Plutarch's morals. Part 2. translated from the Greek by several hands.

Plutarch's Morals: Vol. II. That it is not possible to live pleasura∣bly according to the Doctrine of EPICURUS.

Done into English out of the Greek, by William Baxter, Gent.

EPICƲRƲS's great Confident and Fa∣miliar, Golotes, set forth a Book with this Title to it, That according to the Tenets of the other Philosophers, it's impos∣sible to live. Now what occurr'd to me then to say against him, in the Defence of those Philosophers, hath been (a) already put into Writing by me: But since upon the breaking up of our Lecture, (b) several things have happened to be spoken af∣terwards in the Walks in further Opposition to his Party, I thought it not amiss to recollect them also, if for no other reason, yet for this one, That those may see, that will needs be contra∣dicting of other Men, (c) they ought not to run cursorily over the Discourses and Writings of those they would disprove; nor by tearing out one

Word here, and another there, or by falling foul upon particular Passages without the Books, to impose upon the Ignorant and Unlearned. Now as we were leaving the School, to take a Walk (as our manner is) in the Green, Zeuxippus began to us: In my Opinion, the Debate was managed on our Side with more Softness, and less Freedom than was fitting; I am sure (d) Heraclides suffici∣ently signified his Disgust at us at parting, for saving our own Heads whole, while he was so warmly engaged against Epicurus and Metrodorus. Yet you may remember, reply'd Theon, how you told them, Colotes himself, compared with the Rhetorick of those two Gentlemen, would appear the complaisantest Man alive: For when they have rak'd together the lewdest Terms of Ignomi∣ny the Tongue of Man ever used; as (e) Buffoon∣ries, Trollings, Arrogancies, Whorings Assassinations, Whining Counterfeits, Cross-grain'd Fellows, and Block-heads; they fairly throw them into the Faces of Aristotle, Socrates, Pythagoras, Protagoras, Theophra∣stus, Heraclides, Hipparchus, and which not, even of the best and most celebrated Authorities? So that should they pass for very knowing Men upon all other accounts, yet their very Calumnies and Reviling Language would bespeak them at the greatest distance from Philosophy imaginable: For Emulation can never enter that God-like Consort, nor such Fretfulness as wants Resolution to conceal its own Resentments. (f) Aristodemus then sub∣joyn'd; Heraclides, you know is a great Philologist, and that may be the reason why he made Epicurus those Amends for the Poetick Din (so that Party stile Poetry) and for the Fooleries of Homer; or else, it may be, it was because Metrodorus had libell'd that Poet (g) in so many Books. But let us let

these Gentlemen pass at present, Zeuxippus, and rather return to what was charged upon the Phi∣losophers in the beginning of our Discourse, That it is impossible to live according to their Tenets: And I see not why we two may not dispatch this Af∣fair betwixt us, with the good Assistance of The∣on; for I find this Gentleman (meaning me) is already tir'd. Then Theon said to him,

(h) Our Fellows have that Garland from us won;

Therefore, if you please,

Let's fix another Goal, and at that run.

We will e'en prosecute them at the Suit of the Philosophers, in the following Form: (i) We'll prove, if we can, That 'tis impossible to live a plea∣surable Life according to their Tenets. Bless me! (said I to him, smiling) you seem to me to level your Foot at the very Bellies of the Men, and to design to enter the List with them for their Lives, whilst you go about to rob them thus of their Pleasure; and they cry out to you:

Forbear, w'are no good Boxers, Sir,

No, nor good Pleaders, nor good Senators, nor good Magistrates neither;

Our proper Talent is to eat and drink,

And to excite such tender and delicate Motions in our Bodies, as may chafe our Imaginations to some jolly delight or gaity. And therefore you seem to me, not so much to take off (as I may

say) the pleasurable part, as to deprive the Men of their very Lives, while you will not leave them to live pleasurably. Nay then, said Theon, if you thus comment upon me, (k) pray propose some other Question your self, that may be more to your mind. By no means, said I, I am for this, and shall not only hear, (l) but answer you too, if you shall require it: But I must leave it to you, which of you shall begin.

Then, after Theon had spoken something to ex∣cuse himself, Aristodemus said, When we had so short and fair a Cut to our Design, how have you blockt up the Way before us, by preventing us from joyning Issue with the Faction at the very first, upon the single Point of Seemly and Decorous! For you must grant, it can be no easie matter to drive Men, already possest, that Pleasure is their utmost Good, yet to believe a Life of Pleasure impossible to be attain'd: But now the Truth is, that at what time they failed of living becoming∣ly, they fail'd also of living pleasurably; for to live pleasurably, and yet unbecomingly, is even by themselves allowed inconsistent. Theon then said, We may probably resume the Considerati∣on of that in the Process of our Discourse; in the Interim we will make use of their Concessions. Now they suppose their last Good to lie about the Belly, and such other Conveyances of the Body, as let in Pleasure, and not Pain; and are of Opinion, that all the brave and ingenuous Inventions that ever have been, were contriv'd at first for the Pleasure of the Belly, or the good hope of com∣passing such Pleasure, as the Sage Metrodorus in∣forms us. By which, my good Friend, it is very plain, they found their Pleasure in a poor rotten and unsure Thing, and that is equally

(m) perforated for Pains, by the very Passages they receive their Pleasures by, or rather indeed, that admits Pleasure but by a few, but Pain by all its Parts: For the whole of Pleasure is (n) in a manner in the Joynts, Nerves, Feet and Hands; and these are oft the Seats of very grievous and lamentable Distempers; as Gouts, corroding Rheums, Gangrenes, and putrid Ulcers. And if you apply to your self the exquisitest of Perfumes or Gusts, you will find but some one small part of your Body, that is finely and delicately touch'd, while the rest are many times fill'd with Anguish and Complaints. Besides, there is no part of us Proof against Fire, Sword, Teeth or Scourges, or insensible of Dolours and Aches: Yea, Heats, Cold and Feavers sink into all our Parts alike. But Pleasures, like Gales of soft Wind, move sim∣pering, one towards one Extream of the Body, and another towards another, and then go off in a Vapour. Nor are they of any long durance neither, but as so many glancing Meteors, are no sooner kindled in the Body, but they are quench∣ed by it. (a) As to Pain, Aeschylus's Philoctetes affords us a sufficient Testimony:

The cruel Viper will ne're quit my Foot, Her dire, invenom'd Teeth have there ta'ne Root.

(p) For Pain will not troll off as Pleasure doth, nor imitate it in its pleasing and tickling Touches: But as the Clover twists its perplext and winding Roots into the Earth, and through its Coursness abides there a long time: So Pain disperses and entangles its Hooks and Roots in the Body, and continues there, not for a Day or a Night, but for several Seasons of Years, if nor for some Re∣volutions of Olympiads, nor scarce ever departs,

unless struck out by other Pains, as by stronger Nails. For who ever drank so long, as those that are in a Fever are a-dry? Or who was ever so long eating, as those that are besieged suffer Hunger? Or where are there any that are so long solaced with the Conversation of Friends, as Tyrants a racking and tormenting? Now all this is owing to the Baseness of the Body, and its natural Incapacity for a pleasurable Life; for it bears Pains better than it doth Pleasures, and is, with respect to those, firm and hardy, but, with respect to these, (q) feeble, and soon pall'd. To which add, That (r) if we touch a Life of Pleasure, these Men won't give us leave to go on, but will presently confess themselves, that the Pleasures of the Body are but short, or rather indeed but of a Moments continuance, if they do not design (s) to banter us, or else speak it out of Vanity. As when Metrodorus tells us, We many times spit at the Pleasures of the Body. Nay, Epicur••s saith, A wise Man, when he is Sick, many times laughs in the Extremity of his Distemper. With what consistence then can those that account the Pains of the Body so light and easie, think so highly of its Pleasures? For should we allow them not to come behind its Pains, either in duration or magnitude, they would not yet have their being without them: For Epicurus hath made the remo∣val of all that pains, the common Definition of them all; as if Nature had intended to advance the pleasurable part only to the Destruction of the painful, but would not have it improv'd any fur∣ther in Magnitude; and as if she only diverted her self with certain useless Diversifications, (t) af∣ter she hath once arrived to an Abolition of Pain. But now the Passage to this, conjoyn'd with an Appetence, which is the measure of Pleasure, is

extreme short, and soon over. And therefore the Sense of their narrow Entertainment here, hath obliged them to transplant their last End from the Body, as from a poor and lean Soil, to the Mind, in hopes of producing there, as it were, (u) large Pastures, and fair Meadows of Delights and Sa∣tisfactions.

(w) For Ithac Isle is no fit Place, For mettled Steeds to run a Race.

Neither can the Joys of our poor Bodies be sooth and equal, but on the contrary must be course and harsh, and immixt with much that is dis∣pleasing and inflam'd.

Zeuxippus then said, And do you not think then, they take the right course, to begin at the Body, where they observe Pleasure to have its first Rise, and thence (x) to pass to the Mind, as the more stable and sure part, there to compleat and crown the whole?

They do, by Jove, I said; and, if after remov∣ing thither, they have indeed found something more consummate than before, a Course too as well agreeing with Nature, as becoming Men a∣dorn'd with both contemplative and civil Know∣ledge. But if after all this, you still hear them cry out, and protest, That the Mind of Man can receive no Satisfaction or Tranquility from any thing under Heaven, but from the Pleasures of the Body, either in Possession or Expectance, and that these are its proper and only Good; can you forbear thinking they make use of the Soul, but as (y) a fresh Cask for the Body, while they mel∣low their Pleasure by shifting it thither, as they rack Wine out of an old and leaky Vessel into a

new one, and then imagine they have perform'd some extraordinary and very fine thing? True indeed (z) a fresh Pipe may both contain and re∣cover Wine that Age hath decay'd; but the Mind, receiving but the remembrance only of past Pleasure, like a kind of Scent, retains that, and no more. For as soon as it hath given one Hiss in the Body, it immediately expires; and that little of it that stays behind in the Memory, is but flat, and like a queasie Fume: As if a Man should lay up and treasure (a) in his Fancy, what he either eat or drank yesterday, that he may have recourse to that when he wants fresh Fare. See now how much more temperate (b) the Cyre∣naicks are, who, though they have drunk out of the same Bottle with Epicurus, yet will not allow Men so much as to practise their Amours by Candle light, but only under the Covert of the Dark, for fear Seeing should fasten too quick an Impression of the Images of such Actions upon the Fancy, and thereby too frequently inflame the Desi••e. But these Gentlemen account it the highest Accomplishment of a Philosopher, to have a clear and retentive Memory of all the various Figures, Passions, and Touches of past Pleasure. We will not now say, they present us with no∣thing worthy the Name of Philosophy, while they leave the Refuge of Pleasure in their wise Mans Mind, as if it could be a Lodging for Bodies. But that it's impossible such things as these should make a Man live pleasurably, I think abundantly manifest from hence: (c) For it will not perhaps seem strange, if I assert, That the Memory of Pleasure past brings no Pleasure with it, (d) at what time it seems little in the very Enjoyment, or to Men of that Abstinence (e) as to account it

for their Benefit to retire from its first Approaches, when even the most amaz'd and sensual Admirers of Corporeal Delights, remain no longer in their gawdy and pleasant Humour, than their Plea∣sure lasts them. What remains is but an empty Shadow and Dream of that Pleasure, that hath now taken Wing, and is fled from them, and that serves but for Fuel to foment their untam'd Desires: Like as in those that dream they are a-dry, or in Love, their unaccomplisht Pleasures and Enjoyments do but excite the Inclination to a greater Keenness. Nor indeed can the remem∣brance of past Enjoyments afford them any real Contentment at all, but must serve only with the help of a quick Desire, to raise up very much of Outrage and stinging Pain out of the Remains of a feeble and befooling Pleasure. (f) Neither doth it befit Men of Continence and Sobriety, to exercise their Thoughts about such poor Things, or to do (g) what one twitted Carneades with, to reckon, as out of a Diurnal, how oft they have lain (h) with Hedeia, or Leontion, or where they last drunk Thasian Wine, or at (i) what twentieth-day Feast they had a costly Supper: For such Transports and Captivatedness of the Mind to its own remembrances, as this is, would shew a de∣plorate and beastial Restlesness and Raving to∣wards the present, and hop'd for Acts of Pleasure. And therefore I cannot but look upon the Sense of these Inconveniences, as the true Cause of their retiring at last to a Freedom from Pain, and a firm State of Body; as if living pleasurably could lie in bare imagining this either past, or future to some Persons. True indeed it is, that a sound State of Body, and a good Assurance of its continuing, must needs afford a most trans∣cending

and solid Satisfaction to all Men capable of Reasoning. But yet look first what Work they make, while they course this same Thing, whether it be Pleasure, Exemption from Pain, (k) or good Health, up and down, first from the Body to the Mind, and then back again from the Mind to the Body, being compell'd to return it to its first Origin, lest it should run out, and so give them the slip. Thus they pitch the pleasur'd part in the Body, (l) (as they term it) upon the complacent part in the Mind, and yet conclude again with the good Hopes that com∣placent part hath in the pleasur'd. Indeed what Wonder is it, if when the Foundation shakes, the Superstructure totter? Or that there should be no sure Hope, nor unshaken Joy in a Matter that suffers so great Concussion and Changes, as continually attend a Body expos'd to so many Vio∣lences and Strokes from without, and that hath within it the Origins of such Evils as Human Reason cannot avert. For if it could, no under∣standing Man would ever fall under Stranguries, Gripes, Consumptions, or Dropsies; with some of which, Epicurus himself did conflict, and Poly∣aenus with others, and others of them were the Deaths of Neocles and (m) Agathobulus. And this we mention, not to disparage them, knowing very well that Pherecides and Heraclitus, both ve∣ry excellent Persons, labour'd under very uncouth and calamitous Distempers. We only beg of them, if they will own their own Diseases, and not by noisy Rants and popular Harangues incur the Imputation of false Bravery, either not to take the Health of the whole Body for the Ground of their Content, or else not to say, that Men under the Extremities of Dolours and Diseases, can yet

rally and be pleasant. For a sound and hail Con∣stitution of Body is indeed a thing that often hap∣pens, but a firm and stedfast Assurance of its Con∣tinuance can never befall an intelligent Mind. But as at Sea (according to Aeschylus.)

(n) Night to the ablest Pilot Trouble brings.

(And so will a Calm too, for no Man knows what will be) So likewise is it impossible for a Soul, that dwells in a healthful Body, and that places her Good in the Hopes she hath of that Body, to perfect her Voyage here without Frights or Waves. For Man's Mind hath not, like the Sea, its Tempests and Storms only from without it, but it also raises up from within far more and greater Disturbances. And a Man may with more reason look for constant fair Weather in the midst of Winter, than for perpetual Exemption from Afflictions in the Body. For what else hath given the Poets occasion to term us one day Animals, Ʋncertain and Ʋnfixt? and to liken our Lives to Leaves, that both spring and fall in the Compass of a Summer; but the unhappy, cala∣mitous and sickly Condition of the Body, whose very utmost Good we are warn'd to dread and prevent? For an exquisite Habit, Hippocrates saith, is slippery and hazardous. And,

He that but now look'd jolly, plump and stout, Like a Star shot by Jove, is now gone out.

