beverley and Newcastle, too, this subject has a place; and there is little doubt that it was a favourite piece, both on account of its human and pathetic interest, and its capabilities of conveying instruction, either of the mystic-typical kind familiar to the early centuries, or of a directly religious and moral nature. When complete in itself, as in the York or Dublin MSS., the play may in some instances have been performed separately, independently of the great cycle of which it formed a part; the fact that it is sometimes found in detached manuscripts would seem to indicate this. Even at Dublin, however, we know from the city records that the play of "Abraham and Isaac, with their offering and altar," was performed by the weavers' company as one of the Corpus Christi plays. [History of Dublin, by Walter Harris, London, 1766, p. 148.] I have found nothing to show that the play in the Brome MS. belonged to such a cycle in any town in East Anglia (traces exist of per|formances of religious plays at Wymondham, Manningtree, and Cambridge, and probably may be found in other places); but though it did, its separate preservation thus, copied among a number of other poems, is a proof that it was held in much estimation. The poet allowed himself space as though for a distinct play; it is nearly one hundred lines longer than the Dublin, and eighty-six lines longer than the York, the longest of the other Abraham plays. And that it may have been performed as an independent piece is confirmed by the analogy of the French Sacrifice d'Abraham out of the collection Le Mistére du Viel Testament, which M. Rothschild says "parait avoir été plus d'une fois représenté comme une mystére distinct." [Vol. ii. pp. 1—3.]
The performers to whom the play of Abraham and Isaac was allotted in various towns did not always belong to the same trade; in Newcastle-upon-Tyne the slaters produced it; in Beverley the
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bowyers and fletchers; in Dublin, as we have seen, the weavers; in York, the parchminers and bookbinders; in Chester, the barbers and wax-chaundlers; for Coventry and Wakefield (Townley mysteries) the performers are not recorded.
Though the Newcastle play has not been preserved, the following account of expenses incurred in performing it in A.D. 1568, was extant in 1789 in the book of the Slaters' Company:—
s. | d. | |
The plaers for thear dennares | 3 | 0 |
for wyne | 0 | 8 |
for the rede clothe | 2 | 0 |
for the care | 0 | 20 |
for four stoopes | 0 | 6 |
for dreanke | 0 | 6 |
for bearers of the care and baneres | 0 | 18 |
in drencke 3d. to theme that bare the care, and 1d. to the plaeres in drencke, and 2d. the horse mete | 0 | 6 |
for the pyper | 0 | 8 |
for rosemare | 0 | 2 |
for detten of the swearde | 0 | 2 |
for charcole 2d., for the detten of the croones | 0 | 2 |
Bertram Sadler for plaers whan they came home from the playe in mete and drenk had | 0 | 6 |
The play now printed from the Brome MS. is superior to other versions [See for a more detailed comparison of the various English plays of Abraham and Isaac with the Brome version, Anglia, vol. vii. part 3. (Halle, 1884).] in touches of child-nature, and the varied play of feeling skilfully shown—the dear coquetting between the love of his child and the committal of the deed by the obedient but agonised father. The child begging his father not to kill him, and his fear of the sword, even after all danger is over (lines 168, 180, 378-9), are touched in with a life not found elsewhere. The thought of the mother (though Sara herself is not brought in) breaks out in the most natural and affecting manner (lines 175, 205, 254—261, 372); and the joyful rebound of emotion after the painful strain between duty and affection, expressing itself in the kisses of Abraham and the apostrophes of Isaac to the "gentle sheep," must have warmly appealed to the hearts of the audience. Finally, the lesson of faith for "learned and lewed" and "the wisest of us all" is taught by the "Doctor" in the simplest manner, without reference to types or Christianity.
