How to know a Flatterer from a Friend.

PLATO is of Opinion, that 'tis very par∣donable in a Man to acknowledge that he has an extraordinary Passion for himself, and yet the Humor is attended with this ill Consequent, besides several others, that it ren∣ders us incapable of making a right Judgment of our selves; for our Affections usually blind our discerning Faculties, unless we have learn'd to raise them above the sordid Level of things con∣genial and familiar to us, to those which are tru∣•…y noble and excellent in themselves. And hence •…t is that we are so frequently expos'd to the At∣tempts of a Parasite, under the Disguise and Vi∣zard of a Friend: for Self-love, that grand Flatterer within, willingly entertains another from without, who will both sooth up and second the Man in the good Opinions he has conceiv'd of himself. For he who deservedly lies under the Character of one that loves to be flatter'd, is doubtless sufficiently fond of Page  2 himself; and through abundance of Complai∣sance to his own Person, not only wishes, but thinks himself Master of all those Perfections which may recommend him to others. And tho indeed it be laudable enough to covet such Ac∣complishments, yet is it altogether unsafe for any Man to fancy them inherent in him.

Now if Truth be a Ray of the Divinity, as Plato says it is, and the Source of all the Good that derives upon either Gods or Men, then cer∣tainly the Flatterer must be look'd upon as a pub∣lick Enemy to all the Gods, and especially to A∣pollo; for he always acts counter to that celebrated Oracle of his [Know your self;] endeavouring to make every Man his own Cheat, by keeping him ignorant of the good and ill Qualities that are in him; whereupon the Good never arrive at perfection, and the Ill grow incorrigible.

Did Flattery indeed, as most other Misfor∣tunes do, generally or altogether wait on the debauch'd and ignoble part of Mankind, the Mischief were of less Consequence, and might admit of an easier Prevention: But, as Worms breed most in sweet and tender Woods; so usu∣ally the most obliging, the most brave and gene∣rous Tempers readiliest receive, and longest en∣tertain the flattering Insect, that hangs and grows upon them. And since, to use Simonides's Expres∣sion, it is not for Persons of a narrow Fortune, but for Gentlemen of Estates, to keep a good Stable of Horses; so never saw we Flattery the Attendant of the Poor, the inglorious and incon∣siderable Plebeian, but of the Grandees of the World, the Distemper and Bane of great Fami∣lies and Affairs, the Plague in Kings Chambers, and the Ruine of their Kingdoms: Therefore it Page  3 is a Business of no small importance, and which requires no ordinary Circumspection, so to be a∣ble to know a Flatterer in every Shape he assumes, that the Counterfeit Res•mblance sometime or o∣ther bring not true Friendship it self into Suspicion and Dis-repute. For Parasites, like Lice, which desert a dying Man, whose pall'd and vapid Blood can feed them no longer, never intermix in dry and insipid Business, where there's nothing to be got; but prey upon a nobler Quarry, the Mi∣nisters of State, and Potentates of the Earth, and afterwards lowsily shirk off, if the Greatness of their Fortune chance to leave them. But it will not be Wisdom in us to stay till such fatal Jun∣ctures, and then try the Experiment, which will not only be useless, but dangerous and hurtful; for 'tis a deplorable thing for a Man to find him∣self then destitute of Friends, when he most wants them, and has not an Opportunity neither of Ex∣changing his false, his faithless, for a fast and ho∣nest Friend. And therefore we should rather try our Friend, as we do our Money, whether or no he be passable and current, before we need him. For 'tis not enough to discover the Cheat to our Cost, but we must so understand the Flatterer, that he put no Cheat upon us; otherwise we should act like those who must needs take Poyson to know its Strength, and foolishly hazard their Life to inform their Judgment. And as we can∣not approve of this careless, so neither of that too scrupulous Humour of those, who taking the Measures of true Friendship only from the bare Honesty and usefulness of the Man, immediately suspect a pleasant and easie Conversation for a Cheat. For a Friend is not a dull, tasteless thing, nor does the Decorum of Frienship consist in sowr∣ness Page  4 and austerity of Temper, but its very Port and Gravity is soft and amiable:

For 'tis not only a Comfort to the Afflicted, As Euripides speaks; but Friendship extends it self to both Fortunes, as well brightens and adorns Prosperity, as allays the Sorrows that attend Ad∣versity. And as Euenus used to say, That Fire makes the best Sauce; so Friendship, wherewith God has seasoned the Circumstances of our Mor∣tality, gives a Relish to every Condition, renders them all easie, sweet, and agreeable enough. And indeed, did not the Laws of Friendship ad∣mit of a little Pleasantry and good Humor, why should the Parasite insinuate himself under that Disguise? And yet he, as counterfeit Gold, imi∣tates the Brightness and Lustre of the true, always puts on the Easiness and Freedom of a Friend, is always pleasant and obliging, and ready to com∣ply with the Humor of his Company. And there∣fore 'tis no way reasonable neither, to look upon every just Character that is given us as a piece of Flattery; for certainly a due and seasonable Com∣mendation is as much the Duty of one Friend to another, as a pertinent and serious Reprehension; nay, indeed a sowr querulous Temper is perfectly repugnant to the Laws of Friendship and Conver∣sation: whereas a Man takes a Chiding patiently from a Friend, who is as ready to praise his Ver∣tues, as to animadvert upon his Vices willingly perswading himself that meer Necessity obliged Page  5 him to reprimand, whom Kindness had first mov∣ed to commend him. Why then, may some say, 'tis infinitely difficult at this Rate, to distinguish a Flatterer from a Friend, since there's no appa∣rent Difference, either betwixt the Satisfaction they create, or the Praises they bestow. Nay, 'tis observable, that a Parasite is frequently more obsequious and obliging than a Friend himself.

Well, the way then to discover the Disparity? Why, I'll tell you: If you would learn the Cha∣racter of a true subtil Flatterer, who nicks his Point Secundum Artem; you must not with the Vulgar, mistake those sordid Smell-Feasts, and poor Trencher-slaves, for your Men, who begin to prate as soon as they have wash'd their Hands in order to Dinner, as one says of them; and e're they are well warmed with a good Cut of the first Dish, and a Glass of Wine, betray the nar∣row Soul that acts them, by the nauseous and fulsome Buffoonry they vent at Table. For sure there needed no great Sagacity to detect the Flat∣tery of Melanthius, Alexander Pheraecus's Parasite, who being asked how his Master was murdered? made answer, That he was run through his Body into the Side. Nor must we, again, confine our Notions of Flatterers, to those sharping Fellows, who ply about Rich Mens Tables, whom neither Fire, nor Sword, nor Porter, can keep from Sup∣per; nor yet to such as were those Female Para∣sites of Cyprus, who going into Syria, were Nick∣nam'd Steps, because they cringed so to the great Ladies of that Country, that they mounted their Chariots on their Backs.

Well, but after all, Who is this Flatterer then, whom we ought so industriously to avoid?

Page  6

I answer: He who neither professes, nor seems to flatter; who never haunts your Kitching, is never observed to watch the Dial, that he may nick your Supper-time; who won't drink to Ex∣cess, but will keep his Brains about him; who is prying and inquisitive, would mix in your Busi∣ness, and wind himself into your Secrets. In short, he who acts the Friend, not with the Air of a Comaedian or a Satyrist, but with the Port and Gravity of a Tragedian: For, as Plato says, 'Tis the height of Injustice to appear. Just, and be re∣ally a Knave. So are we to look upon those Flat∣terers as most dangerous, who walk not bare-fac'd, but in disguise; who make no sport, but mind their Business; for these often personate the true and sincere Friend so exactly, that 'tis enough to make him fall under the like Suspicion of a Cheat, unless we be extreamly curious in remarking the Difference betwixt them. It's storied of Gobias, (one of the Persian Nobility, who joyn'd with Da∣rius against the Magi) that being in pursuit of one of them, he accidentally stept into a little obscure House, where he absconded, and there fell upon him; during the Scuffle, Darius came in, and drew upon the Enemy, but durst not push at him, lest perhaps he might wound his Confede∣rate Gobrias with the Thrust; whereupon Gobrias bad him, rather than fail, run both through to∣gether. But since we can by no means admit of that vulgar Saying, Let my Friend perish, so my Enemy perish with him; but had rather still endea∣vour at the Discovery of a Parasite from a Friend, notwithstanding the nearness of the Resemblance, we ought to use our utmost Care, lest at any time we indifferently reject the Good with the Bad, or unadvisedly retain the Bad with the Good, the Page  7 Friend and Flatterer together. For as those wild Grains which usually grow up with Wheat, and are of the same Figure and Bigness with it, are not easily winnowed from it; for they either can∣not pass through the holes of the Sieve, if narrow, or pass together with the Wheat, if larger: So is it infinitely difficult to distinguish Flattery from Friendship, because the one so exquisitely mixes with all the Passions, Humors, Interest, and In∣clinations of the others.

Now because the Enjoyment of a Friend is at∣tended with the greatest Satisfaction incident to Humanity,* and therefore the Flatterer always en∣deavors to render his Conversation highly plea∣sant and agreeable.

Again, Because all Acts of Kindness and mu∣tual Beneficence are the constant Attendants upon true Friendship (on which account we usually say, A Friend is more necessary than Fire or Wa∣ter) therefore the Flatterer is ready upon every occasion to obtrude his Service upon you, and will with an indefatigable Bustle and Zeal, seek to ob∣lige you, if he can.

In the next Place,* the Parasite observing that all true Friendship takes its Origin from a Con∣currence of like Humors and Inclinations, and that the same Passions, the same Aversations and De∣sires are the first Cement of a true and lasting Friendship; he turns immediately all first Matter, capable of every Form, like soft Wax, pliant and yielding to any Impression, that the Person on whom he designs shall think fit to stamp upon him; and, in fine, so neatly resembles the Original, that one would swear,

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*But the most exquisite Fineness of a Flatterer, consists in his Imitation of that Freedom of Dis∣course, which Friends particularly use in mutual∣ly reprehending each other.

For finding that Men usually take it for what it really is, the natural Language of Friendship, as peculiar to it as certain Notes or Voices are to certain Animals; and that, on the contrary, a shie and sheepish Reserv'dness looks both rude and unfriendly, he lets not even this proper Character of a Friend escape his Imitation. But as skilful Cooks use to correct lushious Meats with sharp and pionant Sawce, that they may not be so apt to overcharge the Stomach; so he seasons his Flattery now and then with a little Smartness and Severity, lest the Fulsomness of repeated Dissimulation should pall and cloy the Company. And yet his Reprehen∣sions always carry something in them, that looks not true and genuine; he seems to do't but with a kind of a sneering and grinning Countenance at the best; and though his Reproofs may possibly tickle the Ear, yet they never strike effectually up∣on the Heart. On these accounts then 'tis as dif∣ficult to discern a Flatterer from a Friend, as to know those Animals again, which always wear the Livery of the last Thing they touch upon. And therefore since he puts so easily upon us, under the Disguise and Appearance of a Friend, it will be our Business at present to unmask the Hypocrite, and shew him in other Mens Shapes and Colours; as Plato speaks, since he has none properly his own.

Well then, let us enquire regularly into this Affair.

Page  9

We have already asserted,* That Friendship generally takes its rise from a Conformity of Tempers and Dispositions, whereby different Per∣sons come to have the same Taste of the like Humors, Customs, Studies, Exercises and Em∣ploys, as these following Verses import:

The Flatterer then observing how congenial it is to our Natures, to delight in the Conversation of those who are, as it were, the Counter-part of our selves, makes his first approaches to our Affe∣ctions at this Avenue, where he gradually advan∣ces (like one making towards a wild Beast in a Pa∣sture, with a Design to tame and bring it to hand) by accommodating himself to the same Stu∣dies, Business, and Colour of Life with the Person upon whom he designs, till at last he gives him an Opportunity to catch him, and becomes tractable by the Man who strokes him. All this while the Flatterer falls foul upon those Courses of Life, Per∣sons, and Things he perceives his Cully to disap∣prove, and then again as extravagantly commends those he is pleased to honour with his Approbati∣on; still perswading the Fop, that his Choice and Dislike are not the Results of Passion, but of a solid and discerning Judgment.

Well then,* by what Signs or Tokens shall we be able to know this Counterfeit Copy of our selves, from that which is true and genuine?

Page  10

In the first place, we must accurately remark upon the whole Tenor of his Life and Conversa∣tion, whether or no the Resemblance he pretends to the Original be of any continuance, natural and easie, and all of a piece, whether he square his Actions according to any one steady and uni∣form Model, as becomes an ingenuous Lover of Conversation and Friendship, which is all of one Thread, and still like it self; for this is a true Friend indeed. But the Flatterer, who has no Principles in him, and leads not a Life properly his own, but forms and moulds it according to the various Humors and Caprices of those he de∣signs to bubble, is never one and the same Man, but a meer Dapple or Trimmer, who changes Shapes with his Company, like Water that always turns and winds it self into the Figure of the Channel through which it flows. Apes, it seems, are usu∣ally caught by their antick Mimickry of the Mo∣tions and Gesticulations of Men; and yet the Men themselves are trapann'd by the same Craft of Imitation in a Flatterer, who adapts himself to their several Humors, Fencing and Wrestling with one, Singing and Dancing with another, &c. If he's in Chafe of a Spark that delights in a Pack of Dogs, he follows him at the Heels, hol∣lowing almost as loud as Hippolitus in the Tragedy Phaedra;

And yet the Hunter himself is the Game he de∣signs for the Toils. If he be in pursuit of some Bookish young Gentleman, then he's always a poring, nourishes his reverend Beard down to his Page  11 Heels, wears a tatter'd Cloak, affects the careless Indifferency of a Philosopher, and can now dis∣course of nothing under Plato's Triangles and Rectangles. If he chance to fall into the Ac∣quaintance of a drunken, idle Debauchee, who has got an Estate,

Puts off his long Robe, mows down his fruitless Crop of Beard, drinks briskly, laughs modishly on the Walks, and drolls handsomly upon the Philosophical Fops of the Town. And thus, they say it happen'd at Syracuse; for when Plato first arrived there, and Dionysius was wonderfully hot upon the Study of Philosophy, all the Area's in the Kings Palace were full of nothing but Dust and Sand, by reason of the great Concourse of Geometricians, who came to draw their Figures, and demonstrate there: But no sooner was Plato in Disgrace at Court, and Dionysius finally fallen from Philosophy to Wine and Women, Trifles and Intemperance, then Learning fell into a ge∣neral Disrepute, and the whole Body of the Peo∣ple, as if bewitched by some Circe or other, be∣came universally stupid, idle, and infatuated. Be∣sides this, I appeal to the Practices of Men noto∣rious for Flattery and Popularity, to back my Ob∣servation; witness he who topp'd them all, Alcibi∣ades, who, when he dwelt at Athens, was as arch and witty as any Athenian of them all, kept his Stable of Horses, play'd the good Fellow, and was universally obliging; and yet the same Man at Sparta shaved close to the Skin, wore his Cloak, never bath'd but in cold Water. When he so∣journed in Thrace, he drunk and fought like a Page  12 Thracian; and again, in Tissaphernes his Company in Asia, he acted the part of a soft arrogant, and voluptuous Asiatick. And thus by an easie Com∣pliance with the Humors and Customs of the Peo∣ple amongst whom he conversed, he made him∣self Master of their Affections and Interests. So did not the brave Epaminondas, nor Agisilaus, who though they had to do with great Variety of Men, and Manners, and Cities of vastly different Poli∣ties, yet were they still the same Men, and every where, through the whole Circle of their Conver∣sation, maintain'd a Port and Character worthy of themselves. And so was Plato the same Man at Syracuse that he was in the Academy; the same in Dionysius his Court that he was in Dion's.

But he who will take the pains to act the Dis∣sembler himself, by interchangably decrying and extolling the same Things, Discourses, Ways of Living, &c. will easily perceive that the Opinions of a Flatterer are as mutable and inconstant as the Colours of a Pourcuttle, that he is never consonant to himself, nor properly his own Man; that all his Passions, his Love and Hatred, his Joy and Sorrow, are borrowed and counterfeit; and that, in a Word, like a Looking-Glass, he only re∣ceives and represents the several Faces or Images of other Mens Affections and Humors. Do but discommend one of your Acquaintance a little in his Company, and hee'l tell you 'tis a wonder you never found him out all this while, for his part, he never fancied him in his Life. Change but your Stile, and commend him, he presently swears you oblige him in it, gives you a thousand thanks for the Gentleman's Sake, and believes your Cha∣racter of him to be but just. Tell him you have thoughts of altering your Course of Life; as for Page  13 Instance, to retire from all publick Imploys to Privacy and Ease; he immediately wishes that he had retreated long ago from the Hurry and Drudgery of Business, and the Odium that attends it. Seem but again inclinable to an Active Life: Why now, says he, you speak like your self: Lei∣sure and Ease are sweet; 'tis true, but withal, mean and inglorious. When you have thus tra∣pann'd him, 'twould be proper to cashier him with some such reply as this:

I abhor a Fellow who servilely complies with whatever I propose, and keeps pace with me in all my Motions (my Shadow can do that better than your self) but my Friend must deal plainly and impartially, and assist me faithfully with his Judgment.

And thus you see one way of discerning a Flat∣terer from a Friend.

Another Difference observable betwixt them in the Resemblance they bear to each other is, that a true Friend will not rashly commend nor imi∣tate every thing, but only what really deserves it; for he, as Sophocles says,

and will scorn to bear a part with him in any base and dishonorable Actions, unless, as People sometimes catch Blear-eyes; he may chance insen∣sibly to contract some ill Habit or other by the very Contagion of Familiarity and Conversation. Thus they say Plato's Acquaintance learned the Shrug of his Shoulders, Aristotle's his Stammering, Page  14 and Alexander's the Inclination of his Neck, and the Roughness of his Voice: For some Persons, e're they are aware, get a Touch of the Humors and Infirmities of those with whom they converse. But now as a true Friend endeavours only to Copy the fairest Originals; so, on the contrary, •he Flatterer, like the Camelion, which puts on all Co∣lours but the Innocent White, being unable to reach those Strokes of Vertue which are worth his Imitation, takes care however that no Failure or Imperfection escape him. As unskilful Painters, when they can't hit the Features and Air of a Face, content themselves with the faint Resemblance in a Wrinkle, a Wart, or a Scar; so he takes up with his Friends Intemperance, Superstition, Cho∣lerickness, Severity to his Servants, Distrust of his Relations and Domesticks, or the like. For, besides that a natural Propensity to Evil, inclines him always to follow the worst Examples, he i∣magines his assuming other Mens Vices will best secure him from the Suspition of being disaffected towards them, for their Fidelity is often suspected who seem satisfied with Faults, and with a Re∣formation; which very thing lost Dion in the good Opinion of Dionysius, Samius in Philip's, Cle∣omenes in Ptolemy's, and at last proved the Occa∣sion of their Ruine: And therefore the Flatterer pretends not only to the good Humor of a Com∣panion, but to the Faithfulness of a Friend too, and would be thought to have so great a Respect for you, that he cannot be disgusted at the very worst of your Actions, as being indeed of the same Make and Constitution with your self. Hence you shall have him pretend a Share in the most common Casualties that befal another; nay, in Complaisance, feign even Diseases themselves: in Page  15 Company of those who are thick of Hearing, he's presently half Deaf; and with the dim Sight∣ed, can see no more then they do. So the Pa∣rasites about Dionysius at an Entertainment, to hu∣mor his Blindness, stumbled one upon another, and justled the Dishes off his Table.

But there are others who refine upon the for∣mer, by a pretended Fellow-suffering in the more private Concernments of Life, whereby they rig∣gle themselves deeper into the Affections of those they flatter; as, if they find a Man unhappily married, or distrustful of his Children or Dome∣sticks, they spare not their own Family, but im∣mediately entertain you with some lamentable Sto∣ry of the hard Fortune they have met with in their Children, their Wife, their Servants, or Relations: For by the Parallel Circumstances they pretend to, they seem more passionately concern'd for the Misfortunes of their Friends; who, as if they had already received some Pawn and Assu∣rance of their Fidelity, blab forth those Secrets which they cannot afterwards handsomly retract, and dare not betray the least Distrust of their new Confident for the future. I my self knew a Man, who turn'd his Wife out of Doors, because a Gentleman of his Acquaintance divorc'd his, though the Lady, who was thus discarded, smelt the Intrigue afterwards by the Messages the other's Husband sent, and the private Visits he was ob∣served to make her: So little did he understand the Flatterer, who took these following Verses for the Description of a Crab rather than his;

For this is the true Portraiture of those Sharp∣ers, who, as Eupolis speaks, spunge upon their Ac∣quaintance for a Dinner. But we will reserve these Remarks for a more proper Place.

In the mean time I must not omit the other Artifice observable in his Imitation; which is this:

That if at any time he counterfeit the good Qualities of his Friend, he immediately yields him the Preheminence: whereas there is no Com∣petition, no Emulation or Envy amongst true Friends, but whether they are equally accom∣plish'd or no, they bear the same even uncon∣cern'd Temper of Mind towards each other. But the Flatterer, remembring that he is but to act anothers Part, pretends only to such Strokes as fall short of the Original, and is willing to confess himself out-done in any thing but his Vi∣ces, wherein alone he claims the Precedency to himself; as if the Man he is to wheedle be diffi∣cult and morose, he's quite over run with Cho∣ler; if something Superstitious, he's a perfect En∣thusiast; if a little in Love, for his part, he's most desperately smitten: I laugh'd heartily at such a Passage, says one: But I had like to have died with Laughter, says the other. But now in speaking of any laudable Qualities, he inverts his Stile, as, I can run fast enough, says he; but you perfectly fly. I can sit an Horse tolerably well; but alas! What's that to this Hippocentaure for good Horsemanship? I have a tolerable good Genius for Poetry, and am none of the worst Ver∣sifiers of the Age; Page  17

And thus at the same time he obliges his Friend both in approving of his Abilities, by his own∣ing of them, and in confessing him incomparable in his way by his coming short of his Example. These then are the distinguishing Characters of a a Friend and Flatterer, as far as concerns the coun∣terfeit Resemblance betwixt them.

But because, as we have before observ'd,* 'tis common to them both to please (for a good Man is no less taken with the Company of his Friends, than an ill one is with a Flatterer's) let us discri∣minate them here too. And the way will be to have an Eye to the end to which they direct, the Satis∣faction they create, which may be thus illustrated. Your perfumed Oyls have a fine odoriferous Scent, and so, it may be, have some Medicines too: but with this difference, that the former are prepared barely for the gratification of the Sense, whilst the other, besides their Odour, purge, heal, fat∣ten, &c. Again, The Colours us'd by Painters are certainly very florid, and the Mixture agreeable; and yet so 'tis in some Medicinal Compositions too. Wherein then lies the difference? Why, in the End or Use for which they are designed: the one purely for Pleasure, the other for Profit. In like manner the Civilities of one Friend to a∣nother, besides the main Point of their Honesty, and mutual Advantage, are always attended with an over-plus of Delight and Satisfaction. Nay, they can now and then indulge themselves the Liberty of an innocent Diversion, a Collation, or a Glass of Wine; and believe me, can be as chearful and jocund as the best; all which they Page  18 use only as Sauce, to give a Relish to the more serious and weighty Concernments of Life; to which purpose was that of the Poet:

As likewise this to:

But the whole Business and Design of a Flat∣terer, is continually to entertain the Company with some Pastime or other, a little Jest, a Story well told, or a Comical Action; and in a word, he thinks he can never over-act the diverting part of Conversation. Where as the true Friend, proposing no other End to himself, than the bare discharge of his Duty, is sometimes pleasant, and as often, it may be, disagreeable, neither sol∣licitously coveting the one, nor industriously a∣voiding the other, if he judg it the more season∣able and expedient. For as a Physician, if need require, will throw in a little Saffron or Spike∣nard to qualify his Patient's Dose, and will now and then bathe him, and feed him up curiously; and yet again another time will prescribe him Castor, or

Or perhaps will oblige him to drink an Infusion of Hellebore, neither proposing the delici∣ousness of the one, nor the nauseousness of the other, as his scope and design, but only conduct∣ing him by these different Methods, to one and Page  19 the same End, the Recovery of his Health. In like manner the real Friend sometimes leads his Man gently on to Vertue by kindness, by plea∣sing and extolling him; as he in Homer, And another, speaking of Ʋlysses; And again, when he sees Correction requisite, will check him severely; as, And perhaps is forc'd another time to second hi• Words with Actions: As Menedemus reclaim'd his Friend Asclepiades's Son, a dissolute and debauch'd young Gentleman, by shutting his Doors upon him, and not vouchsafing to speak to him. And Arcesilaus forbad Battus his School, for having a∣bused Cleanthes in a Comedy of his; but after he had made satisfaction, and an acknowledgment of his Fault, took him into favour again. For we ought to grieve and afflict our Friend, with design meerly of serving him, not of making a Rupture betwixt us; and must apply our Repre∣hensions, only as pungent and acute Medicines, with no other intent than the Recovery of the Patient. And therefore a Friend, like a skilful Musician, who, to tune his Instrument, winds up one String, and lets down another, grants Page  20 some things, and refuses others, according as their Honesty or Usefulness prompt him; whereby he often pleases, but is sure always to profit: Where∣as the Parasite, who is continually upon the same humouring String, knows not how to let fall a cross Word, or commit a disobliging Action, but servilely complys with all your desires, and is always in the Tune you ask for. And therefore as Xenophon reports of Agesilaus, that he took some delight in being prais'd by those who would upon occasion dispraise him too: So ought we to judg, that he only rejoyces and pleases us really as a Friend, who will, when Need requires, thwart and contradict us; must suspect their Conversati∣on, who aim at nothing but our gratification, without the least intermixture of Reprehension; and indeed ought to have that Repartee of a Lace∣demonian ready upon such occasions, who hearing King Charillus highly extoll'd for an excellent Per∣son, asked, How he could be so good a Man, who was never severe to an ill one? They tell us, that Gad-flies, creep into the Ears of Bulls, and Tiques into those of Dogs: but I am sure the Parasite lays so close Siege, and sticks so fast to the Ears of the Ambitious, with the repeated Praises of their Worth, that 'tis no easy matter to shake him off again. And therefore it highly concerns them to have their Apprehensions awake, and upon the guard, critically to remark, whether the high Characters such Men lavish out, are intended for the Person or the Thing they would be thought to commend. And we may indeed suppose them more peculiarly design'd for the Things them∣selves, if they bestow them on Persons absent ra∣ther than present; if they covet, and aspire after the same Qualities themselves, which they mag∣nify Page  21 in others; if they admire the same Perfecti∣ons in the rest of Mankind, as well as in us; and are never found to faulter and bely, either in Word or Action, the Sentiments they have own∣ed. And, what is the surest Creterion in this Case, we are to examine, whether or no we are not really troubled at, or ashamed of the commission of those very Things for which they applaud us, and could not wish that we had said or acted the quite contrary: for our own Consciences, which are above the reach of Passion, and will not be put upon by all the sly Artifices of Flattery, will witness against us, and spurn at an undeser∣ved Commendation. But I know not how it comes to pass, that several Persons had rather be pittied then comforted in Adversity; and when they have committed a Fault, look upon those as Enemies and Informers, who endeavour to chide and lecture them into a Sense of their Guilt, but caress and embrace them as Friends, who sooth them up in their Vices. Indeed they who continue their Applauses to so inconsi∣derable a thing as a single Action, a wise Saying, or a smart Jest, do only a little present Mischief; but they who from single Acts proceed to de∣bauch even the Habits of the Mind with their immoderate Praises, are like those treacherous Servants, who not content to rob the common Heap in the Granary, filch even that which was chosen and reserved for seed. For whilst they entitle Vice to the Name of Vertue, they corrupt that prolific Principle of Action, the Genius and Disposition of the Soul, and poison the Fountain whence the whole Stream of Life derives. Thucidides observes That in the time of War and Sedition the Names of Good and Evil Page  22 are wont to be confounded: As Fool-hardiness is called a generous Espousal of a Friend's Quarrel; a provident Delay is nicknam'd Cowardise; Mode∣sty, a meer Pretext for Unmanliness; a prudent slow Inspection into Things, down-right Laziness, &c. In like manner, if you observe it, a Flatterer terms a profuse Man, liberal; a timerous Man, wary; a dull Fellow, grave; a stingy Miser, frugal; an amorous Youngster, kind and good-natured; a passionate proud Fool, stout; and a mean-spirited Slave, cour∣teous and observing. As Plato somewhere remarks, That a Lover, who is always a Flatterer of his b•∣loved Object, stiles a Flat-Nose, amiable; an Hawk-Nose, princely; the Black, virile; and the Fair, the Off-spring of the Gods: and observes particularly, that the Appellation of Hony-coloured, is nothing but the dawb of a Gallant, who is willing to set off his Mistresse's pale Complexion. Now indeed an ugly Fellow, banter'd into an Opinion that he's hand∣som, or a little Man magnified into tall and portly, cannot lie long under the Mistake, nor receive any great Injury by the Cheat: But when Vice is extoll'd by the Name of Vertue, so that a Man is induced to sin, not only without regret, but with joy and triumph, and is hardned beyond the modesty of a Blush for his Enormities; this sort of Flattery, I say, has been fatal even to whole Kingdoms. 'Twas this ruin'd Scicily, by stiling the Tyranny of Dionysius and Phalaris, nothing but Justice, and an hatred of villanous Practices. 'Twas this that overthrew Egypt, by palliating the King's Effeminacy, his Yellings, his Enthu∣siastick Rants, and his drawing the Figures of musical Instruments upon his Body, with the more plausible Names of true Religion, and the Worship of the Gods. 'Twas this that had very Page  23 nigh ruined the stanch Roman Temper, by ex∣tenuating the Voluptuousness, the Luxury, the sumptuous Shows, and public Profuseness of An∣tony, into the softer Terms of Humanity, good Nature, and the Generosity of a Gentleman, who knew how to use the Greatness of his Fortune. What but the Charms of Flattery made Ptolemy turn Piper and Fidler? What else put on Nero's Buskins, and brought him on the Stage? Have we not known several Princes, if they sung a tolerable Treble, term'd Apollo's? when they drank stoutly, stiled Bacchu's; and upon Wrest∣ling, Fencing, or the like, immediately dub'd by the Name of Hercules? Hurried on by those empty Titles, to the Commission of those Acts which were infinitely beneath the dignity of their Character? And therefore it will be then more especially our concern to look about us, when a Flatterer is upon the strain of praising; which he is sensible enough of and accordingly avoids all occasion of suspicion, when he attacks us on that side. If indeed he meets with a tawdry Fop, or a dull Country-Clown in a Leathern Jacket, he plays upon them with all the liberty imaginable: As Strathias insulted and triumph'd over the Sot∣tishness of Bias, when he told him that he had out-drunk King Alexander himself, and with that, turning about to Cyprias, burst out into Laughter. But if he chance to fall upon an apprehensive Man, who can presently smoak a design, especi∣ally if he thinks he has and Eye upon him, and stands upon his Guard, he does not immediately assault him with an open Panegyric, but first fetches a Compass, and softly winds about him, till he has in some measure tamed the untractable Creature, and brought it to his hand: For he Page  24 either tells him what high Characters he has heard of him abroad (introducing, as the Rhe∣toricians do, some third Person); how upon the Exchange t'other day he happily overheard some Strangers, and Persons of great gravity and worth, who spake extreme honourably of him, and professed themselves much his Admirers: Or else he forges some frivolous and false Accusa∣tion of him, and then coming in all haste, as if he had heard it really reported, asks him serious∣ly, if he can call to Mind where he said or did such a thing? and immediately upon his denial of the matter Fact, which he has Reason enough to expect, take occasion to fall upon the Subject of his Commendation. I wondred indeed, says he, to hear that you should calumniate your Friend, who never used to speak ill of your Enemies: that you should endeavour to rob another Man of his Estate, who so generously spend your own.