As it is in Euripides. And it is a vulgar Perswasi∣on, that very handsome Persons, if seen first, oft suffer damage by Envy and an evil Eye; for that a Body at its utmost Vigour, will through

delicacy very soon admit of Changes. But now that these Men are miserably unprovided for an undisturbed Life, you may discern even from what themselves advance against others: For they say, that those that commit Wickedness, and in∣cur the Displeasure of the Laws, live in constant Misery and Fear; for that, though they may perhaps attain to Privacy, yet it is impossible they should ever be well assur'd of that Privacy: Whence the ever-impending Fear of the future will not permit them to have either Complacency or Assurance in their present Circumstances. But they consider not how they speak all this against themselves: For a sound and healthy State of Body they may indeed oftentimes possess; but that they should ever be well assur'd of its Continuance, is impossible, but must of necessity be in constant Disquiet and Pain for the Body, with respect to Futurity; and if not, why do they then look for a firm and stedfast Assurance from it, when (o) they know they could never yet attain it? But to do no Wickedness, will contribute nothing to our Assurance; for it is not suffering unjustly, but suffering in it self, that's dismaying: Nor can it be a matter of Trouble to be engaged in Villanies ones self, and not afflictive to suffer by the Vil∣lanies of others. Neither can it be said, that the Tyranny of Lachares was less, if it was not more calamitous to the Athenians, and that of Dionysuis to the Syracusans, than they were to the Tyrants themselves: For it was disturbing, that made them be disturb'd; and their oppressing and pestering of others first, gave them occasion to expect to suffer ill themselves. Why should a Man recount the Outrages of Rabbles, the Bar∣barities of Thieves, or the Villanies of Inheritors,

or yet the Contagions of Airs, and (p) the Con∣cursions of Seas, by which Epicurus (as himself writeth) was (q) in his Voyage to Lampsacus, within very little of drowning? The very Com∣position of the Body, it containing in it the mat∣ter of all Diseases, and (to use a Pleasantry of the Vulgars) cutting Thongs for the Beast out of its own Hide, I mean, Pains out of the Body, is sufficient to render Life perilous and uneasie, and that to the Good, as well as to the Bad, if they have learnt to place their Complacence and Assurance in the Body, and the hopes they have of it, and in nothing else; as Epicurus hath written, as well in many other of his Discourses, as in that Of Man's End. They therefore assign not only a treache∣rous and unsure Ground of their pleasurable Liv∣ing, but also one in all respects despicable and lit∣tle, if the escaping of Evils be the matter of their Complacence and last Good. But now they tell us, Nothing else can be so much as imagin'd, and that Nature hath no other Place to bestow her Good in, but only that out of which her Evil hath been driven; as Metrodorus speaks (r) in his Book against the Sophists. So that this single thing, to escape Evil, is their supreme Good; for there's no room to lodge this Good in, where no more of what's painful and af∣flicting goes out. Like unto this is that of Epicu∣rus, where he saith, The very Essence of Good arises from the escaping of Bad, and a Man's remembring, recollecting, and rejoycing within himself, (s) that th•• hath befallen him: For what occasions transcending Joy (he saith) is some great impending Evil escap'd, and in this lies the very Nature and Essence of Good, if a Man consider it aright, and contain himself when he hath dome, and not ramble and prate Idly about it. O the rare Satisfaction and Fidelity these Men en∣joy,

that can thus rejoyce for having undergone no Evil, nor endur'd either Sorrow or Pain! Have they not reason, think you, to value them∣selves for such things as these and to say as they are wont, when they stile themselves Im∣mortals, and Equals to Gods? And when through the Excessiveness and Transcendency of the bles∣sed Things they enjoy, they rave even to the degree of whooping and hollowing, for very satisfaction that to the shame of all Mortals they have been the only Men that could find out this Celestial and Divine Good, that lies in an Ex∣emption from all Evil! So that their Beatitude differs little from that of Swine and Sheep, while they place it in a meer tolerable and contented State, either of the Body, or of the Mind upon the Body's account. For even the more ingeni∣ous and airy sort of Brutes do not esteem (t) e∣scaping of Evil their last End, but when they have taken their Repast, they are disposed next by Fullness to Singing, and they divert them∣selves with Swimming and Flying; and their Gaiety and Sprightliness prompt them to entertain themselves with attempting to conterfeit all sorts of Voices and Notes; and then they make their Caresses to one another, by skipping and dancing one towards another; Nature inciting them, af∣ter they have escap'd Evil, to look after some Good, or rather to shake off what they find unea∣sy and disagreeing, as an Impediment to their pursuit of something better and more congenial. For what we cannot be without, deserves not the Name of Good; but that which claims our De∣sire and Preference, must be something beyond a bare Escape from Evil: And so, by Jove, must that be too, that's either agreeing or congenial to

us, according to Plato, who will not allow us to give the Name of Pleasures to the bare Depar∣tures of Sorrows and Pains, but would have us look upon them rather as obscure Draughts and Mixtures of agreeing and disagreeing, as of black and white, while the Extreams would advance themselves to a milddle Temperament. But often∣times Unskilfulness and Ignorance of the true Na∣ture of the Extream, (u) occasions some to mi∣stake the middle Temperament for the Extream and outmost Part: And thus do Epicurus and Metrodorus, while they make avoiding of Evil to be the very Essence and Consummation of Good; and so receive but as it were the Satisfaction of Slaves, or of Rogues, newly discharg'd the Goal, who are well enough contented, if they may but wash and supple their Sores, and the Stripes they receiv'd by whipping, but never in their Lives had one taste or sight of a generous, clean, unmixt and unulcerated Joy: For it follows not, that if it be vexatious to have one's Body itch, or one's Eye to run, it must be therefore a Blessing to scratch ones self, and to wipe ones Eyes with a Rag; nor that if it be bad to be dejected or dismay'd at Divine matters, or to be dis∣compos'd with the Relations of Hell, that there∣fore the bare avoiding of all this must be some happy and amiable thing. The truth is, these Mens Opinion, though it pretends so far (w) to out-go that of the Vulgar, (x) allows their Joy but a strait and narrow Compass to toss and tumble in, while it extends it but to an Exemp∣tion from the Fear of Hell, and so makes that the Top of acquired Wisdom, which is doubless natu∣ral to the Brutes. For if (y) Freedom from bo∣dily Pain be still the same, whether it come (z)

by Endeavour or by Nature, neither then is an undisturbed State of Mind the greater for being attain'd to by Industry, than if it came by Na∣ture: though a Man may with good reason main∣tain that to be the more confirm'd Habit of the Mind, that naturally admits of no Disorder, than that which by Application and Judgment eschews it. But let us suppose them both equal, they will yet appear not one jot superior to the Beasts, for being unconcern'd at the Stories of Hell, and the Legends of the Gods, and for not expecting endless Sorrows and (a) everlasting Torments hereafter. For it is Epicurus himself that tells us, that (b) had our Surmiscs about the Meteors in the Air, and our foolish Apprehensions of Death, and the Pains that ensue it, given us no disquiet, we had not then needed to con∣template Nature for our Relief. For neither have the Brutes any weak Surmises of the Gods, or fond Opinions (c) about Things after Death, to disorder themselves with; nor have they as much as Imagination or Notion that there is any thing in these to be dreaded. I confess had they left us the benign Providence of God as a Presump∣tion, wise Men might then seem, by reason of of their good hopes from thence, to have some∣thing towards a pleasurable Life that Beasts have not: But now since they have made it the Scope of all their Discourses of God, that they may not fear him, but be eas'd of all concern about him, I much question, whether those that never thought at all of him, have not this in a more confirm'd degree than they that have learn'd to think he can do no harm: For if they were never freed from Superstition, they never fell into it; and if they never laid aside a disturbing Conceit of God, they never took one up. The

like may be said as to Hell, and the future State: For though (d) neither the Epicurean nor the Brute can hope for any Good thence; yet such as have no forethought of Death at all cannot but be less amus'd and scar'd with what comes after it, than they that betake themselves to the Prin∣ciple, (e) That Death is nothing to us. But something to them it must be, at least so far as they concern themselves to reason and contemplate about it: But now the Beasts are wholly exempted from thinking of what appertains not to them; and if they flie from Blows, Wounds and Slaughers, they fear no more in Death than is dismaying to the E∣picurean himself. Such then are the Things they boast to have at tained by their Philosophy. Let us now see what those are (f) they deprive them∣selves of, and chase away from them. For those Diffu∣sions of the Mind that arise from the Body, and the pleasing Condition of the Body, if they be but mo∣derate, appear to have nothing in them that's either great or considerable; but if they be excessive, be∣sides their being vain and uncertain, they are also importune and petulent; nor should a Man term them either mental Satisfactions or Gaities, but rather corporeal Gratifications, they being at best but the Simperings and Effeminacies of the Mind. But now such as justly deserve the Names of Complacences and Joys, are wholly refin'd from their contraries, and are immixt with nei∣ther Vexation, Remorse, nor Repentance; and their Good is congenial to the Mind, and truly mental and genuine, and not super-induc'd: Nor is it devoid of Reason, but most rational, as springing either from that in the Mind that's con∣templative and enquiring, or else from that Part of it that is active and heroick: Either of which,

how many and how great Satisfaction it affords us, he that would, can never relate. But to hint briefly at some of them. We have the Histori∣ans before us, which though they find us many and delightful Exercises, yet they still leave our Desire after Truth insatiate and uncloy'd with Pleasure, through which even Lies are not without the••r Grace. Yea, Tales and Poetick Fictions, while they cannot gain upon our Belief, yet have something in them that's charming to us: For do but think with your self, with what a sting we read Plato's Atlantick, and the Conclusion of the Iliad, and how we hanker and gape after the rest of the Tale, as when some beautiful Temple or Theater is shut up. But now the informing of our selves with the Truth her self, is a thing so delectable and lovely, as if our very Life and Being were for the sake of knowing. And the darkest and grimmest Things in Death are its Oblivion, Ignorance and Obscurity, whence, by Jove, it is, that almost all Mankind encounter with those that would destroy the Sense of the Departed, as placing the very whole of their Life, Being and Satisfaction solely in the sensi∣ble and knowing part of the Mind. For even the Things that grieve and afflict us, yet afford us a sort of Pleasure in the hearing. And it is often seen, that those that are disordered by what is told them, even to the degree of weeping, not∣withstanding (g) require the telling of it. So he in the Tragedy;

Alas! I feel't, and dread it to relate, I dread to hear it too, but I must hav't.

But this may seem perhaps a sort of intemperate∣ness

of Delight in knowing every thing, and as it were (h) a Stream violently bearing down the reasoning Faculty. But now when a Story that hath in it nothing that's troubling and afflictive, treats of great and heroick Enterprizes with a potency and grace of Stile, Such as we find in Herodotus's Grecian, and in Xenophon's Persian Hi∣story, or in what,

Inspir'd by heav'nly Gods, sage Homer sung;

Or in the Travels of Eudoxus, the Foundations and Republicks of Aristotle, and the Lives of famous Men compil'd by Aristoxenus: These will not only bring us exceeding much and great Content∣ment, but such also as is clean and secure from Repentance. And who could take greater sa∣tisfacton, either in eating when a hungry, or in drinking when a-dry amongst the Phaeacks, than in going over Ʋlysses's Relation of his own Voyage and Rambles? And what Man could be better pleas'd with the Embraces of the most exquisite beauty, than with sitting up all Night to read over what Xonophon hath wtitten of Panthea, or Aristobulus of Timoclea, or Theopompus of Thisbe? But now these appertain all solely to the Mind. But they chase away from them the Delights (i) that accrue from the Mathematicks also. Though the Satisfactions we receive from History have in them something simple and equal; but those that come from Geometry, Astronomy and Musick, inveigle and allure us with a sort of Nimbleness and Variety, and want nothing that's tempting and engaging, their Figures attracting us as so many Charms, whereof whoever hath once tasted, if he be but competently skill'd, will run about, chanting that in Sophocles,

(k) I'm mad, the Muses with new Rage inspire me.

(l And again,

I'll mount the Hill, my Lyre, my Numbers fire me.

Nor doth Thamyras break out into Poetick Rap∣tures upon any other Score; nor, by Jove, Eudoxus, Aristarchus, or Archimedes. And when the Lovers of the Art of Painting are so enamour'd with the Charmingness of their own Performances, that Nicias, as he was drawing the Evocation of Ghosts in Homer, often ask'd his Servants, whether he had din'd or no? And when King Ptolomy had sent him threescore Talents for his Piece, after it was fini∣shed, he neither would accept the Money, nor part with his Work. What and how great Satisfacti∣ons may we then suppose to have been reap'd from Geometry and Astronomy, by Euclid, when he wrote his Perspectives? by Philippus, when he had perfected his Demonstration of the Figure of the Moon? by Arcihmedes, when with the help of a certain Angle he had found the Sun's Diame∣ter to make the same part of the largest Circle, that that Angle made of four Right-ones? and by Apollonius and Aristarchus, who were the Inven∣ters of some other Things of the like nature? The bare contemplating and comprehending of which now engender in the Learners both unspeakable Delights, and a marvellous heighth of Spirit. And it doth in no wise beseem me, by comparing with these the fulsom Debauches of Victualling Houses and Stews, to contaminate Helicon and the Muses,

Where Swain his Flock ne're fed, Nor Tree by Hatchet bled.

But these are the verdant and untrampled Pastures of ingenious Bees; but those are more like the Mange of lecherous Boars and He-goats. And though a voluptuous Temper of Mind be naturally fantastick and precipitate, yet never any yet sacrificed an Ox for joy that he had gain'd his Will of his Mistress; nor did any ever wish to di•• immediately, might he but once sa∣tiate himself with the costly Dishes and Comfits at the Table of his Prince. But now Eudixus wish'd he might stand by the Sun, and inform himself of the Figure, Magnitude and Beauty of that Luminary, though he were, like Phae∣ton, consumed by it. And Phythagoras offered an Ox in Sacrifice, for having compleated the Lines of a certain Geometrick Diagram (m) as Apollodotus tells us,

When the fam'd Lines Pythagoras devis'd, (n) For which a splendid Ox he sacrific'd.