With regard to the versification of the play the reader will observe that it is irregular, in several places the lines run in clear stanzas of five lines, rhyming a b a a b; in others they appear to be in stanzas of eight lines, rhyming alternately, with a frequent short line or
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tag following. There are also many lines which seem to be formless as regards metre, rhyme, or stanza. Judging by the analogy of other plays of the kind, it is probable that this also was originally composed with much care for its poetical form, but has become partially corrupt through oral repetition and the errors of copyists. In one or two instances only have the sense and the rhyme required enabled me to suggest restorations (lines 132, 141, 354, 428): a local or corrected pronunciation will lead to the restoration of other rhymes, as in lines 17—20, 38, 40, 76, 286, 409, 410.
It must be remarked also that interjectional phrases and ex|clamations were probably often treated as prose in this piece, as they certainly were in the York plays. This adds to the difficulty of discovering the normal stanza. Three stage directions only are found (after lines 289, 315, and 383): they are written in the MS· as part of the text. The rest, with the title personages, and scene of the play, are my addition. The names of the speakers are written in the margin of the original.
[A PLAY OF ABRAHAM AND ISAAC.
- DEUS.
- ANGELUS.
- ABRAHAM.
- ISAAC.
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THE FIFTEEN SIGNS BEFORE DOOMSDAY.
IN the first century after Christ the expectation of the last day gave rise to descriptions of the signs which should betoken it, shaped by fervent imagination, not only upon our Lord's predictions in Luke xxi. 9—11; Math. xiv. 7 and xxiv. 29; Mark xiii. 24, but also on other passages, as Ezekiel xxxii. 7, 8; Joel ii. 10, 32; Isa. xiii. 9, 10, and xxxiv. 4, and others. The apocryphal fourth book of Ezra, Bishop Hippolytus, Lactantius, Eusebius, Jerome, and Augustine, one after the other, took up the legend,—increased, defined, or modified it.
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A Greek acrostic, which in the fourth and fifth centuries was embodied by Lactantius in his Divina Institutio and translated by Augustine into Latin hexameters, [Civitate Dei, lib. 18, cap. 22.] seems to be the original source of the narration of fifteen definite signs of doom predicted by one of the Sibyls, which, perhaps mainly through this translation of Augustine's, became widely spread in the works of Bede, Adso, Comestor, Aquinas, and others, during the middle ages. Poems, on varying versions of the subject taken from these writers, are found in nearly every country of Christendom, from the twelfth century onwards,—French, Provençal, Italian, Spanish, German, Old Friesic, Dutch, Anglo-Saxon, English, Old Irish, and Icelandic. [It would be impossible to give here full details. Those who wish to go further into the subject are referred to Dr. Nölle's useful and suggestive essay, Die Legende von den Fünfzehn Zeichen vor dem jüngsten Gerichte, in Paul and Braune's Beiträge, Halle, 1879, vol. vi. p. 412, and to the references in it; to an article by E. Sommer, in the Zeitschrift für Deutsches Alterthum, vol. iii. p. 523; and especially to that by Caroline Michaëlis in Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen, &c., 1870, vol. xlvi. p. 33; to references in Mätzner's Altenglische Sprachproben, i. 120, and in Furnivall's Adam Davy's Five Dreams, &c., E. E. T. Soc., 1878; for French version to the Bulletin des Anc. Textes Francais, 1879, pp. 74, 79—83, and to the drama of Adam, ed. V. Luzarche, Tours, 1854, p. 71; as to Provençal, see Daurel et Beton, ed. P. Meyer, Soc. des Anc. Textes Fr. 1880, p. xcvii. The Northmen of the tenth century, or thereabouts, put the story into the Wolospa (see Vigfusson and Powell's Corp. Poet. Boreale, i. lxvii. ii. 625, 637, 650; in Old Irish about the twelfth century, Dr. Whitley Stokes tells me, it is found in a collection of poems on the histories of the Bible, Saltair na Rann (Anecdota Oxon. Oxford, 1883, ed. Whitley Stokes), Nos. cliii.—clix. The old Friesian version is printed in Max Rieger's Lesebuch, p. 213.]