Others again, like painters who enhance the Lustre and Beauty of a curious Piece, by the Shades which surround it, slily extol and en∣courage Men in their Vices, by deriding and railing at their contrary Vertues. Thus in the Company of the Debauch'd, the Covetous, and the Extortioner, they run down Temperance and Modesty as meer Rusticity; and Justice, and Contentment with our present Condition, argue nothing in their Phrase but a dastardly Spirit, and an Impotence to Action. If they fall into the Acquaintance of Lubbers, who love Lazi∣ness and Ease, they stick not to explode the ne∣cessary Administration of Public Affairs, as a troublesome intermedling in other Mens Busi∣ness, and a desire to bear Office, as an useless empty Thirst after a Name. To wheedle in Page  25 with an Orator, they scout a Philosopher; and who so gracious as they with the Gilts of the Town, by laughing at Wives who are faithful to their Husband's Beds, as impotent and Coun∣try-bred? And, what's the most egregious Stra∣tagem of all the rest, the Flatterer shall traduce himself, rather than want a fair Opportunity to commend another: As Wrestlers put their Body in a low Posture, that they may the better worst their Adversaries. I am a very Coward at Sea, says he) impatient of any Fatigue, and cannot digest the least ill Language; but such an one fears no Colours, has no Fault, is an admirable good Man, bears all things with great Patience, and Evenness of Tem∣per. If he meets with one who abounds in his own Sense, and who affects to appear rigid and singular in his Judgement, and as an Argument of the Rectitude and Steadiness thereof, is aways telling you of that of Homer:

He applies a new Engine to move this great Weight; to such a one he imparts some of his private Concerns, as being willing to advise with the ablest Counsel, he has indeed a more intimate Acquaintance with others, but he was forc'd to trouble him at present: For to whom •…hould we poor witless Men have recourse (says he) when we stand in need of Advice? or whom else should we trust? And as soon as he has de∣livered his Opinion, whether it be to the purpose or no, he takes his Leave with seeming Satis∣faction, as if he had received an Answer from an Oracle. Again, if he perceives a Man pretends Page  26 to be Master of a Stile, he presently presents him with something of his own composing, requesting him to peruse and correct it. Thus Mithridates could no sooner set up for a Physician, than some of his Acquaintance desired to be cut and cauterized by him; a piece of Flattery that extended be∣yond the Falacy of bare Words, imagining that he must needs take it as an Argument of the great Opinion they had of his Skill, that they durst trust themselves in his Hands. Now to dis∣cover the Cheat which these Insinuations of our own worth might put upon us (a thing that re∣quires no ordinary Circumspection) the best way will be to give him a very absurd Advice, and to animadvert as impertinently as may be upon his Works, when he submits them to your Cen∣sure: for if he makes no Reply, but grants and approves of all you assert, and applauds every Period with the Elogy of very right! incomparable well! then you have trappann'd him, and 'tis plain, that though

But to proceed. As some have defin'd Paint∣ing to be mute Poetry; so there is a sort of silent Flattery, as expressive as the loudest Encomiums. For, as Hunters are then surest of their Game, when they pass under the Disguise of Travellers, Shepherds, or Husbandmen, and seem not at all intent upon their Sport: so the Elogies of a Parasite never take more effectually, than when he seems least of all to commend you. For he who rises up to a Rich Man, when he comes in Company; or who, having begun a Page  27 Motion in Parliament, suddenly breaks off, and gives some Leading Man the Liberty of speaking his Sense first in the Point; such a Man's Silence more effectually shews the Deference he pays the other's Judgment, then if he had avowedly pro∣claimed it. And hereupon you shall have them always placed in the Boxes at the Play-house, and pearch'd upon the highest Seats at other pub∣lick Entertainments, not that they think them suitable to their Quality; but meerly for the Op∣portunity of gratifying great Men by giving them place. Hence it is likewise, that they open first in all Solemn and Publick Assemblies, and by and by complement another into the Chair, as an abler Speaker; and retract their Opinion im∣mediately, if any Person of Authority, Riches, or Quality contradict them: So that you may perceive all their Concessions, Cringes, and Re∣spects to be but meer Courtship and Complai∣sance, by this easy Observation, that they are usually paid to Riches, Honour, or the like, ra∣ther than to Age, Art, Vertue, or other Perso∣nal Endowments.

Thus dealt not Apelles with Megabizus (one of the Persian Nobility) who pretending once to talk I know not what about Lines, Shades, and other things peculiar to his Art: the Painter could not but take him up, telling him, That his Apprentices yonder, who were grinding Co∣lours, gazed strangely upon him, admiring his Gold and Purple Ornaments, while he held his Tongue, but now could not chuse but titter to hear him offer at a Discourse upon an Argument so much out of his Spear. And when Craesus asked Solon his Opinion of Felicity, he told him flatly, that he looked upon Tellus, an honest Page  28 (though obscure) Athenian, and Biton, and Cleobis, happier than he. But the Flaterer will have Kings, Governours, and Men of Estates, not only the most signally happy, but the most eminently know∣ing, the most vertuous, and the most prudent of Mankind: And therefore some of them cannot endure to hear those Rants of the Stoicks, who cen∣ter all true Riches, Generosity, Nobility and Royalty it self in the Person of a wise Man: For 'tis the Man of Monys that's both Orator and Poet with them; and, if he pleases Painter and Fid••r too, a good Wrestler, an excellent Foot-man, or any thing, for they never stand with him for the Victory in those Engagements: As Cresson, who had the Honour to run with Alexander, let him design∣edly win the Race, which the King being told of afterwards, was highly disgusted at him. And therefore I like the Observation of Carneades, who used to say, That young Princes and Noble-Men never arrived at a tolerable Perfection in any thing they learn'd, except riding the great Horse; for their Preceptors spoil them at School by ex∣tolling all their Performances, and their Masters in the Academies usually take the Foil: whereas the Horse, who knows no distinction betwixt a private Man and a Magistrate, betwixt the Rich and the Poor, will certainly throw his Rider, if he knows not how to sit him, let him be of what Quality he pleases. And therefore 'twas but impertinently said of Bion upon this Subject, that he, who could praise his Ground into a good Crop, were to blame if he bestowed any other Tillage upon't. 'Tis granted: nor is it improper to commend a Man, if you do him any real Kindness by't; but here's the Disparity: That as a Field is not capable of Improvement, Page  29 so neither of Disservice by any Commendations bestow'd upon't: Whereas a Man immoderately praised, is puffed up, burst, and ruined by't.

Thus much then for the Point of praising;* Proceed we in the next place to treat of Freedom in their Reprehensions. And indeed, 'twere but reasonable, that as when Patroclus put on Achilles's Armour, and led his War-Horse out into the Field, yet durst not for all that venture to weild his Sphear: So, though the Flatterer wear all the other Badges and Ensigns of a Friend, he should not dare to counterfeit the plain Frank∣ness of his Discourse, as being a great, massy and substantial Weapon, peculiar to him.

But because to avoid that Scandal and Offence, which their drunken Bouts, their little Jests, and ludicrous babling Humour might otherwise cre∣ate, they sometime put on the Face of Gravity, and flatter under the Vizard of a Frown, dropping in now and then a Word of Correction and Reproof; let us examine this Cheat too amongst the rest.

And indeed I can compare that triffling insig∣nificant Liberty of Speech, which he pretends to, to nothing better than that Sham Hercules, which Menander introduces in one of his Comedies, with a light hollow Club upon his Shoulder; for as Womens Pillows, which seem sufficiently stuff'd to bear up their Heads, yield and sink under their Weight; so this counterfeit Freedom in a Flat∣terer's Conversation swells big, and promises fair, that when it shrinks and contracts it self, it may draw those in with it, who lay any stress upon its outward Appearance: whereas the genuine and friendly Reprehension fixes upon real Criminals, causing them Grief and Trouble indeed, but only Page  30 what is wholsom and salutary; like Honey that corrodes, but yet cleanses the ulcerous Parts of the Body, and is otherwise both pleasant and pro∣fitable. But of this in its proper place. We shall discourse at present, of the Flatterer, who affects a morose, angry, and inexorable Behaviour towards all but those, upon whom he designs; Is peevish and difficult towards his Servants, animadverts se∣verely upon the Failures of his Relations and Domesticks, neither admires nor respects a Stran∣ger, but superciliously contemns him; pardons no Man, but by Stories and Complaints exasperates one against another, thinking by these means to ac∣quire the Character of an irreconcileable Enemy with all manner of Vice, that he may be thought one who would not spare his Favourites them∣selves upon occasion; and indeed a Person who neither acts nor speaks any thing, out of a mean and dar•ard Complaisance.

And if at any time he undertakes his Friend, he feigns himself a meer Stranger to his real and considerable Crimes; but if he catch him in some petty triffling Piccadillo, there he takes his occa∣sion to rant him terribly, and thunder him severe∣ly off: If he sees any of his Goods out of order, if his House be not very convenient, if his Beard be not sha∣ven, or his Cloaths unfashionable, if his Dog or his Horse be not well looked after, &c. But, if he slights his Parents, neglect his Children, treat his Wife scornfully, his Friends and Acquaintance disrespectfully, and squander away his Estate; here he dares not open his Mouth, and it's the safest way to hold his Tongue: Just as if the Master of a Wrestling School should indulge his young Champion Schollar in Drinking and Wenching, and yet rattle him about his Oil-cruise, and Body-brush: Or, as if a School-master should whip a Boy for some little Page  31 fault in his Pen or Writing-book, but takes no notice of the Barbarisms and Solecisms in his Language. For the Parasite is like him, who hearing a ridiculous impertinent Orator, finds no fault with his Discourse, but Delivery; blaming him only for having spoiled his Voice with drink∣ing cold Water: Or, like one who being to per∣use and correct some pitiful Scrible, falls foul on∣ly upon the Courseness of the Paper, and the Blots and Negligence of the Transcriber. Thus the Parasites about Ptolomy, when he pretended to Learning, would wrangle with him till Mid∣night about the Propriety of an Expression, a Verse, or a Story; but not a word all this while of his Cruelty, Insults, Superstition and Op∣pressions of the People. Just as if a Chyrurgion should pair a Man's Nails, or cut his Hair, to cure him of a Fistula, Wen, or other carnous Excrescence. But there are others behind, who out-do all the Subtilty of the former, such as can claw and please, even whilst they seem to reprehend. Thus when Alexander had bestowed some considerable Reward upon a Jester, Agis the Grecian, through meer Envy and Vexation, cry'd out upon't as a most absurd Action; which the King over-hearing, he turn'd him about in great Indignation at the Insolence, saying, What's that you prate, Sarrah? Why truly replied the Man, I must confess, I am not a little troubled to observe that all you great Men, who are descended from Jupiter take a strange delight in Flatterers and Buffoons: For as Hercules had his Cercopians, and Bacchus his Silenians about him; so I see your Majesty is pleas'd to have a regard for such plea∣sant Fellows too. And one time when Tiberius Caesar was present at the Senate, there stood Page  32 up a certain fawning Counsellor, asserting, That all free born Subjects ought to have the Liberty of speaking their Sense freely, and should not dissemble or conceal any thing that they might conceive beneficial to the Publick, who having thus awakened the Attention of his Audience. Silence being made, and Tiberius impatient to hear the Sequel of the Man's Discourse, pursued it in this manner: I must tell you of a Fault, Caesar, (said he) for which we universally blame you, though no Man yet has taken the confidence to speak it openly; You neglect your self, endanger your sacred Person by your too much Labour and Care, Night and Day, for the Publick. And having harangued several things to the same effect, 'tis reported that Cassius Severus the Orator should subjoin [This Man's Freedom of Speech will ruin him.]

Such Artificers as these, I confess, are not very pernicious, but there remains one of a most dangerous consequence to weak Men; and that is, when a Flatterer shall fasten those Vices upon them, which are directly contrary to those they are really guilty of. As Himerius, an Athenian Parasite, upbraided one of the most miserable and stingy Misers of the whole Town, with Carelesness and Prodigality, telling him, He was afraid he should live to see the day when both he and his Children should go a begging. Or on the Contrary, when they object Niggardli∣ness and Parsimony to one that's lavish and pro∣fuse; as Titus Petronius did to Nero: or when they advise Arbitrary and Tyranical Princes to lay aside their too much Moderation, and their un∣profitable and unseasonable Clemency. These are they who shall pretend to be aware of a half-witted Idiot, as of some notable shrew'd Page  33 Fellow; and shall tax an ill natured censorious Man, if at any time he speak honorably of a Person of Worth, of being too lavish in his Com∣mendations: You are always praising, say they, Men that deserve it not; for who is he, or what remarka∣ble thing did he ever say or do? But they have yet a more signal Opportunity of exercising their Talent, when they meet with any difference betwixt Lo∣vers or Friends: For if they see Brothers quarrel, or Children despise their Parents, or Husbands jealous of their Wives, they neither admonish them of, nor blame them for it, but inflame the Difference: You do not understand your self, say they, you are the Occasion of all this Clutter by your own soft and submissive Behaviour. If there chance to have happened some little Love-Skirmish be∣twixt a Miss and her Gallant, then the Flatterer interposes boldly, and adds fresh Fuel to the ex∣piring Flame, taking the Gentleman to task, and telling him how many things he has done, which looked a little hard, were not kind, and deserved a Chiding.

Thus Cleopatra's Friends perswaded Antony, smitten with his beloved Egyptian, that she doted on him still, calling him haughty and hard-hearted Man: She, said they, has stript her self of the Glories of a Crown, and former Grandure, and now languishes with the Love of you, at∣tending the Motion of your Camp, in the poor fordid Figure of a Concubine;

Now he was strangely pleased to hear of his little Unkindnesses to his Mistriss, and was more taken with such a Chiding, than with the highest Character they could have given him; but was not sensible, that, under the Colour of a Friend∣ly Admonition, they really corrupted and de∣bauch'd him. For such a Rebuke as this, is just like the Biles of a lecherous Woman; for it only tickles and provokes, and pleases, even whilst it pains you. And as pure Wine, taken singly, is an excellent Antidote against Hemlock; but if mix'd with it, renders the Poyson incurable, be∣cause the Heat of the Wine quickens its Circula∣tion to the Heart: So some rascally Fellows, knowing very well that the Liberty of reproving a Friend, is a Quality very hardly compatible with Flattery, and, as I may say, the best Remedy a∣gainst it, mix them both together, and flatter you under the very Colour and pretext of reprimand∣ing you.

Upon the whole therefore, Bias seems not to have answered him very pertinently, who asked him, Which he thought was the most hurtful Animal? when he replied, That of wild Creatures, a Tyrant, and of tame ones, a Flatterer: For he might have answered more accurately, that some Flatterers indeed are tame Creatures, those Shirks, who ply about your Bath, and your Table; but they whose Calumnies, Malignity and Inquisi∣tive medling Humor, like so many Gins and Snares, reach the Ladies very Closets and Bed-Chambers, Page  35 these are wild, savage and untracta∣ble.

Now one way of arming our selves against these Assaults, will be always to remember,* that since our Souls are made up of two different Parts; the one sincere, honest and reasonable; the other brutish, false, and govern'd by Passion: the Friend always adapts his Advice and Admoniti∣ons to the Improvement of the better part, like a good Physician, who preserves and advan∣ces an healthful Constitution where he finds it; whilst the Flatterer claws and tickles the irrational Part of the Man only, debauching it from the Rules of right Reason, by the repeated Suggesti∣on of soft and sensual Delights. For as there are some sort of Meats, which neither assimulate with the Blood, nor invigorate the Spirits, the Nerves, nor the Marrow, but only provoke Lust, swell the Paunch, and breed putrid flabby Flesh: So •…e who shall give himself the Labour to observe will find that the Discourses of a Flatterer con∣•…ribute nothing to the Improvement of our Pru∣•…ence and Understanding, but either only enter∣•…ain us with the Pleasure of some Love Intrigue, •…r make us indiscreetly angry, or envious, or •…low us up into an empty troublesome Opinion of •…ur selves, or increase our Sorrows, by pretend∣•…ng to share in them; or render us difficult, stin∣•…y, and incredulous, sowr, timorous and jea∣•…ous, with several idle malicious Stories, Hints •…nd Conjectures of his own: For he always fa∣•…tens upon, and pampers some Distemper of the Mind, growing, like a Botch or Boil, upon its •…nflamed or putrid part only. Are you angry? •…evenge your self, says he: Covet you any thing? Page  36 have it: Are you afraid? fly: Suspect you this, or that? believe it.

But if we find it something difficult to discover him in these Attempts upon our Passions, because they often violently over-power all the Forces of our Reason to the contrary; we may then trace him in other Instances of his Knavery, for he al∣ways acts consonant to himself: As if you are afraid of a Surfeit, and thereupon be in suspense about your Bath and Diet, a Friend indeed will advise you to act cautiously, and take care of your Health; but the Flatterer perswades you to the Bath, bids you feed freely, and not starve your self with Mortification. If he observes you want Briskness and Spirit for Action, as being unwil∣ling to undergo the Fatigue of a Journey, a Voyage, &c. He'll tell you presently, There's no hast, the Business may be well enough deferr'd, or else transacted by Proxy. If at any time you have promised to lend or give a Friend a Sum of Money, and upon second thoughts gladly would, and yet are ashamed to retract your Word; the Flatterer puts his Advice into the worst Scale, and inclines the Ballance to the saving Side, strips you of your squemish Modesty, telling you, That you ought not to be so prodigal, who live at great Expences, and are willing to relieve o∣thers besides him. And therefore unless we be more Strangers to our selves, to our own Desires, Fears, Confidence, or the like, the Flatterer can∣not easily escape our Discovery; for he's the great Patron of these disorderly Passions, endea∣voring always to wind us up to Excesses of this Kind. But enough of this.

* Let us, in the next place, discourse of the use∣ful and kind Offices, which the Flatterer seems so Page  37 chearfully ready upon every occasion to perform, that it renders the Disparity betwixt him and the true Friend extreamly perplext and intricate.

But as Euripides says of Truth, That it loves plain Language: So the Temper of a Friend is sincere, natural, without Paint or Varnish; but that of a Flatterer, as it is corrupt and diseased in it self, so stands it in need of many, and those cu∣rious and exquisite Remedies too, to correct it. And therefore you shall have Friends upon an ac∣cidental Rancounter, without either giving or re∣ceiving a formal Salute, content themselves to speak their mutual Kindness and Familiarity in a Nod and a Smile: But the Flatterer pursues you, runs to meet you, and is ready to kiss your hand before he comes at you; and if you chance but to see and salute him first, he swears you must excuse his Rudeness, and will produce you Witness that he did not see you, if you please. Thus again; A Friend dwells not upon every trifling Puncti∣lio, is not ceremonious and punctual in the trans∣acting of Business, is not inquisitive, nor intrudes into every piece of Service: But the Parasite is all Obedience, all perpetual indefatigable Industry, admits no Rival in his Services, but will wait your Commands, which if you lay not upon him, he seems mightily afflicted, the unhappiest Man in the World!

Now these Observations are Argument enough to convince a Man of any tolerable Sence, that the Friendship such Men pretend to, is not really Vertuous and Chast, but rather a sort of impu∣dent whorish Love, that obtrudes its Embraces upon you.

* But to be more particular, let us first examine the Disparity betwixt their Promises: For our Page  38 Fore-fathers well observed, that the Offers of a Friend run in such Terms as these:

But the Flatterer's thus; For the Comedians introduce such brave Promi∣sers as these:

Besides, no real Friend will assist in the Execu∣tion of a Design, unless, being first advised with, he approve of it, as either honest or useful: Whereas the Flatterer, though permitted to con∣sult and give his Opinion about an Undertaking, not only out of a paltry Desire to comply with, and gratifie his Friend at any rate; but lest he should be look'd upon as disaffected to the Business, servilely closes with, and advances his Proposals, how unreasonable soever. For there are few Rich Men or Princes of this Mind,

For they, like Actors in a Tragedy, must have a Chorus of their Friends to joyn with them in the Concert, or else the Claps of the Pit to encou∣rage Page  39 them: Whereupon Merope in the Tragedy speaks thus: But alas! they invert the Counsel, abominate those who deal freely with them, and advise them obstinately for the best; whilst pitiful cringing Cheats and Impostors are admitted not only into their Houses, but into their Affections, and the nearest Concernments of their Life. You shall have some of them indeed more plain and simple than the rest, who confess themselves unworthy to consult about such weighty Affairs, but are ready to serve you in the executive part of a Design: But the more subtil Hypocrite comes in at the Consult, knits his Brows, declares his Consent by the Gravity of a Look or a Nod, but speaks ne∣ver a Word, unless perchance, when the Great Man delivers his Opinion, he cries, Lord! Sir, you prevented me, I was just a going to say so. For as the Mathematicians tell us, that Surfaces and Lines, which are incorporeal, and Creatures of the Understanding only, are neither bended, nor moved, nor extended of themselves, but are so affected together with the Bodies, whose Extre∣mities they are: So you shall observe the Flatte∣rer attends only the Motion of another's Sense, O∣pinion, Passion, &c. without any Principle of Action in himself. So that the Disparity betwixt them thus far is easily discernable.

* And yet easilier in the manner they perform their good Offices. For the Kindnesses of a Page  40 Friend, like the noblest Faculties of an animate Creature, lie deep, without any Parade or Page∣antry on the Outside: Nay, many times, as a faithful Physician cures his Patient when he least knows of it; so a true Friend, either present or absent, as occasion serves, is sollicitous about your Concerns, when perhaps you know nothing of it. Such was the excellent Arcesilaus, as in other his Actions, so particularly in his Kindness to Apelles, Native of Chios, whom finding extreamly indi∣gent in his Sickness, he repeated his Visit to him with twenty Drachms in his Pocket; and sitting by his Bed-side, You have got nothing here, said he, but Empedocles's Elements, Fire, Water, Earth, and the surrounding Air; neither methinks do you lie easily: And with that, stirring up his Pillow, put the Money privately under his Head: Which when the good old Woman his Nurse found, and and in great Admiration acquainted Apelles with; Ay, says he, smiling a little, this is a Piece of Ar∣cesilaus's Thievery. And what Philosophy tells us, that Children usually resemble their Parents, we find in some measure verified in Arcesilaus, and Lacydes, his intimate Acquaintance: For when Ce∣phi Socrates was impeached of High-Treason, and Lacydes, with several others of his Friends, stood by him at his Tryal, the Counsel for the State desired the Prisoners Ring, wherein lay the prin∣cipal Evidence against him, might be produced in Court, which Cephi Socrates hearing, dropt it soft∣ly off his Finger, and Lacydes observing it, set his Foot upon't, and buried it in the Ground. Whereupon being acquitted, and going after∣wards to pay his Respects and thanks to his Judg∣es; one of them, who, it seems, had took notice of the Passage, told him, that his Thanks were Page  41 owing to Lacydes, and so related the whole Sto∣ry, when yet Lacydes had never mentioned it.

Thus I am verily perswaded that the Gods con∣fer several Benefits upon us which We are not sensi∣ble of, upon no other Motive in the World, than the meer Pleasure and Satisfaction they take in Acts of kindness and Beneficence.

But on the contrary, the seemingly good Offi∣ces of a Flatterer have nothing of that Sincerity and Integrity, that Simplicity and Ingenuity, which recommend a Kindness; but are always at∣tended with Bustle and Noise, Hurry, Sweat and contracting the Brow, to enhance your Opinion of the great Pains he has taken for you; like a Picture drawn in gawdy Colours, with folded torn Gar∣ments, full of Angles and Wrinkles, to make us be∣lieve it an elaborate Piece, and done to the Life.

Besides, the Flatterer is so extreamly trouble∣some, in recounting the weary Steps he had taken, the Cares he has had upon him, the Persons he has been forced to oblige, with a thousand other Inconveniences he has laboured under upon your Account, that you'll be apt to say, the Business was never worth all this Din and Clutter about it.

For a Kindness once upbraided, looses its Grace, turns a Burden, and becomes intolerable. But the Flatterer not only reproaches us with his Ser∣vices already past, but at the very Instant of their Performance; whereas if a Friend be obliged to speak of any Civility done another, he modestly mentions it indeed, but attributes nothing to him∣self. Thus when the Lacedemonians supplied the People of Smyrna in great Scarcity of Provisions, and they gratefully resented and extoll'd the Kind∣ness; Why, replied the Spartans, 'twas no such Page  42 great matter, we only robb'd our selves and our Cattel of a Dinner. For a Favour thus bestowed, is not only free and ingenuous, but more acceptable to the Receiver, because he imagines his Benefactor conferred it on him without any great Prejudice to himself.

*But the Temper of a Flatterer is not only dis∣cernable from that of a Friend, in the easiness of his Promises, and the troublesome Impertinence that attends his good Offices, but more signally in this, That the one is ready to promote any base and unworthy Action; the other, those only which are fair and honest: the one labours to please, the other to profit you. For a Friend must not, as Gorgias would have him, beg ano∣thers Assistance in a just Undertaking, and then think to compensate the Civility, by contributing to several that are unjust; for he is not bound to bear a part in the Follies of his Friend, but rather to disswade him from them: And if, after all, he cannot prevail upon him, may disengage himself with the Reply of Phocion to Antipater; Sir, I cannot be both your Friend, and your Flatterer; that is, your Friend, and not your Friend at the same time. For we ought to be assistant to him in his honest Endeavours indeed, but not in his Knave∣ries; in his Counsels, not in his Tricks; in ap∣pearing as Evidence for him, but not in a Cheat; and must bear a share in his Misfortunes, but not in his Acts of Injustice. For if a Man ought not to be as much as conscious of an Unworthi∣ness in his Friend, how much less will it become him to partake in it? Therefore, as when the Lacedemonians, defeated by, and treating of Arti∣cles of Peace with Antipater, pray'd him to com∣mand them any thing, howsoever grievous and Page  43 burthensome to the Subject, provided it were not base and dishonorable: So a Friend, if you want his Assistance in a chargeable, dangerous and la∣borious Enterprize, imbarks in the Design chear∣fully, and without reserve; but if such as will not stand with his Reputation and Honour, he fairly desires to be excused. Whereas on the con∣trary, if you offer to put a Flatterer upon a diffi∣cult or hazardous Employment, he shuffles you off, and begs your Pardon. For sound him but, as you rap a Vessel, to try whether it be whole or crackt, full or empty; and he shams you off with the Noise of some paltry, frivolous Excuses: But en∣gage him in any mean, fordid and inglorious Ser∣vice, abuse him, kick him, trample on him, he bears all patiently, and knows no Affront. For as the Ape, who cannot keep the House like a Dog, or bear a Burden like an Horse, or plow like an Ox, serves to be abus'd, to play the Buf∣foon, and to make Sport: So the Parasite, who can neither plead your Cause, nor be your Coun∣sel, nor espouse your Quarrel, as being averse from all painful and good Offices, denies you in nothing that may contribute to your Pleasure, turns Pander to your Lust, Pimps for a Whore, provides you a handsome Entertainment, looks that your Bill be reasonable, and sneaks to your Miss; but shall treat your Relations with Dis-re∣spect, and impudently turn your Wife out of Doors, if you Commission him. So that you may easily discover him in this Particular; for put him upon the most base and dirty Actions, he will not spare his own Pains, provided he can but gratifie you.

* There remains yet another way to discover him by his Inclinations towards your Intimates Page  44 and Familiars. For there's nothing more agree∣able to a true and cordial Acquaintance, than to love with, and to be beloved of many; and therefore he always sedulously endeavours to gain his Friend the Affections and Esteem of other Men. For being of Opinion that all things ought to be in common amongst Friends, he thinks nothing ought to be more so, then they themselves. But the Faithless, the Adulterate, and Friend of base Alloy, who is conscious to himself of the Dis-service he does true Friendship, by that false Coin of it which he puts upon us, is naturally full of Emulation and Envy, even to∣wards those of his own Profession, endeavouring to out-do them in their common Talent of Bab∣ling and Buffoonry, whilst he reveres and cringes to his Betters, whom he dares no more vie with, than a Foot-man with a Lydian Chariot, or Lead (to use Simonide's Expression) with refined Gold. Therefore this light and empty Counterfeit, find∣ing he wants Weight, when put into the Ballance against a sollid and substantial Friend, endeavours to remove him as far as he can; like him, who having painted a Cock extreamly ill, commanded his Servant to take the Original out of sight, and if he cannot compass his Design, then he proceeds to Complement and Ceremony, pretending outward∣ly to admire him, as a Person far beyond himself, whilst by secret Calumnies he blackens, and under∣mines him; which if they chance to have gall'd and fretted him only, and have not throughly done his Work, then he betakes himself to the Advice of Medius, that Arch-Parasite, and Enemy to the Macedonian Nobility, and Chief of all that nume∣rous Train which Alexander entertained in his Court. This Man taught his Disciples to slander Page  45 boldly, and push home their Calumnies, for though the Wound might probably be cured, and skinned over again, yet the Teeth of Slander would be sure to leave a Scar behind them; by these Scars (or to speak more properly) Gangrenes and Can∣cers of false Accusations, fell the brave Callisthenes, Parmenio and Philotas, whilst he himself became an easie Prey to an Agnon, Bagoas, Agesius, and Demetrius, who trick'd him up like a Barbarian Statue, or Antick, and paid the Mortal the Ado∣ration due to a God. So great a Charm is Flat∣tery, and, as it seems, the greatest with those we think the greatest Men; for the exalted Thoughts they entertain of themselves, and the Desire of an universal Concurrence in the same Opinion from others, both add Courage to the Flatterer, and Credit to his Impostures. Hills and Mountains indeed are not easily taken by Stratagem or Ambuscade; but a weak Mind, swoln big and lofty by Fortune, Birth, or the like, lies naked to the Assaults of every mean and petty Aggressor.

* And therefore we repeat here what we advised at our entrance into this Discourse, that we ca∣shire every vain Opinion of our selves, whose in∣bred Flattery only disposes and prepares us to a more favorable Reception of that from without. For, if we did but square our Actions according to the famous Oracular Precept of knowing our selves, rating things according to their true intrin∣sick Value, and withal, reflecting upon our own Nature and Education; consider what gross Im∣perfections and Failures mix with our Words, Actions and Affections, we should not lye so open to the Attempts of every Flatterer, who de∣signs upon us. For even Alexander himself being Page  46 reminded of his Mortality by two things especially, the Necessity of Sleep, and the use of Women, began to stagger in the Opinion they had made him conceive of his God-head. And did but we in like manner take an impartial Survey of those Troubles, Lapses and Infirmities incident to our Nature, we should find we stood in no need of a Friend to praise and extol our Vertues, but of one rather that would chide and reprimand us for our Vices. For first, there are but few who will venture to deal thus roundly and impartially with their Friend, and fewer yet who know the Art of it; Men generally, mistaking Railing, and ill Language, for a decent and friendly Reproof; and then a Chiding, like any other Physick, ill timed, racks and torments you to no purpose, and works in a manner the same Effect with Pain, that Flattery does with Pleasure. For an unseasonable Reprehension may be equally mischievous with an unseasonoable Commendation, and force your Friend to throw himself upon the Flatterer; like Water which meeting with too forcible a Resi∣stance from the Hills, rowls down upon the humble Valleys below: and therefore we ought to qualifie, and to allay the sharpness of our Reproofs with a due Temper of Candor and Moderation, as we would refract a Ray of Light too powerful for a distempered Eye, lest our Friends being plagu'd and ranted upon every tri∣vial occasion, should at last fly to the Flatterer's Shade for their Ease and Quiet. For all Vice, Philopappus, is to be corrected by an intermediate Vertue, and not by its contrary Extream, as some do, who to shake off that sheepish Bashfulness which hangs upon their Natures, learn to be Im∣pudent, to lay aside their Country Breeding, en∣deavor Page  47 to be Comical; to avoid the Imputation of Softness and Cowardise, turn Bullies; out of an Abhorrence of Superstition, commence Atheists; and rather than be reputed Fools, play the Knave; forcing their Inclinations, like a crooked Stick, to the opposite Extream, for want of Skill to set them streight.

Since then 'tis highly rude to endeavour to a∣void the Suspition of Flattery, only by being insignificantly troublesome, and argues an ungen∣teel, unconversable Temper in a Man, to show his just Abhorrency of mean and servile Ends in his Friendship, only by a sowr and disagreeable Behaviour; like the Libertine in the Comedy, who would needs perswade himself, that his rail∣ing Accusations fell within the Limits of that Freedom in Discourse, which every one had right to with his Equals. Since therefore, I say, 'tis absurd to incur the Suspicion of a Flatterer by an over-obliging and obsequious Humor; and as ab∣surd on the other hand, in endeavouring to de∣cline it by an immoderate Latitude in our Appre∣hensions, to lose the Enjoyments, and salutary Admonitions of a friendly Conversation; and that the Measures of Just and Proper in this, as in other things, are to be taken from Decency and Moderation; the Nature of the Argument seems to require me to conclude it with a Dis∣course upon this Subject.