Whether it was that by which he shew'd, that the Line that regards the Right Angle in a Tri∣angle, is equivalent to the two Lines that contain that Angle, or the Problem about the Area of the Parabolick Section of a Cone. And Archime∣des's Servants were forc'd to hale him away from his Draughts, to be anointed in the Bagnio; but he notwithstanding drew the Lines upon his Belly with his Strigil: And when he had understood as he was washing (as the Story goes of him) the proportion of (o) Gold in King Hieron's Crown by the Wa∣ter's

flowing over the Bathing-Stool, (p) he leap'd up as one possest or inspir'd, crying, I have found it; which after he had several times repeated, he went his way. But we never yet heard of a Glutton, that exclaim'd (q) with such vehemence, I have eaten; or of an amorous Gallant, that ever cry'd, I have kist, among the many Millions of dissolute De∣bauchees, that both this and preceding Ages have produc'd. Yea, we abominate those that make mention of their great Suppers with too luscious a Gust, as Men over-much taken with mean and abject Delights. But we find our selves in one and the same Extasy with Eudoxus, Archime∣des, and Hipparchus; and readily give Assent to Plato, when he saith of the Mathematicks, That while Ignorance and Ʋnskilledness make Men despise them, they still thrive notwithstanding by reason of their Charmingness, in despite of Contempt. These then so great and so many Pleasures, and that run (r) like perpetual Springs and Rills, these Men de∣cline and avoid; nor will they permit those that put in among them, so much as to take a taste of them, but bid them hoise up the little Sails of their paltry Cock-Boats, and fly from them. Nay, they all, both He and She-Philosophers, beg and entreat (s) Pythocles, for dear Epicurus's sake, Not to affect or make such account of the Sciences called Liberal. And when they cry up and defend one Apelles, they write of him, That he kept himself clean by refraining himself all along from the Mathematicks. But as to History (to pass over their Aversedness to other kinds of Compositions) I shall only pre∣sent you with the Words of Metrodorus, who in his Treatise of the Poets, writes thus! Wherefore let it never disturb you, if you know not either what side Hector was of, or the first Verses in Homer's Poem, or again,

what is in its middle. But that the Pleasures of the Body spend themselves like the Winds called Etesiae, or Anniversary, and utterly determine when once Age is past it's Vigour, Epicurus himself was not insensible; and therefore he makes it a Pro∣blematic Question, Whether a sage Philosopher, when he is an old Man, and disabled for Enjoy∣ment, may not still be recreated, with having hand∣som Girls to feel and grope him? Being not, it seems, of the Mind of old Sophocles, who thank'd God he had at length escap'd from this kind of Plea∣sure, as from an untame and furious Master. But in my opinion, it would be more advisable for these sensual Lechers, when they see that Age will dry up so many of their Pleasures, and that as Euripides saith,

Dame Venus is to antient Men a Foe.

In the first place to collect and lay up in store, as against a Siege, these other Pleasures, as a sort of Provision that will not impair and decay, that then after they have celebrated the Venereal Fe∣stivals of Life, they may spend a cleanly After-Feast in reading over the Historians and Poets, or else in Problems of Musick and Geometry: For it would never have come into their Minds, so much as to think of these purblind and tooth∣less Groopings and Spurtings of Lechery, had they but learnt, if nothing more, but to write Comments upon Homer or Euripides, as Aristotle, Heraclides, and Dicaearchus did. But I verily per∣swade my self that their neglecting to take care for such Provisions as these, and finding all the other Things they employ'd themselves in (as they use to say of Vertue) but insipid and dry,

and being wholly set upon Pleasure, and the Bo∣dy no longer supplying them with it, gave them occasion to stoop to do Things both mean and shameful in themselves, and unbecoming their Age: as well when they refresh their Memo∣ries with their former Pleasures, and serve them∣selves of old ones, as it were long since dead, and laid up in Pickle for the purpose, when they can∣not have fresh ones; as when again they offer violence to Nature, by suscitating and chafing in their decay'd Bodys, as in cold Embers (u) other new ones equally sensless, they having not, it seems, their Minds stor'd with any congenial Pleasure, or that is (w) worth the rejoycing at. As to the other Delights of the Mind, we have already treated of them, as they occurred to us. But their Adversness and Dislike to Musick, that affords us so great Delights, and such charming Satisfactions, a Man could not forget that would, by reason of the inconsistency of what Epicurus saith, when he pronounceth in his Book called his Doubts, his wise Man ought to be a Lover of publick Spectacles, and to delight (x) above any other Man, in the Musick and Shews of the Bac∣chanals; and yet he will not admit of Musick-Problems, or of the Critical Enquiries of Philolo∣gists, no, not so much as at a Compotation. Yea, he advises such Princes as are Lovers of the Muses, rather to entertain themselves at their Feasts, with either some Narration of Military Adventures, or with the importune Sourilities of Drolls and Buffoons, than to engage in Disputes about Musick, or in Que∣stions of Poetry: For this very thing he had the Face to write in his Treatise of Monarchy, as if he were writing to Sardanapalus, or to Naratus Basha of Babylon. For neither would a Hieron, or an

Attalus, or an Archelaus be perswaded to make an Euripides, a Simonides, a Melanippides, a Crates, or a Diodotus to rise up from their Tables, and to place such Scaramuchio's in their Rooms, as a Car∣dax, an Agriantes, or a Callias, or a Thrasonides, or Trasileon, to make People disorder the House with hollowing and clapping. Had the great Ptolomy, who was the first that form'd a Consort of Musicians, but met with these excellent and Royal Admonitions, would he not, think you, have thus addressed himself to the Samians?

O Muse, whence art malign'd thus?

For certainly it can never belong to any Athenian, to be in such Enmity and Hostility with the Muses. But,

No Animal accurst by Jove, Musick's sweet Charms can ever love.

What say'st thou now, Epicurus? Wilt thou get thee up betimes in the Morning, and go to the Theater, to hear the Harpers and Flutists play? But if a Theophrastus discourse at thy Table of Concords; or an Aristoxenus, of Varieties; or if an Aristophanes play the Critick upon Homer; wilt thou presently, for very dislike and abhorrence, clap both thy hands upon thy Ears? And do they not hereby make the Scythian King Ateas more musical than this comes to, who, when he heard that admirable Flutist (y) Aminias, detain'd then by him as a Prisoner of War, playing upon the Flute at a Compotation, swore he had rather hear his own Horse ney? and do they not also profess themselves to stand at an implacable and

irreconcileable Defiance with whatever is gene∣rous and becoming? And indeed what do they ever embrace or affect, that's either genteel or regardable, when it hath nothing of Pleasure to accompany it? and would it not far less affect a pleasurable way of living, to be, like Beetles and Vulturs, disgusted with Perfumes and Odours, than to shun and abhor the Conversation of learn∣ed Criticks and Musicians? For what Flute or Harp ready tun'd for a Lesson, or,

What sweetest Consort e're with artful Noise, (z) Warbl'd by softest Tongue, and best tun'd Voice,

Ever gave Epicurus and Metrodorus such content, as the Disputes and Precepts about Consorts gave Aristotle, Theophrastus, Hieronymus, and Dicaearchus; and also (a) the Problems about Flutes, Rhythms, and Harmonies. As for Instance, Why the lon∣ger of two Flutes of the same Longitude should speak flatter? Why, if you raise the Flute, all its Notes will be sharp; and flat again, if you stoop it? And why, when clapt to another, (b) it will sou••d flatter; and sharper again, when taken from it? Why also, if you scatter Chaff or Dust about the Orchestra, or Dancing-Place of a Theater, the Spectators Eyes will be blinded? And why, when one would have set up a Copper Alexander for a Frontispiece to a Stage at Pella, the Architect ad∣vis'd to the contrary, because it would spoil the Actors Voices? And why, of the several kinds of Musick, the Chromatick will diffuse, and the Harmo∣nick compose the Mind? But now the several Hu∣mours of Poets, their differing Turns and Forms of Stile, and the Solutions of their difficult Places, have conjoin'd with a sort of Dignity and Polite∣ness, somewhat also that's extreme agreeable and

charming, insomuch that to me they seem to do what was once said by Xenophon, to make a Man even to forget the Joys of Love, so powerful and overcoming is the Pleasure they bring us, of which these Gentlemen have not the least share, nor do they so much as pretend or desire to have any. But while they are sinking and depressing their contemplative Part into the Body, and drag∣ging it down by their sensual and intemperate Appetites, as by so many Weights of Lead, they make themselves appear little better than Hostlers or Graizers, that still ply their Cattle with Hay, Straw, or Grass, looking upon such Provender as the properest and meetest Food for them: And is it not e'en thus they would swill the Mind with the Pleasures of the Body, as Hogherds do their Swine, while they will not allow it can be gay any longer (c) than it is hoping, sensing or re∣membring something that refers to the Body, but will not have it either to receive or seek for any congenial Joy or Satisfaction from within it self? Though what can be more absurd and unreaso∣nable, than when there are two things that go to make up the Man, a Body and a Soul, and the Soul besides hath the Prerogative of governing, that the Body should have its peculiar, natu∣ral, and proper Good, and the Soul none at all, but must sit gazing at the Body, and simper at it's Passious, as if she were pleas'd and affected with them, though indeed she be all the while wholly untouch'd and unconcern'd, as having no∣thing of her own to chuse, desire, or take delight in? For they should either pull off the Vizor quite, and say plainly, That Man is all Body (as some of them do, that take away all Mental Be∣ing) or if they will allow us to have two distinct

Natures, they should then leave to each its pro∣per Good and Evil, agreeable and disagreeable; as we find it to be with our Senses, each of which is peculiarly adapted to its own Sensible, though they all very strangely intercommune one with another. Now the Intellect is the proper Sense of the Mind, and therefore that it should have no congenial Speculation, Movement, or Affecti∣on of its own, the attaining to which should be matter of Complacency to it, is the most irrati∣onal thing in the World; I have not, by Jove, unwittingly done the Men wrong, and been my self impos'd upon by some that may perhaps have caluminated them. Then I said to him, If we may be your Judges, you have not; yea, we must acquit you from having offer'd them the least indignity; and therefore pray dispatch the rest of your Discourse with Assurance. How! said I, and shall not Aristodemus then suc∣ceed me, if you are tir'd out your self? Aristode∣mus said, with all my Heart, when you are as much tir'd as he is; but since you are yet in your vigour, pray make use of your self, my noble Friend, and don't think to pretend weariness. Theon then replied, what is yet behind, I must confess, is very easy; it being but to go over the several Pleasures contained in that part of Life that consists in Action. Now themselves some∣where say, That there is far more Satifaction in do∣ing, than in receiving Good; and good may be done many times, it's true, by Words, but the most and greatest part of Good, consists in Action, as the very name of Benificence tells us, and them∣selves also attest. For you may remember, con∣tinued he, we heard this Gentleman tell us (d) but now, what words Epicurus utter'd, and what

Letters he sent to his Friends, applauding and magnifying Metrodorus, how bravely, and like a Spark (e) he quitted the City, and went down to the Port Pireaeum, to relieve Mithres the Syrian, and this, though Metrodorus did not then do any thing at all. What and how great then may we pre∣fume the Pleasures of Plato to have been (f) when Dion by the measures he gave him, Deposed the Tyrant Dionysius, and set Sicily at Liberty? And what the Pleasures of Aristotle when he re∣built his Native City Stagira, then levell'd with the ground, and brought back its exil'd Inha∣bitants? And what the Pleasures of Theophrastus and of Phidias, when they cut off the Tyrants of their respective Countreys? For what need a Man recount to you, who so well know it, how many particular Persons they reliev'd, not by send∣ing them a little Wheat, or a measure of Meal (as Epicurus did to some of his Friends) but by pro∣curing Restoration to the Banish'd, Liberty to the Imprison'd, and Restitution of Wives and Children to those that had been bereft of them? But a Man could not that would pass by the sottish stupidity of the Man, that though he tramples under Foot, and Villifies the great and generous Actions of Themistocles and Miltiades, yet writes these very words to his Friends about him∣self. (g) You have given a very gallant and noble Testimony of your care of me, in the provision of Corn you have made for me, and have declar'd your Affection to me by Signs that mount to the very Skies. So that should a Man but take that poor parcel of Corn out of the great Philosopers Epistle, it might seem to be the recital of some Letter of Thanks for the Delivery or Preservation of all Greece, or of the Commons of Athens: We will now for∣bear

to mention that Nature requires very large and chargeable Provisions to be made for the ac∣complishing of the Pleasures of the Body; nor can the heighth of Delicacy be had in Fru∣menty and Lentile Pottage, but Voluptuous and Sensual Appetites expect costly Dishes, Thasi∣an Wines, Perfumed Unguents, and Varieties of Pastry Works,

And Cakes by Female Hands wrought artfully, Well steep'd i'th Liquor of the Gold-wing'd Bee.

And besides all this, handsome young Lasses too; (h) Such as Leontion, Boidion, Hedeia and Nikidi∣on, that were wont to rome about in (i) Epicu∣rus's Philosophick Garden. But now such Joys as suit the Mind must undoubtedly be grounded upon a Grandeur of Actions, and a Splendor of worthy Deeds, if Men would not seem little, ungenerous and puerile, but on the contrary, bul∣ky, firm and brave. But for a Man to be Ela∣ted (k) for his sweet and pretty Humor, like Tarpaulins upon the Festivals of Venus, and to vaunt himself for that when he was sick of an As∣kites, he notwithstanding called his Friends toge∣ther to certain Collations, and grudged not his Dropsie the Satisfaction of good Liquors, and because when he called to remembrance the last Words of Neocles, he was melted with a peculiar sort of Joy, intermixt with Tears, no Man in his right Senses would call these true Joys or Satis∣factions. Nay, I will be bold to say, that if such a thing as (l) that they call a Sardinian or grin∣ning Laughter, can happen to the Mind; it is to be found in these forcings and crying Laughters. But if any will needs have them still call'd by the

Names of Joys and Satisfactions; let him but yet think how far they are exceeded by the Plea∣sures that here ensue.

Our Counsels have proud Sparta's Glory clipt. And, Stranger, this is his Country, Rome's great Star. And again this, I know not which to guess thee, Man or God.

Now when I set before mine Eyes the brave At∣chievements of Thrasybulus, and of Pelopidas, and Aristides engag'd at Plataeae and Miltiades at Mera∣thon, I am here constrain'd with Herodotus to de∣clare it my Opinion, That in an active State of Live, the Pleasure far exceeds the Glory. And (m) Epami∣nondas herein bears me Witness also, when he saith (as is reported of him) That the greatest Satisfaction he ever received in his Life, was that his Father and Mother had liv'd to see the Trophy set up at Leuctra, when himself was General. Let us then compare with Epaminondas's, Epicurus's Mother, rejoycing that she had liv'd to see her Son cooping himself up in a little Garden, and getting Children in com∣mon with Polyaenus upon (n) the Strumpet of Ky∣zicum. As for Metrod••rus's, both Mother and Sister, how extravagantly rejoyc'd they were at his Nuptials, appears by the Letters he wrote to his Brother, in answer to his, that is, out of his own Books: Nay, they tell us, bellowing, they have not only lived a Life of Pleasure, but also exult and sing Hymns in the Praise (o) of their own Living. Though when our Servants cele∣brate the Festivals of Saturn, or go in Procession at the time of the rural Bacchanals, you would scarcely brook the Hollowing and Din they make,

while the Intemperateness of their Joy, and their Insensibleness of Decorum, make them act and speak such things as these.