A great many of these poems and writers, the earliest of whom appears to be Bede, [Collectanea et Flores, Works, Cologne, 1612, iii. p. 494.] attribute the legend to Jerome; nothing of the kind is, however, to be found in his works printed by the Benedictines, though it may have been in some writing of his now lost.
There are many middle English poems on the Signs of Doom. It is found sometimes included as part of a long collective poem, as in the Cursor Mundi, ll. 22428—22710, in part iv.; Hampole's Prick of Conscience, ll. 4738—4817; and Sir David Lyndesay's Monarche, book iv. ll. 5450—5509. The legend is embodied in a shorter poem
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to enforce the argument, as in one of the versions of the Debate between the Body and the Soul, [This version agrees with that in the Saltair na Rann, in describing only seven signs.] Harl. MS. 2253, fol. 57, ll. 49—86, printed in the Latin poems of W. Mapes, edited by Thomas Wright, Camden Society, 1841, p. 346, and in the play called Ezechiel, foretelling Anti|Christ and the End of the World, in the Chester Plays, ed. T. Wright, Shakespeare Soc., 1847, vol. ii. p. 147; or it is a short detached piece confined to the subject alone. Examples of these have been printed from eight manuscripts. [Mätzner, as before, i. p. 120; Furnivall's Adam Davy, &c., p. 92, from Laud MS. 622; Furnivall's Hymns to the Virgin and Christ, E. E. T. Soc., 1867, p. 118, from a MS. at Trin. Coll., Cambridge, B. xi. 24; J. Small's English Metrical Homilies of the Fourteenth Century, Edinburgh, 1862, p. 25; Chester Plays, ed. for Shakespeare Soc. by T. Wright, 1847, vol. ii. p. 219, from Harl. 913, fol. 20, and Harl. 2255, fol. 117; Varnhagen, in Anglia, vol. iii. 1880, pp. 533, 543, from Cambridge University, Ff. ii. 38, fo. 42, and Cotton Caligula, A. ii. fol. 89.] Our Brome example is another copy of that found in the Cambridge Trinity College manuscript mentioned in the note. It contains sixteen lines at the beginning (ll. 3—18) not found in that copy, and several other variations; but on the whole follows it pretty closely. The last thirty|two lines are, however, wanting at the hand of the Brome scribe. As the two are nearly contemporary, the Cambridge MS. being dated by Mr. Furnivall at about 1450 A.D., I have numbered the lines of the Brome copy independently. The version printed by Varnhagen from the Cotton MS. (see note below) is a third copy of the same. It contains fifty-six lines of preamble before the line "Kyng of blysse, blyssyd þou be!" with which the Trinity College and Brome copies begin, and wants a few lines in other places, otherwise it bears a close resemblance to these.
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Lines 11 and 12 stand thus in Cotton:—
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ST. PATRICK'S PURGATORY AND THE KNIGHT SIR OWEN.
This poem and part of the note are also printed in Englische Studien, vol. ix. part i., 1885. I am indebted to Herr C. Stoffel of Amsterdam for several corrections of that print.
THE story that St. Patrick, in order to excite the tardy faith of his fellow-countrymen, built an abbey in Ireland, at the entrance to a cavern, in a valley (or, as some say, on the top of a mountain), and established a ceremonial by which those who would go through the horrors of passing a night locked up alone in the cavern, and should come out alive from it, should escape purgatory after death, became popular and widely spread from the twelfth century. The narration of the experiences of Sir Owen or Owain, an English knight, who victoriously made this expiation for his sins in A.D. 1153, has been left on record by Henry of Saltrey, a monk born at Huntingdon, living about that time. [Henry of Saltrey's account is printed in Triadis Thaumaturgæ seu Divorum Patricii, Columbæ, et Brigidæ acta, ed. Johannes Colganus, Lovan., 1647, tom. ii. pp. 274-280; also in Florilegium Insulæ Sanctorum Hiberniæ, Paris, 1626, ed. Thomas Messingham.] It has been alluded to by several early chroniclers, including Math. Paris; and, developed or altered, is found in not a few Latin and French manuscripts and printed books. The poets Marie de France, Calderon, and it is thought even Dante, are indebted to the legend for inspiration.