Now seeing this Liberty of animadverting on other Mens Failures is liable to so many Excepti∣ons; let us in the first place carefully purge it from all mixture of Self-love* and Interest, lest any private Motive, Injury, Grudge or Dissatisfacti∣on of our own should seem to incite us to the Undertaking: For such a Chiding as this would Page  48 not pass for an Effect of Kindness, but of Passion, and looks more like a Complaint, than an Admo∣nition: For the latter has always something in it that sounds kind, and yet awful, whereas the other betrays only a selfish and narrow Disposition. And therefore we usually honour and revere our Monitor, but contemn and recriminate upon a querulous Accuser. As Agamemnon could by no means digest the moderate Censures of Achilles, yet bore well enough with the severe Reprimands of Ʋlysses:

Being satisfied of his Wisdom, and good Intenti∣ons; for he rated him purely upon the account of the Publick, the other upon his own. And A∣chilles himself, though of a rough and untractable Disposition, and ready enough to find Faults where there were none; yet heard Patroclus pati∣ently when he ranted him thus: For as Hyperides the Orator desired the Athenians to consider not only the Sharpness of his Reflecti∣ons, but his great Reasons for them: so the Re∣proofs of a Friend, proceeding from a sincere and disinteressed Affection, create all Veneration and Confusion in the Criminal to whom they are ad∣dressed; who, if he once perceive that his Friend, waving all Offences against himself, chides him Page  49 purely for those committed against others, can never hold out against the Force of so powerful a Rebuke, for the sweet and obliging Temper of his Monitor gives a keener Edge to his Ad∣monitions; and therefore it has been wisely said, that especially in Heats and Differences with our Friends we ought to have a peculiar regard to their Honour and Interest. Nor is it a less Ar∣gument of Friendship, for a Man who is said aside, and out of Favour himself, to turn Ad∣vocate in behalf of another, equally despised and neglected. As Plato, being in Disgrace with Dio∣nysius, beg'd Audience of him; which he readily granting, in expectation of being entertained with an Account of his Grievances; Plato ad∣dress'd himself to him after this manner: Sir said he, if you were inform'd there were a certain Ruffian come over into your Island of Sicily, with design to attempt upon your Majesties Person, but, for want of an Opportunity, could not execute the Villany, would you suffer him to go off unpunished? No, by no means, Plato replied, the King, for we ought not only to detest, and revenge the Overt-Acts, but the malicious Intentions of our Enemies. Well then, on the other hand said Plato, If there should come a Person to Court, out of pure Kindness and Ambition to serve your Majesty, and you would not give him an Opportunity of expressing it, were it reasonable to dismiss him with Scorn and Disrespect? Whom do you mean, said Dionysius? why Aeschines, replied Plato, as honest and excellent a Person as any in the School of So∣crates, and of a very edifying Conversation; who having exposed himself to the Difficulties of a tedious Voyage, that he might enjoy the happi∣ness of a Philosophical Converse with your Ma∣jesty, has met with nothing but Contempt in Page  50 return to the Kindness be intended. Which friendly and generous Temper of Mind so strangely affected Dionysius, that he hug'd and embraced Plato, and treated Aeschines with a great deal of Honour and Magnificence.

*In the next place, let us free our Discourse from all contumelious Language, all Laughter, Monkery, and Scurrility, which spoil the relish of our Reprehensions. For, as a Chyrurgion makes an Incision in the Flesh, he uses decent Neatness and Dexterity in the Operation, without the affected and superfluous Gesticulations of a Quack, or Mountebank: So the lancing the Sores of a Friend may admit indeed of a little Humour and Urbanity, but that so qualified, that it spoil not the Seriousness and Gravity re∣quisite to the Work. For boldness, Insolence and ill Language destroy its Force and Efficacy. And therefore the Fidler reparteed handsomely enough upon Philip, when he undertook to dis∣pute with him about the touch upon his Instru∣ment: God forbid that your Majesty should be so un∣happy as to understand a Fiddle better then I do. But Epicarmus was too blunt upon Hierom, who in∣viting him to Supper a little after he had put some of his Acquaintance to death, replied; Ay, but you could not invite me the other day to the Sacri∣fice of my Friends. And so was Antiphon too rude in his Reflection upon Dionysius, who on occasion of a Discourse about the best sort of Brass, told him that was the best in his Opinion of which the Athenians made the Statues of Hermodius and Aristogeiton. For these scurrilous abusive Jests are most certainly disagreable; and pain to no purpose, being but the Product of an intempe∣rate Wit, and which only betray the Enmity and Page  51 ill-Nature of him who takes the liberty to use them, which whosoever allows himself in, does but wantonly sport about the Brink of that Pit, which one day will swallow him up and ruine him. For Antiphon was afterward executed un∣der Dionysius: and Timagines was in disgrace with Augustus Caesar, not for any extravagant Freedom in his Discourse, but only because he took up a foolish Custom of repeating these Verses at every Entertainment and Walk where the Emperor de∣sired his Company;

Alledging the Pleasantness of his Humour, as the Cause of his Favour at Court.

Thus you shall meet with several smart and satyrical Reflections in a Comedy, but the mix∣ture of Jest and Fool in the Play, like ill Sauce to good Meat, abates their Poinancy, and •enders them insignificant. So that upon the whole, the Poet acquires only the Character of a Sawcy and foul-mouth'd Buffoon, and the Auditors loose that Advantage, which they might otherwise reap from Remarques of that Nature.

We may do well therefore to reserve our Jollity and Mirth for more suitable Occasions; but we must by all means be serious and candid in our Admonitions; which, if we be upon im∣portant Points, must be so animated with our Gestures, Passion, and Eagerness of Voice, as to give them Weight and Credit,* and to awaken a tender Concern in the Persons to whom they are address'd.

We are again to time our Reproofs as seasona∣bly as we can; for a Mistake in the Opportuni∣ties Page  52 as 'tis of ill Consequence in all other things, so peculiarly in our Reprehensions. And there∣fore I presume 'tis manifest, we ought not to fall foul upon Men in their Drink. For first, he who broaches any sowr disagreeable Discourse amidst the Pleasantry and good Humor of Friends, casts a Cloud over the Serenity of the Company, and acts counter to the Lydian God, who as Pindar words it, unites the Band of all our Cares. Besides, that such unseasonable Re∣monstrances are not without Danger: for Wine is apt to warm Men into Passion, and make them quarrel at the Freedom you take; and in short, 'tis no Argument of any brave and gene∣rous, but rather of an unmanly Temper, not to dare to speak ones Sense when Sober, but drunk, and grumble like a cowardly Cur at Table. And therefore we need not enlarge any further upon this Topick. But because several Persons neither will, nor dare take their Friends to task, whilst they thrive and flourish in the World, looking upon Prosperity as a State above the reach of a Rebuke; but pour forth their Invectives like a River that has over-flown its Banks, insulting and trampling upon them, when Fortune has already laid them at their Feet, out of a sort of Satis∣faction to see their former State and Grandure reduc'd to the same level of fortune with them∣selves: it may not be improper to discourse a little upon this Argument, and make some reply to that Question of Euripides;

I answer, to lower those lofty and extravagant Thoughts, which are usually incident to that Page  53 Condition: for Wisdom, in Conjunction with Prosperity, is a rare Talent, and the lot of but few. Therefore most Men stand in need of a borrow'd Prudence; to depress the Tumours that attend an exuberant Felicity; but when the turn of Fortune it self has abated the swelling, a Man's very Circumstances are sufficient of themselves to read him a Lecture of Repentance; so that all other grave and austere Correptions are then superfluous and impertinent; and 'tis, on the con∣trary, more proper in such Traverses of Fortune, to enjoy the Company of a compassionate Friend, who will administer some Comfort to the afflicted, and buoy him up under the Pressure of his Affairs: As Xenophon relates that the Presence of Cleachus, a Person of a courteous and obliging Aspect, gave new Life and Courage to his Souldiers in in the Heat of a Battel, or any other difficult Rencounter. But he who chides and upbraids a Man in distress, like him who applies a Medicine for clearing the Sight to a distemper'd and inflamed Eye, neither works a Cure, nor allays the Pain, but only adds Anger to his Sor∣rows, and exasperates the Patient. A Man in Health indeed will digest a friendly Lecture for his Wenching, Dringing, Idleness, continual Recreations and Bathing, unseasonable Eating, &c. But for a sick Man to be told, that all this comes of his Intemperance, Voluptuousness, High-feed∣ing, Whoring, &c. is utterly insupportable, and worse than the Disease it self. O impertinent Man! will such an one say, the Physicians pre∣scribe me Castor and Scammony, and I am just a making my last Will and Testament, and do you lie railing and preaching to me Lectures of Philosophy? And thus Men in Adversity stand Page  54 more in need of our Humanity and Relief, than of sharp and sententious Reprimands: for neither will a Nurse immediately scold at her Child that is faln, but first help him up, wash him and put him in order again, and then chide and whip him. They tell us a Story to this purpose of Demetrius Phalereus, that when he dwelt an Ex∣ile at Thebes, in mean beggarly Circumstances, he was once extreamly concern'd to observe the Philosopher Crates making towards him, expecting to be treated by him with all the roughness of a Cynical Behaviour: But when Crates had ad∣dressed himself courteously to him, and discoursed him upon the Point of Exile, endeavouring to convince him that it had nothing miserable or uneasy in it, but on the contrary, rather rescued him from the nice and hazardous Management of Publick Affairs; advising him withal to repose his Confidence in himself, and his own Conscience: Demetrius was so taken and encouraged by his Dis∣course, that he is reported to have said to his Friends, Cursed be those Employs which robb'd me so long of the Acquaintance of such an excellent Person. For, And this is the way of generous and ingenious Friends. But they who servilely admire you in Prosperity, like old Ruptures, Spasms and Cramps, which, as Demosthenes speaks, ache and pain us most, and when some fresh Misfortune has befallen the Body, stick close to you in the Revolution of your Fortune, and rejoyce and enjoy the Change: Whereas, if a Man must needs have a Remembrancer of a Calamity which Page  55 his own Indiscretion hath pull'd upon him, 'tis enough you put him in mind that he ows it not to your Advice, for you often disswaded him from the Undertaking.

Well then, you'll say when is a keen Repre∣hension allowable? and when may we chide a Friend severely indeed? I answer; When some important Occasion requires it: as the stopping him in the Gareer of his Voluptuousness, Anger, or Insolence; the repressing his Covetous Hu∣mor, or any other foolish Habit. Thus dealt Solon with Croesus, puff'd up and debauch▪d with uncertain Greatness of his Fortune, when he bad him look to the End. Thus Socrates humbled Alcibiades, forc'd him into unfeigned Tears, and turn'd his Heart, when he argued the Case with him. Such, again, were the Remonstrances and Admonitions of Cyrus to Cyaxares, and of Plato to Dion, who, when the Lustre and Greatness of his Atchievements had fixed all Mens Eys upon him, wish'd him to beware of Arrogance and Self-conceit, as the readiest way to make all Men a∣bandon him. And Speucippus wrote to him, Not to pride himself in the little Applauses of Women and Children, but to take care to adorn Sicily with Religion, Justice and wholsom Laws, that he might render it a great and illustrious Aca∣demy. So did not Euclus and Eulaeus, two of Perseus's Favourites, who fawn'd upon, and com∣plied with him, as obsequiously as any Courtier of them all, during the Success of his Arms; but after his Defeat at Pydna by the Romans, in∣veigh'd bitterly against him, reminding him of his past Faults, his former Fast and Arrogance, till the Man out of meer Anger and Vexa∣tion, stab'd them both in the place. And so Page  56 much concerning the timing of our Reproofs in general.

*Now there are several other accidental Occasi∣ons administred by our Friends themselves, which a Person heartily sollicitous for their Interest, will lay hold of: As some have taken an opportunity of censuring them freely, from a Question they have asked, from the relation of a Story, or the Praise or Dispraise of the same Actions in other Men, which they themselves have com∣mitted.

Thus they tell us, Demaratus the Corinthian com∣ing into Macedonia, when Philip, and his Queen and Son were at Odds; and being, after a graci∣ous Reception, ask'd by the King, What good Understanding was among the Graecians? he re∣plied, as being an old Friend and Acquaintance of his, Ay, by all means, Sir, it highly becomes your Majesty, to enquire about the Concord betwixt the Athenians and Peloponesians, who suffer your own Family to be the Scene of so much Discord and Conten∣tion. And as pert, was that of Diogenes, who, entring Philip's Camp, as he was going to make War upon the Grecians, was seiz'd upon and brought before the King, who not knowing him, ask'd him, If he was a Spie? Why yes truly, said he, I am a Spie upon your Folly and Imprudence, who, without any necessity upon you, are come hither to expose your Kingdoms, and your Life to the uncer∣tain Decision of the Cast of a Dye. Though this may perhaps seem a little too biting and Satyri∣cal.

Another seasonable Opportunity of reproving your Friend for his Vices,* is, when some third Person has already mortified him upon the same account: For a courteous and obliging Man will Page  57 dexterously silence his Accuser, and then take him privately to task himself, advising him, if for no other reason, yet to abate the Insolence of his Enemies, to manage himself more prudently for the future: For how could they open their Mouths against you, what could they have to reproach you with, if you would but reform such and such Vices, which render you obnoxious to their Censure? And by this means the Offence that was given, lies at his door who roughly upbraided him, whilst the Advantage he reaps, is attributed to the Person who candid∣ly advis'd him. But there are some who have got yet a genteeler way of Chiding, and that is, of chastising others for Faults, which they know their Friends really stand guilty of: As my Master Amonius, perceiving once at his After∣noon-Lecture, that some of his Scholars had di∣ned more plentifully than became the Modera∣tion of Students, immediately commanded one of his Freemen to take his own Son, and whip him; For what, says he, the Youngster, forsooth must needs have Vinegar Sawce to his Meat; and with that, casting his Eye upon us, gave us to under∣stand, that we likewise were concerned in the Reprehension.

Again; We must be cautious how we re∣buke a Friend in Company,* always remembring the Repartee made upon Plato on that account: For Socrates having fal'n one day very severely upon an Acquantance of his at Table, Plato could not forbear to take him up, saying, Had it not been more proper, Sir, to have spoke these things in private? To whom Socrates instantly replied, And had it not been more proper for you to have told me so in pri∣vate too? And they say Pithagoras one time ranted a Friend of his so terribly before Company, that Page  58 the poor young Man went and hang'd himself; from which time the Philosopher would never chide any Man in the presence of another. For the Discovery and cure of a Vice, like that of a scan∣dalous Disease, ought to be in secret, and not like a publick Show transacted upon a Theater; for 'tis no way the part of a Friend, but a meer Cheat and Trick, for one Man to recommend himself to the Standers-by, and seek for Reputation from the Failures of another; like Mountebank-Chi∣rurgions, who perform their Operations on a Stage, to gain the greater Practice. But besides the Disgrace that attends a Reproof of this Na∣ture (a thing that will never work any Cure) we are likewise to consider, that Vice is Naturally ob∣stinate, and loves to dispute its Ground: For what Euripides says, is not only true of Love,

but of any other Imperfection. If you lay a Man open publickly for it, and tell all, you are so far from reforming him, that you force him to brave it out. And therefore as Plato advises, that old Men, who would be revered of the younger Fry, must learn to revere them first: so certainly mo∣destly to reprimand, is the way to meet with a modest Return. For he who warily attacks the Criminal, works upon his good Nature by his own, and so insensibly undermines his Vices. And therefore 'twould be much more proper to observe the Rule in Homer; Page  59 But above all, we ought not to discover the Im∣perfections of a Husband before his Wife, nor of a Father before his Children, nor of a Lover in company of his Mistress, nor of Masters in presence of their Scholars, or the like; for it touches a Man to the quick, to be rebuked before those who he desires should think honourably of him. And I verily believe, that 'twas not so much the Heat of the Wine, as the Sting of too publick a Reprehension, that enraged Alexander against Clitus. And Aristomenes, Ptolemy's Preceptor, lost himself by awaking the King, drop'd asleep one time at an Audience of Foreign Embassadors; for the Court-Parasites immediately took this occasion to express their pretendedly deep resentments of the Disgrace done his Majesty, suggesting, that if indeed the Cares of the Government had brought a little unseasonable Drowsiness upon him, he might have been told of it in private, but should not have had rude hands laid upon his Person before so great an Assembly: Which so affected the King, that he presently sent the poor Man a Draught of Poison, and made him drink it up. And Aristophanes says, Cleon blamed him for railing at Athens before Strangers, whereby he incensed the Athenians against him. And there∣fore they who aim at the Interest and Reforma∣tion of their Friends, rather then Ostentation and Popularity, ought, amongst other things,* to beware of exposing them too publickly.

Again; What Thucidides makes the Corinthians say of themselves, That they were Persons every way qualified for the Reprehension of other Men, ought to be the Character of every one who sets up for a Moni∣tor. For as Lysander reply'd upon a certain Megarian, who in a Council of Allies and Confederates had Page  60 spoke boldly for the Liberties of Greece; This Stile of yours, Sir, would have better become some Pab•ick State, than a private Person. So he who takes up∣on him the Liberty of a Censor, must be a Man of a regular Conversation himself; one like Plato, whose Life was a continued Lecture to Speusippus; or Xenocrates, who casting his Eye one time upon the dissolute Polemon, at a Disputation, reformed him with the very Awfulness of his Looks. Whereas the Remonstrance of a lewd whiffling Fellow will certainly meet with no better Enter∣tainment, than that of the old proverbial Re∣partee,

But because several accidental Emergencies in Conversation will now and then invite a Man,* though bad enough himself, to correct others, the most genteel and dextrous way of doing it, will be to involve our selves in the same Guilt with those we reprehend; as in this passage of Homer,

And in this other, Thus Socrates would handsomly twit the young Men with their ignorance, by professing his own, pretending for his part he had need with he n to study Morality, and make more accurate En∣quiries into the Truth of Things. For a Con∣fession Page  61 of the same Guilt, and a seeming Endea∣vour to reform our selves, as well as our Friends, gives credit to the Reprimand, and recommends it to their Affections: But he who gravely magni∣fies himself, whilst he imperiously detracts from others, as being a Man, forsooth, of no Imper∣fections, unless his Age, or a celebrated Reputa∣tion indeed command our Attention, is only im∣pertinent, and troublesom to no purpose. And therefore 'twas not without reason, that Phaenix, checking Achilles for his imtemperate Anger, con∣fess'd his own Unhappiness in that Particular, how he had like once to have slain his own Fa∣ther through a transport of Passion, had not the scandalous Name of Paracide held his hands; that the Heroe might not imagine he took that liberty with him, because he had never offended in the like kind himself. For such inoffensive Reproofs leave a deeper impress behind them, when they seem the Result of Compassion, ra∣ther than Contempt.

But because a Mind subject to Disorders of Pas∣sion,* like an inflamed Eye that cannot bear a great and glaring Light, is impatient of a Rebuke with∣out some temperament to qualify and allay its Poi∣nancy; therefore the best Remedy in this Case will be to dash it with a little Praise. For a mixture of both together not only abates and takes off from that Roughness and Command, which a blunt Re∣prehension seems to carry along with it, but raises in a Man a generous Emulation of himself, whilst the remembrance of his past Vertues shames him out of his present Vices, and makes him propose his former Actions for his future Example. But if you compare him with other Men, as with Fellow-Citizens, his Contemporaries, or Rela∣tions, Page  62 then Vice, which loves to dispute the Victory renders him uneasy and impatient under the Com∣parison, and will be apt to make him grumble, and, in an Huff, bid you be gone then, to his Betters, and not trouble him any longer. And there we ought to fall upon other Mens Com∣mendations, before him whom we take the liber∣ty to rebuke, unless indeed they be his Parents; as Agamemnon in Homer:

And Ʋlysses, in the Tragedy called the Scyris, speaking to Achilles:

*'Tis in the next place very improper for a Man, immediately to retort or recriminate upon his Mo∣nitor; for this is the way only to occasion Heats and Animosities betwixt them, and will rather speak him impatient of any Reproof at all, than desirous to compensate the Kindness of one with another: And therefore 'tis better to take his Chid∣ing patiently for the present, and if he chance af∣terwards to commit a Fault worth your remarking upon, you have then an opportunity of repaying him in his own Coin: For being reminded, without the least intimation of a former Pique or Dissatisfaction, that he himself did not use to overlook the Slips of his Friend, he will re∣ceive the Remonstrance favourably at your hands, as being the Return of Kindness, rather than of Anger and Resentment.

Page  63

Moreover, as Thucidides says,* that he is doubt∣less a wise Man, and well advised, who will not venture to incur the Odium and Displeasure of any one, except for Matters of the highest Con∣cernment: So when we do undertake the un∣grateful Office of Censor, it ought to be only up∣on weighty and important Occasions. For he who is peevish and angry at every Body, and upon every trivial Fault, acting rather with the imperious Pedantry of a Schoolmaster, than the Discretion of a Friend, blunts the edg of his Reprehensions in Matters of an higher Nature, by squandring, like an unskilful Physitian, that keen and bitter, but necessary and sovereign Remedy of his Reproofs, upon many and sleight Distem∣pers, that require so exquisite a Cure. And there∣fore a wise Man will industriously avoid the Cha∣racter of being a Person who is always chiding, and delights in finding Faults. Besides that, who∣soever is of that little Humour, to animadvert upon every trifling Picadillo, only affords his Friend a fairer occasion of being even with him one time or another, for his grosser Immoralities: As Philotimus the Physician, visiting a Patient of his, who being troubled with an Inflammation in his Liver, shewed him his sore Finger, told him, his Distemper lay not at the root of his Nail. In like manner we may take occasion now and then to reply upon a Man, who carps at Trifles in a∣nother, his Diversions, Pleasantries, or a Glass of Wine; Let the Gentleman rather, Sir, turn off his Whore, leave off his Dicing, &c. for other∣wise he's an admirable Person. For he who is dispens'd with in smaller Matters, more willing∣ly gives his Friend the liberty of reprimanding him for greater. But there is neither Child, nor Page  64 Brother, nor Servant himself, able to endure a Man of a busie inquisitive Humour, who brawls perpetually, and is sowr and unpleasant upon eve∣ry inconsiderable occasion.

*But since a weak and foolish Friend, as Euri∣pides says of Old Age, has its strong, as well as feeble part, we ought to observe both, and chearfully extol the one, before we fall foul up∣on the other. For as we first soften Iron in the Fire, and then dip it into Water, to harden it in a due Consistence: So after we have warm'd and moli∣fied our Friend by a just Commendation of his Vertues, we may then safely temper him with a moderate Reprehension of his Vices; we may then say, Are these Actions comparable to the other? don't you perceive the Advantages of a vertuous Life? This is what we who are your Friends require of you: These are properly your own Actions for which Nature design'd you; but for the other,

For as a Prudent Physician had rather recover his Patient with Sleep, and good Diet, than with Castor and Scammony: So a candid Friend, a a good Father, or Schoolmaster, will rather chuse to reform Mens Manners by Commenda∣tions, than Reproofs. For nothing in the World renders our Corruptions so inoffensive, and withal so useful, as to address our selves to the Delinquent in a kind, affectionate manner: And therefore we ought not to deal roughly with him upon his denial of the Matter of Fact, nor hinder him from making his just Vindication; but we should Page  65 rather handsomly help him out in his Apology, and mollifie the Matter: As Hector to his Brother Paris:

Suggesting, that he did not quit the Field, in his Encounter with Menelaus, out of Cowardise, but meer Anger and Indignation.

And Nestor speaks thus to Agamemnon;

For you did such a thing through Ignorance or Inadvertency, is, in my Opinion, a much more genteel Expression, than bluntly to say, You have dealt unjustly, or acted basely by me: And to advise a Man not to quarrel with his Brother, is more Civil, than to say, Don't you envy and malign him: And keep not Company with that Woman who debauches you, is softer Language than, Don't you debauch her.

And thus you see with what Caution and Mo∣deration we must reprehend our Friends,* in re∣claiming them from Vices to which they are al∣ready subjected; whilst the Prevention of them doth require a clear contrary Method: For when we are to divert them from the Commission of a Crime, or to check a violent and headstrong Passion, or to push on and excite a phlegmatick lazy Humor to great Things, we may then as∣cribe their Failings to as dishonorable Causes as we please.

Thus Ʋlysses, when he would awaken the Cou∣rage of Achilles, in one of Sophocles's Tragedies, tells him, That 'twas not the Business of a Sup∣per, Page  66 that put him in such a Fret, as he pretended, but because he was now arrived within sight of the Walls of Troy. And when Achilles, in a great Chafe at the Affront, swore he would sail back again with his Squadron, and leave him to him∣self, Ʋlysses came upon him again with this Re∣joynder:

And thus, by representing to the Bold and Va∣liant, the danger of being reputed a Coward; the Temperate and Sober, a Debauchee; and the Liberal and Magnificent, Stingie and Sordid: we spur them on to brave Actions, and divert them from base and ignominious.

Indeed when a t•ing is once done, and past Remedy, we ought to qualifie and attemperate our Reproofs, and commiserate, rather than re∣primand. But if it be a Business of pure preven∣tion, of stopping a Friend in the Career of his Irregularities, our Applications must be vehement, inexorable, and indefatigable: For this is the proper Season for a Man to shew himself a true Monitor, and a Friend indeed; for we see that even Enemies reprove each other for Faults already committed. As Diogenes said pertinently enough to this purpose, That he who would act wisely, ought to be surrounded either with good Friends, or Flagrant Enemies; for the one always teach us to do well, and the other as constantly accuse us if we do ill.

But certainly 'tis much more eligible to forbear the Commission of a Fault, by hearkning to the good Advice of our Friends, than afterwards to Page  67 repent of it, by reason of the Obloquy of our Enemies: And therefore, if for no other Reason, we ought to apply our Reprehensions with a great deal of Art and Dexterity, because they are the most Sovereign Physick that a Friend can prescribe, and which not only require a due Mixture of Ingredients in the Preparation of them, but a seasonable Juncture for the Patient to take them in.

But because, as it has been before observed, Reproofs usually carry something of Trouble and Vexation along with them, we must imitate skil∣ful Physicians, who, when they •ave made an Incision in the Flesh, leave it not open to the Smart and Torment that attends it, but chafe and foment it to asswage the Pain: So he who would admonish dextrously, must not immediately give a Man over to the Sting and Anguish of his Re∣prehensions, but endeavour to Skin over the Sore with a more mild and diverting Converse; like Stone Cutters, who, when they have made a Fracture in their Statues, polish and brighten them afterwards: But if we leave them in Pain with their Wounds and Resentments, and, as it were, the Marks of our Reproofs yet green upon them, they will hardly be brought to admit of any Leni∣tive we shall offer for the future. And therefore they who will take upon them to admonish their Friends, ought especially to observe this main Point, Not to leave them immediately upon it, nor abruptly break off the Conference with dis∣obliging and bitter Expressions.

Page  68

Plutarch's Morals: Vol. II. That it is not possible to live pleasura∣bly according to the Doctrine of EPICURUS.

EPICƲRƲS's great Confident and Fa∣miliar, Golotes, set forth a Book with this Title to it, That according to the Tenets of the other Philosophers, it's impos∣sible to live. Now what occurr'd to me then to say against him, in the Defence of those Philosophers, hath been (a) already put into Writing by me: But since upon the breaking up of our Lecture, (b) several things have happened to be spoken af∣terwards in the Walks in further Opposition to his Party, I thought it not amiss to recollect them also, if for no other reason, yet for this one, That those may see, that will needs be contra∣dicting of other Men, (c) they ought not to run cursorily over the Discourses and Writings of those they would disprove; nor by tearing out one Page  69 Word here, and another there, or by falling foul upon particular Passages without the Books, to impose upon the Ignorant and Unlearned. Now as we were leaving the School, to take a Walk (as our manner is) in the Green, Zeuxippus began to us: In my Opinion, the Debate was managed on our Side with more Softness, and less Freedom than was fitting; I am sure (d) Heraclides suffici∣ently signified his Disgust at us at parting, for saving our own Heads whole, while he was so warmly engaged against Epicurus and Metrodorus. Yet you may remember, reply'd Theon, how you told them, Colotes himself, compared with the Rhetorick of those two Gentlemen, would appear the complaisantest Man alive: For when they have rak'd together the lewdest Terms of Ignomi∣ny the Tongue of Man ever used; as (e) Buffoon∣ries, Trollings, Arrogancies, Whorings Assassinations, Whining Counterfeits, Cross-grain'd Fellows, and Block-heads; they fairly throw them into the Faces of Aristotle, Socrates, Pythagoras, Protagoras, Theophra∣stus, Heraclides, Hipparchus, and which not, even of the best and most celebrated Authorities? So that should they pass for very knowing Men upon all other accounts, yet their very Calumnies and Reviling Language would bespeak them at the greatest distance from Philosophy imaginable: For Emulation can never enter that God-like Consort, nor such Fretfulness as wants Resolution to conceal its own Resentments. (f) Aristodemus then sub∣joyn'd; Heraclides, you know is a great Philologist, and that may be the reason why he made Epicurus those Amends for the Poetick Din (so that Party stile Poetry) and for the Fooleries of Homer; or else, it may be, it was because Metrodorus had libell'd that Poet (g) in so many Books. But let us let Page  70 these Gentlemen pass at present, Zeuxippus, and rather return to what was charged upon the Phi∣losophers in the beginning of our Discourse, That it is impossible to live according to their Tenets: And I see not why we two may not dispatch this Af∣fair betwixt us, with the good Assistance of The∣on; for I find this Gentleman (meaning me) is already tir'd. Then Theon said to him,

Therefore, if you please, We will e'en prosecute them at the Suit of the Philosophers, in the following Form: (i) We'll prove, if we can, That 'tis impossible to live a plea∣surable Life according to their Tenets. Bless me! (said I to him, smiling) you seem to me to level your Foot at the very Bellies of the Men, and to design to enter the List with them for their Lives, whilst you go about to rob them thus of their Pleasure; and they cry out to you: No, nor good Pleaders, nor good Senators, nor good Magistrates neither; And to excite such tender and delicate Motions in our Bodies, as may chafe our Imaginations to some jolly delight or gaity. And therefore you seem to me, not so much to take off (as I may Page  71 say) the pleasurable part, as to deprive the Men of their very Lives, while you will not leave them to live pleasurably. Nay then, said Theon, if you thus comment upon me, (k) pray propose some other Question your self, that may be more to your mind. By no means, said I, I am for this, and shall not only hear, (l) but answer you too, if you shall require it: But I must leave it to you, which of you shall begin.