Lean down Boy; why dost sit? Let's tope like mad. Here's Belly-Timber store; ne're spare it Lad. Straight these Huzza like wild: One fills up Drink; Another plaites a Wreath, and crowns the Brink O'th teeming Bowl. Then to the verdant Bays, (p) All chant rude Corolls in Apollo's Praise; While one with forced Notes on Hauboy toots, Till he from Bed his pretty Consort hoots.

And are not Metrodorus's Words something like to these, when he writes to his Brother thus; It is none of our Business to preserve the Greeks, or to get them to bestow Garlands upon us for our Wit; but to Eat well, and Drink good Wine, Timocrates, so as not to offend, but pleasure our Stomachs. And he saith again, in some other place in the same E∣pistes; How gay and how assured was I (q) when I had once learned of Epicurus the true way of gratify∣ing my Stomach; for, believe me, Philosopher Timo∣crates, our prime Good lies at the Stomach. (r) In brief, these Men draw out the Dimensions of their Pleasures, by the Stomach solely, as both its Cen∣tre and Circumference. And the Truth is, it is impossible for those Men ever to participate of a generous and Princely Joy, and such as enkin∣dles a height of Spirit in us (f) and sends forth to all Mankind an unmade Hilarity, and calm Se¦renity, that have taken up a sort of Life that is Confined, Unsocial, Inhumane, and Un-inspired towards the Esteem of the World, and the Love of Mank••nd. (t) For the Soul of Man is not an abject, little and ungenerous thing; nor doth it

extend its Desires (as Pourcontrels do their Claws) unto Eatables only, (u) yea, these are in an instant of time taken off by the least Plenitude; but when its Efforts towards what is Brave and Generous, and the Honours and Caresses that accrue there-from, are now in their consummate Vigor; this Life's Duration cannot limit them, but the Desire of Glory, and the Love of Mankind grasp at whole Eternity; and wrestle with such Actions and Charms, as bring with them an ineffable Plea∣sure, and such as good Men, though never so fain, cannot decline, they meeting and accosting them on all sides, and surrounding them about, while their being beneficial to many, occasions Joy to themselves.

As he passes through the Throngs i'th City, All gaze upon him at some Deity.

For he that can so affect and move other Men, as to fill them with Joy and Rapture, and to make them long to touch him and salute him, cannot but appear even to a blind Man to possess and en∣joy very extraordinary Satisfactions in himself: And hence it comes that such Men are both inde∣fatigable and undaunted in serving the Publick; and we still hear some such Words from them,

(w) Thy Father got Thee for the Common Good; And, Let's not give off to benefit Mankind.

But what need I instance in those that are consum∣mately good? For, if to one of the midling Rank of bad Men, when he is just a dying, he that hath the Power over him; whether his God or Prince, should but allow him one Hour more, up∣on

condition, that after he hath spent that either in some Generous Action or sensual Enjoyment, he should then presently Dye, who would in this time chuse rather to accompany with Lais, or drink Wine from Cape Ariusion, than dispatch Archias, and restore the Athenians to their Liber∣ties? For my part, I believe none would: For I see that even common Sword-players, if they are not utter Brutes and Savages, but Greek born, when they are to enter the List, though there be many and very costly Dishes set before them; yet take more Content in employing their Time in commending their poor Wives to some of their Friends, (x) yea, and in conferring Freedom on their Slaves, than in gratifying their Stomachs. (y) But should the Pleasures of the Body be al∣lowed to have some extraordinary matter in them, this would yet be common (z) to Men of Action and Business.

For they can eat good Meat, and red Wine drink;

Ay, and entertain themselves with their Friends, and perhaps with a greater Relish too, after their Engagements and hard Services, as did Alexander and Agesilaus, and by Jove, Phocion and Epami∣nondas too, than these Gentlemen who anoint themselves by the Fire-side, and are gingerly rock't about the Streets in Sedans: yea, those make but small account of such Pleasures as these, as being comprised in those greater ones. For what should a Man mention Epaminondas's denying to Sup with one when he saw the Preparations made, were above the Man's Estate, but frankly told his Friend, I thought you had intended a Sacri∣fice, and not a Debauch, when Alexander himself refused Queen Ada's Cooks, telling her, He had

better ones of his own, to wit, Travelling by Night for his Dinner, and a light Dinner for his Supper; and when Philoxenus writing to him about some hand∣some Boys, and desiring to know of him whether he would have him buy them for him, was with∣in a small matter of being discharged his Office for it: and yet who might better have them than he? But as Hippocrates saith, That of two Pains the lesser is observed by the greater; so the Pleasures that accrue from Action, and the Love of Glory while they chear and refresh the Mind, do by their Transcendency and Grandeur, obliterate and extinguish the Inferiour Satisfactions of the Body. If then the remembring of former good things (as they affirm) be that which most contributes to a pleasurable Living, not one of us will then credit Epicurus, when he tells us, That while he was dying away, in the midst of the strongest Agonies and Di∣stempers, he yet bore himself up with the Memory of the Pleasures he formerly enjoyed. For a Man may better see the Resemblance of his own Face in a troubled Deep or a Storm, than a smooth and smiling Remembrance of past Pleasure in a Body tortured with such lancing and rending Pains. But now the Memories of past Actions no Man can put from him that would. For, did Alexander, think you (or indeed how could he possibly) forget the Fight at Arbela? or Pelopidas the Tyrant Leontiadas? Or Themistocles, the En∣gagement at Salamis? For the Athenians to this very Day keep an Annual Festival for (a) the Battle at Marathon; and the Thebans for that at Leuctra; and so, by Jove, do we our selves (as you very well know) for that which Diophantus gained at Hyampolis, and all Phocis is filled with Sacrifices and publick Honours: Nor is there any

of us that is better satisfied with what himself hath either eaten or drunk, than he is with what they have atchieved. (b) It is very easie then to imagine what great Content, Satisfaction and Joy, accom∣panied the Authors of these Actions in their Life-time; when the very Memory of them hath not yet, after five hundred Years and more, lost its rejoycing Power. The truth is, Epicurus himself allows there are some Pleasures derived from Fame: And indeed why should he not, when himself had such a furious Lechery and Rigling after Glory; as made him not only to disown his Masters, and scuffle about Syllables and Accents (c) with his Fellow Pedant Democrates (whose Grammar Rules he stole verbatim) and to tell his Disciples there ne∣ver was a Wise Man in the World besides himself; but also to put it in Writing, how Colotes performed Adoration to him, as he was one day Philosophizing, by touching his Knees; And that his own Brother Neocles was used from a Child to say, There nei∣ther is, nor ever was in the World, a wiser Man than Epicurus: But you must know his Mother had just so many Atoms within her, as when they came together, produced a compleat Wise Man. May not a Man then, as Callicratides once said of the Athenian Admiral Conon, That he Whor'd the Sea, as well say of Epicurus, that he basely and co∣vertly forces and ravishes Fame, by not enjoying her publickly, but ruffling and debauching her in a Corner? For as Men's Bodies are oft necessita∣ted by Famine, for want of other Food, to prey, against Nature, upon themselves; a like Mischief to this Vain-glory creates in Men's Minds, it forc∣ing them, when they hunger after Praise, and cannot obtain it from other Men, at last to com∣mend themselves. And do not they then that

stand so well affected towards Applause and Fame themselves, own they cast away very extraordinary Pleasures, when they decline Magi∣strature, Publick Offices, and the Favour and Confidence of Princes, from whom Democritus once said, the grandest Blessings of Humane Life are derived? For he will never induce any Mor∣tal to believe, that he that could so highly value and please himself with the Attestation of his Brother Neocles, and the Adoration of his Friend Colotes, would not, were he clapt by all the Greeks at the Olympiads, go quite out of his Wits, and even hollow for Joy; or, rather in∣deed be elated in the manner spoken of by So∣phocles;

Puft like the Down of a gray-headed Thistle.

If it be a pleasing thing then to be of a good Fame; and on the contrary afflictive, to be of an ill one. It is most certain, that nothing in the World can be more infamous than Want of Friend∣ship, Idleness, Atheism, Debauchery and Negligence. Now these are looked upon by all Men, except themselves, as the inseparable Companions of their Party. But unjustly may some one say: Be it so then; for we consider not now the Truth of the Charge, but what Fame and Reputation they are of in the World: And we shall forbear at present to mention the many Books that have been writen to defame them, (d) and the blackning Decrees made against them by several Republicks, for that would look like Bitterness. But if the Answers of Oracles, the Providence of the Gods, and the Ten∣derness and Affection of Parents to their Issue; if Civil Policy, Military Order, and the Office of

Magistracy, be things to be looked upon as de∣servedly esteemed and celebrated; it must of ne∣cessity then be allowed also, That they that tell us, It is none of their Business to preserve the Greeks, but to Eat and Drink, so as not to offend, but pleasure their Stomachs, are base and ignominious Persons; and that their being reputed such, must needs extream∣ly humble them, and make their Lives untoward to them, if they take Honour and a Good Name for any part of their Satisfaction. When Thenon had thus spoken, we thought good to break up our Walk to rest us a while (as we were wont to do) upon the Benches: Nor did we continue any long space in our Silence at what was spoken; for Zeuxippus taking his Hint from what had been said, spake to us, Who will make up that of the Discourse which is yet behind? for it hath not yet received its due Conclusion; and this Gentleman, by mentiong Divination and Providence, did, in my Opinion, suggest as much to us: for these People boast that these very things do not the least contribute to the providing of their Lives with Pleasure, Serenity and Assurance; so that there must be something said to these two. Aristodemus subjoyned then and said: As to Pleasure, I think there hath been enough said already to evince that, supposing their Doctrine successful, and to attain its own Design, it yet doth but ease us of Fear, and a certain Superstitious Perswasion, but helps us not to any Comfort or Joy from the Gods at all; nay, while it brings us to such a State, as to be neither disquieted, nor pleased with them, it doth but render us in the same manner affected to∣wards them, as we are towards the Fish in the Hyrcanian Sea, from which we expect neither good nor harm. But if something more must yet be

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added to what hath been already spoken, I think I may very well take it from themselves; and in the first place, whereas they quarrel extreamly with those that would take away all Sorrowing, Weeping and Sighing for the Deaths of Friends, and tell them that such Unconcernedness as arrives to an Insensibility, proceeds from some other worse Cause, to wit, Inhumanity, excessive Vain-glory, or prodigi∣ous Fierceness; and that therefore it would be bet∣ter to be a little concerned and affected; yea, (e) and to liquor ones Eyes, and be melted, with o∣ther pretty things of the like kind, which they use foppishly to affect and counterfeit, that they may be thought tender and loving-hearted People. For just in this manner Epicurus exprest himself upon the Occasion of the Death of (f) Hegesianax, when he wrote to Dositheus the Father, and to Pyrson the Brother of the deceased Person; for I fortuned ve∣ry lately to run over his Epistles. And I say, in imitation of them, that Atheism is no less an Evil than Inhumanity and Vain-glory, into which they would lead us, who take away with God's Anger, the Comfort we might derive from him. For it would be much better for us to have something of the un∣suiting Passion of Dauntedness and Fear conjoyned and intermixt with our Sentiments of a Deity, than while we fly from it, to leave our selves neither Hope, Content, nor Assurance in the Enjoyment of our Good Things; nor any recourse to God in our Adversity and Misfortunes. We ought it is True, to remove Superstition from the Perswasion we have of the Gods, as we would the Gum from our Eyes; but if that be impossible, we must not root out and extinguish with it, the Belief which the most have of the Gods; nor is that a dismaying and sower one neither, as these Gentlemen feign,

while they libel and abuse the Blessed Providence, representing her as the Hag that rides Children; or, as some Fell and Tragick Fury: Yea, I must tell you, there are some in the World that fear God in an Excess, for whom yet it would not be better not so to fear him. For while they dread him as a Governor, that is gentle to the Good, and severe to the Bad, and are by this one Fear, which makes them not to need many others, (g) freed from doing ill, and brought to keep their Wickedness with them in quiet; and as it were in an enfeebled Languor, they come hereby to have less Disquiet than those that indulge the Practice of it, and are rash and daring in it; and then presently after fear and repent of it. Now that Disposition of Mind which the greater and Ig∣norant part of Mankind, that are not utterly bad, are of towards God, hath its very true, conjoyn∣ed with the Regard and Honour they pay him, a kind of Anguish and astonished Dread, which is also called Superstition; but, notwithstanding this, the good Hope and gay Hilarity that attends it, is ten thousand times (h) more and greater than it, while it both implores and receives the whole Be∣nefit of Prosperity and good Success from the Gods only. And this is manifest by the greatest Tokens that can be; for neither do the Discourses of those that wait at the Temples, nor the good times of our Solemn Festivals, nor any other, ei∣ther Actions or Sights, more recreate and delight us then what we see and do about the Gods our selves, while we assist at the publick Ceremonies, and joyn in the Sacred Balls, and attend at the Sacrifices and Initiations. For the Mind is not then sorrowful, demiss and heavy, as if she were addressing to certain Tyrants or cruel Torturers,

as otherwise she would be; but on the contrary, where she is most apprehensive and fulliest per∣swaded the Divinity is present, there she most of all throws off Sorrows, Tears and Pensiveness, and lets her self loose to what is pleasing and a∣greeable, to the very degree of Tipsiness, Frolick and Laughter; in amorous Concerns, as the Poet said once,

When Old Man and Old Wife think of Loves Fires, Their frozen Breasts will swell with new Desires.

(i) But now in the publick Processions and Sacrifi∣ces, not only the Old Man and the Old Wife, not yet the poor and mean Man only; but also,

The dusty thick Leg'd Drab that turns the Mill;

And Houshold Slaves and Day-Laborers are strangely elevated and transported with Mirth and Jovialty. Rich Men as well as Princes are used at certain times to make publick Entertainments, and to keep Open Houses: But the Feasts they make at the Solemnities and Sacrifices, when they now apprehend their Minds to approach nearest the Divinity, have conjoined with the Honour and Veneration they pay him, a much more trascend∣ing Pleasure and Satisfaction. Of this, he that hath renounced Gods Providence hath not the least Share; for what recreates and chears us at the Festivals, is not the store of good Wine and Roast-meat, but the good Hope and Perswasion that God is there present and propitious to us, and kindly accepts of what we do. From some of our Festivals we exclude the Flute and Garland; but if God be not present at the Sacrifice, as the So∣lemnity

of the Banquet; the rest is but unhallow∣•…•…d, un-feastlike, and uninspired. Indeed the whole •…•… but ungrateful and irksome to such a Man; for •…•…e asks for nothing at all, but only acts his Pray∣•…•…rs and Adorations for fear of the Publick, and •…•…tters Expressions contradictory to his Philosophy. •…•…nd when he Sacrifices, he stands by, and looks •…•…pon the Priest as he kills the Offering, but as he •…•…oth upon a Butcher; and when he hath done, •…•…e goes his way, saying,

To bribe the Gods, I sacrific'd my best, But they ne're minded me, nor my Request.