The Legend of St. Patrick's Purgatory also gave rise to some other stories, such as the Visions of Tundalus, and the Vision of St. Paul; but these are distinct from the Visions of Sir Owen, which have an air of historic veracity given them by the mention of King Stephen, in whose time the events are supposed to have occurred.
Setting aside Latin, French, or Spanish redactions, we find in English three separate metrical versions, dating from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. In the first volume of Englische Studien, [Some literal corrections, made on a further collation of the MS., were printed by Prof. Kölbing in Engl. Studien, bd. i. p. 186, and bd. v. p. 493.] (pp. 57-121), Professor Kölbing printed the two later versions of the legend in English metre (commonly called "Owain Miles"), namely, that contained in the Auchinleck MS. at Edinburgh (fourteenth century), and that contained in a paper MS. of the fifteenth century, Cott. Calig., A II. at the British Museum. Of each of these but one
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copy has at present been known. Our Brome MS. supplies us with a second copy of the Cotton version. On comparison of the Brome with the Cotton copy, the differences between the two appear con|siderable, amounting in one case to the addition of 75 new lines from the new copy. Although, on the one hand, several lines of the Cotton MS. are either omitted or contracted, on the other the additions and the improved readings in various phrases mark the Brome, in some respects, as the better copy of the two. There are eighty-seven new lines in the Brome, while it omits or alters about the same number found in the Cotton MS. It has been impossible to give here all, or even most of the various readings, on account of their number; the words are inverted or the line re-cast, while retaining the thought, in innumerable instances: in many cases naturally the Cotton MS. offers the better sense. It will be easy for students to collate them; meanwhile, in order to make an approach to a complete version, the lines (and occasionally words) wanting in the Brome are here supplied from the Cotton between [], and where necessary to the understanding of the text different readings from it are given beneath. To facilitate comparison the lines are numbered on the basis of Kölbing's Cotton text, the additions being sub-numbered, as A 1, 2, &c., or 295a, b; by this means the displacement or inversion of lines, in several places, is easily to be recognised at sight.
To account for such considerable variations it seems that the scribe of one, or perhaps of each manuscript, must have written down the poem from memory; some of the changes (it is not safe to call them in either case mistakes, not knowing which is nearest the original) are such as would follow from the recollection of similar phrases, as cues, which occur more than once (see ll. 302, 360, 395). Others would arise from a recollection of the ryme, or of the sense, while the exact words failed the memory.
It may be useful to recall that another English metrical version of this legend, differing much from the others, and in a southern dialect, has been printed from three MSS., [One of these, MS. Egerton, 1993 (Horstmann, p. 175), is found as part of the miracles at the end of The Life of St. Patrick, in a collection of the Lives of Saints in verse.] with variants from two others, by Dr. Horstmann, in his first volume of Altenglische Legenden, (Paderborn, 1875), pp. 149-211. Some of these MSS. are a little earlier in the fourteenth century than the Auchinleck MS.; but probably those two versions of the popular story existed side by side
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before the Cotton and Brome type was written. On the general history of the legend, besides the article and references in Engl. Stud. i. pp. 57-98 (see St. Patrick's Purgatory, by Thomas Wright, 1844, and Le Voyage du puys S. Patrix, réimpression textuelle augmentée d'une notice bibliographique, par Philomneste, junior, Genève, 1867, under which nom de plume M. P. G. Brunet has given a valuable sketch of the development of the legend and its bibliography.
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Lines 363 and 364, here omitted, are;—
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THE LIFE OF ST. MARGARET.