Then, after Theon had spoken something to ex∣cuse himself, Aristodemus said, When we had so short and fair a Cut to our Design, how have you blockt up the Way before us, by preventing us from joyning Issue with the Faction at the very first, upon the single Point of Seemly and Decorous! For you must grant, it can be no easie matter to drive Men, already possest, that Pleasure is their utmost Good, yet to believe a Life of Pleasure impossible to be attain'd: But now the Truth is, that at what time they failed of living becoming∣ly, they fail'd also of living pleasurably; for to live pleasurably, and yet unbecomingly, is even by themselves allowed inconsistent. Theon then said, We may probably resume the Considerati∣on of that in the Process of our Discourse; in the Interim we will make use of their Concessions. Now they suppose their last Good to lie about the Belly, and such other Conveyances of the Body, as let in Pleasure, and not Pain; and are of Opinion, that all the brave and ingenuous Inventions that ever have been, were contriv'd at first for the Pleasure of the Belly, or the good hope of com∣passing such Pleasure, as the Sage Metrodorus in∣forms us. By which, my good Friend, it is very plain, they found their Pleasure in a poor rotten and unsure Thing, and that is equally Page  72 (m) perforated for Pains, by the very Passages they receive their Pleasures by, or rather indeed, that admits Pleasure but by a few, but Pain by all its Parts: For the whole of Pleasure is (n) in a manner in the Joynts, Nerves, Feet and Hands; and these are oft the Seats of very grievous and lamentable Distempers; as Gouts, corroding Rheums, Gangrenes, and putrid Ulcers. And if you apply to your self the exquisitest of Perfumes or Gusts, you will find but some one small part of your Body, that is finely and delicately touch'd, while the rest are many times fill'd with Anguish and Complaints. Besides, there is no part of us Proof against Fire, Sword, Teeth or Scourges, or insensible of Dolours and Aches: Yea, Heats, Cold and Feavers sink into all our Parts alike. But Pleasures, like Gales of soft Wind, move sim∣pering, one towards one Extream of the Body, and another towards another, and then go off in a Vapour. Nor are they of any long durance neither, but as so many glancing Meteors, are no sooner kindled in the Body, but they are quench∣ed by it. (a) As to Pain, Aeschylus's Philoctetes affords us a sufficient Testimony:

(p) For Pain will not troll off as Pleasure doth, nor imitate it in its pleasing and tickling Touches: But as the Clover twists its perplext and winding Roots into the Earth, and through its Coursness abides there a long time: So Pain disperses and entangles its Hooks and Roots in the Body, and continues there, not for a Day or a Night, but for several Seasons of Years, if nor for some Re∣volutions of Olympiads, nor scarce ever departs, Page  73 unless struck out by other Pains, as by stronger Nails. For who ever drank so long, as those that are in a Fever are a-dry? Or who was ever so long eating, as those that are besieged suffer Hunger? Or where are there any that are so long solaced with the Conversation of Friends, as Tyrants a racking and tormenting? Now all this is owing to the Baseness of the Body, and its natural Incapacity for a pleasurable Life; for it bears Pains better than it doth Pleasures, and is, with respect to those, firm and hardy, but, with respect to these, (q) feeble, and soon pall'd. To which add, That (r) if we touch a Life of Pleasure, these Men won't give us leave to go on, but will presently confess themselves, that the Pleasures of the Body are but short, or rather indeed but of a Moments continuance, if they do not design (s) to banter us, or else speak it out of Vanity. As when Metrodorus tells us, We many times spit at the Pleasures of the Body. Nay, Epicur•s saith, A wise Man, when he is Sick, many times laughs in the Extremity of his Distemper. With what consistence then can those that account the Pains of the Body so light and easie, think so highly of its Pleasures? For should we allow them not to come behind its Pains, either in duration or magnitude, they would not yet have their being without them: For Epicurus hath made the remo∣val of all that pains, the common Definition of them all; as if Nature had intended to advance the pleasurable part only to the Destruction of the painful, but would not have it improv'd any fur∣ther in Magnitude; and as if she only diverted her self with certain useless Diversifications, (t) af∣ter she hath once arrived to an Abolition of Pain. But now the Passage to this, conjoyn'd with an Appetence, which is the measure of Pleasure, is Page  74 extreme short, and soon over. And therefore the Sense of their narrow Entertainment here, hath obliged them to transplant their last End from the Body, as from a poor and lean Soil, to the Mind, in hopes of producing there, as it were, (u) large Pastures, and fair Meadows of Delights and Sa∣tisfactions.

Neither can the Joys of our poor Bodies be sooth and equal, but on the contrary must be course and harsh, and immixt with much that is dis∣pleasing and inflam'd.

Zeuxippus then said, And do you not think then, they take the right course, to begin at the Body, where they observe Pleasure to have its first Rise, and thence (x) to pass to the Mind, as the more stable and sure part, there to compleat and crown the whole?

They do, by Jove, I said; and, if after remov∣ing thither, they have indeed found something more consummate than before, a Course too as well agreeing with Nature, as becoming Men a∣dorn'd with both contemplative and civil Know∣ledge. But if after all this, you still hear them cry out, and protest, That the Mind of Man can receive no Satisfaction or Tranquility from any thing under Heaven, but from the Pleasures of the Body, either in Possession or Expectance, and that these are its proper and only Good; can you forbear thinking they make use of the Soul, but as (y) a fresh Cask for the Body, while they mel∣low their Pleasure by shifting it thither, as they rack Wine out of an old and leaky Vessel into a Page  75 new one, and then imagine they have perform'd some extraordinary and very fine thing? True indeed (z) a fresh Pipe may both contain and re∣cover Wine that Age hath decay'd; but the Mind, receiving but the remembrance only of past Pleasure, like a kind of Scent, retains that, and no more. For as soon as it hath given one Hiss in the Body, it immediately expires; and that little of it that stays behind in the Memory, is but flat, and like a queasie Fume: As if a Man should lay up and treasure (a) in his Fancy, what he either eat or drank yesterday, that he may have recourse to that when he wants fresh Fare. See now how much more temperate (b) the Cyre∣naicks are, who, though they have drunk out of the same Bottle with Epicurus, yet will not allow Men so much as to practise their Amours by Candle light, but only under the Covert of the Dark, for fear Seeing should fasten too quick an Impression of the Images of such Actions upon the Fancy, and thereby too frequently inflame the Desi•e. But these Gentlemen account it the highest Accomplishment of a Philosopher, to have a clear and retentive Memory of all the various Figures, Passions, and Touches of past Pleasure. We will not now say, they present us with no∣thing worthy the Name of Philosophy, while they leave the Refuge of Pleasure in their wise Mans Mind, as if it could be a Lodging for Bodies. But that it's impossible such things as these should make a Man live pleasurably, I think abundantly manifest from hence: (c) For it will not perhaps seem strange, if I assert, That the Memory of Pleasure past brings no Pleasure with it, (d) at what time it seems little in the very Enjoyment, or to Men of that Abstinence (e) as to account it Page  76 for their Benefit to retire from its first Approaches, when even the most amaz'd and sensual Admirers of Corporeal Delights, remain no longer in their gawdy and pleasant Humour, than their Plea∣sure lasts them. What remains is but an empty Shadow and Dream of that Pleasure, that hath now taken Wing, and is fled from them, and that serves but for Fuel to foment their untam'd Desires: Like as in those that dream they are a-dry, or in Love, their unaccomplisht Pleasures and Enjoyments do but excite the Inclination to a greater Keenness. Nor indeed can the remem∣brance of past Enjoyments afford them any real Contentment at all, but must serve only with the help of a quick Desire, to raise up very much of Outrage and stinging Pain out of the Remains of a feeble and befooling Pleasure. (f) Neither doth it befit Men of Continence and Sobriety, to exercise their Thoughts about such poor Things, or to do (g) what one twitted Carneades with, to reckon, as out of a Diurnal, how oft they have lain (h) with Hedeia, or Leontion, or where they last drunk Thasian Wine, or at (i) what twentieth-day Feast they had a costly Supper: For such Transports and Captivatedness of the Mind to its own remembrances, as this is, would shew a de∣plorate and beastial Restlesness and Raving to∣wards the present, and hop'd for Acts of Pleasure. And therefore I cannot but look upon the Sense of these Inconveniences, as the true Cause of their retiring at last to a Freedom from Pain, and a firm State of Body; as if living pleasurably could lie in bare imagining this either past, or future to some Persons. True indeed it is, that a sound State of Body, and a good Assurance of its continuing, must needs afford a most trans∣cending Page  77 and solid Satisfaction to all Men capable of Reasoning. But yet look first what Work they make, while they course this same Thing, whether it be Pleasure, Exemption from Pain, (k) or good Health, up and down, first from the Body to the Mind, and then back again from the Mind to the Body, being compell'd to return it to its first Origin, lest it should run out, and so give them the slip. Thus they pitch the pleasur'd part in the Body, (l) (as they term it) upon the complacent part in the Mind, and yet conclude again with the good Hopes that com∣placent part hath in the pleasur'd. Indeed what Wonder is it, if when the Foundation shakes, the Superstructure totter? Or that there should be no sure Hope, nor unshaken Joy in a Matter that suffers so great Concussion and Changes, as continually attend a Body expos'd to so many Vio∣lences and Strokes from without, and that hath within it the Origins of such Evils as Human Reason cannot avert. For if it could, no under∣standing Man would ever fall under Stranguries, Gripes, Consumptions, or Dropsies; with some of which, Epicurus himself did conflict, and Poly∣aenus with others, and others of them were the Deaths of Neocles and (m) Agathobulus. And this we mention, not to disparage them, knowing very well that Pherecides and Heraclitus, both ve∣ry excellent Persons, labour'd under very uncouth and calamitous Distempers. We only beg of them, if they will own their own Diseases, and not by noisy Rants and popular Harangues incur the Imputation of false Bravery, either not to take the Health of the whole Body for the Ground of their Content, or else not to say, that Men under the Extremities of Dolours and Diseases, can yet Page  78 rally and be pleasant. For a sound and hail Con∣stitution of Body is indeed a thing that often hap∣pens, but a firm and stedfast Assurance of its Con∣tinuance can never befall an intelligent Mind. But as at Sea (according to Aeschylus.)

(And so will a Calm too, for no Man knows what will be) So likewise is it impossible for a Soul, that dwells in a healthful Body, and that places her Good in the Hopes she hath of that Body, to perfect her Voyage here without Frights or Waves. For Man's Mind hath not, like the Sea, its Tempests and Storms only from without it, but it also raises up from within far more and greater Disturbances. And a Man may with more reason look for constant fair Weather in the midst of Winter, than for perpetual Exemption from Afflictions in the Body. For what else hath given the Poets occasion to term us one day Animals, Ʋncertain and Ʋnfixt? and to liken our Lives to Leaves, that both spring and fall in the Compass of a Summer; but the unhappy, cala∣mitous and sickly Condition of the Body, whose very utmost Good we are warn'd to dread and prevent? For an exquisite Habit, Hippocrates saith, is slippery and hazardous. And, As it is in Euripides. And it is a vulgar Perswasi∣on, that very handsome Persons, if seen first, oft suffer damage by Envy and an evil Eye; for that a Body at its utmost Vigour, will through Page  79 delicacy very soon admit of Changes. But now that these Men are miserably unprovided for an undisturbed Life, you may discern even from what themselves advance against others: For they say, that those that commit Wickedness, and in∣cur the Displeasure of the Laws, live in constant Misery and Fear; for that, though they may perhaps attain to Privacy, yet it is impossible they should ever be well assur'd of that Privacy: Whence the ever-impending Fear of the future will not permit them to have either Complacency or Assurance in their present Circumstances. But they consider not how they speak all this against themselves: For a sound and healthy State of Body they may indeed oftentimes possess; but that they should ever be well assur'd of its Continuance, is impossible, but must of necessity be in constant Disquiet and Pain for the Body, with respect to Futurity; and if not, why do they then look for a firm and stedfast Assurance from it, when (o) they know they could never yet attain it? But to do no Wickedness, will contribute nothing to our Assurance; for it is not suffering unjustly, but suffering in it self, that's dismaying: Nor can it be a matter of Trouble to be engaged in Villanies ones self, and not afflictive to suffer by the Vil∣lanies of others. Neither can it be said, that the Tyranny of Lachares was less, if it was not more calamitous to the Athenians, and that of Dionysuis to the Syracusans, than they were to the Tyrants themselves: For it was disturbing, that made them be disturb'd; and their oppressing and pestering of others first, gave them occasion to expect to suffer ill themselves. Why should a Man recount the Outrages of Rabbles, the Bar∣barities of Thieves, or the Villanies of Inheritors, Page  80 or yet the Contagions of Airs, and (p) the Con∣cursions of Seas, by which Epicurus (as himself writeth) was (q) in his Voyage to Lampsacus, within very little of drowning? The very Com∣position of the Body, it containing in it the mat∣ter of all Diseases, and (to use a Pleasantry of the Vulgars) cutting Thongs for the Beast out of its own Hide, I mean, Pains out of the Body, is sufficient to render Life perilous and uneasie, and that to the Good, as well as to the Bad, if they have learnt to place their Complacence and Assurance in the Body, and the hopes they have of it, and in nothing else; as Epicurus hath written, as well in many other of his Discourses, as in that Of Man's End. They therefore assign not only a treache∣rous and unsure Ground of their pleasurable Liv∣ing, but also one in all respects despicable and lit∣tle, if the escaping of Evils be the matter of their Complacence and last Good. But now they tell us, Nothing else can be so much as imagin'd, and that Nature hath no other Place to bestow her Good in, but only that out of which her Evil hath been driven; as Metrodorus speaks (r) in his Book against the Sophists. So that this single thing, to escape Evil, is their supreme Good; for there's no room to lodge this Good in, where no more of what's painful and af∣flicting goes out. Like unto this is that of Epicu∣rus, where he saith, The very Essence of Good arises from the escaping of Bad, and a Man's remembring, recollecting, and rejoycing within himself, (s) that th• hath befallen him: For what occasions transcending Joy (he saith) is some great impending Evil escap'd, and in this lies the very Nature and Essence of Good, if a Man consider it aright, and contain himself when he hath dome, and not ramble and prate Idly about it. O the rare Satisfaction and Fidelity these Men en∣joy, Page  81 that can thus rejoyce for having undergone no Evil, nor endur'd either Sorrow or Pain! Have they not reason, think you, to value them∣selves for such things as these and to say as they are wont, when they stile themselves Im∣mortals, and Equals to Gods? And when through the Excessiveness and Transcendency of the bles∣sed Things they enjoy, they rave even to the degree of whooping and hollowing, for very satisfaction that to the shame of all Mortals they have been the only Men that could find out this Celestial and Divine Good, that lies in an Ex∣emption from all Evil! So that their Beatitude differs little from that of Swine and Sheep, while they place it in a meer tolerable and contented State, either of the Body, or of the Mind upon the Body's account. For even the more ingeni∣ous and airy sort of Brutes do not esteem (t) e∣scaping of Evil their last End, but when they have taken their Repast, they are disposed next by Fullness to Singing, and they divert them∣selves with Swimming and Flying; and their Gaiety and Sprightliness prompt them to entertain themselves with attempting to conterfeit all sorts of Voices and Notes; and then they make their Caresses to one another, by skipping and dancing one towards another; Nature inciting them, af∣ter they have escap'd Evil, to look after some Good, or rather to shake off what they find unea∣sy and disagreeing, as an Impediment to their pursuit of something better and more congenial. For what we cannot be without, deserves not the Name of Good; but that which claims our De∣sire and Preference, must be something beyond a bare Escape from Evil: And so, by Jove, must that be too, that's either agreeing or congenial to Page  82 us, according to Plato, who will not allow us to give the Name of Pleasures to the bare Depar∣tures of Sorrows and Pains, but would have us look upon them rather as obscure Draughts and Mixtures of agreeing and disagreeing, as of black and white, while the Extreams would advance themselves to a milddle Temperament. But often∣times Unskilfulness and Ignorance of the true Na∣ture of the Extream, (u) occasions some to mi∣stake the middle Temperament for the Extream and outmost Part: And thus do Epicurus and Metrodorus, while they make avoiding of Evil to be the very Essence and Consummation of Good; and so receive but as it were the Satisfaction of Slaves, or of Rogues, newly discharg'd the Goal, who are well enough contented, if they may but wash and supple their Sores, and the Stripes they receiv'd by whipping, but never in their Lives had one taste or sight of a generous, clean, unmixt and unulcerated Joy: For it follows not, that if it be vexatious to have one's Body itch, or one's Eye to run, it must be therefore a Blessing to scratch ones self, and to wipe ones Eyes with a Rag; nor that if it be bad to be dejected or dismay'd at Divine matters, or to be dis∣compos'd with the Relations of Hell, that there∣fore the bare avoiding of all this must be some happy and amiable thing. The truth is, these Mens Opinion, though it pretends so far (w) to out-go that of the Vulgar, (x) allows their Joy but a strait and narrow Compass to toss and tumble in, while it extends it but to an Exemp∣tion from the Fear of Hell, and so makes that the Top of acquired Wisdom, which is doubless natu∣ral to the Brutes. For if (y) Freedom from bo∣dily Pain be still the same, whether it come (z) Page  83 by Endeavour or by Nature, neither then is an undisturbed State of Mind the greater for being attain'd to by Industry, than if it came by Na∣ture: though a Man may with good reason main∣tain that to be the more confirm'd Habit of the Mind, that naturally admits of no Disorder, than that which by Application and Judgment eschews it. But let us suppose them both equal, they will yet appear not one jot superior to the Beasts, for being unconcern'd at the Stories of Hell, and the Legends of the Gods, and for not expecting endless Sorrows and (a) everlasting Torments hereafter. For it is Epicurus himself that tells us, that (b) had our Surmiscs about the Meteors in the Air, and our foolish Apprehensions of Death, and the Pains that ensue it, given us no disquiet, we had not then needed to con∣template Nature for our Relief. For neither have the Brutes any weak Surmises of the Gods, or fond Opinions (c) about Things after Death, to disorder themselves with; nor have they as much as Imagination or Notion that there is any thing in these to be dreaded. I confess had they left us the benign Providence of God as a Presump∣tion, wise Men might then seem, by reason of of their good hopes from thence, to have some∣thing towards a pleasurable Life that Beasts have not: But now since they have made it the Scope of all their Discourses of God, that they may not fear him, but be eas'd of all concern about him, I much question, whether those that never thought at all of him, have not this in a more confirm'd degree than they that have learn'd to think he can do no harm: For if they were never freed from Superstition, they never fell into it; and if they never laid aside a disturbing Conceit of God, they never took one up. The Page  84 like may be said as to Hell, and the future State: For though (d) neither the Epicurean nor the Brute can hope for any Good thence; yet such as have no forethought of Death at all cannot but be less amus'd and scar'd with what comes after it, than they that betake themselves to the Prin∣ciple, (e) That Death is nothing to us. But something to them it must be, at least so far as they concern themselves to reason and contemplate about it: But now the Beasts are wholly exempted from thinking of what appertains not to them; and if they flie from Blows, Wounds and Slaughers, they fear no more in Death than is dismaying to the E∣picurean himself. Such then are the Things they boast to have at tained by their Philosophy. Let us now see what those are (f) they deprive them∣selves of, and chase away from them. For those Diffu∣sions of the Mind that arise from the Body, and the pleasing Condition of the Body, if they be but mo∣derate, appear to have nothing in them that's either great or considerable; but if they be excessive, be∣sides their being vain and uncertain, they are also importune and petulent; nor should a Man term them either mental Satisfactions or Gaities, but rather corporeal Gratifications, they being at best but the Simperings and Effeminacies of the Mind. But now such as justly deserve the Names of Complacences and Joys, are wholly refin'd from their contraries, and are immixt with nei∣ther Vexation, Remorse, nor Repentance; and their Good is congenial to the Mind, and truly mental and genuine, and not super-induc'd: Nor is it devoid of Reason, but most rational, as springing either from that in the Mind that's con∣templative and enquiring, or else from that Part of it that is active and heroick: Either of which, Page  85 how many and how great Satisfaction it affords us, he that would, can never relate. But to hint briefly at some of them. We have the Histori∣ans before us, which though they find us many and delightful Exercises, yet they still leave our Desire after Truth insatiate and uncloy'd with Pleasure, through which even Lies are not without the•r Grace. Yea, Tales and Poetick Fictions, while they cannot gain upon our Belief, yet have something in them that's charming to us: For do but think with your self, with what a sting we read Plato's Atlantick, and the Conclusion of the Iliad, and how we hanker and gape after the rest of the Tale, as when some beautiful Temple or Theater is shut up. But now the informing of our selves with the Truth her self, is a thing so delectable and lovely, as if our very Life and Being were for the sake of knowing. And the darkest and grimmest Things in Death are its Oblivion, Ignorance and Obscurity, whence, by Jove, it is, that almost all Mankind encounter with those that would destroy the Sense of the Departed, as placing the very whole of their Life, Being and Satisfaction solely in the sensi∣ble and knowing part of the Mind. For even the Things that grieve and afflict us, yet afford us a sort of Pleasure in the hearing. And it is often seen, that those that are disordered by what is told them, even to the degree of weeping, not∣withstanding (g) require the telling of it. So he in the Tragedy; But this may seem perhaps a sort of intemperate∣ness Page  86 of Delight in knowing every thing, and as it were (h) a Stream violently bearing down the reasoning Faculty. But now when a Story that hath in it nothing that's troubling and afflictive, treats of great and heroick Enterprizes with a potency and grace of Stile, Such as we find in Herodotus's Grecian, and in Xenophon's Persian Hi∣story, or in what, Or in the Travels of Eudoxus, the Foundations and Republicks of Aristotle, and the Lives of famous Men compil'd by Aristoxenus: These will not only bring us exceeding much and great Content∣ment, but such also as is clean and secure from Repentance. And who could take greater sa∣tisfacton, either in eating when a hungry, or in drinking when a-dry amongst the Phaeacks, than in going over Ʋlysses's Relation of his own Voyage and Rambles? And what Man could be better pleas'd with the Embraces of the most exquisite beauty, than with sitting up all Night to read over what Xonophon hath wtitten of Panthea, or Aristobulus of Timoclea, or Theopompus of Thisbe? But now these appertain all solely to the Mind. But they chase away from them the Delights (i) that accrue from the Mathematicks also. Though the Satisfactions we receive from History have in them something simple and equal; but those that come from Geometry, Astronomy and Musick, inveigle and allure us with a sort of Nimbleness and Variety, and want nothing that's tempting and engaging, their Figures attracting us as so many Charms, whereof whoever hath once tasted, if he be but competently skill'd, will run about, chanting that in Sophocles, (l And again, Nor doth Thamyras break out into Poetick Rap∣tures upon any other Score; nor, by Jove, Eudoxus, Aristarchus, or Archimedes. And when the Lovers of the Art of Painting are so enamour'd with the Charmingness of their own Performances, that Nicias, as he was drawing the Evocation of Ghosts in Homer, often ask'd his Servants, whether he had din'd or no? And when King Ptolomy had sent him threescore Talents for his Piece, after it was fini∣shed, he neither would accept the Money, nor part with his Work. What and how great Satisfacti∣ons may we then suppose to have been reap'd from Geometry and Astronomy, by Euclid, when he wrote his Perspectives? by Philippus, when he had perfected his Demonstration of the Figure of the Moon? by Arcihmedes, when with the help of a certain Angle he had found the Sun's Diame∣ter to make the same part of the largest Circle, that that Angle made of four Right-ones? and by Apollonius and Aristarchus, who were the Inven∣ters of some other Things of the like nature? The bare contemplating and comprehending of which now engender in the Learners both unspeakable Delights, and a marvellous heighth of Spirit. And it doth in no wise beseem me, by comparing with these the fulsom Debauches of Victualling Houses and Stews, to contaminate Helicon and the Muses, But these are the verdant and untrampled Pastures of ingenious Bees; but those are more like the Mange of lecherous Boars and He-goats. And though a voluptuous Temper of Mind be naturally fantastick and precipitate, yet never any yet sacrificed an Ox for joy that he had gain'd his Will of his Mistress; nor did any ever wish to di• immediately, might he but once sa∣tiate himself with the costly Dishes and Comfits at the Table of his Prince. But now Eudixus wish'd he might stand by the Sun, and inform himself of the Figure, Magnitude and Beauty of that Luminary, though he were, like Phae∣ton, consumed by it. And Phythagoras offered an Ox in Sacrifice, for having compleated the Lines of a certain Geometrick Diagram (m) as Apollodotus tells us, Whether it was that by which he shew'd, that the Line that regards the Right Angle in a Tri∣angle, is equivalent to the two Lines that contain that Angle, or the Problem about the Area of the Parabolick Section of a Cone. And Archime∣des's Servants were forc'd to hale him away from his Draughts, to be anointed in the Bagnio; but he notwithstanding drew the Lines upon his Belly with his Strigil: And when he had understood as he was washing (as the Story goes of him) the proportion of (o) Gold in King Hieron's Crown by the Wa∣ter's Page  89 flowing over the Bathing-Stool, (p) he leap'd up as one possest or inspir'd, crying, I have found it; which after he had several times repeated, he went his way. But we never yet heard of a Glutton, that exclaim'd (q) with such vehemence, I have eaten; or of an amorous Gallant, that ever cry'd, I have kist, among the many Millions of dissolute De∣bauchees, that both this and preceding Ages have produc'd. Yea, we abominate those that make mention of their great Suppers with too luscious a Gust, as Men over-much taken with mean and abject Delights. But we find our selves in one and the same Extasy with Eudoxus, Archime∣des, and Hipparchus; and readily give Assent to Plato, when he saith of the Mathematicks, That while Ignorance and Ʋnskilledness make Men despise them, they still thrive notwithstanding by reason of their Charmingness, in despite of Contempt. These then so great and so many Pleasures, and that run (r) like perpetual Springs and Rills, these Men de∣cline and avoid; nor will they permit those that put in among them, so much as to take a taste of them, but bid them hoise up the little Sails of their paltry Cock-Boats, and fly from them. Nay, they all, both He and She-Philosophers, beg and entreat (s) Pythocles, for dear Epicurus's sake, Not to affect or make such account of the Sciences called Liberal. And when they cry up and defend one Apelles, they write of him, That he kept himself clean by refraining himself all along from the Mathematicks. But as to History (to pass over their Aversedness to other kinds of Compositions) I shall only pre∣sent you with the Words of Metrodorus, who in his Treatise of the Poets, writes thus! Wherefore let it never disturb you, if you know not either what side Hector was of, or the first Verses in Homer's Poem, or again, Page  90 what is in its middle. But that the Pleasures of the Body spend themselves like the Winds called Etesiae, or Anniversary, and utterly determine when once Age is past it's Vigour, Epicurus himself was not insensible; and therefore he makes it a Pro∣blematic Question, Whether a sage Philosopher, when he is an old Man, and disabled for Enjoy∣ment, may not still be recreated, with having hand∣som Girls to feel and grope him? Being not, it seems, of the Mind of old Sophocles, who thank'd God he had at length escap'd from this kind of Plea∣sure, as from an untame and furious Master. But in my opinion, it would be more advisable for these sensual Lechers, when they see that Age will dry up so many of their Pleasures, and that as Euripides saith, In the first place to collect and lay up in store, as against a Siege, these other Pleasures, as a sort of Provision that will not impair and decay, that then after they have celebrated the Venereal Fe∣stivals of Life, they may spend a cleanly After-Feast in reading over the Historians and Poets, or else in Problems of Musick and Geometry: For it would never have come into their Minds, so much as to think of these purblind and tooth∣less Groopings and Spurtings of Lechery, had they but learnt, if nothing more, but to write Comments upon Homer or Euripides, as Aristotle, Heraclides, and Dicaearchus did. But I verily per∣swade my self that their neglecting to take care for such Provisions as these, and finding all the other Things they employ'd themselves in (as they use to say of Vertue) but insipid and dry, Page  91 and being wholly set upon Pleasure, and the Bo∣dy no longer supplying them with it, gave them occasion to stoop to do Things both mean and shameful in themselves, and unbecoming their Age: as well when they refresh their Memo∣ries with their former Pleasures, and serve them∣selves of old ones, as it were long since dead, and laid up in Pickle for the purpose, when they can∣not have fresh ones; as when again they offer violence to Nature, by suscitating and chafing in their decay'd Bodys, as in cold Embers (u) other new ones equally sensless, they having not, it seems, their Minds stor'd with any congenial Pleasure, or that is (w) worth the rejoycing at. As to the other Delights of the Mind, we have already treated of them, as they occurred to us. But their Adversness and Dislike to Musick, that affords us so great Delights, and such charming Satisfactions, a Man could not forget that would, by reason of the inconsistency of what Epicurus saith, when he pronounceth in his Book called his Doubts, his wise Man ought to be a Lover of publick Spectacles, and to delight (x) above any other Man, in the Musick and Shews of the Bac∣chanals; and yet he will not admit of Musick-Problems, or of the Critical Enquiries of Philolo∣gists, no, not so much as at a Compotation. Yea, he advises such Princes as are Lovers of the Muses, rather to entertain themselves at their Feasts, with either some Narration of Military Adventures, or with the importune Sourilities of Drolls and Buffoons, than to engage in Disputes about Musick, or in Que∣stions of Poetry: For this very thing he had the Face to write in his Treatise of Monarchy, as if he were writing to Sardanapalus, or to Naratus Basha of Babylon. For neither would a Hieron, or an Page  92 Attalus, or an Archelaus be perswaded to make an Euripides, a Simonides, a Melanippides, a Crates, or a Diodotus to rise up from their Tables, and to place such Scaramuchio's in their Rooms, as a Car∣dax, an Agriantes, or a Callias, or a Thrasonides, or Trasileon, to make People disorder the House with hollowing and clapping. Had the great Ptolomy, who was the first that form'd a Consort of Musicians, but met with these excellent and Royal Admonitions, would he not, think you, have thus addressed himself to the Samians?

For certainly it can never belong to any Athenian, to be in such Enmity and Hostility with the Muses. But,

What say'st thou now, Epicurus? Wilt thou get thee up betimes in the Morning, and go to the Theater, to hear the Harpers and Flutists play? But if a Theophrastus discourse at thy Table of Concords; or an Aristoxenus, of Varieties; or if an Aristophanes play the Critick upon Homer; wilt thou presently, for very dislike and abhorrence, clap both thy hands upon thy Ears? And do they not hereby make the Scythian King Ateas more musical than this comes to, who, when he heard that admirable Flutist (y) Aminias, detain'd then by him as a Prisoner of War, playing upon the Flute at a Compotation, swore he had rather hear his own Horse ney? and do they not also profess themselves to stand at an implacable and Page  93 irreconcileable Defiance with whatever is gene∣rous and becoming? And indeed what do they ever embrace or affect, that's either genteel or regardable, when it hath nothing of Pleasure to accompany it? and would it not far less affect a pleasurable way of living, to be, like Beetles and Vulturs, disgusted with Perfumes and Odours, than to shun and abhor the Conversation of learn∣ed Criticks and Musicians? For what Flute or Harp ready tun'd for a Lesson, or, Ever gave Epicurus and Metrodorus such content, as the Disputes and Precepts about Consorts gave Aristotle, Theophrastus, Hieronymus, and Dicaearchus; and also (a) the Problems about Flutes, Rhythms, and Harmonies. As for Instance, Why the lon∣ger of two Flutes of the same Longitude should speak flatter? Why, if you raise the Flute, all its Notes will be sharp; and flat again, if you stoop it? And why, when clapt to another, (b) it will sou•d flatter; and sharper again, when taken from it? Why also, if you scatter Chaff or Dust about the Orchestra, or Dancing-Place of a Theater, the Spectators Eyes will be blinded? And why, when one would have set up a Copper Alexander for a Frontispiece to a Stage at Pella, the Architect ad∣vis'd to the contrary, because it would spoil the Actors Voices? And why, of the several kinds of Musick, the Chromatick will diffuse, and the Harmo∣nick compose the Mind? But now the several Hu∣mours of Poets, their differing Turns and Forms of Stile, and the Solutions of their difficult Places, have conjoin'd with a sort of Dignity and Polite∣ness, somewhat also that's extreme agreeable and Page  94 charming, insomuch that to me they seem to do what was once said by Xenophon, to make a Man even to forget the Joys of Love, so powerful and overcoming is the Pleasure they bring us, of which these Gentlemen have not the least share, nor do they so much as pretend or desire to have any. But while they are sinking and depressing their contemplative Part into the Body, and drag∣ging it down by their sensual and intemperate Appetites, as by so many Weights of Lead, they make themselves appear little better than Hostlers or Graizers, that still ply their Cattle with Hay, Straw, or Grass, looking upon such Provender as the properest and meetest Food for them: And is it not e'en thus they would swill the Mind with the Pleasures of the Body, as Hogherds do their Swine, while they will not allow it can be gay any longer (c) than it is hoping, sensing or re∣membring something that refers to the Body, but will not have it either to receive or seek for any congenial Joy or Satisfaction from within it self? Though what can be more absurd and unreaso∣nable, than when there are two things that go to make up the Man, a Body and a Soul, and the Soul besides hath the Prerogative of governing, that the Body should have its peculiar, natu∣ral, and proper Good, and the Soul none at all, but must sit gazing at the Body, and simper at it's Passious, as if she were pleas'd and affected with them, though indeed she be all the while wholly untouch'd and unconcern'd, as having no∣thing of her own to chuse, desire, or take delight in? For they should either pull off the Vizor quite, and say plainly, That Man is all Body (as some of them do, that take away all Mental Be∣ing) or if they will allow us to have two distinct Page  95 Natures, they should then leave to each its pro∣per Good and Evil, agreeable and disagreeable; as we find it to be with our Senses, each of which is peculiarly adapted to its own Sensible, though they all very strangely intercommune one with another. Now the Intellect is the proper Sense of the Mind, and therefore that it should have no congenial Speculation, Movement, or Affecti∣on of its own, the attaining to which should be matter of Complacency to it, is the most irrati∣onal thing in the World; I have not, by Jove, unwittingly done the Men wrong, and been my self impos'd upon by some that may perhaps have caluminated them. Then I said to him, If we may be your Judges, you have not; yea, we must acquit you from having offer'd them the least indignity; and therefore pray dispatch the rest of your Discourse with Assurance. How! said I, and shall not Aristodemus then suc∣ceed me, if you are tir'd out your self? Aristode∣mus said, with all my Heart, when you are as much tir'd as he is; but since you are yet in your vigour, pray make use of your self, my noble Friend, and don't think to pretend weariness. Theon then replied, what is yet behind, I must confess, is very easy; it being but to go over the several Pleasures contained in that part of Life that consists in Action. Now themselves some∣where say, That there is far more Satifaction in do∣ing, than in receiving Good; and good may be done many times, it's true, by Words, but the most and greatest part of Good, consists in Action, as the very name of Benificence tells us, and them∣selves also attest. For you may remember, con∣tinued he, we heard this Gentleman tell us (d) but now, what words Epicurus utter'd, and what Page  96 Letters he sent to his Friends, applauding and magnifying Metrodorus, how bravely, and like a Spark (e) he quitted the City, and went down to the Port Pireaeum, to relieve Mithres the Syrian, and this, though Metrodorus did not then do any thing at all. What and how great then may we pre∣fume the Pleasures of Plato to have been (f) when Dion by the measures he gave him, Deposed the Tyrant Dionysius, and set Sicily at Liberty? And what the Pleasures of Aristotle when he re∣built his Native City Stagira, then levell'd with the ground, and brought back its exil'd Inha∣bitants? And what the Pleasures of Theophrastus and of Phidias, when they cut off the Tyrants of their respective Countreys? For what need a Man recount to you, who so well know it, how many particular Persons they reliev'd, not by send∣ing them a little Wheat, or a measure of Meal (as Epicurus did to some of his Friends) but by pro∣curing Restoration to the Banish'd, Liberty to the Imprison'd, and Restitution of Wives and Children to those that had been bereft of them? But a Man could not that would pass by the sottish stupidity of the Man, that though he tramples under Foot, and Villifies the great and generous Actions of Themistocles and Miltiades, yet writes these very words to his Friends about him∣self. (g) You have given a very gallant and noble Testimony of your care of me, in the provision of Corn you have made for me, and have declar'd your Affection to me by Signs that mount to the very Skies. So that should a Man but take that poor parcel of Corn out of the great Philosopers Epistle, it might seem to be the recital of some Letter of Thanks for the Delivery or Preservation of all Greece, or of the Commons of Athens: We will now for∣bear Page  97 to mention that Nature requires very large and chargeable Provisions to be made for the ac∣complishing of the Pleasures of the Body; nor can the heighth of Delicacy be had in Fru∣menty and Lentile Pottage, but Voluptuous and Sensual Appetites expect costly Dishes, Thasi∣an Wines, Perfumed Unguents, and Varieties of Pastry Works, And besides all this, handsome young Lasses too; (h) Such as Leontion, Boidion, Hedeia and Nikidi∣on, that were wont to rome about in (i) Epicu∣rus's Philosophick Garden. But now such Joys as suit the Mind must undoubtedly be grounded upon a Grandeur of Actions, and a Splendor of worthy Deeds, if Men would not seem little, ungenerous and puerile, but on the contrary, bul∣ky, firm and brave. But for a Man to be Ela∣ted (k) for his sweet and pretty Humor, like Tarpaulins upon the Festivals of Venus, and to vaunt himself for that when he was sick of an As∣kites, he notwithstanding called his Friends toge∣ther to certain Collations, and grudged not his Dropsie the Satisfaction of good Liquors, and because when he called to remembrance the last Words of Neocles, he was melted with a peculiar sort of Joy, intermixt with Tears, no Man in his right Senses would call these true Joys or Satis∣factions. Nay, I will be bold to say, that if such a thing as (l) that they call a Sardinian or grin∣ning Laughter, can happen to the Mind; it is to be found in these forcings and crying Laughters. But if any will needs have them still call'd by the Page  98 Names of Joys and Satisfactions; let him but yet think how far they are exceeded by the Plea∣sures that here ensue.