For such a Meen Epicurus would have us to put •…•…n, and not to fret and vex our selves at the Mul∣•…•…itude for being pleased with such things, but be∣•…•…ome other Men in doing them; and our selves •…•…gain in disliking them. For, as Euenus saith,

No Man can Love what he is made to do.

For which very reason they think the Superstiti∣ous are not pleased in their Minds; but in Fear, while they attend at the Sacrifices and Mysteries; though they themselves are in no better Conditi∣on, if they do the same things out of Fear, and partake not neither of the great good Hope as the others do; but are only fearful and uneasie, lest they should come to be discovered, and therefore cheat and abuse the Publick, upon whose account it is that they compose the Books they write about the Gods and the Divine Nature,

Involv'd with nothing truly said, But all a round inveloped:

And hiding out of Fear, the real Opinions they contain. And now after the two former Ranks of ill and common Men; we will in the third place consider (k) the best sort, and most beloved of the Gods, and what great Satisfaction they re∣ceive from their (l) clean and generous Sentiments of the Deity, to wit, That he is the Prince of all good things, and the Parent of all things brave; and can no more do an unworthy thing, than he can be made to suffer it: For he is Good, and he that is Good, can upon no account fall into Envy, Fear, Anger, or Hatred; for neither is it proper to a hot thing to cool, but to heat; nor to a good thing to do harm. Now Anger is by Nature at the farthest distance imaginable from Conplacency, and Spleenishness from Placidness, and Animosity and Turbulence from Humanity and Kindness. For the latter of these proceed from Generosity and Fortitude, but the former from Impotency and Baseness. (m) The Deity is not therefore con∣strained by their Angers or Kindnesses; but that is, because it is natural to it to be Kind and Aiding, and unnatural to be Angry and Hurtful. But the great Jove, whose Mansion is in Heaven, is the first that descends downwards, and orders all things, and takes the Care of them. But of the other Gods, one is Sirnamed the Distributer, and another the Mild, and a third, the Averter of Evil; and according to Pindar,

(n) Phoebus who whirles his winged Chariot Through Heavens wast void, was by great Jove design'd, Of all the Gods, to be to Man most kind.

And Diogenes saith, that all things are the Gods: and Friends have all things Common; and good Men are the Gods Friends; and therefore it is impossible, ei∣ther that a Man beloved of the Gods, should not be happy; or that a Wise and a Just Man (o) should not be beloved of the Gods. Can you think then that they that take away Providence, need any other Chastisement, or that they have not a suffi∣cient one already, when they root out of themselves such vast Satisfaction and Joy, (p) as we that stand thus affected towards the Deity have? Me∣trodorus, Polyaenus and Aristobulus were (q) the Con∣fidence and Rejoycing of Epicurus; the better part of which, he all his Life-time, either attended up∣on in their Sicknesses, or lamented at their Deaths. And did Lycurgus, when he was saluted by the Delphick Prophetess,

Dear Friend to Heav'nly Jove, and all the Gods;

And Socrates when he believed that a certain Di∣vinity was used out of Kindness to discourse him; and Pindar when he heard (r) Pan, sing one of the Sonnets he had composed, but a little rejoyce think you? Or Phormio, when he thought he had treated (s) Castor and Pollux at his House? Or Sophocles, when he entertained (t) Aesculapius, as both himself believed, and others too, that thought the same with him, by reason of the Apparition that then happened? What Opinion Hermogenes had of the Gods, is well worth the recounting in his very own Words. For these Gods (saith he) who know all things, and can do all things, are so friendly and loving to me, that because they take care of me, (u) I never escape them either by Night or by Day, where ever I go, or whatever I am about: And because they know before hand what Issue every thing will have, they

signifie it to me by sending Angels, Voices, Dreams and Presages. Very amiable things must those be that come to us from the Gods; but when these very things come by the Gods too, this is what occa∣sions vast Satisfaction, and unspeakable Assur∣ance, a Sublimity of Mind, and a Joy, that (w) like a smiling Brightness, doth as it were gild over our good Things with a Glory. But now those that are perswaded otherwise, obstruct the very sweetest part of their Prosperity, and leave themselves nothing to turn to in their Ad∣versity; but when they are in Distress, look on∣ly to this one Refuge and Port, Dissolution and Insensibility; just as if in a Storm or Tempest at Sea, some one should (x) to hearten the rest, stand up and say to them; Gentlemen, the Ship hath never a Pilot in it; nor will Castor and Pollux come themselves to asswage the Violence of the leating Waves, or to lay the swift Carreers of the Winds; yet I can assure you there is nothing at all to be dread∣ed in all this, for the V••ssel will be immediately swal∣lowed up by the Sea, or else will very quickly fall off and be dasht in pieces against the Rocks. For this is Epicurus's way of Discourse to Persons under grie∣vous Distempers, and excessive Pains. Dost thou hope for any Good from the Gods for thy Piety? it is thy Vanity; for the blessed and incorruptible Being, is not constrained by either Angers or Kindnesses. Dost thou fancy something better after this Life, than what thou hast here? Thou dost but deceive thy self (y) for what is dissolved hath no sense; and that which hath no sense, is nothing to us. Ay, but how comes it then, my good Friend, that you bid me eat and be merry? Why, by Jove, be∣cause he that is in a great Storm cannot be far off a Shipwrack; and your extream Dolours will soon Land

you upon Deaths Strand. Though yet a Passenger, at Sea, when he is got off from a shattered Ship will still Buoy himself up with some little Hope that he may drive his Body to some Shore, and get out by Swimming, but now the poor Soul according to these Mens Philosophy

If ne'r more seen without the hoary Main.

Yea, she presently evaporates, disperses, and pe∣rishes, even before the Body it self; so that it seems her great and excessive rejoicing, must be only for having learn'd this one Sage and Divine Maxim, That all her Misfortunes will at last determine in her own Destruction, Dissolution and Annihilation. But (said he, looking upon me,) I should be impertinent, should I say any thing upon this Subject (z) when we have heard you but now discourse so fully against those that would perswade us that Epicurus's Doctrine about the Soul, renders Men more dispos'd and better pleased to Die, than Plato's doth. Zeuxippus there∣fore subjoyn'd and said; And must our present Debate be left then unfinisht, because of that? or shall we be afraid to oppose that Divine Ora∣cle to Epicurus? No, by no means, I said; and Empedocles tells us that,

What's very good, claims to be heard twice.

Therefore we must apply our selves again to them; for I think he was not present at our former Dis∣course; but if he was, he is a young-Man, and needs not fear being charg'd by these young Gen∣tlemen, for having a bad Memory. Then Theon, like one constrain'd, said; Well then, if you

will needs have me to go on with the Discourse, I will not do as you did, Aristodemus: for you were shy of repeating what this Gentleman spoke, but I shall not scruple to make use of what you have said; for I think indeed you did very well di∣vide Mankind into three ranks; the first of wicked and very bad Men, the second of the Vulgar and common sort and the third of Good and Wise Men: the Wicked and bad sort then, while they dread any kind of Divine Vengeance and Punishment at all, and are by this deterr'd from doing Mischief, and thereby enjoy the greater Quiet, will live both in more Pleasure, and less Disturbance for it. And Epicurus is of opinion, That the only proper Means to keep Men from doing ill, is the fear of Punishments. So that we should cram them with more and more Superstition still, and raise up against them both from Heaven and Earth, Terrors, Chasms, Frights and Surmises, if their being amazed with such things as these, will make them become the more tame and gentle. For it is more for their benefit to be restrained from Criminal Actions by the Fears of what comes after Death, than to commit them, and then to live in perpetual Danger and Fear. As to the Vulgar sort, besides their fear of what's in Hell, the hope they have conceiv'd of an Eternity from the Tales and Fictions of the Ancients, and their great desire of Being, which is both the prime and strongest of all others, exceeds in Pleasure and sweet Content of Mind, that Childish dread. (a) And therefore when they loose their Children, Wives or Friends, they had rather have them be somewhere, and remain still, tho in Misery, than they should be quite destroy'd, dissolv'd, and reduc'd to nothing: And they

are pleased, when they hear it said of a Dying Person, that he goes away, or departs, and such other words as intimate Death to be the Souls re∣move, and and not Destruction. And they sometimes speak thus,

But I'le ev'n there think on my dearst Friend.

And thus,

What's your command to Hector, let me know, And to your dear old Priam, e're I go.

And (there arising hereupon an erroneous devia∣tion,) they are the better pleased when they bury with their Departed Friends, such Arms, Imple∣ments and Cloaths, as were most familiar to them in their Life-time, (b) as Minos did the Cretan Flutes with Glaucus,

Made of the Shanks ef a dead Brindled Fawn.

And if they do but imagine they either ask or de∣sire any thing of them, they are glad when they give it them. Thus Periander burnt his Queens Attire with her, because he thought she had ask'd for it, and complain'd she was a cold. (c) Nor doth an Aeacus, an Ascalaphus, or an Acheron much disorder them, whom they have often gratified with Balls, Shews and Musick (d) of every sort. But now all Men shrink at such a face of Death, as dismal, grim and dark, as carrys with it in∣sensibility, oblivion and extinction of Knowledg: And they are discomposed, when they hear it said of any one he is perisht, or is gone, or he is no more; and they shew great uneasiness when they hear such words as these:

(e) Go to the Wood-clad Earth he must, And there ly shrivel'd into Dust. And ne're more laugh, or drink, or hear The charming sounds of Flute or Lyre.

And these;

The Soul of Man, if once it slips The hedge of Teeth, and two pale Lips, Will never more return again, Nor can be catch'd or overta'ne.

(f) Wherefore they must needs cut the very Throats of them that shall with Epicurus tell them, We Men were born once for all, and we cannot be born twice, (g) but our not being must last for ever. For this will bring them to slight their present Good as little, or rather indeed as nothing at all, compared (h) with Everlastingness; and there∣fore to let it pass unenjoy'd and become wholly negligent of Vertue and Action, as Men dis∣heartned and brought to a Contempt of them∣selves, as being but as it were of one days continu∣ance, and uncertain, and born for no considera∣ble purpose. For Insensibility, Dissolution, and the conceit, that what hath no sense, is nothing to us, doth not at all abate the fear of Death, but rather helps to confirm it: for this very thing is it that Nature most dreaded:

But may you all return to Mould and Wet;

To wit, The Dissolution of the Soul into what is without knowledge or sense, which while Epi∣curus would have to be a separtion into Atomes

and Void, he doth but further cut off all hope of Immortality; to compass which I can scarce re∣frain from saying, That all, both Men and Wo∣men, would be well contented to be worried by Cerberus and to carry Water into (i) the Tub full of holes, so they might but continue in being, and not be exterminated. Though (as I said before) there are not very many that stand in fear of these things, they being but the Te∣nets of Old Women, and the fabular Stories of Mothers and Nurses; and even they that do fear them, yet believe that certain Rites of Initiation and Purgation will relieve them, by which when they are cleansed, (k) they shall Play and Dance in Hell for ever, in company with those that have the priviledg of a bright Light, clear Air, and the use of Speech; but now to be depriv'd of Living, disturbs all both Young and Old. For,

(l) W' appear impatient Lovers of this Light, When it shines under ground, and's out of Sight;

As Euripides saith. Nor are we easy, nor with∣out Regret when we hear this.

Him speaking thus th' Eternal brightness leaves, Where Night the wearied Steeds of day receives.

And therefore it is very plain, that with the Belief of Immortality, they take away the sweet∣est and greatest hopes the vulgar sort have. And what shall we then think they take away from the Good, and those that have led Pious and Just Lives, (m) who expect no ill from thence, but on the contrary most Glorious and Divine things?

For in the first place, Gamsters are not used to receive the Garland, before they have perform'd their Exercises, but after they have contested and prov'd Victorious: In like manner, they that are perswaded that good Men have the Prize of their Conquests here, after this Life is ended; it is marvellous to think to what a pitch of Grandeur their Vertue raises their Spiri••s, upon the Contemplation of those Hopes; among the which this is one, that they shall one day see those Men that are now insolent by reason of their Wealth and Power, and that foolishly flout at their Betters, undergo just Punishment. in the next place, none of the Lovers of Truth, and the Contemplation of Being, having here their fill of them; they have but a watry and puddled Reason to speculate with, as it were through the Fogg and Mist of the Body; and yet they still, like Birds, look upwards, as ready to take their flight to the spacious and bright Region; and endeavour to make their Souls expedite and light from things Mortal, (u) using for Philoso∣phy the study of Death. Thus I account Death a truly great and accomplisht good thing; the Soul being to live there a real Life, which here lives not a waking Life, but suffers things most resembling Dreams. If then (as Epicurus saith) the remembrance of a dead friend be a thing every way complacent; we may easily from thence ima∣gine how great a Joy they deprive themselves of, that think they do but embrace and pursue the Phantoms and Shades of their deceased Familiars, that have in them neither Knowledg nor Sense; but never expect to be with them again, nor to see their dear Father, and dear Mother, and sweet Wife; nor have any hopes of that familiarity

and dear Converse they have, that think of the Soul with Pythagoras, Plato and Homer: Now, what their sort of Passion is like to, was hint∣ed at by Homer, when he threw into the midst of the Soldiers, as they were engag'd, the shade of Aeneas, as if he had been Dead; and after∣wards again presented his Friends with him himself,

Coming alive and well, as brisk as ever.