THE trials and martyrdom of St. Margaret appear to have been popular in England in early times. Several versions of the legend, in prose or verse, are found from the eleventh to the fourteenth centuries: four in Old English, several in Latin. The former have been printed by Mr. O. Cockayne; [Seinte Marherete, the Meiden ant Martyr, edited by Oswald Cockayne for the Early English Text Society, 1866. This contains three Old English versions; the fourth he printed in "Narratiunculæ." (See Foreword, pp. vi. vii.)] and one of them, a poem, copied about A.D. 1330, was reprinted by E. Mätzner. [Altenglische Sprachproben, Berlin, 1867, 1st Abtheilung, p. 200.]
The Auchinleck MS. at Edinburgh (date about 1310), fo. 16 b, contains another redaction, and a later one still is found in a MS. at Oxford, written about 1450 (Ashmolean, 61, fo. 145). These two have been printed by Dr. C. Horstmann. [Altenglische Legenden, Heilbronn, 1881, p. 236.] The story of the saint was also told in verse by Osbern Bokenham in 1445, among whose thirteen Legends [Roxburghe Club, 1835. A recent edition, by Dr. Horstmann, with an interesting introduction, has also been issued in Professor Kölbing's Altenglische Bibliothek, Heilbronn, 1883.] of Saints that of. Margaret stands the first.
Our Brome example is another copy of the Ashmolean poem; there being, indeed, not many years between the dates of the two MSS. The verbal variations made by the scribe are numerous, but not for the most part very important; but while, on the one hand, omitting two or three lines found in the Ashmole (which are here printed between square brackets), on the other several fresh lines are given (here marked by a, b, &c.), which are evidently omitted in the Ashmole copy. Unfortunately, however, the Brome copy is incomplete, stopping short at line 365 of the Ashmole, of which the concluding 253 lines are wanting. The numbering of the lines is made to correspond with that of the Ashmolean copy, as printed by Dr. Horstmann.
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PRAYERS.
NOTHING is said as to what was the special occasion on which the following repetitions were to be made; there is nothing else on the page.
In the worchepe of god and of owre lady and [folio 78b] of all the holy Cumpany, he shall sey xv pater nosters, xv aves, and iij credys.
Also ye must sey in the worchepe of Seynt Ramayn and Seynt Barbera, Seynt Symond and Seynt Mawtholde, xv paternosters, xv aues, and iij credys; and thes must be seyd v tymys, that is, to nyte onnys, and to morow in the mornyng ageyn, and to-morow at nyte ageyn, and the nest day in the mornyng ageyn, and the nest day at nyte onnys; and ther is all.
DIRECTIONS FOR A TRENTAL.
A TRENTAL was an office of thirty masses, three of a sort, which were said for the dead, to deliver their souls from torment, according to Canon Rock on the burial day; low masses were said in the side chapels, and at all the altars in the church: a trental of masses used to be offered up for almost every one on the burial day." [Church of our Fathers, vol. ii. p. 504.] Be|quests were frequently made for the saying or singing of trentals. " In 1480 John Meryell left . . . to the friars of Babwell, to pray for his soul a trental of masses, xs." [Cullum's History of Hawsted, 2nd ed., p. 16.] Sometimes a yearly trental, or tricenarium, was said for departed brethren. See examples from early times in Ducange, s.v. trentale, and tricenarium.
The masses of the trental appear to have been performed, sometimes all on the one day, sometimes on thirty separate days, one each on three days within the octaves of each of the ten feasts; and to the proper mass for the day might be added the Dirige (or morning
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service for the dead) [Called dirige or dirge, from the beginning of the first anthem at matins, " Dirige Domine Deus meus in conspectu tuo viam meam."—Rock, ii. 503.] and any special prayer or prayers desired. In the poem called St. Gregory's Trental [Found in two MSS., Cott. Caligula, A ii. fo. 84 vo. of the fifteenth century, and Lambeth, 306, fo. 110, printed in Furnivall's Political, Religious, and Love Poems, 1866, Early English Text Society, p. 83.] the virtues of this means of saving a departed soul are exalted, particular directions are given, and several additions are specially recommended for greater certainty, One of these additions is the dirige, but the prayer also desired by the Brome writer is not among them. The poem (of 240 lines) tells how his mother's ghost, in torture for her sins, appeared to Pope Gregory, and enjoined him to sing "a trentelle
She added that they should be said "within the octaves of the feasts." [Line 124, with which compare ll. 144-5 and 231-2.] The Pope carried out his mother's behests, which were quite effectual; yet the writer rather inconsistently desires (as before mentioned) that a good many other prayers, which are named, should be joined to the masses.