Now when I set before mine Eyes the brave At∣chievements of Thrasybulus, and of Pelopidas, and Aristides engag'd at Plataeae and Miltiades at Mera∣thon, I am here constrain'd with Herodotus to de∣clare it my Opinion, That in an active State of Live, the Pleasure far exceeds the Glory. And (m) Epami∣nondas herein bears me Witness also, when he saith (as is reported of him) That the greatest Satisfaction he ever received in his Life, was that his Father and Mother had liv'd to see the Trophy set up at Leuctra, when himself was General. Let us then compare with Epaminondas's, Epicurus's Mother, rejoycing that she had liv'd to see her Son cooping himself up in a little Garden, and getting Children in com∣mon with Polyaenus upon (n) the Strumpet of Ky∣zicum. As for Metrod•rus's, both Mother and Sister, how extravagantly rejoyc'd they were at his Nuptials, appears by the Letters he wrote to his Brother, in answer to his, that is, out of his own Books: Nay, they tell us, bellowing, they have not only lived a Life of Pleasure, but also exult and sing Hymns in the Praise (o) of their own Living. Though when our Servants cele∣brate the Festivals of Saturn, or go in Procession at the time of the rural Bacchanals, you would scarcely brook the Hollowing and Din they make, Page  99 while the Intemperateness of their Joy, and their Insensibleness of Decorum, make them act and speak such things as these.

And are not Metrodorus's Words something like to these, when he writes to his Brother thus; It is none of our Business to preserve the Greeks, or to get them to bestow Garlands upon us for our Wit; but to Eat well, and Drink good Wine, Timocrates, so as not to offend, but pleasure our Stomachs. And he saith again, in some other place in the same E∣pistes; How gay and how assured was I (q) when I had once learned of Epicurus the true way of gratify∣ing my Stomach; for, believe me, Philosopher Timo∣crates, our prime Good lies at the Stomach. (r) In brief, these Men draw out the Dimensions of their Pleasures, by the Stomach solely, as both its Cen∣tre and Circumference. And the Truth is, it is impossible for those Men ever to participate of a generous and Princely Joy, and such as enkin∣dles a height of Spirit in us (f) and sends forth to all Mankind an unmade Hilarity, and calm Se¦renity, that have taken up a sort of Life that is Confined, Unsocial, Inhumane, and Un-inspired towards the Esteem of the World, and the Love of Mank•nd. (t) For the Soul of Man is not an abject, little and ungenerous thing; nor doth it Page  100 extend its Desires (as Pourcontrels do their Claws) unto Eatables only, (u) yea, these are in an instant of time taken off by the least Plenitude; but when its Efforts towards what is Brave and Generous, and the Honours and Caresses that accrue there-from, are now in their consummate Vigor; this Life's Duration cannot limit them, but the Desire of Glory, and the Love of Mankind grasp at whole Eternity; and wrestle with such Actions and Charms, as bring with them an ineffable Plea∣sure, and such as good Men, though never so fain, cannot decline, they meeting and accosting them on all sides, and surrounding them about, while their being beneficial to many, occasions Joy to themselves.

For he that can so affect and move other Men, as to fill them with Joy and Rapture, and to make them long to touch him and salute him, cannot but appear even to a blind Man to possess and en∣joy very extraordinary Satisfactions in himself: And hence it comes that such Men are both inde∣fatigable and undaunted in serving the Publick; and we still hear some such Words from them,

But what need I instance in those that are consum∣mately good? For, if to one of the midling Rank of bad Men, when he is just a dying, he that hath the Power over him; whether his God or Prince, should but allow him one Hour more, up∣on Page  101 condition, that after he hath spent that either in some Generous Action or sensual Enjoyment, he should then presently Dye, who would in this time chuse rather to accompany with Lais, or drink Wine from Cape Ariusion, than dispatch Archias, and restore the Athenians to their Liber∣ties? For my part, I believe none would: For I see that even common Sword-players, if they are not utter Brutes and Savages, but Greek born, when they are to enter the List, though there be many and very costly Dishes set before them; yet take more Content in employing their Time in commending their poor Wives to some of their Friends, (x) yea, and in conferring Freedom on their Slaves, than in gratifying their Stomachs. (y) But should the Pleasures of the Body be al∣lowed to have some extraordinary matter in them, this would yet be common (z) to Men of Action and Business.

Ay, and entertain themselves with their Friends, and perhaps with a greater Relish too, after their Engagements and hard Services, as did Alexander and Agesilaus, and by Jove, Phocion and Epami∣nondas too, than these Gentlemen who anoint themselves by the Fire-side, and are gingerly rock't about the Streets in Sedans: yea, those make but small account of such Pleasures as these, as being comprised in those greater ones. For what should a Man mention Epaminondas's denying to Sup with one when he saw the Preparations made, were above the Man's Estate, but frankly told his Friend, I thought you had intended a Sacri∣fice, and not a Debauch, when Alexander himself refused Queen Ada's Cooks, telling her, He had Page  102 better ones of his own, to wit, Travelling by Night for his Dinner, and a light Dinner for his Supper; and when Philoxenus writing to him about some hand∣some Boys, and desiring to know of him whether he would have him buy them for him, was with∣in a small matter of being discharged his Office for it: and yet who might better have them than he? But as Hippocrates saith, That of two Pains the lesser is observed by the greater; so the Pleasures that accrue from Action, and the Love of Glory while they chear and refresh the Mind, do by their Transcendency and Grandeur, obliterate and extinguish the Inferiour Satisfactions of the Body. If then the remembring of former good things (as they affirm) be that which most contributes to a pleasurable Living, not one of us will then credit Epicurus, when he tells us, That while he was dying away, in the midst of the strongest Agonies and Di∣stempers, he yet bore himself up with the Memory of the Pleasures he formerly enjoyed. For a Man may better see the Resemblance of his own Face in a troubled Deep or a Storm, than a smooth and smiling Remembrance of past Pleasure in a Body tortured with such lancing and rending Pains. But now the Memories of past Actions no Man can put from him that would. For, did Alexander, think you (or indeed how could he possibly) forget the Fight at Arbela? or Pelopidas the Tyrant Leontiadas? Or Themistocles, the En∣gagement at Salamis? For the Athenians to this very Day keep an Annual Festival for (a) the Battle at Marathon; and the Thebans for that at Leuctra; and so, by Jove, do we our selves (as you very well know) for that which Diophantus gained at Hyampolis, and all Phocis is filled with Sacrifices and publick Honours: Nor is there any Page  103 of us that is better satisfied with what himself hath either eaten or drunk, than he is with what they have atchieved. (b) It is very easie then to imagine what great Content, Satisfaction and Joy, accom∣panied the Authors of these Actions in their Life-time; when the very Memory of them hath not yet, after five hundred Years and more, lost its rejoycing Power. The truth is, Epicurus himself allows there are some Pleasures derived from Fame: And indeed why should he not, when himself had such a furious Lechery and Rigling after Glory; as made him not only to disown his Masters, and scuffle about Syllables and Accents (c) with his Fellow Pedant Democrates (whose Grammar Rules he stole verbatim) and to tell his Disciples there ne∣ver was a Wise Man in the World besides himself; but also to put it in Writing, how Colotes performed Adoration to him, as he was one day Philosophizing, by touching his Knees; And that his own Brother Neocles was used from a Child to say, There nei∣ther is, nor ever was in the World, a wiser Man than Epicurus: But you must know his Mother had just so many Atoms within her, as when they came together, produced a compleat Wise Man. May not a Man then, as Callicratides once said of the Athenian Admiral Conon, That he Whor'd the Sea, as well say of Epicurus, that he basely and co∣vertly forces and ravishes Fame, by not enjoying her publickly, but ruffling and debauching her in a Corner? For as Men's Bodies are oft necessita∣ted by Famine, for want of other Food, to prey, against Nature, upon themselves; a like Mischief to this Vain-glory creates in Men's Minds, it forc∣ing them, when they hunger after Praise, and cannot obtain it from other Men, at last to com∣mend themselves. And do not they then that Page  104 stand so well affected towards Applause and Fame themselves, own they cast away very extraordinary Pleasures, when they decline Magi∣strature, Publick Offices, and the Favour and Confidence of Princes, from whom Democritus once said, the grandest Blessings of Humane Life are derived? For he will never induce any Mor∣tal to believe, that he that could so highly value and please himself with the Attestation of his Brother Neocles, and the Adoration of his Friend Colotes, would not, were he clapt by all the Greeks at the Olympiads, go quite out of his Wits, and even hollow for Joy; or, rather in∣deed be elated in the manner spoken of by So∣phocles;

If it be a pleasing thing then to be of a good Fame; and on the contrary afflictive, to be of an ill one. It is most certain, that nothing in the World can be more infamous than Want of Friend∣ship, Idleness, Atheism, Debauchery and Negligence. Now these are looked upon by all Men, except themselves, as the inseparable Companions of their Party. But unjustly may some one say: Be it so then; for we consider not now the Truth of the Charge, but what Fame and Reputation they are of in the World: And we shall forbear at present to mention the many Books that have been writen to defame them, (d) and the blackning Decrees made against them by several Republicks, for that would look like Bitterness. But if the Answers of Oracles, the Providence of the Gods, and the Ten∣derness and Affection of Parents to their Issue; if Civil Policy, Military Order, and the Office of Page  105 Magistracy, be things to be looked upon as de∣servedly esteemed and celebrated; it must of ne∣cessity then be allowed also, That they that tell us, It is none of their Business to preserve the Greeks, but to Eat and Drink, so as not to offend, but pleasure their Stomachs, are base and ignominious Persons; and that their being reputed such, must needs extream∣ly humble them, and make their Lives untoward to them, if they take Honour and a Good Name for any part of their Satisfaction. When Thenon had thus spoken, we thought good to break up our Walk to rest us a while (as we were wont to do) upon the Benches: Nor did we continue any long space in our Silence at what was spoken; for Zeuxippus taking his Hint from what had been said, spake to us, Who will make up that of the Discourse which is yet behind? for it hath not yet received its due Conclusion; and this Gentleman, by mentiong Divination and Providence, did, in my Opinion, suggest as much to us: for these People boast that these very things do not the least contribute to the providing of their Lives with Pleasure, Serenity and Assurance; so that there must be something said to these two. Aristodemus subjoyned then and said: As to Pleasure, I think there hath been enough said already to evince that, supposing their Doctrine successful, and to attain its own Design, it yet doth but ease us of Fear, and a certain Superstitious Perswasion, but helps us not to any Comfort or Joy from the Gods at all; nay, while it brings us to such a State, as to be neither disquieted, nor pleased with them, it doth but render us in the same manner affected to∣wards them, as we are towards the Fish in the Hyrcanian Sea, from which we expect neither good nor harm. But if something more must yet be Page  104 〈1 page duplicate〉 Page  105 〈1 page duplicate〉 Page  106 added to what hath been already spoken, I think I may very well take it from themselves; and in the first place, whereas they quarrel extreamly with those that would take away all Sorrowing, Weeping and Sighing for the Deaths of Friends, and tell them that such Unconcernedness as arrives to an Insensibility, proceeds from some other worse Cause, to wit, Inhumanity, excessive Vain-glory, or prodigi∣ous Fierceness; and that therefore it would be bet∣ter to be a little concerned and affected; yea, (e) and to liquor ones Eyes, and be melted, with o∣ther pretty things of the like kind, which they use foppishly to affect and counterfeit, that they may be thought tender and loving-hearted People. For just in this manner Epicurus exprest himself upon the Occasion of the Death of (f) Hegesianax, when he wrote to Dositheus the Father, and to Pyrson the Brother of the deceased Person; for I fortuned ve∣ry lately to run over his Epistles. And I say, in imitation of them, that Atheism is no less an Evil than Inhumanity and Vain-glory, into which they would lead us, who take away with God's Anger, the Comfort we might derive from him. For it would be much better for us to have something of the un∣suiting Passion of Dauntedness and Fear conjoyned and intermixt with our Sentiments of a Deity, than while we fly from it, to leave our selves neither Hope, Content, nor Assurance in the Enjoyment of our Good Things; nor any recourse to God in our Adversity and Misfortunes. We ought it is True, to remove Superstition from the Perswasion we have of the Gods, as we would the Gum from our Eyes; but if that be impossible, we must not root out and extinguish with it, the Belief which the most have of the Gods; nor is that a dismaying and sower one neither, as these Gentlemen feign, Page  107 while they libel and abuse the Blessed Providence, representing her as the Hag that rides Children; or, as some Fell and Tragick Fury: Yea, I must tell you, there are some in the World that fear God in an Excess, for whom yet it would not be better not so to fear him. For while they dread him as a Governor, that is gentle to the Good, and severe to the Bad, and are by this one Fear, which makes them not to need many others, (g) freed from doing ill, and brought to keep their Wickedness with them in quiet; and as it were in an enfeebled Languor, they come hereby to have less Disquiet than those that indulge the Practice of it, and are rash and daring in it; and then presently after fear and repent of it. Now that Disposition of Mind which the greater and Ig∣norant part of Mankind, that are not utterly bad, are of towards God, hath its very true, conjoyn∣ed with the Regard and Honour they pay him, a kind of Anguish and astonished Dread, which is also called Superstition; but, notwithstanding this, the good Hope and gay Hilarity that attends it, is ten thousand times (h) more and greater than it, while it both implores and receives the whole Be∣nefit of Prosperity and good Success from the Gods only. And this is manifest by the greatest Tokens that can be; for neither do the Discourses of those that wait at the Temples, nor the good times of our Solemn Festivals, nor any other, ei∣ther Actions or Sights, more recreate and delight us then what we see and do about the Gods our selves, while we assist at the publick Ceremonies, and joyn in the Sacred Balls, and attend at the Sacrifices and Initiations. For the Mind is not then sorrowful, demiss and heavy, as if she were addressing to certain Tyrants or cruel Torturers, Page  108 as otherwise she would be; but on the contrary, where she is most apprehensive and fulliest per∣swaded the Divinity is present, there she most of all throws off Sorrows, Tears and Pensiveness, and lets her self loose to what is pleasing and a∣greeable, to the very degree of Tipsiness, Frolick and Laughter; in amorous Concerns, as the Poet said once, (i) But now in the publick Processions and Sacrifi∣ces, not only the Old Man and the Old Wife, not yet the poor and mean Man only; but also, And Houshold Slaves and Day-Laborers are strangely elevated and transported with Mirth and Jovialty. Rich Men as well as Princes are used at certain times to make publick Entertainments, and to keep Open Houses: But the Feasts they make at the Solemnities and Sacrifices, when they now apprehend their Minds to approach nearest the Divinity, have conjoined with the Honour and Veneration they pay him, a much more trascend∣ing Pleasure and Satisfaction. Of this, he that hath renounced Gods Providence hath not the least Share; for what recreates and chears us at the Festivals, is not the store of good Wine and Roast-meat, but the good Hope and Perswasion that God is there present and propitious to us, and kindly accepts of what we do. From some of our Festivals we exclude the Flute and Garland; but if God be not present at the Sacrifice, as the So∣lemnity Page  109 of the Banquet; the rest is but unhallow∣•…d, un-feastlike, and uninspired. Indeed the whole •… but ungrateful and irksome to such a Man; for •…e asks for nothing at all, but only acts his Pray∣•…rs and Adorations for fear of the Publick, and •…tters Expressions contradictory to his Philosophy. •…nd when he Sacrifices, he stands by, and looks •…pon the Priest as he kills the Offering, but as he •…oth upon a Butcher; and when he hath done, •…e goes his way, saying, For such a Meen Epicurus would have us to put •…n, and not to fret and vex our selves at the Mul∣•…itude for being pleased with such things, but be∣•…ome other Men in doing them; and our selves •…gain in disliking them. For, as Euenus saith, For which very reason they think the Superstiti∣ous are not pleased in their Minds; but in Fear, while they attend at the Sacrifices and Mysteries; though they themselves are in no better Conditi∣on, if they do the same things out of Fear, and partake not neither of the great good Hope as the others do; but are only fearful and uneasie, lest they should come to be discovered, and therefore cheat and abuse the Publick, upon whose account it is that they compose the Books they write about the Gods and the Divine Nature, Page  110 And hiding out of Fear, the real Opinions they contain. And now after the two former Ranks of ill and common Men; we will in the third place consider (k) the best sort, and most beloved of the Gods, and what great Satisfaction they re∣ceive from their (l) clean and generous Sentiments of the Deity, to wit, That he is the Prince of all good things, and the Parent of all things brave; and can no more do an unworthy thing, than he can be made to suffer it: For he is Good, and he that is Good, can upon no account fall into Envy, Fear, Anger, or Hatred; for neither is it proper to a hot thing to cool, but to heat; nor to a good thing to do harm. Now Anger is by Nature at the farthest distance imaginable from Conplacency, and Spleenishness from Placidness, and Animosity and Turbulence from Humanity and Kindness. For the latter of these proceed from Generosity and Fortitude, but the former from Impotency and Baseness. (m) The Deity is not therefore con∣strained by their Angers or Kindnesses; but that is, because it is natural to it to be Kind and Aiding, and unnatural to be Angry and Hurtful. But the great Jove, whose Mansion is in Heaven, is the first that descends downwards, and orders all things, and takes the Care of them. But of the other Gods, one is Sirnamed the Distributer, and another the Mild, and a third, the Averter of Evil; and according to Pindar, Page  111 And Diogenes saith, that all things are the Gods: and Friends have all things Common; and good Men are the Gods Friends; and therefore it is impossible, ei∣ther that a Man beloved of the Gods, should not be happy; or that a Wise and a Just Man (o) should not be beloved of the Gods. Can you think then that they that take away Providence, need any other Chastisement, or that they have not a suffi∣cient one already, when they root out of themselves such vast Satisfaction and Joy, (p) as we that stand thus affected towards the Deity have? Me∣trodorus, Polyaenus and Aristobulus were (q) the Con∣fidence and Rejoycing of Epicurus; the better part of which, he all his Life-time, either attended up∣on in their Sicknesses, or lamented at their Deaths. And did Lycurgus, when he was saluted by the Delphick Prophetess, And Socrates when he believed that a certain Di∣vinity was used out of Kindness to discourse him; and Pindar when he heard (r) Pan, sing one of the Sonnets he had composed, but a little rejoyce think you? Or Phormio, when he thought he had treated (s) Castor and Pollux at his House? Or Sophocles, when he entertained (t) Aesculapius, as both himself believed, and others too, that thought the same with him, by reason of the Apparition that then happened? What Opinion Hermogenes had of the Gods, is well worth the recounting in his very own Words. For these Gods (saith he) who know all things, and can do all things, are so friendly and loving to me, that because they take care of me, (u) I never escape them either by Night or by Day, where ever I go, or whatever I am about: And because they know before hand what Issue every thing will have, they Page  112 signifie it to me by sending Angels, Voices, Dreams and Presages. Very amiable things must those be that come to us from the Gods; but when these very things come by the Gods too, this is what occa∣sions vast Satisfaction, and unspeakable Assur∣ance, a Sublimity of Mind, and a Joy, that (w) like a smiling Brightness, doth as it were gild over our good Things with a Glory. But now those that are perswaded otherwise, obstruct the very sweetest part of their Prosperity, and leave themselves nothing to turn to in their Ad∣versity; but when they are in Distress, look on∣ly to this one Refuge and Port, Dissolution and Insensibility; just as if in a Storm or Tempest at Sea, some one should (x) to hearten the rest, stand up and say to them; Gentlemen, the Ship hath never a Pilot in it; nor will Castor and Pollux come themselves to asswage the Violence of the leating Waves, or to lay the swift Carreers of the Winds; yet I can assure you there is nothing at all to be dread∣ed in all this, for the V•ssel will be immediately swal∣lowed up by the Sea, or else will very quickly fall off and be dasht in pieces against the Rocks. For this is Epicurus's way of Discourse to Persons under grie∣vous Distempers, and excessive Pains. Dost thou hope for any Good from the Gods for thy Piety? it is thy Vanity; for the blessed and incorruptible Being, is not constrained by either Angers or Kindnesses. Dost thou fancy something better after this Life, than what thou hast here? Thou dost but deceive thy self (y) for what is dissolved hath no sense; and that which hath no sense, is nothing to us. Ay, but how comes it then, my good Friend, that you bid me eat and be merry? Why, by Jove, be∣cause he that is in a great Storm cannot be far off a Shipwrack; and your extream Dolours will soon Land Page  113 you upon Deaths Strand. Though yet a Passenger, at Sea, when he is got off from a shattered Ship will still Buoy himself up with some little Hope that he may drive his Body to some Shore, and get out by Swimming, but now the poor Soul according to these Mens Philosophy Yea, she presently evaporates, disperses, and pe∣rishes, even before the Body it self; so that it seems her great and excessive rejoicing, must be only for having learn'd this one Sage and Divine Maxim, That all her Misfortunes will at last determine in her own Destruction, Dissolution and Annihilation. But (said he, looking upon me,) I should be impertinent, should I say any thing upon this Subject (z) when we have heard you but now discourse so fully against those that would perswade us that Epicurus's Doctrine about the Soul, renders Men more dispos'd and better pleased to Die, than Plato's doth. Zeuxippus there∣fore subjoyn'd and said; And must our present Debate be left then unfinisht, because of that? or shall we be afraid to oppose that Divine Ora∣cle to Epicurus? No, by no means, I said; and Empedocles tells us that, Therefore we must apply our selves again to them; for I think he was not present at our former Dis∣course; but if he was, he is a young-Man, and needs not fear being charg'd by these young Gen∣tlemen, for having a bad Memory. Then Theon, like one constrain'd, said; Well then, if you Page  114 will needs have me to go on with the Discourse, I will not do as you did, Aristodemus: for you were shy of repeating what this Gentleman spoke, but I shall not scruple to make use of what you have said; for I think indeed you did very well di∣vide Mankind into three ranks; the first of wicked and very bad Men, the second of the Vulgar and common sort and the third of Good and Wise Men: the Wicked and bad sort then, while they dread any kind of Divine Vengeance and Punishment at all, and are by this deterr'd from doing Mischief, and thereby enjoy the greater Quiet, will live both in more Pleasure, and less Disturbance for it. And Epicurus is of opinion, That the only proper Means to keep Men from doing ill, is the fear of Punishments. So that we should cram them with more and more Superstition still, and raise up against them both from Heaven and Earth, Terrors, Chasms, Frights and Surmises, if their being amazed with such things as these, will make them become the more tame and gentle. For it is more for their benefit to be restrained from Criminal Actions by the Fears of what comes after Death, than to commit them, and then to live in perpetual Danger and Fear. As to the Vulgar sort, besides their fear of what's in Hell, the hope they have conceiv'd of an Eternity from the Tales and Fictions of the Ancients, and their great desire of Being, which is both the prime and strongest of all others, exceeds in Pleasure and sweet Content of Mind, that Childish dread. (a) And therefore when they loose their Children, Wives or Friends, they had rather have them be somewhere, and remain still, tho in Misery, than they should be quite destroy'd, dissolv'd, and reduc'd to nothing: And they Page  115 are pleased, when they hear it said of a Dying Person, that he goes away, or departs, and such other words as intimate Death to be the Souls re∣move, and and not Destruction. And they sometimes speak thus, And thus, And (there arising hereupon an erroneous devia∣tion,) they are the better pleased when they bury with their Departed Friends, such Arms, Imple∣ments and Cloaths, as were most familiar to them in their Life-time, (b) as Minos did the Cretan Flutes with Glaucus, And if they do but imagine they either ask or de∣sire any thing of them, they are glad when they give it them. Thus Periander burnt his Queens Attire with her, because he thought she had ask'd for it, and complain'd she was a cold. (c) Nor doth an Aeacus, an Ascalaphus, or an Acheron much disorder them, whom they have often gratified with Balls, Shews and Musick (d) of every sort. But now all Men shrink at such a face of Death, as dismal, grim and dark, as carrys with it in∣sensibility, oblivion and extinction of Knowledg: And they are discomposed, when they hear it said of any one he is perisht, or is gone, or he is no more; and they shew great uneasiness when they hear such words as these: And these; (f) Wherefore they must needs cut the very Throats of them that shall with Epicurus tell them, We Men were born once for all, and we cannot be born twice, (g) but our not being must last for ever. For this will bring them to slight their present Good as little, or rather indeed as nothing at all, compared (h) with Everlastingness; and there∣fore to let it pass unenjoy'd and become wholly negligent of Vertue and Action, as Men dis∣heartned and brought to a Contempt of them∣selves, as being but as it were of one days continu∣ance, and uncertain, and born for no considera∣ble purpose. For Insensibility, Dissolution, and the conceit, that what hath no sense, is nothing to us, doth not at all abate the fear of Death, but rather helps to confirm it: for this very thing is it that Nature most dreaded: To wit, The Dissolution of the Soul into what is without knowledge or sense, which while Epi∣curus would have to be a separtion into Atomes Page  117 and Void, he doth but further cut off all hope of Immortality; to compass which I can scarce re∣frain from saying, That all, both Men and Wo∣men, would be well contented to be worried by Cerberus and to carry Water into (i) the Tub full of holes, so they might but continue in being, and not be exterminated. Though (as I said before) there are not very many that stand in fear of these things, they being but the Te∣nets of Old Women, and the fabular Stories of Mothers and Nurses; and even they that do fear them, yet believe that certain Rites of Initiation and Purgation will relieve them, by which when they are cleansed, (k) they shall Play and Dance in Hell for ever, in company with those that have the priviledg of a bright Light, clear Air, and the use of Speech; but now to be depriv'd of Living, disturbs all both Young and Old. For, As Euripides saith. Nor are we easy, nor with∣out Regret when we hear this.