At which he saith,

They all were over-joy'd, and left the shade, And him embrac't himself,—

And should not we then, when Reason shews us that a real converse with Persons departed this Life may be had; and that he that loves, may both feel and be with the Party that affects and loves him; relinquish these Men that cannot so much as cast off all those airy Shades, and out-side Barks, for which they are all their time in lamentation and fresh afflictions. Moreover, they that look upon Death as the commencement of another and better Life, if they enjoy good things, (o) are the better pleased with them, as expecting much greater hereafter; but if they have not things here to their Minds, they do not much grum∣ble at it; but the hopes of those good and excellent things that are after Death, contain∣ing in them such ineffable Pleasures and Ex∣pectances, wipe off and wholly obliterate every defect, and every offence from the Mind, which as on a Road, or rather indeed in a short de∣viation out of the Road, bears whatever befals

it with great ease and mediocrity. But now, as to those to whom Life ends in Insensibility and Dissolu∣tion, Death bringing not to them a removal of E∣vils, though it be afflicting in both conditions, yet is it more so to those that live Prosperously, than to such as undergo Adversity: For it cuts the latter but from an uncertain hope of doing better here∣after; but it deprives the former of a certain good, to wit, their pleasurable living. And as those Medicinal Potions that are not grateful to the Palate, but yet necessary, give sick Men ease, but rake and hurt the well, just so (in my opinion) doth the Philosophy of Epicurus, while it promises to those that live miserably a Death not happy; and (p) to those that do well, an ut∣ter extinction and dissolution of the Mind, but quite obstructs the Comfort and Solace of the grave and wise, that abound with good things, by throwing them down from a happy living in∣to a deprivation of both Life and Being. From hence then it is manifest, that the Contemplation of the loss of good things will afflict us in as great a measure, as either the firm hopes or pre∣sent enjoyments of them recreate us. Yea, them∣selves tell us, That their being freed from the fond sur∣mise of incessant and endless Evils, leaves them the most assur'd and complacent Good, to wit, the contempla∣tion of their own Delivery; and that Epicurus's Do∣ctrine effects this, by stopping the fear of Death in the Souls dissolution. If then deliverance from the expectation of infinite Evils, be a matter of great complacence; how comes it not to be af∣flictive to be bereft of eternal good things, and to miss of the highest and most consummate Feli∣city? For, not to be, can be good for neither condition; but is on the contrary both against

Nature, and ungrateful to all that have a Being. But those it eases of the Evils of Life, have, it's very true, the want of sense to comfort them for the Evil of Death (q) while they as it were make their escape from Life. But on the other hand, they that change from good things to nothing, seem to me to have the most dismaying end of all, it putting a Period to their Happiness. For Nature doth not fear Insensibility, as the entrance upon some new thing, but because it is the pri∣vation of our present good things; for though the destruction of all we can call ours, be in the accomplishment nothing to us, yet is it still some∣thing to us in the thoughts of it. And Insensibi∣lity afflicts not those that are not, when they are not, but those that are, when they think what damage they shall sustain by it, in the loss of their Beings, and in being not suffered so much as to descend to Hell. Wherefore it is (r) nei∣ther the Dog Cerberus, nor the River Cokytus, that hath made our fear os Death endless; but the threatned danger of not being, representing it as impossible for such as are once extinct to shift back again into Being. For we cannot be Born twice; and our not being must last for ever, as Epicurus speaks. For if our end be in not being, and that be infinite and unalterable, then hath privation of Good found out an Eternal Evil, to wit, a ne∣ver ending insensibleness. Herodotus was much wiser, when he said that (s) Gods having tasted the sweet of Eternity, occasions him to demean him∣self enviously in it, and especially to those that conceit themselves happy, to whom pleasure is but a bait for sorrow, they being but permitted to taste of what they must be depriv'd of. For what solace, or fruition, or exultation would not the perpetually injected

Thought of the Souls being disperst into Infinity, as into a certain huge and vast Ocean, extin∣guish and quell in those that found their amiable Good and Beatitude in Pleasure? But, and if it be true (as Epicurus thinks it is) that most Men die in very acute pain, then is the fear of Death in all respects inconsolable; it bringing us through Evils unto a Deprivation of Good. And yet they are never wearied with their brawling and dunning of all Persons to take the escape of Evil for Good, and no longer to repute privation of Good for an Evil; though yet they still con∣fess what we have asserted, that Death hath in it nothing of either good Hope or Solace; but that all that's complacent and good is then whol∣ly extinguisht: at which time those Men look for many amiable, great and divine things, that conceive the Minds of Men to be unperishable and immortal, or at least (t) to go about in cer∣tain long Revolutions of times, being one while upon Earth, and another while in Heaven, until they are at last (u) dissolv'd with the Universe, and then, together with the Sun and Moon, sub∣lim'd into an Intellective Fire. So large a Field, and of so great Pleasures, Epicurus wholly cuts off, when he destroys (as hath been said) the Hopes and Graces we should derive from the Gods, and by that extinguishes, both in our Specula∣tive capacity, the desire of Knowledge, and in our Active, the love of Glory; and confines and abases our Nature to a Poor narrrow thing, and that not cleanly neither, to wit, the content the Mind receives by the Body; as if it were capable of no higher Good, than the escape of Evil.

THE TRANSLATOR's Emendations and Remarks.

(a) ALready put into writing.] In his Dialogue against Colotes; which though it be Printed after this in most of the Editions I have met with, was yet written before it, and seems to me to be but some Part or Fragment of what's here so often refer'd to. Besides these, and the Tract of Superstition, already render'd into English by me, he wrote several other Discourses against the Epicureans; as may be seen by the Catalogue of his Writings, set out by his Son Lamprias, and publisht in the Front of his Works, i. e. Against Epicurus's Lectures, That the Epicureans speak greater Paradoxes than the Poets. Parallel Re∣lations of Epicurean Repugnancies, both Grecian and Roman. Academick Exercises against Epicurus con∣cerning whats's in our Power. Select Sentences out of the Stoicks and Epicureans, with their Confuta∣tions. But these are all lost through the injury of Time.

(b) Several things have happened.] The Text is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to which I add 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to make up the sense. Hermannus Cruserius renders 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by Complura, as if he had read it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and Mr. Amiot after him, Plusiures propos.

(c) They ought not to run cursorily.] He here pre∣pares

his Reader to expect a more than ordinary exactness in this Discourse.

(d) I am sure Heraclides.] This is not the great Platonick Heraclides, whose Life we have in Dio∣genes Laertius, and that is mention'd a little below among the Philosophers, libelled by Epicurus and Metrodorus; but the famous Grammarian Hera∣clides, who was Disciple to Dydimus, and flourisht at Rome in the times of Claudius and Nero, and so was contemporary with our Author. His curi∣ous Alegories upon Homer (seem'd to be hinted at by Plutarch in this Dispute) are still extant, at least some part of them.

(e) Buffooneries, Trollings.] The Buffooneries here mention'd, seem to be the peculiar charge of Ari∣stotle, and to refer to the Hymn composed by him in honour of his great Friend and Disciple Hermias, whose Daughter Pythias he Married. This Her∣mias was originally a Servant to one Eubulus, a Grandee and Philosopher in Bythynia; but when Aristotle came acquainted with him, he was con∣stituted by the great King of Persia, Governour, or (as the Greek stile is) Tyrant of Atarneus, a small Town in Mysia. Diogenes Laertius hath ob∣liged us with a Copy of this Hymn, which the Reader may peruse at his leisure; though Athenaeus will not have it to be a Hymn because the word Pean is not in it. All that I can say, is, that Aristotle had his failings. But Turpe est Doctori, &c. Epicurus hath forgot, it seems, his own Io Paeans to Madam Leontion, of which more anon. The Story of Her∣mias's being Aristotle's Pathick, and of Aristotle's Marrying his Whore, and of his doing Sacrifice to her, was first raised by Lycon, and afterwards industri∣ously propagated by Aristippus, and the Epicureans, and all the Drolls of that time; but it was withal

nervously refuted by Apellicon the Teian, in a par∣ticular Tract writ for that purpose, as the great Aristocles informs us.

The Trollings refer to Socrates, whose witty, smooth, and florid Expression was, it seems, by Epicurus and his Friend Metrodorus styled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; which is a word deduc'd from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which was a small Vial in which the Ancients kept the sweet Oils and Perfumes they were used to anoint themselves with, as the Painters did also their Colours. Suidas renders 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 when used in a laudable sense by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is a Musical Voice in pronunciation. I knew not how to render it better in this place than by Trollings, Mr. Amiot's Vanitez is too laxe a word.

Pythagoras is charged with Arrogance by reason of the sublimity of his Speculation, and the severity of his Manners; which together with the suspicion many had that his Followers aim'd at Empire, was the cause that the Italians Massacred them all by a popular Insurrection, and demolisht their Col∣ledges about the time of Socrates, after they had flourisht about two hundred and fifty Years. Of which see the incomparable Schefferus, in his Trea∣tise, De naturâ & constitutione Philosophiae Italicae, Printed at Ʋpsal.

Vive, & amicitias semper cole, crimen ob istud Pythagoreorum periit Schola tota Sophorum. Auson.

As for the Whorings here spoken of, they seem to be the proper charge of Protagaras, not only by the order of Names, but by the Character of the Man, of which I shall say more when I come to speak about the Sophists.

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Theophrastus and Heraclides are accused of Assassi∣nation, for having freed their Countries from the Tyrannies of Usurpers, as will be seen in the process of this Discourse. And what wonder is it if Epicurus and M••trodorus complemented them so harshly, when the latter of them (as our Au∣thor informs us in his Dispute against Colotes) charg'd the two renowned Heroes, Lycurgus and Solon, with having (as he calls it) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. a liberal Dose of Vain glory; this he wrote in his Treatise of Philosophy.

The word that I have rendred Whining Counter∣feits, was understood by none of the Versions that I have met with, except that of honest Philemon Holland, who rendred it Counterfeit Hypo∣crites. The ingenuous Mr. Amiot himself most senselessly joyns 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 together, and then renders them malheureux corrupteurs. These 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 you must know were a sort of Players at Athens, that instructed others in Mourn∣ful Accents and Sighs, to fit them to be the Actors of Tragedies. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, saith Demo∣sthenes, i. e. Hiring your self with those Players they call Deep-sighers. And I imagine they meant by this Nick-name to expose the Pyrronian Party, who were noted to be Melancholy Men, and not only of an unacquiescing, but also of a querulous and dissatisfied Temper; and this I think the rather, because my Author's Nephew, Sextus of Chaeronea, commonly called Empiricus (the only standing Asserter of that ancient Sect,) when he quarrels with Epicurus for his scurrilous reflexions upon his Pyrrhonian Master Nausiphanes, recites these very words out of one of his Epistles to the Philoso∣phers of Mitylene, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. i. e. And I verily believe these whining Rogues will think me to be this Lump of Lights Disciple.

The Cross-grain'd Fellows seem to be meant of the Followers of Euclid of Megara, who from their vein of Disputing and Arguing upon all Subjects pro and con, were styled Dialecticks and Eristicks. And therefore I have altered the Poetick word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which was the very Name that Epic••rus was used to call these Mega∣rick Philosophers by, as both Laertius and Hesychi∣us Illustrius attest. These Dialecticks were upon the main the very same with the Pyrrhonian Seekers or Scepticks, and therefore might very fitly be joyn'd with them.

As for Hipparchus, whether he be intended in the word Blockheads (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) I cannot at present either affirm or deny: but it is not unlike∣ly; for he was a very curious Mathematician, and in this vyed with great Plato himself. And the Epi∣cureans had a peculiar Pique against the Mathema∣ticks, as you will see by and by. I might here add, that besides these, the Platonists were stiled by Epicurus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, Dionysius's Tren∣cher-Chaplains; and Democritus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, Dreamocritus; and several others by the like Names.

(f) Aristodemus then subjoyn'd.] The Greek Text hath 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by a mistake of the Copyist, Aristotle being fresh in his memory, and a more familiar Name than Aristodemus: Cruserius saw the Slip, and mended it in his Ver∣sion, and so did Mr. Amiot after him. This Ari∣stodemus was a very great Platonist, and one of Plutarch's intimate Familiars, as himself tells us against Colotes.

(g) In so many Books.] I suppose in his Books of the Poets afterwards mentioned.

(h) Our Fellows.] Here I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is necessary to make it a Verse. I wonder none of the Versions saw it.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(i) We'l prove.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, without 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Paulus Petavius found it in his Manuscript.

(k) Pray propose.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And in the next words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. So Amiot. dis-je.

(l) But answer you.] To 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I add out of Petavius's Manuscript 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(m) Perforated.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(n) In a manner.] After 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: for there needs a qualification.

(o) As to pain.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(p) For pain will not troll off.] Before 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. So did Mr. Amiot when he translated, La destresse de la douleur n'a garde de glisser & de coule ainsi.

(q) Feeble and soon pall'd.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(r) If we touch.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read with Turnebus, Vulcobius, and Bongarsius 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and so have Xylander, Cruserius and Amiot translated it.

(s) To banter us.] So I render 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Italian Version of Gratia Maria Gratij. Se pero non burla.

(t) After she hath once.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And this Lection appeareth necessary

From Laertius, who reckons this among the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or prime Opinions of Epicurus, i. e. That pleasure cannot augment in the Body, after that which pains through defect, for want of a compleat Indolence, is once remov'd but only diversifies.

(u) Large pastures.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. So Xylander's Version. Oue sono pas∣coli. Gratia Maria Gratij.

(w) For Ithack Isle.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read with Turnebus, Vulcobius and Bongarsius 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as it is in Homers Text.

Non est aptus Equis Ithacae locus. Horace.

(x) To pass.] Here I insert 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 with the Italian Version, that hath Trappassano.

(y) A fresh Cask for the Body. The Text here is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: for which Turnebus, Vul∣cobius and Bongarsius, together with Paulus Petavi∣us's Manuscript, read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which to me is e∣qually unintelligible. Nor do the Versions at all relieve me. Hermanus Cruserius renders it, Vas defru∣torium; Xylander, Colum; Philemon Holland, a Re∣ceptory; and Gratia Maria Gratij, Lambico del corpo. What Amiot read, is very uncertain, for he Para∣phrases. I have ventur'd however to change it into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which (as Budaeus tells us out of Athenaeus) signifies Testa or an Earthen Cask; in which sense Homer uses the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in his Tenth Illiad.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Where Eustathius explains it by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Cask.

(z) A fresh Pipe may.] Before 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I insert 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(a) In his fancy.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(b) The Cyreniacks.] The founder of this Sect was Aristippus of Cyrene, who was one of the Hearers

of Socrates, but carried away nothing from him but his admirable conversation, and good humor, to which he attain'd even to a Perfection, or rather indeed to a faulty excess; for it insensibly engag'd him in a Parasitical and Sensual Life. He after∣wards drew up such a Moral, as might best cor∣respond with his own Inclination and Practice, in which he made Pleasure to be the utmost Design of Humane Life. This was afterwards transcribed by Epicurus, though with less Wit, for want of skill in the Sciences, which he greatly contemned for want having them. The t'other Dog (Diogenes I mean) was used to call Aristippus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i▪ e. the Royal Dog, because he loved to haunt the Courts of Princes for Provant only, which he called Regibus uti. Horace drew out his Picture in this one Verse.

Omnis Aristippum decuit color & status & res.

(c) For it will not perhaps seem strange.] After 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I insert 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for there is an apparent Flaw.

(d) At what time it seems little.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(e) As to account it for their benefit.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read with Paulus Petavius's Manuscript 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(f) Neither doth it befit.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(g) What one twitted Carneades with.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 with Xylander's Version. For I find no such Man as Corniades; nor is it a likely Name. Carneades was a great Sceptick, and the Founder of that they call the New, or Third Academy, which brought the Socratick Philosophy to a perfect Pyrrhonia∣nism. He was none of the modestest Men in the World, and therefore may well enough be the Man.

(h) With Hedeia or [Leontion.] These were two of Epicurus's Mistresses, of which more a∣non.

(i) At what Twentieth-day Feast.] The Followers of Epicurus were wont, besides their Master's Birth-day, to keep the 20th day of each Month as a kind of Festival, or Sunday; it may be because it was sacred to Apollo (for so the Etymologicum mag∣num tells): from whence they were in scorn called Eicadistae, i. e. Twentieth day Men, as you may see in Athenaeus. Menippus the Cynic, among others, of his Writings mentioned by Laertius, hath one intitled thus, Against the Birth-days of Epicurus, and the Twentieth-days celebrated by those of his Party. Yea, Epicurus himself in his Last Will and Testa∣ment (which you have at large in Laertius,) makes mention of a Synod (that's his Word to be held by his Fellow Philosophers upon the Twentieth day of each Month.