The correspondence of the Brome trental with the trental thus ascribed to the authority of Pope Gregory will be remarked, and we may feel pretty sure that we have here a usual composition of this favourite Office for the Dead. That the rest of the form was variable, according to the wish of the person who ordered the masses, is indicated by this little record at Brome no less than by a will of 1448,
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quoted by Ducange, in which the testator ordered a "trental de messes" to be said for his soul "le plus brief que faire se porra." But who it was at Brome or Scole who showed this preference for a dirge, and the prayer Deus summa spes, there is nothing in the manuscript to tell.
The "month's mind," sometimes mentioned in connection with a trental, appears to have been a day kept in remembrance of the departed a month after death, when a number of masses, probably a trental, was performed for his soul, and a dinner or feast given. "In Ireland," writes Sir Henry Piers, 1682, "after the day of interment of a great personage, they count four weeks; and that day four weeks, all priests and friars, and all gentry, far and near, are invited to a great feast (usually termed the month's mind). The preparation to this feast are masses, said in all parts of the house at once, for the soul of the departed. If the room be large you shall have three or four priests together celebrating in the several corners thereof. The masses done, they proceed to their feastings; and after all, every priest and friar is discharged with his largess." [Quoted in Brand's Dictionary of Antiquities, ed. 1870, vol. ii. p. 231.] Compare this with Dr. Rock's description of the trental above. Payments for the feast, as well as for the priests, are not infrequent in old wills, churchwarden's accounts, &c. (see Archæologia, vol. i. pp. 11-14; Brand's Dictionary of Antiquities, ed. 1870, ii. 229; also Rock's Church of our Fathers, ii. 518; and Dr. Skeat's Notes to Piers Plowman, text C., x. 320, p. 198.
Spenser, in Mother Hubberd's Tale, 1. 453, refers to the old state of things as past:—
"Their diriges, their trentals, and their shrifts, . . . . . . Now all those needlesse works are laid away." [Quoted in Brand's Dictionary of Antiquities, ed. 1870, vol. ii. p. 231.]
These Directions for Trental and for Prayers (p. 119) are written apparently by the same hand which wrote the Accounts, Articles of Leet and Baron, &c., i.e., Robert Melton.
Trentals er comonly seyd xxxti massis and no [folio 80a] derege; they shulde be sayd with euery masse a derege, soo I wolde haue them seyd yff I shulde cavsse them to be seyd for my selffe, euery derege with this preyur, Deus summa spes: they know it that hath seyd trentals. The massis er thes folowyng;—First iij of the nateuite of owre lord as of Crystmes day, iij of Epiphanie as of Twelth day, iij of the
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purificashon of owr lady as of Candylmes day, iij of the Salutacion of owre lady as of owre lady day in lent, iij of the resurrecshon of owre lord as of Ester day, iij of the Assencion as of holy Thursday, iij of the holy gost as of Whyts[onday], iij of the Trenite as of trenite sonday, iij of the assumpcion of owre lady, iij of the nateuite of oure lady.
De nateuite domini de Epiphania domini de purificatione marie de annunciacione marie de resurrecione domini de assencione domini de pentecoste de trinitate de assumpcione marie de natiuitate marieOf eche of thes, iij messes.
A CAROL OF THE ANNUNCIATION. [This is in a hand nearly resembling that of the longer poems in the first part of the manuscript.] [folio 79b]
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