And therefore it is very plain, that with the Belief of Immortality, they take away the sweet∣est and greatest hopes the vulgar sort have. And what shall we then think they take away from the Good, and those that have led Pious and Just Lives, (m) who expect no ill from thence, but on the contrary most Glorious and Divine things? Page  118 For in the first place, Gamsters are not used to receive the Garland, before they have perform'd their Exercises, but after they have contested and prov'd Victorious: In like manner, they that are perswaded that good Men have the Prize of their Conquests here, after this Life is ended; it is marvellous to think to what a pitch of Grandeur their Vertue raises their Spiri•s, upon the Contemplation of those Hopes; among the which this is one, that they shall one day see those Men that are now insolent by reason of their Wealth and Power, and that foolishly flout at their Betters, undergo just Punishment. in the next place, none of the Lovers of Truth, and the Contemplation of Being, having here their fill of them; they have but a watry and puddled Reason to speculate with, as it were through the Fogg and Mist of the Body; and yet they still, like Birds, look upwards, as ready to take their flight to the spacious and bright Region; and endeavour to make their Souls expedite and light from things Mortal, (u) using for Philoso∣phy the study of Death. Thus I account Death a truly great and accomplisht good thing; the Soul being to live there a real Life, which here lives not a waking Life, but suffers things most resembling Dreams. If then (as Epicurus saith) the remembrance of a dead friend be a thing every way complacent; we may easily from thence ima∣gine how great a Joy they deprive themselves of, that think they do but embrace and pursue the Phantoms and Shades of their deceased Familiars, that have in them neither Knowledg nor Sense; but never expect to be with them again, nor to see their dear Father, and dear Mother, and sweet Wife; nor have any hopes of that familiarity Page  119 and dear Converse they have, that think of the Soul with Pythagoras, Plato and Homer: Now, what their sort of Passion is like to, was hint∣ed at by Homer, when he threw into the midst of the Soldiers, as they were engag'd, the shade of Aeneas, as if he had been Dead; and after∣wards again presented his Friends with him himself,

At which he saith, And should not we then, when Reason shews us that a real converse with Persons departed this Life may be had; and that he that loves, may both feel and be with the Party that affects and loves him; relinquish these Men that cannot so much as cast off all those airy Shades, and out-side Barks, for which they are all their time in lamentation and fresh afflictions. Moreover, they that look upon Death as the commencement of another and better Life, if they enjoy good things, (o) are the better pleased with them, as expecting much greater hereafter; but if they have not things here to their Minds, they do not much grum∣ble at it; but the hopes of those good and excellent things that are after Death, contain∣ing in them such ineffable Pleasures and Ex∣pectances, wipe off and wholly obliterate every defect, and every offence from the Mind, which as on a Road, or rather indeed in a short de∣viation out of the Road, bears whatever befals Page  120 it with great ease and mediocrity. But now, as to those to whom Life ends in Insensibility and Dissolu∣tion, Death bringing not to them a removal of E∣vils, though it be afflicting in both conditions, yet is it more so to those that live Prosperously, than to such as undergo Adversity: For it cuts the latter but from an uncertain hope of doing better here∣after; but it deprives the former of a certain good, to wit, their pleasurable living. And as those Medicinal Potions that are not grateful to the Palate, but yet necessary, give sick Men ease, but rake and hurt the well, just so (in my opinion) doth the Philosophy of Epicurus, while it promises to those that live miserably a Death not happy; and (p) to those that do well, an ut∣ter extinction and dissolution of the Mind, but quite obstructs the Comfort and Solace of the grave and wise, that abound with good things, by throwing them down from a happy living in∣to a deprivation of both Life and Being. From hence then it is manifest, that the Contemplation of the loss of good things will afflict us in as great a measure, as either the firm hopes or pre∣sent enjoyments of them recreate us. Yea, them∣selves tell us, That their being freed from the fond sur∣mise of incessant and endless Evils, leaves them the most assur'd and complacent Good, to wit, the contempla∣tion of their own Delivery; and that Epicurus's Do∣ctrine effects this, by stopping the fear of Death in the Souls dissolution. If then deliverance from the expectation of infinite Evils, be a matter of great complacence; how comes it not to be af∣flictive to be bereft of eternal good things, and to miss of the highest and most consummate Feli∣city? For, not to be, can be good for neither condition; but is on the contrary both against Page  121 Nature, and ungrateful to all that have a Being. But those it eases of the Evils of Life, have, it's very true, the want of sense to comfort them for the Evil of Death (q) while they as it were make their escape from Life. But on the other hand, they that change from good things to nothing, seem to me to have the most dismaying end of all, it putting a Period to their Happiness. For Nature doth not fear Insensibility, as the entrance upon some new thing, but because it is the pri∣vation of our present good things; for though the destruction of all we can call ours, be in the accomplishment nothing to us, yet is it still some∣thing to us in the thoughts of it. And Insensibi∣lity afflicts not those that are not, when they are not, but those that are, when they think what damage they shall sustain by it, in the loss of their Beings, and in being not suffered so much as to descend to Hell. Wherefore it is (r) nei∣ther the Dog Cerberus, nor the River Cokytus, that hath made our fear os Death endless; but the threatned danger of not being, representing it as impossible for such as are once extinct to shift back again into Being. For we cannot be Born twice; and our not being must last for ever, as Epicurus speaks. For if our end be in not being, and that be infinite and unalterable, then hath privation of Good found out an Eternal Evil, to wit, a ne∣ver ending insensibleness. Herodotus was much wiser, when he said that (s) Gods having tasted the sweet of Eternity, occasions him to demean him∣self enviously in it, and especially to those that conceit themselves happy, to whom pleasure is but a bait for sorrow, they being but permitted to taste of what they must be depriv'd of. For what solace, or fruition, or exultation would not the perpetually injected Page  122 Thought of the Souls being disperst into Infinity, as into a certain huge and vast Ocean, extin∣guish and quell in those that found their amiable Good and Beatitude in Pleasure? But, and if it be true (as Epicurus thinks it is) that most Men die in very acute pain, then is the fear of Death in all respects inconsolable; it bringing us through Evils unto a Deprivation of Good. And yet they are never wearied with their brawling and dunning of all Persons to take the escape of Evil for Good, and no longer to repute privation of Good for an Evil; though yet they still con∣fess what we have asserted, that Death hath in it nothing of either good Hope or Solace; but that all that's complacent and good is then whol∣ly extinguisht: at which time those Men look for many amiable, great and divine things, that conceive the Minds of Men to be unperishable and immortal, or at least (t) to go about in cer∣tain long Revolutions of times, being one while upon Earth, and another while in Heaven, until they are at last (u) dissolv'd with the Universe, and then, together with the Sun and Moon, sub∣lim'd into an Intellective Fire. So large a Field, and of so great Pleasures, Epicurus wholly cuts off, when he destroys (as hath been said) the Hopes and Graces we should derive from the Gods, and by that extinguishes, both in our Specula∣tive capacity, the desire of Knowledge, and in our Active, the love of Glory; and confines and abases our Nature to a Poor narrrow thing, and that not cleanly neither, to wit, the content the Mind receives by the Body; as if it were capable of no higher Good, than the escape of Evil.

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Plutarch's Morals: Vol. II. Roman Questions:

Quest. 1. WHerefore do the [Romans] re∣quire [a new] married Wo∣man to touch Fire and Water?

Sol. Is it not for one of these reasons; amongst Elements and Principles, one is Masculine and the other Faeminine; One [i. e. Fire] hath in it the Principles of motion, the other [i. e. Water] hath the faculty of a subject and matter? Or is it because Fire refines and Water cleanseth, and a Married Wife ought to continue pure and chast? Or is it because Fire without moisture doth not nourish, but is adust? as Water destitute of heat is Barren and Sluggish; so both the Male and Female apart be of no force, but a Conjun∣ction of both in Marriage compleats Society: Or [is the meaning] that they must never forsake each other, but must Communicate in every For∣tune, although there be no goods, yet they may Page  155 participate with each other in Fire and Wa∣ter?

Quest. 2. Why do they light at Nuptials five Torches, neither more nor less, which they call waxen Tapers?

Sol. Whether it be [as Varro saith] that the Praetors use three, but more are permitted to the Aediles, and Married Persons do light the Fire at the Aediles Torches? Or is the reason of their using more numbers, that the odd number is rec∣koned better and perfecter upon other accounts, and therefore more adapted to Matrimony? for the e∣ven number admits of Division, and the equal Parts of opposition and repugnancy, when as the odd cannot be divided but being divided into Parts leaves always an inequality. The number five is most Matrimonial, for three is the first odd and two the first even, of which five is compounded, as of Male and Female.

Or rather, because Light is a sign of Genera∣tion, and its natural to a Woman, for the most part, to bring forth so far a• five successively, and therefore they use five Torches. Or is it because they suppose that Married Persons have occasion for five Gods? viz. Jovial Jupiter, Jocund Juno, Venus, Suada, and Diana above all the rest, which Women invocate in their Travels and Child-bed Sickness?

Quest. 3. What's the reason that seeing there is so many of Diana's Temples in Rome, the men refrain going into that only, which stands in Patricius-Street?

Sol. Is it upon the account of the fabulous Story, that a certain Man ravishing a Woman that was there Worshipping the Goddess, was torn in pieces by Dogs, and hence this su∣perstitious Page  156 practice arose that Men enter not in?

Quest. 4. Why do they in all other Temples of Diana in the like manner, nail up Staggs horns against the Wall, when as in that of the Aventine they nail up Ox Horns?

Sol. Was it to put them in mind of an old casu∣alty? For its said, that among the Sabines, one Antro Croatius had a very comely Ox, far excel∣lings all others in handsomeness and largeness, and being told by a certain Diviner, That he that should offer up that Ox in Sacrifice to Diana, on the Aventine, his City was determined by fate to be the greatest [in the World] and have Domi∣nion over all Italy. This Man came to Rome, with an intention to Sacrifice his Ox there; but a Ser∣vant acquainted King Servius privately with this privacy, but the King making it known to Cor∣nelius the Priest, Cornelius strictly commands Antro to wash in Tiber before he Sacrific'd, for the Law requires Men so to do, who Sacrifice acceptably; Wherefore whilst Antro went to wash, Servius took the opportunity to Sacrifice the Ox to the Goddess, and nailed up the Horns to the Wall in the Temple. These things are Storied by Juba and Varro, only Varro hath not described Antro by that Name, neither doth he say that the Sabine was choust by Cornelius the Priest, but by the Edituus [the Sexton.]

Quest. 5. Wherefore is it that those that are fasly reported to be dead in foreign Countries, when they return, they receive them not in by the Doors, but getting up to the roof of the House, they let them in that way?

Sol. Verily the account which Varro gives of this matter, is altogether fabulous. For he saith, Page  157 in the Sicilian War, when there was a great Na∣val Fight, a very false report was rumor'd con∣cerning many, as if they were slain, all of them returning home, in a little time dyed; but one of them who going to enter in at his doors, they shut together against him of their own accord, neither could they be opened by any that attemp∣ted it, this Man falling in a sleep before the Doors, saw an Apparition in his sleep, advising him to let himself down from the Roof into the House; who doing so, he lived happily and be∣came an old Man, and hence the Custom was confirmed to After-ages. But consider if these things be not conformable to some Greek usages; for they do not esteem those pure, nor keep them company, nor suffer them to approach their Sacrifices, for whom was any Funeral carry'd forth, or Sepulchre made, as if they were dead, and they say that Aristinus being one that was en∣snared in this sort of Superstition, sent to Delphos to beg and beseech of the God, a resolution of the present Scruples, which he had by reason of the Law. Pythia answered thus.

Aristinus well understanding [the meaning of the Oracle] puts himself into the Womans hands, to be washed, wrapped in Swadling-clouts, and suck the Breasts in the same manner as when he was newly Born, and thus all others do, and such are called Hysteropotimus's [i. e. one for whom a Funeral was made while living] but some say that the Ceremonies attending the Hysteropotimus's were before Aristinus, and that the Custom was Page  158 ancient: Wheerfore it is not to be wondered at a if the Romans, when once they suppose a Man buryed, and to have his lot among the dead, that they do not think it lawful for him to go in at the door, whereat they that are about to Sacrifice do go out, or those that have sacrificed do enter in, but they bid them ascend aloft into the air and descend from it's circumference, for they constantly offer their Sacrifices of purification in the open air.

Quest. 6. Wherefore do Women salute their Re∣lation with their Mouth?

Sol. What if it should be (as many suppose) that Women were forbid to drink Wine; there∣fore that those that drank it might not be undisco∣vered, but convicted when they met with their Ac∣quaintance, Kiffiing became a Custom? Or is it for the reason which Aristotle the Philosopher hath told us? Even that thing was commonly reported and said to be done in many places (which it seems) was enterpiz'd by the Trojan Women, and in the confines of Italy, for after the Men arrived and went a-shoar, the Women set the Ships on fire, earnestly longing to be discharged of their roving and Sea-fairing condition, but dreading their Husbands displeasure, they fell on saluting their Kindred and Acquaintance that met them, by kissing and embracing, whereupon the Hus∣bands Anger being appeased, and they reconciled, they used for the future this kind of Complement towards them, or rather might this usage be granted to Women, as a thing that gained them Reputation and Interest, if they appeared hereby to have many and good Kindred and Acquain∣tance? Or was it that it being unlawful to Marry Kinswomen, a Courteous behaviour might pro∣ceed so far as a Kiss, and this was only retained Page  159 as a significant sign of Kindred, and a Note of familiar Converse among them; for in former time they did not Marry Women nigh by Blood, as now they Marry, not the Aunts, or Sisters, but of late they allowed the Marrying of Nices for this reason? A certain Man, mean in Estate, but on the other hand an honest and a popular Man among the Citizens, design'd to Marry his Neice being an Heiress, and to get an Estate by her, upon this account being accused, the Peo∣ple taking little notice of the Accusation, so as to reprimand him, absolved him of the fault, and enacted it by vote, that it might be lawful for any Man to Marry so far as Neices, but prohibi∣ted all higher degrees [of Consanguinity.]

Quest. 7. Why is a Husband forbid to receive a gift from his Wife, and a Wife from her Husband?

Sol. What if the reason be (as Solon writes) de∣scribing Gifts to be peculiar to dying Persons, un∣less a Man being entangled by necessity, and wheedled by a Woman, be enslaved to force, as constraining him, and pleasure as deluding him; Thus the Gifts of Husbands and Wives became suspected. Or is it, that they reputed a Gift the basest Sign of benevolence (for Strangers and they that have no love for us to give us Presents) they took away such a piece of Flattery from Marriage? That to love and be beloved should be devoid of Mercinariness, should be spontane∣ous, and for i'ts own sake and not for any thing else: Or because Women being corrupted by receiving gifts, are thereby especially brought to admit Strangers, it seemed to be a weighty thing [to require them] to love their own Husbands that gives them nothing. Or because all things ought to be common between them, the Husband, Goods are Page  160 the Wives, and the Wives Goods the Husba•da: For he that accepts that which is given, learns thereby to esteem that which is not given, the property of another, so that by giving but a little to each other they strip each other of all.

Quest. 8. Why were they prohibited the taking of a Gift of a Son in Law, or of a Daughter in Law?

Sol. Is it not of a Son-in-Law, that a Man may not seem to convey a Gift to his Wife by his Fathers hands? And of a Daughter-in-Law, be∣cause it seems just that be that doth not give, should not receive?

Quest. 9. Wherefore is it that they that have Wives at home, if they be returning out of the Country, or from any remote Parts, do send a Messenger before, to ac∣quaint them that they be at hand?

Sol. Is not this an argument that a Man be∣lieves his Wife to be an idle Gossip? to come upon them suddainly and unexpectedly, having a shew as though they came hastily to catch them, and observe [their behaviours] they send the good tidings of their coming heforehand, as to them that are desirous of them and expect them? Or rather is it, that they desire to enquire concern∣ing their Wives, whether they are in health, and that they may find them at home looking for them? Or because when the Husbands are want∣ing, the Women have more family concerns and business upon their hands, and there is more dis∣sentions and hurly burly among those that are within doors, therefore that the Wife may free her self from these things, and give a calm and pleasant reception to her Husband, she hath fore∣warning of his coming.

Quest. 10. Wherefore do Men in Divine Service cover their Heads, but if they meet any honourable Page  161 Personages, when they have their Hats on their heads, they are uncovered?

Sol. There is also to augment the difficulty, if the Story of Aeneas be true, that whilst Diomedes was passing by, he offered a Sacrifice with his head covered. Its rational and of consequence to cover our Heads before our Enemies, but when we meet our Friends and good Men to be un∣covered. This behaviour before the Gods is not absolutely necessary, but accidental, it continuing to be observed from him, [i. e. Aeneas.]

If there be any thing further to be said; consi∣der whether we ought not only to enquire after the reason why Men in Divine Service are co∣vered, but also the consequence of it. For they that are uncovered before Men of greater Power, do not thereby ascribe honour unto them, but ra∣ther remove Envy from them, that they might not presume to demand the same kind of reverence which the Gods have, nor to endure it; or to rejoyce that they are served in the same manner, as they, but they worship the Gods in this man∣ner, either shewing their unworthiness in all hu∣mility, by the covering of the Head, or rather fearing that some unlucky and ominous voice should come to them from abroad, whilst they are praying, therefore they pluck up their Coat about their Ears, that they strictly observed these things is manifest in that, when they went to consult the Oracle, they made a great din all about by the tinkling of Brass Kettles. Or is it as Castor saith, that the Roman usages were conformable to the Py∣thagorick, notion, that the Daemon within us stands in need of the Gods without us, and we make sup∣plication to them with a covered Head, intima∣ting the Bodies hiding and absconding of the Soul.

Page  162

Quest. 11. Why do they Sacrifice to Saturn with an uncovered Head?

Sol. Is this the reason? That whereas Aeneas hath instituted the covering of the Head [in Di∣vine Service] Saturn's Sacrifice was much more ancient? Or is it that they be covered before Coelestial Gods, but they reckon Saturn an Infer∣nal and Terrestrial? Or is it that nothing of the Truth ought to be obscure and darkned? For the Romans repute Cronos time to be the Father of Truth.

Quest. 12. Why do they esteem Cronos time the Father of Truth?

Sol. Is not the reason that which some Philoso∣phers do render Cronos time? For time finds out Truth: Or is it for that which was fabled of Saturns age, that it was most just and most likely to par∣ticipate of Truth?

Quest. 13. Why do they Sacrifice to Honor a God so called, with a bare Head? For they render Honour, Dignity and Reverence.

Sol. Is it because Glory is Splendid, Illustrious and Unveiled, for which cause Men are uncovered before good and honourable Persons; and for this reason they Worship a God that bears the name of Honour.

Quest. 14. Why do Sons carry forth their Pa∣rents [at Funerals] with covered Heads, the Daughters with uncovered and dishevelled Hair?

Sol. Is the reason because Fathers ought to be honoured by their Sons as Gods, but be lamented by their Daughters, when dead, the Law hath distributed to each their proper part, and hath or∣dered a suitable connexion of both? Or is it that which is not the fashion is fit for mourning? for its most customary for Women to appear publick∣ly Page  163 with covered Heads, than for Women with uncovered: Yea among the Greeks when any •…ad calamity befals them, the Women are •…olled close, but the Men wear their Hair •…ong, because the usual fashion for Men is to be •…olled, and for Women to wear their Hair •…ong: Or whether it was enacted that Sons •…hould be covered for the reason we have •…bove mentioned?

But for Women it was •…ot lawful for them to cover their Heads [at Fune∣•…als] and History tells us that the first that put away •…is Wife, was Sp. Carbelius, by reason of Barren∣•…ess, the second was Slup. Gallus. seeing her pluck •…p her Garments to cover her Head; the third •…as Pub. Sempronius, because she looked upon Fu∣•…eral Graves.

Quest. 15. What's the reason, that esteeming Terminus a God (to whom they offer their Termina∣•…a) they Sacrifice no living Creature to him?

Sol. Was it that Romulus indeed set bounds to •…he Country, whereas it was lawful for a Man to •…ake Excursions to rob, and to reckon every Part •…f the Country his own (as Laco saith) whereever •…e should pitch his Spear? No but Numa Pompi∣•…us being a just Man and a good Common-wealths Man and a Philosopher, he set the boundaries to∣•…ards the neighbouring Countries, and Dedicated •…hose boundaries to Terminus, as the Bishop and •…rotector both of Friendship and Peace, and it •…as his Opinion that it ought to be preserved •…ure and undefiled from Blood and Slaughter.

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Quest. 16. Why is not the Temple of Matuta to be gone into by Maid Servants?

Sol. One only the good Women bring in, and her they box and cudgle, and if to bast this Maid be a sign that they ought not to enter then they are to prohibit others according to the Fable, for Ino be∣ing jealous of her Husbands loving the Servant Maid is reported to have fell outragiously upon her Son.. The Grecians say the Maid was of an Aetoli•• Family and was called Antiphera, therefore with us also in Chenoraea. The Sexton standing before the Temple of Leucothaea [Matuta] holding a wan in his hand, makes Proclamation that no Man Servant, nor Maid-Servant, neither Man nor Woman, Aetolian should enter in.

Quest. 17. Why do they not supplicate this Goddess for good things for their own Children, but for their Brethrens and Sisters Childrens?

Sol. Was it because Ino was a lover of her Sister, and nursed up her Children? but had hard for∣tune in her own Children? Or otherwise in that its a Moral and good Custom, and makes provision of much benevolence towards Relations?

Quest. 18. Why do many of the Richer sort pa•… Tith of their Estate to Hercules?

Sol. Is this the reason that Hercules Sacrifice•… the tenth Part of Geryons Oxen at Rome? Or tha•… he freed the Romans from the decimation unde•… the Hetrurians? Or that these things have n•… sufficient ground of credit from History, bu•… that they sacrificed to Hercules, as to a certai•… monstrous Glutton and Gormandizer of good Chear? Or rather they did it, as restraining extravagant Riches as a Nusance to th•… Common-Wealth, as it were to diminish some¦thing of that thriving Constitution, that's grow¦ing Page  165 up to the highest pitch of Corpulency, they are of Opinion that Hercules was most of all ho∣noured with, and rejoyced in, these frugalities and contractions of Abundance, and that he him∣self was Frugal, content with a little, and every way sparing in his way of living.

Quest. 19. Why do they take the Month of Janu∣ary for the beginning of the new Year? For anciently March was reckoned the first.

Sol. First, as it is plain by many other Remarks, so especially by this, that the Fifth Month from March was called the Quintile Month; and the Sixth the Sextile, and so forward to the last, De∣cember was so called, being reckoned the Tenth from March: hence it came to pass that some are of Opinion, and do affirm, that the Romans for∣merly did not compleat the Year with Twelve Months, but with Ten only, allotting to some of the Months above Thirty days; but others give us an account that as December is the Tenth from March, January is the Eleventh and February the Twelfth; in which Month they use Purifications, and perform Funeral Rites for the Deceased upon the finishing of the Year; but this order of the Month being changed, they now make January the First, because on the First day of this Month (which day they call the Kalends of January) the first Consuls were constituted, the Kings being de∣posed; but some speak with a greater probability, which say, that Romulus being a Warlike and Martial Man, and reputing himself the Son of Mars, set March in the front of all the Months, and named it from Mars; but Luna again being a peaceable Prince and ambitious to bring off the Ci∣tizens from Warlike Atchievements, he set them upon Husbandry, gave the Preheminence to Janu∣ary, Page  166 and brought Janus into great Reputation, as one that was more addicted to Civil Governmen• and Husbandry, then to Warlike Affairs: Now consider whether Numa hath not pitcht upon a beginning of the Year most suitably to our natural Disposition: For there is nothing at all in the whole Circumvolution of things naturally first or last [in Preheminence] but by Law Institution•, some appoint one beginning of time, some another, but they do best, who take this beginning from after the Winter and Solstice, when the Sun ceasing to make any further Progress, returns and conver• his course again to us, for there is then a kind of Topick in Nature it self, which verily encreaseth the time of Light to us, and shortens the time of darkness, and makes the Lord and Ruler of every transient being to approach nearer to us.

Quest. 20. When the Women beautifie the Tem∣ple of the Goddess appropriate to Women, which they call Bona, why do they bring no Myrtle into the Hous•, although they be zealous of using all budding and flo•r∣ing Vegetables?

Sol. Is not the reason (as the Fabulous write the Story) thus, That the wife of Faulius a Divine•, using to drink Wine secretly, and being discover∣ed, was whipt by her Husband with Myrtle rods: Hence the Women bring in no Myrtle, but offer to her a Drink-offering of Wine, which they call Milk? Or is it this that as they abstain from many things, so especially they reserve themselves chast from all things that appertain to Venery, when they perform that divine Service? for they do not only turn their Husbands out of doors, but banish from the House every Male-kind, when they exercise this Canonical Obe∣dience to their Goddess, they therefore reject Page  167 Myrtle as an abomination, it being consecrated to Venus; and even at this day they call Venus Murtia, of old (as it seems to me) they called Myrtia.

Quest. 21. Why do the Latines worship a Wood∣pecker, and all of them abstain strictly from this Bird?

Sol. Is it because one Picus by the Enchantments of his Wife transformed himself, and becoming a Woodpecker, uttered Oracles, and gave Oracu∣lous Answers to them that enquired? or if this be altogether incredible and Monstrous, there is another of the Romantick Stories more probable, about Romulus and Remus, when they were ex∣posed to the open Field, that not only a She∣woolf gave them suck; but a certain Woodpecker flying to them fed them; for even now it is very usual, in Meads and Groves where a Wood∣pecker is found, there is also a Wolf, as Nigidius writes, or rather as they deem another Bird sa∣cred to another God, so this to Mars; for it's a daring and fierce Bird, and hath so strong a Beak as to drill an Oak to the heart by pecking.

Quest. 22. Why are they of opinion that Janus was double faced, and do describe and paint him so?

Sol. Was it because he was a Native Greek of Parrhaebia (as they story it) and going down into Italy, and cohabiting with the Barbarians of the Country, changed his Language and way of living? or rather because he perswaded that People of Italy, that were salvage and lawless to a Civil Life, in that he converted them to Husbandry, and formed them into Common-Wealths.

Quest. 23. Why do they perform Funeral rites in the Temple of Libitina, seeing they are of opinion that Libitina is Venus?

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Sol. Was it, that this was one of the Wise Insti∣tutions of King Numa, that they might learn not to esteem these things irksom, nor to fly from them as a Defilement, or rather is it to put us in mind that whatever is born must dye, as being one Goddess that presides over them that are born, and those that dye? And at Delphos, there is the Statue of Venus Epitymbia [Venus on a Tomb] to whom, at their Drink-Offerings they call forth the Ghosts of the deceased.

Quest. 24. Why have they three beginnings of the Month forestated, which take up such an interval of days between?

Sol. What if it be this (as they write about Juba's time) that on the Calends the Magistrates called the common People, and proclaimed the Nones on the fifth, the Ides they esteemed an Holy-day? or rather they that define time by the variations of the Moon, have observed that the Moon comes under three greatest variations monthly, the first is when its obscured making a Conjunction with the Sun, the second is when it gets out of the rays of the Sun, and makes her first appearance after the Sun is down, the third is at her fulness when its full Moon, they call her disappearance and obscurity the Calends, every thing hid and privy they call claim, and celare is to hide: The first appearance they call the Nones, by a most fit notation of Names, it being the New-Moon [Novilunium] for they call it New-Moon as we do. Ides are so by reason of the fairness and clear complexion of the Moon standing forth in her compleat splendor.

Quest. 25. Why do they determine the days after the Calends, Nones and Ides to be unfit to travel or go a long journey in?

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Sol. Whether (as most Men think and Livy tells us) on the next day after the Ides of Quintilis (which they now call July) the Tribunes of the Souldery marching forth, the Army were con∣quered by the Gauls in a Battle about the River Allia, and lost the City, whereupon this day was reckoned unlucky, and Superstition (as it loves to do) extended this observation further, and sub∣jected the days after the Nones and Calends to the same scrupulosity? Or what if this notion meet with much contradiction? For it was on another day they were defeated in Battle which they calling Aliensis (from the River) do greatly abominate as unsuccessful, and whereas there be many unlucky days, they do not observe in all the Months alike, but every one in the Month he happens in, and its most improbable that all the next days after the Nones and Callends simply considered, should contract this Superstition; where∣in they solemnize some purifications and funeral rites to the Ghosts of the deceased, so that they have constituted the Three which hath been spoken of, as it were the chief and principle days for Festivals and Holy-days, designing the next following these to Daemons and deceased persons, which days they esteemed unfortunate and unfit for Action. And also the Grecians worshipping their Gods, at the New of the Moon, dedicated the next day to Heroes and Daemons, and the second of the Cups was mingled on the behalf of the Male and Female Heroes. Moreover Time is altogether a Number, and a Unity which is the foundation of a Number, is of a Divine Nature: The Number next is two, contrary to the first, and is the first of even Num∣bers, but an even Number is defective, imperfect and infinite; as again an odd number is determi∣nate, Page  170 definite and is compleat, therefore the Nones succeed the Calends on the Fifth day, the Ides follow the Nones on the Ninth, for unequals to terminate beginnings, but those even Numbers which are next after beginnings, have not that Preheminence nor Influence: Hence on such Days they take not any Actions or Journey in hand, wherefore that of Themistocles hath reason in it. The day after contended with the Feast-Day, saying, that the Feast-day truly had much La∣bour and Toil, but she [the Day after the Feast] affords the Fruition of the Provision made for the Feast day, with much Leisure and Quiet∣ness. The Feast-day answered after his wise, Thou speakest truth, but if I had not been, neither hadst thou been. These things spake Themistocles to the succeeding Athenian Officers of the Army, as that they could never have made any Figure in the World, had not he saved the City, when as therefore every Action and Journey worth our diligent Management, requires necessary Provi∣sion and Preparation: The Romans of old made no Family Provision on Feast-days, nor were careful for any thing, but that they might at∣tend Divine Service, and this they did with all their Might, as even now the Priests enjoyn them in their Sermons, when they address themselves to the Sacrifices. In like manner they do not rush presently after their Festival Solemnities, upon a Journey, or any Enterprize (because they were unprovided) but finished that Day in con∣triving Domestick Affairs, and fitting themselves [for the intended Occasions abroad] as even at this day, after they have said their Prayers and finished their Devotion, they are wont to stay and sit still in the Temples, so that they did not Page  171 joyn Working-days immediately to Holy-days, but made some Interval and Distance between them; secular Affairs, bringing many Troubles and Distractions along with them.

Quest. 26. Why do Women wear for Mourning white Manto's, and white Kerchiefs?

Sol. What if they do this in Conformity to the Magitians, who (as they say) standing in defiance of Death and Darkness, do fortifie them∣selves with bright and splendid Robes, for the doing of it? Or as the dead Corps is wrapped in White, so they judge it meet that they should be conformable thereto? For they beautifie the Body so, but cannot the Soul, wherefore they follow it as gone before pure and white, being dismissed after it hath fought a great and various Warfare? Or is it that, that which is very mean and plain is most becoming in these things? for of Garmants dy'd of a Colour, some argue Luxury, others Vanity, neither may we say less of Black than of Sea-green or Purple, for verily Garments are deceitful, and so are Colours, and a thing that is naturally black, is not dy'd by Art but by Nature, and is blended with an inter∣mixt Shade: Its only White therefore that is sin∣cere unmixt, free from the Impurity of a Dye and unimitable, therefore most proper to those that are buried: for one that is dead is become simple, unmixt, and pure without Wealth or Guard, freed from the Body no otherwise then from a tinging Poyson. In Argos they wear White in Mourning, as Socrates saith, Vestments rinced in Water.

Quest. 27. Why do they repute every Wall imma∣culate and sacred, but the Gates not so?

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Sol. Is it (as Varro hath wrote) that the Wall is to be accounted Sacred, that they might defend it chearfully, and even lay down their Lives for it; upon this very account it appears that Romulus slew his Brother, because he attempted to leap o∣ver a sacred and inaccessible Place, and to render it transcendible and profane, but it could not pos∣sibly be, that the Gates should be kept sacred, through which they carried many things that ne∣cessity required, even dead Corpses, when they built a City from the Foundation, they marked out the place on which they intended to build it with a Plough, yoaking a Bull and a Cow toge∣ther, but when they did set out the Bounds of the Walls, measuring the Space of the Gates, they lifted up the Plough-Share and carryed the Plough over it, that all the ploughed Part might be sacred and inviolable.

Quest. 28. Why do they prohibit the Children to swear by Hercules within Doors, but command them to go out of the Doors?

Sol. Is the reason (as some say) that they are of Opinion that Hercules was not delighted in a Do∣mestick Life, but rather to live abroad in Fields and Out-houses? Or rather because he was none of their Native Country Gods, but a Foreigner? For neither do they swear by Bacchus within Doors, he being a Foreigner, if it be he whom the Greeks call Dionysius? Or what if these things are uttered by Children in Sport, this is on the contrary for a restraint of a frivolous and rash Oath, as Favorin saith, for that which is done as it were with Preparation, causes delay and deli∣beration. If a Man judges, as Favourinus doth of the things recorded about Hercules, that this was not common to other Gods, but peculiar to Page  173 him, for History tells us that he had such a Re∣ligious Veneration from an Oath, that he swore but once only to Phyleus Augeus his Son: Where∣fore Pythia upbraids the Lacedaemonians with such Swearing, as though it would be more laudable and better to pay their Vows, than to swear.

Quest. 29. Why do they not permit the new mar∣ried Woman her self to step over the Threshold of the House, but the Bride man lift her over?

Sol. What if the reason be, that they taking their first Wives by force; brought them thus in∣to their Houses, but they went not in of their own accord? Or is it that they will have them seem to enter into that place as by force, not willingly, where they are about to loose their Virginity? Or is it a significant Ceremony, to shew that she is not to go out, depart, or leave her Dwelling Place, till she is forced, even as she goes in by force, for with us also in Baotia, they burn the Axle-tree of a Cart before the Doors, in∣timating that the Spouse is bound to remain there, the Instrument of Carriage being destroyed.

Quest. 30. Why do the Bride-men that bring in the Bride, require her to say, where thou Cajus art, there am I Caja?

Sol. What if the reason be, that by mutual a∣greement, she enters presently upon participation of all things, even to share in the Government: And this is the meaning of it, Where thou art Lord and Master of the Family, there am I al∣so Dame and Mistriss of the Family? These Names they use at other times promiscuously, as the Lawyers do Cajus, Sejus, Lucius, Titius, and the Philosophers use the Names of Dion and The∣on? Or is it that Caja Secilia an honest and good Woman, being married to one of Tarquinius his Page  174 Sons, had her Statue of Brass Erected in the Temple of M. Ancus, on which were anciently hang'd Sandals and Spindles, as a significant Me∣morial of her House wifery and Industry.

Quest. 31. Why is that so much celebrated Name Thalassius, sung at Nuptials?