(k) Or good health.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. So Mr. Amiot, Ferme disposition.

(l) As they term it.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(m) Agathobulus.] This is the same I suppose with Aristobulus in Laertius. Epicurus had three Brothers, Neocles, Chaeredemus and Aristobulus, all Philosophers. Of which Neocles wrote a Book of his own Sect, as Suidas tells; and was ths Au∣thor of the Sentence 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. Live con∣cealed, which you find refuted by Plutarch, in a particular Tract, in which you also find men∣tion made of the foresaid Aristobulus.

(n) Night to the ablest.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the the Basil and Aldine Editions have 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which Arnoldus Ferronus, after P. Victorius, corrects 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; the Verse is out of Aeschylus's Suppliants.

(o) They could never.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. So Cruserius and Amiot in their Versions.

(p) The concursions of Seas.] The Text here hath 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which Xylander renders Maris pericula; Cruserius, Maris saevitiam. Ferronus, Mare vocale. Amiot, une Mer bruyante. I read it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: for I find 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Suidas, as the Exposi∣tion of the Word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And the following Relative 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: shews the necessity of a Plural Antecedent.

(q) In his Voyage to Lampsacus.] Epicurus was Born at Athens the 79 Olympiad, and about seven years after the Death of Plato. His Parents were Neocles and Chaerestrata, of the Gergettian Precinct. His Father Neocles was (as Strabo informs us) one of the two Thousand Poor that were sent out by the Republick to plant in Sames. Where, after some small acquaintance with the Pyrrhonian Nausi∣phanes, he began to play the Philosopher himself at his Parents House, where to help to maintain them he kept a Grammar School. Quum agellus eum non aleret, ut opinor, ludimagister fuit, saith Cicero. From thence he removed to Mytilene in the Isle of Lesbos, where he set up a second time for both School-Master and Philosopher; and from thence he went to that fam'd Oracle of Priapus, Lampsacus, where he had all his chief Dis∣ciples, i. e. Metrodorus, Timocrates, Polytenus, and his dear Colotkin; called by Plutarch elsewhere, the young Gentlemen of Lampsacus: And in fine, he returned home to Athens, where after a short ac∣quaintance with the Platonist Pamphilus, whom he quickly learnt to despise, he set up an Academy of his own in his Garden.

(r) In his Book against the Sophists.] These Sophists had their rise in Protageras, who had had been sometime a Disciple of Democritus's;

but being (as is most likely) disgusted with the Old Man's Hypochondriack Melancholy, and over Intense Speculation; he addicted him∣self to the more agreeable Studies of Language and Oratory; and afterwards came to Athens, where he set up a private Academy (and, as some say, in the house of Euripides the Tragedian,) where, for an hundred Mina a piece, he instructed young Gen∣tlemen in Oratory, and the Art of disputing; upon which he was (as we are told by Laertius) vulgarly known by the name of Sophia, or the Wit; and Suidas tells us plainly, he was the first Sophist. From this Academy sprung almost all the then famous Wits of Greeee, as Gorgias the Leontine, Pr••dicus the Ceian, Isocrates the Athenian, and the Great Socrates himself. At last he ventured to publish a Discourse about the Gods, which had this passage in the very front of it; As to the Gods I cannot say they either are, or are not: For which it was a little after ordered to be burnt publickly in the Market-place. His grand Tenet was this; Tha•• there is no such thing as real Knowledge, or either abso∣lute Truth or Falshood; but that all depends upon our Opinion, and therefore that both the parts of a contra∣diction may be equally true. In brief, he was the first that (as Laertius speaks,) moved the Socratick way of Disputing pro and con; and therefore may be well reckoned the common Father of all the Sceptical Sects, whether Academicks, Dialecticks, or Pyrrhonians. Sextus of Chaeronea (as I said before) is the only remaining Specimen of this sort of Philosophy. And I think it not unworthy the remarks, that Socrates was charged at his Try∣al with no other Crimes than those of Protagoras, viz. That he did not account those for Gods that the Republick did: That he made the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. the wrong side of the Argument to be the right. And, that he debauch'd the Youth. And Prodicus, a known Protagorist suffered the same sort of death with Socrates, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. as spoiling the Youth, as Suidas saith. Such then was the state of Philosophy at that time, until at last that great Amanuensis of Nature, Aristotle, reduced the Mercury of these great Spi∣rits to some kind of consistence by the help of Distinction and Method, which he wisely ground∣ed upon the Propriety of the Diction of that Re∣publick; of which as of all other Critical Learn∣ing, he was a compleat Master: Insomuch that he and his Divine Disciple Theophrastus may well be lookt upon as the two grand Anchors of the then floating Sciences. But so far now were our Epicureans from approving of any sort of Learning at all, that it was their usual out-cry, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. Fly all kind of Learn∣ing, Sirs; as Epicurus once wrote to his handsom Friend Pythocles. Yea, Laertius himself owns they were used to call those of their own Party that they found addicted to Letters, by the Nick-Name of Sophists, to oppose them to the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Genuine Disciples of Epicurus. I shall but add our Authors own Character of the Sophists, which he gives us in his Life of Themistocles. That they call Sophia (saith he) is indeed nothing else but a certain shrewdness and pert sagacity in State-Affairs; and they that have joyned with it the Quirks and Am∣buscades of Laws and the amusing Artifice of Harangue∣ing, are called Sophists. But I am too long, and perhaps (which is worse,) impertinent.

(s) That this hath befallen him.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and a little after 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(t) Escaping of Evil.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 with the Versions.

(u) Occasions some to mistake.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(w) To outgoe that of the Vulgars.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. So Xylander and Amiots Versi∣ons.

(x) Allows their Joy.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read with Xylanders Version 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(y) Freedom from pain.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(z) By endeavour. For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as well here as in the following Clause.

(a) Everlasting Torments.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Note, that the Ancient Grecians did hold an Eternal Punishment but it was only for some few, that they took to be past reclaiming; for to the most the Torments of Hell were but a kind of Purgatory.

(b) Had our Surmises.] This was one of Epi∣curus's 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Master-Sentences, and men∣tion'd by Laertius.

(c) About things after Death.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(d) Neither the Epicurean nor the Brute.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read with Arnoldus Ferronus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(e) That death is nothing to us.] This was ano∣ther of Epicurus's Sentences, and likewise in Laer∣tius.

(f) They deprive themselves. For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(g) Require the telling of it.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Aldine and Basil Editions have 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and Tur∣••ebus, Vulcobius, and Bongarsius read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; but it should be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(b) A Stream.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(i) The delights that acrue.] After 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I insert 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(k) I'm Mad.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Furor incessit Pieridum avius Ferronus.

(l) And again.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I read with Ferronus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(m) As Apollodorus tells us.] I know very well he means Apollodorus Logisticus, as Laertius calls him in his Life of Pythagoras, or Arithmeticus, as it is in Athenaeus; but I would no more alter it than I would Agathobulus above into Aristobulus; it is not unusual with Ancient Writers to transcribe the sense of Names, when there are two that border very near upon one another.

(n) For which a splendid Ox.] The words in the Text are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Athenaeus repre∣sents them thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And Tur∣nebus, Vulcobius, and Bongarsius would have Plu∣tarch to have so written them; But that is utterly uncertain; for it is like he wrote them by Me∣mory; and so perhaps did Athenaeus too. Laertius writes them, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; the matter is not great; but I believe however the first word should be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(a) Gold in King Hieron's Crown.] Hieron King of Syracuse having order'd a Goldsmith to make him a Golden Crown for Apollo's head, and being Jealous he had put a Cheat upon him, by embasing the Gold with some other Metal, desired Archimedes to satisfie him of the truth of the thing; and if it was so, to give him an account of the true proper∣tion of both the Gold and Alloy: which he did in the manner here hinted at. The Story is at large in Vitruvius, and the particular way of doing it is exactly describ'd in a late Italian Tract, written

by Joannes Baptist•• Hodierna; and intitled Archi∣mede Redivivo.

(p) He leapt up.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(q) With such vehemence.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; the Basil Edition hath 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as I have ren∣der'd it.

(r) Like perpetual Springs.] After 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I in∣sert 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, there being a word lost.

(s) Pythocles.] Laertius tells us this Pythocles was a very handsom Man, that Epicurus was thought to have a great kindness for. His Epistle about the Meteors which is still extant in Laertius, is directed to him.

(u) Other new ones.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(w) Worth the rejoycing at.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(x) Above any other.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(y) Aminias.] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the word in the Text; but Paulus Petavius's MS. had 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and Xy∣lander so translated it, Ferronus writes him Ame∣nias.

(z) Warbled by softest tongue.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(a) The Problems about Flutes.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(b) It will sound flatter.] After 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I insert 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, according to Xylander and Furronus's Versions.

(c) Any longer than it is hoping.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: And Petavius hath 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which seemes more expressive.

(d) But now.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Petavius's MS. hath 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(e) He quitted the City.] Here is a great Flaw, but I have happily made it up out of the Dispute against Colotes; and for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. This Mithres (as Laertius informs us) was Stew∣ard to Lysimachus (I suppose he means the Son of Aristides the Just,) and a great Favorite of Epi∣rus's, and much admir'd by him, insomuch that in one of his Epistles to him he stiled him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. Soveraign Paean, words taken out of the Liturgy of Apollo. Plutarch, in the fore-men∣tioned place, adds further, that he was a Cap∣tive, and one that had formerly belonged to the King of Persia.

(f) When Dion by the measures he gave him.] Our Author in his often mentioned Discourse against Colotes hath this strange Passage. Plato left indeed behind him in Writing, very admirable Discourses about Laws and Government, but he drew up far better ones for his particular Friends by which Sicily was set at Liberty by Dion, and Thrace by Heraclides and Python who took off Cotys.

(g) You have given a very gallant.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Xylander, Amiot, and Ferronus render it.

(h) Such as Leontion.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Petavius's M. S. reads 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 out of Laertius, who adds two Ladies more to the number, i. e. Erotion and Marmarion. As to Madam Leontion, we have a Letter of hers still extant among Alciphron's Epistles, it is direct∣ed to one Lamias, where she makes brave Sport with the uncouth and importune Addresses of her ancient Gallant, Epicurus: But some will, I know, say, it is one of Diotimus's Sham-Letters, who

was set on by Chrysippus, to expose him by coun∣terfeiting smutty Epistles, in his and his Friends Names: A fine Office this for a grave Stoick.

(i) Epicurus's Philosophick Garden.] Epicurus (as was said before) kept his Academy in a Garden; whence his Follower Apollodorus had the pleasant Name of Kepotyrannus, or the Governour of the Gar∣den.

(k) For his sweet and pretty humour.] After 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I add 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(l) As that they call a Sardinian laughter.] The Greek Text hath 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; which Turnebu, Vu••c••bi∣us and Bongarsius corrected into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I 〈7 letters〉〈7 letters〉t it should be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, though I know 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the more common word: The Millan ••••••••tion of Suidas (which is the best) hath 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the Order of the Letters confirm this read∣ing in him.

— 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.—saith Homer.

A Sardinian Laughter was used anciently as a Proverb to denote a counterfeit or forc't Laughter; and the occasion of it was this, The people of Sardinia were in antient times under the Govern∣ment of the Phaenicians of Carthage; and there∣fore followed their Mode of offering young Children to Saturn; the manner of it was thus, the Priests kindled a Fire within the hollow of the Copper Statue, and when they thought it hot enough, they then threw the miserable Infant into its glowing Embraces▪ upon which it immedi∣ately shrunk and grinn'd, at the sight whereof the Superstitious Multitude cry'd out, that it laught for joy. We have this Story related to us by Suidas,

upon the Credit of Clitarchus, a very ancient Writer, who composed a particular Treatise a∣bout Carthage.

(m) Epaminondas.] It is no small glory to the ancient Philosophy of Pythagoras, that this match∣less Hero was the Disciple of Lysis the Pythago∣rean.

(n) The Strumpet af Kyzycum.] This Gentle∣woman was named Themisto, and was Wife to one Leonteus of Lampsacus: Laertius tells us she made Profession of Philosophy.

(o) Of their own living.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(p) All chant rude Carols.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read with Patavius 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(q) When I had once learn'd.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 with Peta∣vius's Manuscript.

(r) In brief.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. So Amiot.

(s) And sends forth.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(t) For the Soul of Man.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with Xylander and Amiot's Versions.

(u) Yea these.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with Xylander and Amiot.

(w) Thy Father got thee.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I read with Petavius's Manuscript 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, And so both Xylander annd Amiot have rendred it. And Peta∣vius hath for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(x) Yea and in conferring. Before 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read with with Petavius's Manuscript 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(y) But should the pleasures of the Body.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. So some of the Versions.

(z) To Men of Action.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But perhaps it is a mistaken repe∣tition

of the foregoing word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and threefore ought to be left out.

(a) For the Battel at Marathon.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(b) It is very easie then to imagin.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, according to Petavius's Manuscript.

(c) With his Fellow-Pedant Damocrates.] That Epicurus was a Schoolmaster, hath been already ••oted, and is further confirmed by Timon the Pyrronian, the Author of those malicious Inve∣ctives, called the Silli, or Skewes, in these two Verses which contain his Character.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Which are thus translated by Hadrianus Junius.

Ʋltimus è Physicis Junonia quem Samos effert, Grammaticos Doctor, fervens{que} libidinis aestu.

And I have thus Englisht them in haste.

The Fag end of Philosophy Train'd up in Samian honesty; Who of young Boys was Letter-teacher, And of all Men the greatest Lecher.

(d) The blackening Decrees.] The Epicureans were in the first place banisht Rome by the pub∣lick Order of the Senate: Secondly, the Repub∣lick of Messina in Arcadia, expelled them their Coasts, saying they were the Pest of the Youth, and that they stain'd the Government by their Effeminacy and Atheism; And they requir'd them to depatt

their Borders by Sun-set; And when they were gone, they ordered the Priests to purify the Temples, the Timuchi or Magistrates, and the whole City; Lastly, the Republick of Lyctos, in the Isle of Candy, drave certain of them out of their City, and past the following Decree against them. That the Contrivers of the Feminine Ʋnge∣nerous and Fulsom Philosophy; and besides that, the declared Enemies of the Gods, shall by open Proclama∣tion, be warn'd out of Lyctos; also that if any one of them shall hereafter presume to return, and set light by the Contents of this Decree, he shall stand naked in the Pillory, over against the Hall of Justice, for twenty days together;* 1.1 and be smeared over with Honey and Milk, that he may be stung to Death by Wasps and Flies, and if he shall chance not to Dye within that time, he shall then be clad in Womens Attire, and be thrown down a Precipice. See Suidas in the words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(e) And to liquor ones Eyes.] Cleomedes reckons among the other 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or putid expressions of Epicurus, such as firm Constitutions of Body, and sure Hopings about it, Liquoring ones Eyes too (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by Crying. Some of which (he sa th) may be lookt upon, as proceeding from a low and abject Spirit; and others again as taken out of some Superstitious Orison of some that pray in certain Jewish and distorted Cants, much viler than the very hissings of Snakes. Among these may be reckoned his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Divine Out-crys, as himself called them. An instance of which we have in a Letter of his to Leontion; which though his good Friend Laertius seems to insinuate it a Stoick Sham, yet since himself thought fit to recite it, I shall not scruple to render it verbatim. The Passage is this: Sovereign Paean, my dear pretty little Leontion!

with what a Noise of Clapping did thy dear little Letter fill me, while I was reading of it! So that Sextus the Pyrrhonian might have reason to say; Epicurus appears in many things very rude; nor doth he observe the common Decencies of Conversation. And yet his three large Epistles in Diogenes Laertius seem to me to be written in a tolerable extemporary Attick style.