Sol. Is it not from the Greek Word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Spinning, &c. because they call a Spindle Talas∣sus? Moreover, when they have introduced the Bride, they spread a Fleece under her, and she having brought in with her a Distaff and a Spin∣dle, all behangs her Husbands Door with Wool∣len-Yarn? Or if it be true which Historians re∣port, that there was a certain Young Man fa∣mous in Military Atchievements, and also an honest Man, whose Name was Talassius, now when the Romans seized by force on the Sabine Daughters, coming to see the Theatrick Shews. A comely Virgin for Beauty was brought to Ta∣lassius, by some of the common sort of People and Retainers to him, crying out a loud (that they might go the more securely, and none might stop them or take the Wench from them) Let a Wife be brought to Thalassius; upon which the rest of the Rabble greatly honouring Talassius, followed on, and accompanied them with their loud Acclamations, praying for, and praising of Talassius: Hence that proving a Fortunate Match, it became a Custom to others at Nuptials, to cant over Talassius, as the Greeks do Hymenaeus.

Quest. 32. Why do they that throw the Effigies of Men from a wooden Bridge into the River, in the Month of May, call those Images Argives?

Sol. Was it that the Barbarians that of old inha∣bited about that place, did in this manner destroy the Graecians which they took? Or did their so much Page  175 admir'd Hercules reform their Practise of killing Strangers, and taught them this Custom of re∣presenting their divilish Practice, by casting in of Images? The Ancients have usually call'd all Grecians, Argives, unless in troth the Arcadians esteeming the Argives open Enemies, by reason of Neighbourhood, they that belong'd to Evander, flying from Greece, and taking up their Scituati∣on there, have kept up that Malignity and En∣mity?

Quest. 33. Why would they not in ancient times Sup abroad without their Sons, whilst they were in Non-age?

Sol. Was not this Custom brought in by Ly∣eurgus, when he introduced the Boys to the Phi∣tidia [Clubs] that they might be inured to Mode∣sty in the use of Pleasures, not savagely and rude∣ly, having their Superiors by them as Overseers and Observers? Verily its of no small Concern∣ment that Parents should carry themselves with all Gravity and Sobriety in the Presence of their Children: for when old Men are debauch'd, it will necessarily follow (as Plato saith) that young Men will be most debauched.

Quest 34. What is the reason that when the o∣ther Romans did perform their Drink-Offerings and Purifications for the Dead in the Month of Fe∣bruary, Decimus Brutus (as Cicero saith) did it in December?

Sol. He verily was the first who entring upon Lusitania, passed from thence with his Army over the River Lethe. May it not be that as many were wont to perform Funeral Rites in the latter part of the Day, and end of the Month, that it's rational to believe, that at the return of the Year, and end of the Month, also Page  176 he would honour the Dead? For December is the last Month: Or was those Adorations of their Infernal Ghosts? For it was the Season of the Year to honour them with all sorts of Fruits that had attained ripeness? Or is it because when they moved the Earth at the beginning of Seed time, its most meet then to remember the Ghosts below? Or is it that this Month is by the Romans consecrated to Saturn, whom they reckon to be one of the Infernal Gods, and not of the Super∣nal? Or that whilst the great Feast of Saturnals did last, thought to be attended with the greatest of Luxury and Voluptuous Enjoyments, it was judged meet to crop off some first Fruits of these for the Dead? Or what if it be a meer Ly, that only Brutus did purifie on the Behalf of the Dead in this Month, when as they solemnize Funeral Rites for Laurentia, and offer Drink Offerings at her Tomb in the Months of December?

Quest. 35. Why do they adore Laurentia so much, seeing she was a Strumpet?

Sol. They say that Acca Laurentia was diverse from this, and they ascribe Honour to in the Month of April: But this other Laurentia they say was Sirnamed Fabola, she became noted upon this occasion, a certain Sexton that belonged to Hercules (as it seems) leading an Idle Life, used to spend most of his Days at Chests and Dice, and on a certain time, when it happen'd that none of those that were wont to play with him, and partake of his Sport, were present, he being very uneasie in himself, he challenged the Gods to play a Game at Dice with him, as it were for this Wager, that if he got the Game, he should receive some Boon from the God; but if he lost it, he would provide a Supper for the God, and Page  177 a pretty Wench for him to lye with; whereup∣on, choosing out two Dice, one for himself, and the other for the God, and throwing them he lost the Game, upon which, abiding by his Challenge, he prepared a very splendid Table for the God, and picking up Laurentia, a notorious Harlot, and set her down to the good Cheer, and when he had made a Bed for her in the Tem∣ple, he departed and shut the Doors after him, the report went, that Hercules came and had to do with her, but not after the usual manner of Men, and commanded her to go forth early in the Morning into the Market-place, and whomsoever she first happened to meet him, him she should especially set her Heart upon, and procure him to be her Cope-mate; Laurentia accordingly aris∣ing and going forth, happened to meet with a certain rich, unmarried, grave Man, whose Name was Taruntius, he lying with her, made her, whilst he lived, the Governess of his House, and his Heiress when he died; some time after, she died and left her Estate to the City, and there∣fore they have her in so great a Reputation.

Quest. 36. Why do they call one Gate at Rome the Window (to signifie that it is the lightest) and just by it is the Bed-Chamber of Fortune so called?

Sol. Was it because Servius who became the most successful King, got his Glory by convers∣ing with Fortune, shining into him at a Win∣dow? And though this may be but a Fable, yet Tarquinius Priscus the King dying, his Wife Tanaquil being a discreet and Royal Woman, put∣ing her Head out at a Window, propounded Servius to the Citizens, and perswading them to proclaim him King, and this place had the Name of it.

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Quest. 37. Why is it, that of the things dedi∣cated to the Gods, the Law permits only to neglect the Spoils that are taken in War, and by time fall into decay; and permits them not to have any Veneration nor Reparation?

Sol. Is this the reason that they are of opinion that the renown of Ancestors fades away, and yet they are always seeking after some fresh Monu∣ment of Fortitude? Or rather because time wears out the marks of contention with our Enemies, and to restore and renew them, were inviduous and malicious, neither among the Greeks are those Men renowned, who were the first Erectors of Stone or Bruss Trophies.

Quest. 38. Why did Q. Metellus, being a High Priest, and otherwise reputed a wise Man, and a States Man, prohibit the use of Divination after the Sextile Month now called August?

Sol. Is it not that we also, as the day begins and encreaseth, do those things, and so as the Month begins and encreaseth, but all declina∣tions we observe to be unlucky; so he also was of opinion that the time of year, after eight Months was as it were the Evening of the year, when it declined and hastened towards an end? Or is it because they must use thriving and full grown Birds, for such are in Summer; but to∣wards Autumn, some are Moulting and Sickly, others Chickens and unfledg'd, others altogether vanish'd and fled out of the Country, by reason of the Season of the Year.

Quest. 39. Why is it unlawful sor such as are not mustred (although they be otherwise conversant in the Army) to slay an Enemy or wound him?

Sol. This thing Cato Senior hath even made clear in a certain Epistle, writing to his Son and Page  179 commanding him, That if he be discharged of the Army, having fulfilled his time there, that he return, if he stays to take Commission from the General to march forth in order to wounding and staying the Enemy. Is it the reason, that necessity requires that a Man should be commissionated for the killing of a Man? For he that doth this illegally and without Commission is a Murtherer. Therefore Cyrus commended Chry∣santa, that when he was about to slay an Enemy, and lifting up his Cemeter to take his blow, and hearing a retreat sounded, let the Man alone and smote him not, as being prohibited? Or is it that if a Man conflicts and fights with his Ene∣mies, and falls under a Consternation, he ought to be lyable to answer it, and not escape punish∣ment? For verily he doth not advantage his side so much by smiting and wounding him, as he doth mischief by turning his back and flying, therefore he that is disbanded is fre'd from Marshal Laws, but when he doth petition to perform the Office of a Souldier, he doth again subject him∣self to Military Laws, and puts himself under the command of his General.

Quest. 40. Wherefore was it unlawful for a Priest of Jupiter to be annointed abroad in the Air?

Sol. Was it not because it was neither honest nor decent to strip the Sons naked, whilst the Father looked on, nor the Son-in Law whilst the Father-in-Law looked on? neither in ancient times did they wash together; for verily Jupiter is the Father, and that which is abroad in the open Air may be especially said to be as it were in the sight of Jupiter, Or is it thus? As it's a prophane thing for him to strip himself naked in the Tem∣ple or Holy Place; so they did reverence the open Air and Firmament as being full of Gods and Page  180 Daemons; wherefore we do many necessary things within doors, hiding and covering our selves in our Houses from the sight of the Gods; moreover some things are enjoyned to the Priest only, other things to all by a Law delivered by the Priest; for with us [in Greece] to wear a Crown, to wear long Hair, or to carry cold Iron by his side, or not enter into the Phocaean borders, are peculiar, pro∣per peices of the High Priest's Service, but not to taste latter, ripe fruits before the Autum∣nal Equinoctial; or to cut a Vine before the Spring Equinoctial, are things required of all by the Chief Priest, each of these have their Season: It's after the same manner (as it appears) among the Romans it's peculiar to the Priest, nei∣ther to make use of a Horse, nor to be absent from home in a Journey more than three Nights, nor to put off his Hat (therefore he is called Flamen) many other things are enjoyned to all sorts of Men by the Priest; of which one is not to be anointed abroad in the open Air: For the Ro∣mans have a great prejudice against dry Unction [i. e. without bathing] for they are of Opinion, that nothing hath been so great a cause to the Grecians of Slavery and effeminacy, than their Fencing and Wrestling Schools, insinuating so much Debauchery and Idleness into the Citizens, yea vitious sloth and buggery, yea that they de∣stroyed the very Bodies of Youths, with sleep∣ing; perambulations, dancing and delicious feeding, whereby they insensiby fell from the use of Arms, and instead of being good Soldiers and Horsemen, they loved to be called Gentle∣men, Wrestlers, and prettey Men: It is hard therefore for them to avoid these mischiefs, who are unclothed in the open Air, but they that are a∣nointed Page  181 within doors and cure themselves at home, do commit none of these Vices.

Quest. 41. Why had the ancient Coin on one side the Image of double-fac'd Janus stamped, on the other side the Stern or Stem of a Ship:

Sol. What if it be (as they commonly say) in honour of Saturn that sailed over into Italy in a Ship? Or if this be no more than what may be said of many others besides; for Janus, Evan∣der and Aeneas all came by Sea into Italy? A man may take this to be more probable; where•s some things serve for the beauty of a City, some things for necessary Accommodation, the greatest part of the things that beautify a City, is a good constitution of Government, and the great∣est Part for necessary Accommodation, is good trading, whereas now Janus had erected a good frame of Government among them, reducing them to a sober manner of Life, and the River be∣ing Navigable, affording plenty of all necessary Commodities, bringing in partly from the Sea, and partly from the out Borders of the Country: Their Coin hath a significant stamp double faced, of the Legislator (as hath been said) by reason of the vicissitude of their Affairs, and for the River they have a small Ship, they used also another sort of Coyn, having engraven on it an Ox, a Sheep and a Sow, to shew that they traded most in Cattle, and got their riches from these, hence were many of the Names among the Anci∣ents derived, as Suills, Bubucks, Porcians, as Finestella tells us.

Quest. 42. Why do they use the Temple of Saturn for a Chamber of Publick Treasury as also an Office of Record for Contracts?

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Sol. Is not this the reason? because that saying hath obtained Credit, viz. that there was no Ava∣rice or Injustice among Men, while Saturn rul'd, but Faith and Righteousness? Or was it, that God presided over the Fruits of the Field and Husbandry? For the Sicle signifyed as much, and not as Antimachus was perswaded and wrote with Hesiod,

Money is produced from plenty of Fruit, and the vent of them, therefore they make Saturn the Author and Preserver of Tranquility. That which confirms this is, that the Conventions assembled every Ninth day in the Market place (which they call Nundinae Markets) they reckon sacred to Saturn, because the excellency of Fruit gave the first occasion of buying and selling? Or was these things far fetcht: The first that con∣trived this Saturnine Chamber of Bank, was Val. Publicola upon the suppression of Kings, being per∣swaded that it was a strong place perspicuous, and not easily undermined by Treachery.

Quest. 43. Wherefore did the Embassadors from whencesoever they came to Rome, go to Saturn's Temple, and there had their names recorded before the Chamberlains?

Sol. Was this the cause that being Saturn was a Foreigner therefore he much rejoyced in Stran∣gers? Or is this better resolved by History. An∣ciently (as it seems) the Questors sent enter∣tainment to the Embassadors, (they called the presents Lauteia) they took care also of the Sick, and buried their dead out of their publick Stock, Page  183 but now of late because of the multitude of Em∣bassadors that come, that Expence is left off, yet it re∣mains still in use to bring the Embassadors unto the Chamberlains, that their Names might be recorded.

Quest. 44. Why is it not lawful for Jupiters Priests to swear?

Sol. Is not the reason that an Oath is a kind of Test imposed on a Free People, but the Body and Mind of a Priest ought to be free from imposition? Or is it not unlikely that he will be disbelieved in smaller Matters, who is intrusted with Divine and greater? Or is it that every Oath concludes with an Execration of Perjury, and an Execration is a fearful and grievous thing. Hence neither is it thought fit that Priests should curse others, wherefore the Priestess at Athens was commended for refusing to curse Alci∣biades, when the common People required her to do it, for she said, I am a Votary, not a Cursing Priestess. Or is it that the danger of Perjury is of a publick Nature? If a Religious person swear∣ing, be perjured, who presides in offering up Sacrifices on the behalf of the City.

Quest. 45. Why is it that in solemn Feasts of Venereals, they let Wine run so freely out of the Temple of Venus?

Sol. Is this the reason (as some say) that Me∣zentius the Etrurian General sent to make a League with Aeneas, upon the condition that he might have a Yearly Tribute of Wine, Aeneas refusing, Mezentius engaged to the Etrurians, that he would take the Wine by force of Arms and give it to them, Aeneas hearing of his promise devoted his Wine to the Gods, and after the Victo∣ry he gathered in the Vintage, and powred Page  184 it forth before the Temple of Venus. Or is this a teaching ceremony, that we should Feast with Sobriety and not Excess, as if the Gods were bea∣ter pleased with the Spillers of Wine, then with the Drinkers of it?

Quest. 46. Wherefore would the Ancients have the Temple of Horta to stand always open?

Sol. Is this the reason (as Antistes Labeo hath told us) that Hortari signifies to quicken one to an Action, and that Horta is such a Goddess as Ex∣horts, and Excites to good things, they suppose therefore that she ought always to be in business, never procrastinate therefore not to be shut up or lockt? Or is it rather as now they call her Hora (the first Syllable pronounced long) as a kind of an active and busie Goddess, being very circum∣spect and careful, and they were of opinion that she was never lazy or indeed of humane affairs; Or is it that this is a Greek name, as many others of them be, and signifies a Goddess that al∣ways oversees and inspects Affairs, and therefore her Temples is always open as one that never slumbers nor sleeps? But if Labeo deduceth Hora aright from Hortari, consider whether Orator may not rather be said to be derived from thence, who being an Exhorting and Exciting person is a Coun∣seller or Leader of the Common people, and not from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Imprecation, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Prayer as some say.

Quest. 47. Why did Romulus build the Temple of Vulcan without the City?

Sol. What if it were by reason of that Fabled grudge which Vulcan had against Mars for the sake of Venus, Romulus being reputed the Son of Mars, would not make Vulcan a cohabitant of the same House or City with him? Or this may be a silly Page  185 reason for that Temple was at first built by Romulus for a Senate House, and a Privy-Counsel for him to consult State Affairs together with Tatius, where they might be retired with the Senators, and sit in consultation about matters quietly, without interruption from the Multitude? Or was it that Rome was formerly in danger of being burnt from Heaven, he thought good to adore that God, but place his habitation without the City?

Quest. 48. Wherefore did they (in the Feasts called Consalia) put Garlands on the Horses and Asses, and take them off from all work?

Sol. Was it not because they celebrated that Feast to Neptune, the Cavaleir [who was there∣fore called Consus] and the Ass takes part and share with the Horse, in his rest from labour? Or was it thus, that after Navigation came in and Traffick by Sea, there succeeded a kind of ease and leasure to the Cattle, in some kind or other?

Quest. 49. Wherefore was it a custom among the Candidates for Magistracy to present themselves in their Shirts without Coats, as Cato tells us?

Sol. 49. Was it not that they should not carry Money in their bosoms to buy Votes with? Or is it that they preferred no Man as fit for the Magistracy, for the sake of his Birth, Riches or Honours, but for his Wounds and Cicatrices, and that these might be visible to them that came about them, they came without upper Cloaths to their Elections? Or as by Courteous Behaviour, Supplication and Submission, so by humbling themselves in nakedness, they gained on the affections of the common People.

Quest. 50. Why did the Flamen Dialis [Jupiters Priest] when his Wife dyed, lay down his Priestly dignity, as Teyus tells us?

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Sol. Is it not for this reason, because he that Marries a Wife and looses her after Marriage, is more unfortunate then he that never took a Wife, for the Family of a Married Man is compleated, but the Family of him that is Mar∣ried and looseth his Wife, is not only incompleat but mutilated? Or because the Wife joyns with the Husband in consecration, as there are many sacred Rites that ought not to be performed un∣less the Wife be present, but to Marry another im∣mediately after he hath lost the former Wife, is not perhaps easie to do; and besides its not con∣venient. Hence it was not lawful formerly to put away a Wife, nor is it at this present lawful, un∣less it was that Domitian in our remembrance, be∣ing petitioned, granted it to one. The Priest were present at the dissolution of Marriage, doing many terrible, strange and unquoth Actions, but thou will wonder less, if thou art informed by History that when one of the Censors dyed, his Partner was required to lay down his place, when Livius Drusus dyed Aemilius Scaurus his Col∣league would not abandon his Government before one of the Tribunes of the People, committed him to Prison.

Quest. 51. Why was a Dog set before the Lares, which they properly called Praestites, but the Lares themselves were covered with Dogs Skin?

Sol. Was it that Praestites were they that pre∣sided, and its fit that Presidents should be Keepers, and should be frightful to strangers (as Dogs are) but mild and gentle to those of the Fami∣ly? Or rather what some Romans assert, and as some Philosophers who follow Chrisippus, are of opi∣nion that evil Spirits wander up and down, which the Gods do use as publick Executioners of unho∣ly Page  187 and wicked Men, so the Lares are a certain sort of furious and revengeful Daemons, that are obser∣vators of Mens Lives and Families, and are here cloathed with Dogs Skins, and have a Dog sit∣ting by them, as being sagacious to hunt upon the Foot, and to prosecute wicked Men.

Quest. 52. Why do they Sacrifice a Dog to the Ghost called Geneta, and pray that no home born should descend mild? [or a Milk Sop.]

Sol. Is the Reason that Geneta is a Daemon that is imployed about the Generation and Pur∣gation of corruptible things? For this word sig∣nifies a certain Flux and Generation; or a Birth issuing forth; for as the Groeks do sacrifice a Dog to Hecata, so the Romans to Geneta on the behalf of the Natives, moreover Socrates saith that the Argives do sacrifice a Dog to Elionia [Lucina] to procure a facility of delivery; but what if the Prayer be not made for Men but for Dogs pup∣pyed at home, that none of them should be of a Sheepish nature, for Dogs ought to be currish and fierce? Or is it that they that are de∣ceased are meek and wily? Hence speaking Mystically at the beginning, they signifie their desires, that no Home-born should dye, neither ought this to seem strange which Aristotle hath wrote in the account that he gives of the Con∣federacies of the Arcadians with the Lacedaemonians, i. e. that none of the Tageates should be rendred placed upon the account of the Lacedaemonians, i. e. that none should be slain.

Quest. 53. Why is it, that to this very day while they Act the Plays at the Capital, they set Sardi∣nians to Sail by a Cryer, and a certain old Man in way of derision, goes before carrying a Childs bauble about his Neck, which they call Bulla.

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Sol. Was it because a People of the Tuscans called Vegents, maintained a Fight a long time with Romulus, and he took this City last of all, and exposed them and their King to Sale by an out∣cry, upbraiding him with his madness and folly, for that Lydians were Tuscans at first, and Sardis was the Metropolis of the Lydians, so that they set the Vejents to Sale under the Name of Sardinians, and to this day they keep up the Custom in a way of Pastime.

Quest. 54. Why do they call the Flesh Market Macellum [i. e. the Shambles.]

Sol. Was it not by corrupting the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Cook, so are many other words, as custom hath prevailed, for C and G are [Κ and Γ] are nigh a kin to one another, and Γ G came more lately into use, being inserted among other Let∣ters by Sp. Carbilous, and now by lispers and by reason of a stammering Speech, L is pronounced instead of R. Or this matter may be made clear by a Story, It's reported that at Rome there was a stout Man a Robber, who had robbed many, and being taken, with much difficulty, was brought to condign punishment, his Name was Macellus, out of whose riches a publick Meat Market was built, which bare his Name?

Quest. 55. Why are the Minstrils allowed to go about the City on the Ides of January, wearing Wo∣mens Apparel•?

Sol. Is it for this reason to be rehearsed? These sort of Men (as it seems) had great Priviledges accruing to them from the Grant of King Numa, by reason of his godly Devotion, which things af∣terward being taken from them, when the Decem Viri managed the Government, they forsook the City, whereupon there was a search made for Page  189 them, and one of the Priests offering Sacrifice without Musick, made a superstitious Scruple of so doing, and when they returned not upon Invi∣tation, but led their Lives on the River Tybur: A certain Freeman told the Magistrates privately, that he would undertake to bring them; and pro∣viding a plentiful Feast, as if he were to Sacrifice to the Gods, he invited the Minstrels, where was Women kind present also, with whom they revell'd all night sporting and dancing, there on a suddain a Man began a Speech and being surprized with a fright as if his Patton had come in upon him, per∣swaded the Pipers to ascend the Caravans that were covered all over with Skins, saying he would carry them back to Tybur, but this whole business was but a Trepan; for he wheeling about the Caravan, and they perceiving nothing by reason of Wine and Darkness, he very cunningly brought them all into Rome by the morning; most of them by reason of the Night revel, and drink that they were in happened to be cloathed in flowred Womens Robes; whereupon being pre∣vailed upon by the Magistrates, and reconciled, it was decreed, that they should trant through the City, on that day habited after this manner.

Quest. 56. Why are they of Opinion that Mat∣trons that first built the Temple of Carmenta, and at this day they worship her most?

Sol. There is a certain Tradition, that when the Women were prohibited the use of Chariots drawn by a Yoke of Oxen, they conspired to∣gether, not to be got with Child and breed Children, and in this manner to be revenged on their Husbands, until they had revoked the De∣cree, and gratifyed them, which being done Children were begot, and the Women becoming Page  190 good Breeders, and very fruitful, built the Tem∣ple of Carmenta. Some say that Carmenta was Evanders Mother, and going into Italy was called Themis; but as some say Nicestrata, who when she sung forth Oracles in Verse was called Car∣menta by the Latines, for the Words of the Verse they call Carmina: There are some opiniated that Carmenta was a Destiny, therefore the Matrons sacrifice to her, the Etymology of the Word is carens mente [one besides her self] by reason of divine raptures; hence Carmenta had not her Name from Carmina, but rather was called so upon this account, being inspired she sung her Oracles in Verse.

Quest. 57. What is the reason that when the Women do sacrifice to Rumina, they pour forth Milk plentifully on the Sacrifices, but offer no Wine?

Sol. Is it because the Latines call a Breast Ruma, and that Tree they say is called Ruminalis, under which Lupa drew forth her Breast to Romulus, even as we call those Women that bring up Children with Milk, Nurses, from the Breast [Breast Wo∣men.] So Rumina who was a wet Nurse, a thy Nurse, and a School Mistriss did not permit Wine, as being hurtful to the Infants.

Quest. 58. Why do they call some Senators Patres conscripti, and others they call only Patres?

Sol. Is not this the reason, that those that were first constituted by Romulus they called Patres and Patritii, as being Gentlemen and could shew their Pedegree, but those that were Elected after∣ward from among the commonalty, they called Patres conscripti?

Quest. 59. Why was one Alter common to Her∣cules and the Muses?

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Sol. Was it because Hercu∣les taught Letters first to Evanders People, as Juba tells us? and it was esteemed a venereal Action of those that taught their Friends and Relations: It was but of late that they began to teach for hire. The first that opened a Grammar-Shcool was Sp. Carvilius a free Man of Carvil, the first that divorced his Wife.

Quest. 60. What's the reason, that of Hercu∣les's two Altars, the Women do not partake or taste of the things offered on the greater?

Sol. Is it not because Carmentas Women come next after those Sacrifices, and the race of the Peinarii succeeds, Hence they are raised from their Feasts, others coming in the places are called Pinarii? Or is it upon the account of that fabulous Story of the Coat and Dejanara?

Quest. 61. What is the reason that its forbidden to mention, enquire after, or name the chief Tutelary and Guardian God of Rome, whether Male or Female? Which prohibition they confirm with a superstitious Tra∣dition, reporting that Valerius Suranus perished mise∣rably for expressing that name?

Sol. Is this the reason (as some Roman Histories tells us) that there being certain kinds of Evocations and Enchantments, with which they think their Gods may be invited out by their Enemies, to go a∣way and dwell with them, they feared lest this mischief should befal them for others? as the Tyrians are said therefore to bind fast their Ima∣ges with Cords, but others when they will send any of them to washing or purifying, they require Sureties from their return; so that the Romans reckoned they had their God in most safe and secure Custody, he being unexpressible and unknown? Or is it as Homer hath verified?

As Men do worship and reverence all Gods that have the Earth in common, so the Ancient Ro∣mans obscured the Lord of Salvation, requiring that not only this but all Gods should be reveren∣ced by the Citizens.

Quest 62. Why among them that are called Fe∣cials (in Greek Peace-makers) the Ash-bearers, he that was named Peter Patratus was acounted the chiefest? But this must be one who hath his Father living, and Children of his own, and he hath even at this time a certain priviledge and trust; for the Praetors commit to those Mens trust the Persons of such, who by reason of comliness and beauty, stand in need of an exact and chast Guardianship?

Sol. Is this the reason, that they must be such whose Children reverence them and they reve∣rence their Parents? Or doth the name it self suggest a rea•on? For Patratum will have a thing to be compleat and finished, for he whose lot it is to be a Father whilst his Father liveth, as it were perfecter then others. Or is it that he ought to be Overseer of Oaths and Peace, and according to Homer, must see before and behind: He is such an one especially who hath a Son for whom he Con∣sults, and a Father with whom he may Consult.

Quest. 63. Why is he that is called Rex Sacrorum (who is King of Priests) forbid both to take upon him the Civil Government, or make an Oration to the People?

Sol. Was it, that of old the Kings did perform the most and greatest sacred rites, and they offer∣ed Sacrifices together with the Priests; but when they kept not within the bounds of Moderation, and became proud and insolent, most of the Grae∣cians depriving them of their Authority, and left Page  193 to them only this part of their Office to Sacrifice to the Gods, but the Romans casting out Kings alto∣gether, gave the charge of the Sacrifice to another, enjoyning him neither to meddle with Govern∣ment nor Preach to the People, so that they only allow him to consult about the Sacrifices, and ma∣nage a Kingdom on the behalf of the Gods. Hence there being a certain Sacrifice kept by tradition in the Market place, near the Comitia, which as soon as the King [i. e. the chief Priest] hath offer∣ed, he immediately withdraws himself by flight out of the Market place.

Quest. 64. Why do they not suffer the Table to be quite voided when its taken away, but will have something always to remain upon it?

Sol. What if it be that they would intimate, that something of our present enjoyments, should be left for the future, and that to day we should be mindful of to morrow? Or that they reckon it a piece of Manners, to repress and restrain the Appetite in our present fruitions, for they less desire absent things, who are accustomed to abstain from those that are present, or was it a Custom of Courtesie towards houshold Servants? For they do not love so much to take, as to partake, deeming that they hold a kind of Communion with their Masters at the Table. Or is it, that of sacred things nothing ought to be slighted as empty? For the Table •…s a sacred thing.

Quest. 65. Why doth not a Man lye at first •…ith his Bride while its Light, but when it is •…ark?

Sol. Is it not for modesty sake, for at the first •…ongress he looks upon her as a stranger to •…im? Or is it that he may be inured to go into Page  194 his own Wife with Modesty? Or as Solon hath wrote, let the Spouse go into the Bed-Chamber knawing a Quince, that the first Salutation be not harsh and ungrateful. So the Roman Law∣giver saith, if there be any thing absurd and un∣pleasant in the Body, he should hide it, or because Infamy attends unlawful use of Venery, therefore the lawful should have certain signs of Modesty at∣tending it.

Quest. 66. Why was one of the Horse-race rounds called Flaminina?

Sol. Is it because when Flaminius, one of the Ancients, bestowed a Field on the City, they employed its revenue on the Horse-races, and with the overplus Money they repaired the way which they call Flaminina.

Quest. 67. Why do they call the Rod-bearers Lictors?

Sol. Is this the reason, Because these Men were wont to bind desperate Bullies, and they followed Romulus carrying thongs in their Bosoms. The vulgar Romans say Alligare to bind, when the more refined in Speech say Ligare. Or is now C inserted, when formerly they called them Li∣tores, being Liturgi, Ministers for publick Service, for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 until this day is writ for publick, in ma∣ny of the Grecian Laws which scarce any is ig∣norant of.

Quest. 68. Why do the Luperci Sacrifice a Dog? The Luperci are they that run up and down naked in the Lupercal Plays, with small Breeches on, and slash all that they meet with a Whip?

Sol. Is it not because these Feats are done for the purification of the City, and they call the Month February, and indeed the very day Febrata and Febraris, on which they are wont to whip Page  195 with Thongs, the word signifying to cleanse. And to speak the truth, all the Grecians have used, and some do use to this very day a slain Dog for an Expiatory Sacrifice, and among other Sacrifices of Purification, they offer Whelps to Hecata, and sprinkle those that need cleansing, with the Puppies Blood, calling this kind of puri∣fying Puppification: Or is it that Lupus is Lucus a Woof, and Lupercals are Lycaea, but a Dog is at enmity with a Wolf, therefore is Sacrificed on the Lycaean Festivals? Or is it because the Dogs do bark at, and perplex the Luperci as they scout a∣bout the City? Or is it that this Sacrifice is offer∣ed to Pan? for Pan loves Dogs because of his heards of Goats.

Quest. 69. Why upon the Festival called Septi∣montium, did they observe to abstain from the use of Chariots drawn by a Yoak of Oxen and even until now, they that regard antiquity do still abstain?

Sol. They do observe the Septimontium Feast, upon the addition of the seventh Hill to the City, upon which it became Septicollis seven hilled Rome. Or what if it be (as some of the Romans con∣jecture) because the Parts of the City are not as yet every where connected? Or if this conceit be nothing to the purpose, what if it be, that when the great work of building the City was finished, and they determined to cease the increasing of the City any further, they rested themselves, and rested the Cattle that bore a share in the labour with them, and provided accordingly that they might partici∣pate of the Holy day, by rest from labour? Or was it that they would have all the Citizens always present for the solemnity and return of a Festival, especially that which was observed in remem∣brance of the compact uniting the Parts of the Page  196 City, and that none should desert the City for whose sake the Feast is kept, they were not al∣lowed to use their Yoak-Chariots that day.

Quest. 70. Why do they call those Furciferi, which were convict of Thefts, or any other of those slavish Crimes?

Sol. Was it this (which was an Argument of the severity of the Ancients) whenever any con∣victed his Servant of any Villany, he enjoyned him to carry the forked piece of Timber that is under the Cart [the Tongue of the Cart] and to go with it through the next Villages and Neighbourhood to be seen of all, that they might distrust him and be aware of him for the future, this piece of Wood we call a Prop, the Romans call it Furca a Fork, hence he that carries it about is called Furcifer a Fork-bearer.

Quest. 71. Why do they bind Hay about the Horns of Oxen that are wont to push, that they may be shun∣ned by him that meets them?

Sol. Is it that by reason of gormandizing and stuffing their Guts, Oxen, Asses, Horses and Men become mischievous, as Sophocles somewhere saith,

Therefore the Romans say that M. Crassus had Hay about his Horns, for they that were turbu∣lent Men to the Common-wealth, were wont to stand in awe of him as a revengeful Man, and one scarce to be medled with, although afterward it was said again, that Caesar had taken away Crassus his Hey, being the first Man of the Re∣publick that withstood and affronted him.

Page  197

Quest. 72. Why would they have the Lant∣horns of the South saying Priests (which formerly they called Auspici, and now Augures) to be al∣ways open at top, and no cover to be put upon them?