(f) Of Hegesianax.] This was some extraordi∣nary Friend of Epicurus's: for Laertius tells us his Treatise of Sanctity was entituled Hegesianax.

(g) Freed from doing ill.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 So Xylander and Amiot's Versions.

(h) More and greater.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Petavius's Manuscript reads 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(i) But now.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I read with Petavius's Manuscript 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(k) The best sort.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(l) Their clean and generous.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,

(m) The Deity is not therefore constrain'd.] This is one of the prime Dogms of Epicurus, mention∣ed by Laertius; I mean the first Clause of the Sentence.

(n) Phoebus who whirls.] For this Reason the principal Rites of all Nations were originally to the Sun. And

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Jove, Pluto, and the Sun. And Bacchus are all one.

(o) Should not be beloved.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(p) As we that stand.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, so several of the Versions.

(q) The Confidence and Rejoycing.] These were two Canting words of Epicurus's.

(r) Pan.] Pan was the Jupiter of the Arcadian Pastors; and his Rites were originally Egyptian; For the Mendesian Nemos worshipp'd the Sun at Pa∣nopolis in the Form of a Goat; and they call'd him from his Figure, Mendes, which is Goat; and from his property, Panu, that is, the Seer, Sol being Oculus Mundi, and the prime Author of Generation. This Telesm was afterwards plac'd by the Priests at the Winter Solstice, to signify that the Sun in Capricorn destroys the Fruits of the Earth, and particularly the Vine. Ovia, and many more of the Ancients say the Goat was first Sacrific'd to Bacchus, to make him amends for the Destruction of this Sacred and Divine Plant.

(s) Gastor and Pollux.] Castor and Pollux were, according to the Pelopoanesian Tales, the Sons of Jupiter and Leda, who accompanied with her in the form of a Swan, by whom she had two Eggs, out of one of which was hatcht Pollux and Clytem∣••estra; and out of the other Castor and Helena And therefore they were called by the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is to say, Jupiter's Children; and indeed they are no other than the Sun and Moon, which the Greeks call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the Romans, Liber and Libera, that is, The Son and the Daughter. The Delian Divines or Fablers called them Apollo and Diana, and feigned them to be Born in their Island, both at one Birth, of the Goddess Latona. For the most ancient Jupiter, (as the Learned Terentius Varro tells us,) was the Heaven, and his Wife Juno the Earth; and these together with their two Children, the Sun and the Moon, made up the four first Puissant Deities which the Phoenicians, and after them the Samothra∣cians

therefore nam'd Cabiri, and the Romans (who deriv'd their Religion from the Tyrians of Tuscany) Divi potes. The white Swan is then the Heaven, and Leda or Latona, the Ocean, (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifying, as Hesychius tells us, the Sea whence the Sicilian word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the Latine Latex, denoting Water,) and the two Eggs which are said to be Born out of the Sea, are the Sun and Moon, which for their coevalness were reputed by the Delians for Twins, and by the Peloponesians for double Twins; they being it seems of the Egyptian Opinion, that the Gods were Hermaphrodites: And so Pollux and Clytemnestra will be the Sun in both its Male and Female Capacities (for the Greek name Polydeukes; signifies Much shining, and Clytemnestra, the Renown∣ed Spouse: And Castor and Helena will be the Male and Female Moon, or the Deus Lunus, and Dea Luna; Castor signifying a Care-taker, and Helena (as will be made out anon) a Protectress. And therefore Polux and Clytemnestra were accounted Immortal by reason of the Beauty and Vigor of the Sun; and Castor and Helena Mortal, by reason of the paleness and duskishness of the Moon. The Egyptian Priests set these Twins in the Zodiack, and call'd them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Heracla and Ap, that is to say, Hercules and Apis, of which see the Learned Hieronymus Velchius in his curious Trea∣tise about the Persian Nauruz.

(t) Aesculapius.] I shall say but little of this God, because he is commonly known to preside over Physick, and to be the same with Apollo Alexi∣cacos, and the Sun: and the reason of it is also plain. Only as to his Name; it is not, as many think, Oriental, but purely Grecian, and deriv'd from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is Meagre and Sick; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is the same with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and signi∣fies

a Mender or Curer. And this is plain from the Name of his Wife Epione, who is feign'd to be the Mother of Jaso, Akeso, Aegle, Hygeia and Panakeia, Goddesses in Physick. As to the Appa∣ritions here spoken of by Plutarch, I shall at pre∣sent say no more but this; if they were real and not imaginary ones, they must be some Daemons, (of whose Nature I will not now pretend to de∣termine) that as they assumed the shapes of Men, so also accommodated themselves to the genius and popular perswasion of the times.

(u) I never escape them.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read with Petavius's MS. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which hath also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And perhaps there is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 wanting before 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(w) Like a smiling brightness.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(x) To hearten the rest.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Petavius's MS. reads 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(y) For what is dissolved.] This is one of Epi∣curus's prime Dogmes, and related by Laertius.

(z) when we have heard you.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(a) And therefore when they loose.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, with Xylander.

(b) As Minos did.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(c) Nor doth an Aeacus.] Aeacus is a Fabular Judg in Hell; he hath his Name from Whipping: for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is to Whip. Ascalaphus is Feign'd to be the Son of the Infernal River, Acheron, his Name is derived from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 meagre, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which signifies the Touch, he being, as Suidas saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. extream hard, like a Skeleton I sup∣pose. They fancy also, that Proserpina fell out with him and turned him into an Owl, which is a feral Bird. The River Acheron hath its

name from want of Joy, as Styx from Horrour, Phlegethon from Burning, and Lethe from Forget∣ting.

(d) Of every sort.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. So Xylander translates it.

(e) Go to the Wood-clad.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(f) Wherefore they must needs.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

(g) But our not being.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as we find it afterwards.

(h) With everlastingness.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(i) The Tub full of holes.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.] This refers to the known Story of Danauus's Fifty Daughters, who making away their Husbands were condemned to carry Water to a great Tub in Hell, that was full of Holes, and to keep it always full, under great Penalties: I believe the young Ladies of Greece would rather of the two be still troubled with their Old Husbands, than be put to such an endless Fatigue.

(k) They shall Play and Dance in Hell.] It is a well known Truth, that such of the Antients as were not Philosophers, believed there was ano∣ther World below, as spacious as this is, and (as Hesiod speaks) as far beneath the roots of the Earth, as the Earth it self is from Heaven; And that all Men when they died, descended thither, the good as well as the bad; but that the former went to a place on the right hand, call'd Elysium, and the latter to the Sedes scelerata on the left. The good were it seems (as our Author here speaks) to play and dance, and enjoy each other; and the bad to undergo several sorts of castigatory Punish∣ments, ••ntil they were allow'd an Anabiosis, or a

Return to Life, which, as Servius saith upon the Sixth Aeneid of Virgil, the worst obtained soon∣est. But Josephus tells us in the Sixteenth Book of his Antiquities, that the Pharisees were of another opinion. They are perswaded (saith he) that Mens Souls have an immortal force in them; and that there are under the Earth both Punishments and Rewards, for such as have liv'd either vertuously or vi∣ciously here; and that the latter undergo everlasting confinement, but the former have liberty to come back again to Life. But the Northern People, it seems, thought Hell too cold a place for the Good; for they have dispos'd of them to several Celestial Cities, such as Asgard, where Walhalls Odin's Pa∣lace is, Alfehim, Breidablick, Himinbiorg, and others, as you may find in Snorro Turlesons Edda. As for the Name Hades by which our Author calls Hell; Homer, who is the ancientest Writer among the Greeks, calls it more fully 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is to say, the Mansion House of Hades or Pluto, and his Wife Proserpine, which are no other than the Sun and Moon; and the reason why they were thought to dwell there, was, their seeming to come the••ce every Morning, and to return thi∣ther every Night again. Now Aides or Aidoneus is a word deriv'd into the Greek Tongue, with many more, out of the Ancient Scythick or Toutonick Dia∣lects; in which Od, Odin, God and Godin, signify Wealthy and Good, and so are the same with Pluto and Dis. And the Sun was considered by Antiquity in a double Capacity, as Proprietor of all, and Sovereign over all; in his former quality they addrest to him for Wealth and Happiness, and in the latter for Protection in the enjoyment of them. And in this last respect he was invok'd by the Nor∣thern People by the Name of Heil or Hol, that is

a Covering or Defence, whence the Greek words, Ollos, Helios, Helenos, and perhaps Belenus, and the Latin Sol, and British Haül; and likewise the German Adjective Heilig, and the English Haly or Holy. Agreeable to which his Wife or Sister the Moon, is call'd in Greek, Hello, Gello, Helle and Helena, and in ancient Teutonick, Hela, as may be seen in Snorro's Edda. For Hell in him, is not the place, but the Goddess that's appointed to convey the Souls of Old Men and Cowards to Niftheim, which we call Hell. In brief then, this Hela or Proser∣pine, is no other than Heca••e, or Mania mater Larum, or that which we call the Fairy Queen, being the Night or walking Moon.

And perhaps from these two words Odin and Heil, the Jews have call'd the true God Adon and El, a Sun and a Shield. Nor is what Goropius Becanus saith about the Antiquity of the Teutonick Tongue, al∣together frivolous; for Herodotus tells us the Scytha•• (who were the old Goths) had in ancient times an Empire over all Asia, for eight and twenty years.

(l) When it shines under ground] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(m) Who expect.] Before 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I insert 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(n) Ʋsing for Philosophy.] The great and Divine Plato defined Pailosophy by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. The study of Death.

(o) Are the better pleased with them]. For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Petavius's MS. had 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; Perhaps it should be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(p) To those that do well] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read with Judicious Xylanders Version 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(q) While they as it were make their escape.] For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(r) Neither the Dog Cerberus, nor the River Coky∣tus.] Cerberus or Kerberus, i. e. The Heart devourer▪ is Pluto's Dog that stands at Hell-gates, and wag∣gles his Tail at those that come in, but snarles at those that would go out again. I remember Snorro's Edda hath a Hell-hound too, but I have forgot his Name. Col••tus is a River in Hell, and signifies Wailing.

(f) Gods having tasted the sweet of Eternity.] He∣rodotus's own words are these, (you may find them in his Thalia in King Amasis's Letter to Polycrates the Samian Tyrant.) For my part (saith he) I do not like your great Prosperity, as knowing very well the Envy of the Deity. And again, a little after, I never heard of one Man in my Life, that pros∣pered in every thing that was not at last wholly extermi∣nated from the very roots. And the true reason of this is very plain. Res prosperae etiam sapientum ani∣mos fatigant. A glut of Prosperity debauches the Minds of the very Wise.

And then, according to the Proverbial Sentence.

Jove's the Castizer of the over-haughty. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

(t) To go about in certain long Revolutions. This 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or going about refers to the Pythagorean 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Circle of Necessity; where by Necessity they mean Restraint and Death, which they suppose to be the condition of all Human Souls, while under the Power of Matter. And they believe they shift about by certain secret Or∣ders and unknown Laws, through all the Ele∣ments of Earth, Air, Water and Fire; partly

for Exercise partly for Castigation; and partly again (as I believe) for variety.

Lapsu continuo ruiturae in corpora Nostra, Prorumpunt animae Seriem{que} per aethera nectunt, saith Festus Avienus.

See also Virgil in his Sixth Aeneid.

(u Dissolved with the Ʋniverse.] The Pagan Opinion of an Universal Conflagration is not (as the Jewish is) from Divine Revelation, nor yet (as some very good Men piously believe) from I know not what Cabala, or unfailing Tradition. But as it was both extream ancient and general, and that as well in Greece, Germany and Sweden, as in Aegypt, India and China; so it must have some equally prevailing reasons to support it. First then when Men came to consider the subordi∣nateness of the Planetary Revolutions, and espe∣cially of the Sun and Moon; and saw that what the Moon did in the Compass of one Month, was perform'd by the Sun in Twelve, it was but na∣tural for them to suspect (as Man's ingeny is naturally curious and prying) that there might be some other larger Year, that might comprise many of ours; and be to the Universe, what ours is to the Earth only; which after they had once admitted, they seem to have inferr'd next, that those two extreams of that great Year, that should answer to our Summers and Winters, could prove no less then universal Conflagrations and Deluges. And they were without doubt very much fortified in this Opinion, as well by Earthquakes, Storms, Inundations, and Eruptions of Fire out of the Earth, as by the frequent Eclipses of the Sun and Moon, which to ignorant People that knew not

the real causes of them, might very well seem to presaage the Dissolution and Ruine of the Uni∣verse. Agreeable to this we find in the above-mentioned Snorro Turleson, that the Pagan Goths or Teutons held there were two Wolves that were in constant pursuit of the Sun and Moon; and that now and then they had a snatch at them, which occasion'd the Eclipses: But that at last, at the great Ragnarock, or Twi-light of the Gods (as they call'd it) they should finally overtake and devour them. At which time Surt, which is the Black-Man that keeps Centinel at the Worlds end with a bright Sword in his hand, shall fire Heaven and Earth with the Flames of Muspelheim (so they call the Southern or hot-side of Hell) and then the Gods shall all die, and the whole World fall in pieces: After which the Universe will be again renew'd, and the Sons of the old Gods shall supply their vacant places. And if the Aegyptian Prophets in their Sacred Annals mentioned several Conflagrations and Deluges, that ought not at all to move us, it being most apparent by several good Tokens, (such as their men∣tioning the Suns rising four times in the West, and setting in the East (as Herodotus, who was himself among them relates to us) and their ridiculous and feign'd Successions of Monarchs and Dynasties,) that in compiling those Annals they consulted not the Truth but the Gust and Humour of the Vulgar. For the Policy of the Egyptian Priest-hood lay not in propa∣gating Knowledge among the common Peo∣ple; nor in making them one jot wiser or ho∣nester than Nature left them; but on the contrary, in improving and inflaming their Prepossessions and Mistakes, the better to govern

and manage them, and to this end they culled out the quaintest and most influencing of their old Tales and Fictions, and drest them up in the form of a History; and then by common consent, stampt upon them the uncontestable Authority of their God Hermes.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Democra∣ti al ••er∣cutio.