Sol. Is it this as the Pythagoreans do, who make little things Symbals of great matters, as forbid∣ding to sit down upon a Bushel, and to stir up the fire with a Sword; So that the Ancients used many enigmatical Ceremonies, especially about their Priests, and such was this of the Lanthorn, for the Lanthorn is like the Body encompassing the Soul, the Soul being the light within side, and the Understanding and Judgment ought to be always open and quick sighted, and never to be shut up or blown out, and when the Winds blow, the Birds are unsettled and do not afford sound prognosticks, by reason of their Wan∣dring and Irregularity in flying, by this usage, therefore they teach that their Southsayers must not Prognosticate when there are high Winds, but in still and calm Weather, when they can use their open Lanthorns.

Quest. 73. Why were Priests that had Sores about them, forbid to use Divination?

Sol. Is not this the reason? that its a significant sign, that whilst they are employed about divine Matters, they ought not to be in any pain; nor have any sore or passion in their Minds, but to be cheerful, sincere, and without distraction? Or it is but rational, if no Man may offer an Oblation, that hath a Sore, nor use such Birds for Southsaying, that much more they them∣selves should be free from these blemishes, and be clean, sincere and sound, when they go about to inspect divine Prodigies, for an Ulcer seems Page  198 to be a mutulation and defilement of the Body.

Quest. 74. Why did Servius Tullius build a Temple of small fortune, which they call Brevis?

Sol. Was it because he was of a mean Origi∣nal, and in a low condition, being born of a cap∣tive Woman, and by Fortune came to be King of Rome? Or did not that change of his con∣dition manifest the greatness of his Fortune, rather then the smalness? But Servius most of all of them seems to ascribe divine influence to Fortune, giving thereby a reputation to all his Enterprises; For he did not only build the Temple of hopeful Fortune that averteth Evil, that is mild, primogenial and masculine: But there is a Temple also of his own proper For∣tune, another of Fortune turning to him, another of hopeful Fortune, and the fourth of Virgin Fortune, and why should any one mention any more Names? seeing there is a Temple also of ensnaring Fortune which they name Viscata as it were ensnaring us when we are as yet a far off, and enforcing us upon business. Consider also, and learn that a great Matter may be effected by a small peice of Fortune, and it often falls out, whether a small thing be done or not done, that great things are effected by some, or do come to naught: He built therefore a Temple of small Fortune, teaching us to take care of our business, and not contemn the things that happen by reason of their smallness.

Quest. 75. Why did they not extinguish a Can∣dle, but suffered it to burn out of its own accord?

Sol. Is this the reason? That they adored it, as being related, and akin to unquenchable and eternal Fire. Or is it a significant Ceremony, Page  199 that we are not to kill and destroy any animated Creature that is harmless, Fire being as it were an Animal? For it both needs nourishment and moves it self, and when its extinguish'd it makes a Noise as if it were then slain? Or doth this usage instruct us, that we ought not to make waste of Fire or Water, or any other necessary things that we have a superabundance of, but suffer those that have need to use them, leav∣ing them to others, when we our selves have no use for them.

Quest. 76. Why do they that would be preferred be∣fore others in Gentility, wear little Moons on their Shoes?

Sol. Is this the reason (as Castor saith) that this is a Symbol of the place of habitation, that is said to be in the Moon, that after death, Souls should have the Moon under their Feet again? Or was this a fashion of renown among Families of greatest Antiquity? Who were the Arcadians of Evanders Posterity, that were called Men before the Moon: or is it as many other customs, so this to put Men in Mind, who are lofty and high minded, of the mutability of human Affairs to either side, setting the Moon before them as an Example,

Or was this for a Doctrine of Obedience to Au∣thority, that they would have us not discontented under it, but as the Moon doth willingly obey her superior and conform unto him, always Page  200 vamping after the Rays of the Sun (as Parmenides hath it) so they that are Subjects to any Prince, should be contented with their lower Station, in the enjoyment of Power and Dignity derived from him.

Quest. 77. Why are they of an Opinion that the Year is Jupiters, but the Months belong to Juno?

Sol. Is it because Jupiter and Juno Reign over the invisible Gods, but the Sun and Moon over the visible? And the Sun it verily causeth the Year, and the Moon the Months, neither ought we to think that they are bare Images of them, but the Sun is very Jupiter materially, and the Moon very Juno materially; therefore they name Heras Juno, a Juvenescendo the name signi∣fying a thing that is new or grows young, from the nature of the Moon, and they call her Lu∣cina, as it were bright, or shining, and they are of opinion that she helps Women in their natu∣ral Purgations, and Travel pains, whence is that of the Poet;

For they suppose that Women have the easiest Travel at the full of the Moon.

Quest. 78. What is the reason that a Bird called Sinister, in Sooth-saying is fortunate?

Sol. What if this be not true? but the dialect deludes so many, for they render 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sini∣strum: But to permit a thing is sincere, and they say sine when they desire a thing to be permit∣ted, therefore a Prognostick permitting an acti∣on (being sinisterium) the vulgar do understand Page  201 and call amiss sinistrum? Or is it as Dionysius saith? When Ascanius the Son of Aeneas had pitched bat∣tle against Mezentius, a flash of Lightning por∣tending Victory (as they Prognosticated) came on his left hand, and for the future they observed it so? or as some others say that this hapned to Aeneas? Moreover the Thebans routing and con∣quering their Enemies by the left Wing of the Army at Leuctra, they continued in all Battles to give the left Wing the preheminence: Or is it rather as Juba thinks? to those that look toward the East, the North part is on the left hand, which verily some make the right hand and superior part of the World. Consider whether the South∣sayers do not as it were corroborate left hand things, as the weaker by nature, and do intimate as if they introduced a supyly of that defect of power that is in them? Or is it that they think that things Terrestial and Mortal, stand directly over against Heavenly and Divine things, and do conjecture that the things which to us are on the left hand, the Gods send down from their right hand?

Quest. 79. Why was it lawful to bring the Bones of one that had triumphed (after he was dead and burnt) into the City, and lay them there, as Pyrrhus the Liparaean hath told us?

Sol. Was it for the Honour they had for the deceased? for they granted, that not only Gene∣rals and other Eminent Persons, but also their Off-Spring should be buryed in the Market place, according to Valerius and Fabricius, and they say when the posterity of these Persons died, they were brought into the Market place, and a burn∣ing Firebrand put under them, and immedi∣ately taken away, using the Honorary without Page  202 envy, and to ratify it, as a thing only allowed them.

Quest. 80. Why did they that publickly Feasted the Triumphers, humbly request the Consuls, and by Messengers sent, did beseech them not to cme to their Supper?

Sol. Was it that it was necessary to give the supream Place and most honourable Entertain∣ment to the Triumpher, and wait upon him home after Supper? whereas the Consuls being present they might do such things to none other but they.

Quest. 81. Why did not the Tribune of the People wear a Purple Garment, when as each of the other Magistrates wore one?

Sol. What if the Tribune is not a Magistrate at all? Neither hath Lictors, neither sitting in Tribunal did he determine Causes, neither do they as the rest enter upon their Office at the beginning of the Year, neither do they cease when a Dictator is chosen, but though they translated all Magistratick Power to them∣selves, yet they continue still, being as it were no Magstrates, but holding another kind of rank, as some Rhetoricians will not have a Prohibition to be Judicial proceeding, seeing it doth some∣thing contrary to Judicial proceeding, for the one brings in an Action at Law, and gives Judge∣ment upon it, but the other Non-suits it and dismiseth the cause: after the like manner they are of opinion that Tribuneship is rather a Curb to Magistracy, and that its an Order standing in opposition to Government, rather then a piece of Government it self, for the Tribunes Office and Authority is to withstand the Magistrates Autho∣rity, Page  203 even to curtalize his Extravagant Power: May not a Man tell you these things and such as these if he will use freeness of Speech? For Tri∣buneship taking its Original from the People; Popularity is its strong hold, and its a great thing not to carry it above the rest of the People, but to be like the Citizens they have to do with, in Gesture, Habit and Diet. State indeed becomes a Consul and Pretor, but as for a Tribune (as Gaius Curio saith) he must be one that even is trampled upon, not grave in Countenance nor difficult of Access, nor harsh to the Rabble, but more tra∣ctable to them then to others. Hence it was de∣creed that the Tribunes Doors should not be shut but open Night and Day, as a Haven and place of Refuge for distressed People, and how much the more condescending his outward deportment is, by so much the more doth he increase in his Power, for they dignifie him as one of publick use, and to be resorted to of all sorts, even as an Altar, therefore by the reverence they give him, he is Sacred, Holy and Inviolable; and when he makes a Publick Progress, its a Law that eve∣ry one should cleanse and purifie the Body as defiled.

Quest. 82. Why are the chief Officers rods car∣ried bound together with the Axes fastned to them?

Sol. What if it be a significant Ceremony, to shew that a Magistrates anger ought not to be rash and ungrounded? Or is it that while the rods are leasurely unloosing, they make delibe∣ration and delay in their Anger, so that often∣times they change their Sentence as to the Punish∣ment? Now whereas some sort of Crimes are Page  204 curable, some uncureable, the Rods correct the Corrigible, but the Axes are to cut off the In∣corrigible.

Quest. 83. What is the reason that the Romans, when they were informed that the Barbarians called Bletonienses, were about to Sacrifice a Man to the Gods, sent for their Magistrates pretending to punish them, but when they made it appear that they did it in obedience to a certain Law, they dismissed them, but pro∣hibited the like Action for the future, when as they themselves not many years preceding, buried two men and two Women alive in the Beast Market, two of them were Greeks and two Gauls? For it seems absurd to do this Fact themselves, and yet to reprimand the Barba∣rians as if they had committed prophaneness?

Sol. What if this be the reason that they reckoned it prophane to Sacrifice a Man to the Gods, but necessary to the Daemons? Or were they of opinion that they that did such things by Custom or Law, sinned; but as for themselves they did it being enjoyned to it by the Sybils Books? For its reported that one Elvia a Virgin riding on Horse-back, was struck with lightning and cast from her Horse, and the Horse found lying un∣covered and She naked, as if on set purpose her Coats had been turned up from her secret parts, also her Shooes, Rings, Head gear all lay scattered up and down here and there, her Tongue also hanging out of her Mouth, insomuch that the Diviners declared, that it was an intollerable dis∣grace to the Holy Virgins, that it should be published, and that some part of the abuse did touch the Cavaleirs. A servant of a certain Bar∣barian Cavaleir informed, that three Vestal Vir∣gins, Emilia, Licinia and Martia, about the same place were defloured, and for a long time played Page  205 the Whores with some Men, among whom was Bytetius the said Informers Master, the Virgins being convict were punished, the fact appearing hainous, it was thought meet that the Priest should consult the Books of the Sybils: Where there were Oracles found foretelling these things would come to pass for mischief to the Re-publick, and for the aversion of the impending calamity enjoyned them, to provide two Grecians and two Gauls, and bury them alive in that place, in or∣der to the appeasing some alien and foreign Daemons.

Quest. 84. Why do they take the beginning of the day from the midnight?

Sol. Is the reason that the Common-weal had a military constitution at the first? For many matters of concern were managed with Lamps by Night: Or did they make Sun-rising the be∣ginning of business, and the night for preparation to it; For men ought to come prepared to Acti∣on, and not be in preparation when they should be doing, as Myso is reported to have said to Chylo the wise, when he was making a Fan in Win∣ter. Or as the Noon-tide to many is the time for finishing publick and weighty Affairs, so it seems meet to make midnight the beginning, which thing hath this confirmation, that a Roman Go∣vernour would make no League or Confedera∣tion in the Afternoon. Or is it possible to take the beginning and end of the day from Sun-rising to Sun-setting, as the vulgar measure the begin∣ning of the day by sence, to be the first appear∣ance of the Sun, and take the first beginning of the night to be the compleat withdrawment from our sight; whence we shall have no Equinocti∣al, but the night which we suppose comes nearest Page  206 in equality to the day, that will be manifestly shorter then the day by the Diameter of the Sun, which absurdity the Mathematicks going about to salve, have determined, that where the Center of the Sun toucheth the Horizontal Cir∣cle, there to be the true parting point between day and night, which indeed contradicts sence, for it will follow, that whilst there is much light above the earth, yea the Sun illuminating of us, that we will not for all this confess it to be day, but that it is yet night, whereas then it is hard from the rising and setting of the Sun, to take the beginning of the day, by reason of the foremen∣tioned absurdities, it remains to take the Zenith or the Nadir for the beginning, the last is best, for the Suns course from noon is by way of declination from us, but from midnight he takes his course towards us, as Sun rising comes on.

Quest. 85. Wherefore did they not in ancient times suffer Women to grind, or play the Cooks?

Sol. Happily because they remembred the Co∣venant that they made with the Sabines; for after they had rob'd them of their Daughters, and fighting many battles became reconciled, among other Articles of agreement this was recorded, that a Wife was not to grind nor play the Cook for a Roman Husband.

Quest. 86. Why do they not marry Wives in the Month of May?

Sol. Is this the reason, because May is between April and June, concerning which Months they have an opinion, that that is sacred to Venus, this to Juno both of them being Nuptial Goddesses, they either take an opportunity a little before May, or tarry till it be over? Or is it that in this Month they offer the greatest Expiatory Sacrifice, for Page  207 now they cast the Images of Men from a Bridge into the River, formerly Men themselves, moreover because its by Law required that the Flaminica, the reputed Priestess of Juno should be most sowrly sullen, during the time, neither to wash or trim up her self? Or is it because the vulgar Latines in this Month purifie themselves for the dead? And therefore perhaps they wor∣ship Mercury in this Month, and from Maja de∣rives his Name: Or as some say, Maius Elder, June as it were Junior Younger, taking its Name from younger Age? For Youth is most suitable to Matrimony, as Euripides hath said,

Therefore they Marry not in May, but tarry till June, which is presently after May.

Quest. 87. Why do they part the Hair of Wo∣men when they are married with the point of a Spear?

Sol. What if it be a significant Ceremony, that they took their first Wives in Marriage by force of Arms and War? Or that they may instruct them, that they are to dwell with Husbands that are Souldiers and Warriers, that they should put on such Ornamental Atire that is not Luxurious or Lascivious, but plain, as even Licurgus commanded that all the Gates and tops of Houses should be built with Saw and Hatchet, and to use no other sort of Workmans Instrument about them, yea he rejected all Gaie∣ty and Superfluity? Or doth this action parabol∣lically intimate divorce, as that Marriage can be dissolved only by the Sword? Or is it that most of these Nuptial Ceremonies are relating to Juno? Page  208 for a Spear is decreed sacred to Juno, and most of her Statues are supported by a Spear, and she is Sirnamed the Quiritis Goddess, and a Spear of old was called Quiris, wherefore they Sirname Mars, Quirinus.

Quest. 88. Why do they call the store that is laid out upon the publick Plays Lucar?

Sol. Is it because there are many other repo∣sitories for the Gods about the City, which they call Luci Groves, and the revenue of those they expend upon the said Plays?

Quest. 89. Why do they call the Quirinalia the Feast of Fools?

Sol. Was it because they set apart that day for those that were unacquainted with their own Tribes and Courts as Juba saith? Or was it for them that did not Sacrifice as the rest did in the Fornicals, by reason of Business, or long Jour∣neys, or Ignorance, it was allowed to them to solemnize that Feast upon this day.

Quest. 90. What is the reason when there is a Sacrifice to Hercules, they mention no other God, and no Dog appears within the enclosure, as Varro saith?

Sol. Is the reason of their naming no other God, because they are of opinion that Hercules was but a half God, and Evander built an Altar to him, and brought him a Sacrifice, whilst he was yet here among Men? and of all Creatures he had most enmity to a Dog, for this Creature always held him hard to it, as did Cerberus, and that which most of all prejudiced him, was when Li∣cymnius the Son of Aeonus was slain for a Dogs sake, by the Hippocoondite, he was necessitated to take up the Cudgles, and as he lost many others of his Friends, so his Brother Iphicles.

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Quest. 91. Why was it unlawful for the Patri∣cii to dwell about the Capitol?

Sol. Was it because M. Manlius whilst he dwelt there affected Arbitrary Government? Upon whose account the Family came under an Oath of Abjuration, that no Manlius should for the Fu∣ture bear the Name of Marcus. Or was this an Ancient suspicion? for the potent Men would never leave calumniating Publicola a most popular Man (yet the popularity suspecting him) till he had pluckt down his House, which seemed to hang over the the Market-place.

Quest. 92. Why do they put on a Garland of Oaken Leaves on him that saves a Citizen in Battle?

Sol. Is it because its easie to find an Oak every where in the Military Expedition? Or is it be∣cause a Crown is sacred to Jupiter and Juno; Who in their opinion are the City Guardians? Or was it an ancient custom among the Arca∣dians, who are something a kin to the Oak? For they repute themselves the first Men pro∣duced of the Earth, as the Oak among the Vege∣tables.

Quest. 93. Why do they for the most part use Vultures for sooth-saying?

Sol. Was this the reason, because twelve Vultures appeared to Romulus upon the building of Rome? Or that of all Birds this is least fre∣quent and unwonted? For its not easie to meet with young Vultures, but they fly to us unexpectedly from some remote Parts; there∣fore the sight of them is Protentous: Or learned they this from Hercules? If Herodotus speak true, that Hercules rejoyced most in the beginning of an enterprize, at the sight of a Vulture, being of opinion that a Vulture was the justest of all Page  210 Birds of Prey; for first he medles not with any living Creature, neither doth he destroy any thing that hath breath in it, as Eagles, Hawks and Owles do, but lives only upon dead Carcases, and next that he passeth by all such of his kind (i. e. Birds) for none ever saw a Vulture feeding on a Bird, as Eagles and Hawks, which do for the most part pursue Birds, as themselves be, and slay them even as Aesculus hath it.

And verily this Bird is not pernicious to Men, for it neither destroys Fruits nor Plants, nor is hurt∣ful any tame Animal. Moreover if it be (as the Egyptians fabulously pretend) that the whole kind of them is of the Female Sex, and that they conceive by the reception of the East wind into their Bodies, as the Trees do by receiving the South, its most probable, that very certain and sound Prognostick may be made from them, whereas in other Birds (there being so many ra∣pines, flights and pursuits about Copulation) there are great disturbances and uncertainties at∣tending of them.

Quest. 94. For what reason is Aesculapius his Temple placed without the City?

Sol. Was it because they reckoned it a whol∣somer kind of living without the City then with∣in? For the Greeks have placed the Edifices belonging to Aesculapius, for the most part on clean and high places; or is it that they suppose that God was fctched from Epidaur, for Aesculapi∣us his Temple is not close by the City, but at a great distance from it? Or is it, that by a Dra∣gon that went on shore out of a trireme Galley Page  211 into the Island, and disappearing they think the God him self intimated to them the place of build∣ing his Temple?

Quest. 95. Why was it ordained that they who were cleansed should abstain from Pulse?

Sol. Was it upon the same account that the Pythagoreans abominate Beans 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (the small Pease, be grey Pease) as being allied in name to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 [Oblivion or Hell] or was it because they used Pulse for the most part in their Compotations and Invocations of the Dead? Or rather was it, because they should bring empty and slender Bodies to their Purifica∣tions and Expiations? For Pulse are windy, and cause a great deal of Excrements that require Purging off. Or is it because they irritate Lea∣chery, by reason of their flatuent and windy Nature?

Quest. 96. Why do they inflict no other Punish∣ment on the Vestial Virgins, when they are defiled, then burying them alive?

Sol. Is this the reason, because they burn the Dead, but to bury her by Fire, who hath not preserved sacred the Divine Fire, would be unjust. Or was it that they judged it a wicked Act, to cut off a Person sanctified by the greatest cere∣monial Purification, and to lay hands on a holy Woman, and therefore they contrived a Machine for her to dye in of her self, and let her down into a Vault made under ground, where was placed a Candle burning, also some Bread and Milk and Water, and then the Den was covered with Earth on the top, neither by this execrable manner of devoting them, are they exempt from Daemon Worship, but to this day the Priests going to the place, perform Purgatory Rites.

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Quest. 97. What is the reason that at the Horse-race on the Ides of December, the Lucky Horse that beats is sacrificed as sacred to Mars, and a certain Man cutting off his Tail, brings it to a place called Regina, and besmears the Altar with the Blood of it, but for the Head, one party coming down from the way called sacred, another from that called Saburra, do fight?

Sol. Whether was it (as some say) they rec∣koning, that Troy was taken by a Horse, they punish a Horse, as being the

Or is it because a Horse is a fierce, War-like and martial Beast, therefore they do Sacrifice to the Gods the things that are most acceptable and suita∣ble, and he that Conquers is offered, because victory and Prowess doth belong to that God, or rather to stand in Battle is the work of God? And they that keep their ranks and files, do conquer those that do not keep them, but fly, and swiftness of foot is punished as the page to Cowardise; and hereby it significantly taught that there is no safety to them that run away.

Quest. 98. What is :he reason that the Censors entring upon their Office, do nothing before they have provided Meat for the sacred Geese, and polished the Statue?

Sol. Is this the reason, that they begin with those things that savour of most frugality, and such things that want not much charge and trouble? Or is it in grateful commemoration of what these Creatures did of old, when the Gauls invaded Rome, and the Barbarians scalled the Walls Page  213 of the Capitol by Night, the Geese were sensible of it, when the Dogs were asleep, they with their Gagling awaked the Watch? Or seeing the Censors are the Conservers of such things as are of greatest and most necessary concern, to over∣see and narrowly inspect them, (viz.) the publick Sacrifices, Lives, Manners and Diet of Men, they presently set before their Consideration the most vigilant Creature, and by the Watchful∣ness of these, they instruct the Citizens not to disregard or neglect sacred things. As for the polishing of the Statue its necessary for the Mi∣nium (wherewith they of old coloured the Statues) soon fades.

Quest. 99. What is the reason that of other Priests they depose any one that is condemned or banished, and substitute another in his room, but remove not the Augur from his Priesthood so long as he lives, though he be convicted of the greatest Crimes? they call them Augurs who are employed in South-saying.

Sol. Is the reason (as some say) that they will have none to know the Mysteries of the Priests who is not a Priest? Or that the Augur is bound by Oath to discover to none the Management of sacred things, therefore they refuse to absolve him from his Oath, when he is reduced to a private capacity? Or is it that an Augur is not a Title of Honor and Dignity, but of Skill and Art? Its therefore the like case to depose a Mu∣sitian from being a Musitian, or a Physician from being a Physician, with that of prohibiting a Divi∣ner from being a Diviner; Seeing they cannot take away his faculty, though they deprive him of the Title. Moreover they do not substitute Augurs, because they will keep to the number of Augurs that were at the beginning.

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Quest. 100. What is the reason, that in the Ides of August (which at first they called the Sextile) all the Men and Maid Servants do Feast, but the Wo∣men make it most of their business to wash and Purge their Heads?

Sol. Was it that King Servius about this day was born of a Captive Maid-Servant? Hence the Servants have a vacation time from work, but to wrince the head, was a thing that took its Original from a Custom of the Maid-Servants upon the account of the Feast, until they came to be Free-women.

Quest. 101. Why do they signifie their Boys with Necklaces, which they call Bullae?

Sol. What if this were for the honor of the Wives which were taken by force? For as many other things so this might be one of the injunctions laid on their posterity: Or did they it in honour of Tarquins Manhood? For is reported of him, that whilst he was but a Boy, being engaged in Bat∣tle against the Latins; and Tuscans, charging his Enemies, fell from his Horse, yet animating those Romans which were engaged in the charge, he led them on couragiously; the Enemies were put to a remarkable rout, and 6000 slain; whereupon he had this Badg of Honour bestow∣ed upon him by his Father the King: Or was it that by the Ancients, it was neither leud nor disho∣nourable to lye with beautiful Slaves (as now the Comedies testifie) but they resolvedly abstain from freeborn Servants, and least by coming accidentally on naked Boys, they should igno∣rantly transgress, the Free-boys wore this mark of distinction? Or was this a Phylactery of good Order, and after a manner a Curb of Inconti∣nency, they being ashamed to pretend to Man∣hood Page  215 before they have put off the badg of Chil∣dren? That which they say who follow Varo is not probable (viz.) That Boulle by the Aeoleans is called Bolla, and this is put about Children as a teaching sign of good Counsel. But consider whether they do not wear it for the Moons sake? For the visible face of the Moon when its halved is not spherical, its Horned, and dish like (as Em∣pedocles supposeth) as to that part which is the Subject of light.

Quest. 102. Why do they name Boys at nine days old, Girls at eight?

Sol. Perhaps its a natural reason (viz.) That Girls are forwarder, for the Female grows up and comes to full stature and perfection before the Male, but they take the days after the Seventh, because the Seventh is dangerous to Infants, by reason of the Navel-string, for with many it falls off at Seven days old, and until its fallen off, an Infant is more like a Plant then an Animal. Or is it as the Pythagoreans reckon (viz.) The even number of the Feminine, and the odd num∣ber the Masculine? For its a fruitful number and excels the even in respect of its composition. And if these numbers be divided into unites, the even like a Female hath an empty space in the middle, the odd number always leaves a Segment to fill up the middle, wherefore this is fit to be com∣pared to the Male, that to the Female? Or is it thus? that of all numbers Nine is the first squared number made of Three, which is an odd and perfect number. But Eight is the first Cube made of Two an even number, whence a Male ought to be square, superexcelling and compleat; but a Woman like a Cube constant, a good House∣wife, and no gadding Gossip. This also may be Page  216 added, that as eight is a Cube from the Root Two, and nine a Quadrat from the Root Three, so the Female makes use of two names, and the Males of three.

Quest. 103. Why do they call those whose Fathers are not known, spurious Children?

Sol. Is it not verily as the Graecians suppose, and as the Rhetoricians say in their determinations, its because that they are begot of some promiscuous and common Sperm. But Spurius is found a∣mong former Names, as Sextus, Decimus, Cajus, neither do the Romans write all the Letters of the first Name, but one Letter as T. for Titius, L. for Lucius, M. for Marcus, or with two Letters as Ti. for Tiberius, Cn. for Cnaeus, or with Three, as Sex for Sextus, and Ser. for Servius, and Spurius is of those that are written with Two Letters, Sp. and with these Letters they write without Father, S. for fine, and P. for patre, which truly hath caused some mistake when as Spurius and sine patre are writ with the same Letters. Moreover we may meet with another reason, but its more ab∣surd. They say that the Sabines called the Pri∣vities of a Woman Spurius, therefore they call him so by way of reproach, who is born of a Woman unmarried and unespoused.

Quest. 104. Why did they call Bacchus Pater Liber?

Sol. Was the reason because they make him as it were the Father of Liberty to Tiplers? For most Men become very audacious, and are fil∣led with too much licentious prattle, by reason of too much drink? Or is this it, that he hath s•pplied them with a Libamen a Drink-offering? Or is it as Alexander hath said? that Bacchus is called Page  217 Eleuth•rius, from his having his aboad about Eleu∣thera a City of Boetia.

Quest. 150. For what cause was it that on high Holy-days, it was not a custom for Virgins to marry, but Widdows did marry then?

Sol. Is the reason (as Varro saith) that Virgins forsooth are Married we•ping, but Women with joyful glee? For people are to do nothing on a Holy-day with a heavy Heart, nor by compulsion. Or rather is it because its decent for Virgins to Marry with more then a few present, but for Widows to Marry with a great many present is undecent? For the first Marriage is zealously affected, the second to be deprecated, yea they are ashamed while their first Husband lives to Marry a second Husband, and when they dye they lament them. Hence they are pleased more with silence then with Tumults and Pom∣pous doings, the Feasts too do attract the gene∣rality of People to them, that they cannot be at leasure for such Wedding solemnities. Or was it that they that rob'd the Sabines of their Daugh∣ters that were Virgins, on the Feast-day raised thereby a War, and looked therefore upon it as unlucky, to Marry Virgins on Holy-days?

Quest. 106. Why do the Romans worship For∣tuna Primigenia Fortune first born?

Sol. Was it because Servius being by fortune born of a Servant Maid, came to rule King in Rome with great splendor? And this is the suppo∣sition of most Romans. Or rather is it, that For∣tune hath bestowed on Rome its self, its very Ori∣ginal and Birth? Or may not this matter require a more natural and Philosophical Reason: Even that Fortune, insomuch that things that come by chance fall into an order among themselves.

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Quest. 107. Why do the Romans call Bacchus his Artificers, Histriones, Stage, Players?

Sol. Is it for the reason which Cl. Rufus tells us? For they say that in ancient time C. Sulpitius and Licinius Stolo, being Consuls, the Pestilence ra∣ging in Rome, all the Actors upon the Stage were cut off, wherefore upon the request of the Romans, many and good Artists came from He∣truria, among whom he that excelled in fame, and had been longest experienced on the publick Stages was called Histrus, and from him they named all the Stage-Players.

Quest. 108. Why do not Men Marry Women that are near a kin?

Sol. Is this the reason, that they design by Marriage to Augment their family concerns, and to procure many relations, by giving Wives to Strangers and Marrying Wives out of other Fa∣milies? Or do they suspect that the Contentions that would happen among Relations upon Mar∣riage, would destroy even natural rights? Or is it, that considering that Wives by reason of weakness, stand in need of many helpers; they would not have near a Kin marry together, that their own Kindred might stand by them, when their Husbands wrong them?

Quest. 109. Why is it not lawful for the High-Priest of Jupiter, which they call Flamen Dialis, to touch Meal or Leaven?

Sol. Is it because Meal is imperfect and crude nourishment? For the Wheat neither hath con∣tinued what it was, neither is it made into Bread as it must be, but it hath lost the faculty of Seed, and hath not attained to useful∣ness for Food. Wherefore the Poet hath named Meal, by a Metaphor, as it were Corn that is Page  219 spoiled and destroyed by grinding Leaven, as its made by Corruption, so it corrupts the Mass that is mingled with, for its made thereby looser and weaker, and fermentation is a kind of Cor∣ruption, which if it be over much, it makes the Bread sowr and spoils it.

Quest. 110. Why is the same High-Priest for∣bid to touch raw flesh?

Sol. Is it because Custom makes them averse enough to raw flesh? Or for the same reason that makes them averse to Meal, doth also make them averse to Flesh; for its neither a living Creature, nor drest Food. Roasting or boiling, being an alteration and change, it inverts its form; but fresh and raw Flesh offers not a pure and unpolluted object to the Eye, but such as is offensive to the Eye, and like that of a raw Wound.

Quest. 111. Why did they require the Priest to abstain from a Dog and a Goat, neither to touch nor name them?

Sol. Was it that they abominated the Lascivi∣ousness and stink of a Goat? Or that they sus∣pected it to be a diseased Creature? For it seems this Animal is more seised with the Falling-Sick∣ness then other Creatures? and contagious to them that eat or touch it, while it hath this Disease, they say the Cause is the straitness of the Wind-pipes, often intercepting the Breath, a sign of which they make the smallness of their Voice to be, for it happens to Men that are Epileptical, that they utter a Voice sounding much like the bleat of a Goat. Now in a Dog there may be less of Laciviousness and of an ill scent, although some say that a Dog is not per∣mitted to go into the High street of Athens, no Page  220 not into the Island Delium, by reason of their open coition, as if Kine, Swine and Horses did use coition in Bed-Chambers, but not openly and lawlesly. They acknowledge the true reason to be, because a Dog is a quarrelsom Creature, there∣fore they expel Dogs out of Sanctuaries and sa∣cred Temples, giving safe access to suppliants for refuge, wherefore it is very likely that the Priest of Jupiter being an animated and sacred Image granted for refuge to Petitioners and Suppliants, do banish or fright away none; for which cause a Couch was set for him in the Porch of the House, and they that fell on their Knees before him, had indemnity from stripes or punishment that day, and if one in Fetters came and ad∣dressed he was unloosed, but bound Prisoners they brought not from abroad in at the Door, but let them down from the Roof of the House, it would be therefore no advantage, that he should carry himself so mild and courteous, if there were a Dog at the Door, scaring and frighting them that Petition for Sanctuary: Neither did the Ancients at all repute this Creature clean for he is offered in Sacrifice to none of the Celestial Gods, but being sent to Hecata an infernal Goddess, at the three-cross way for a Supper, takes a share in averting Calamities, and in Expiations. In Lacedaemonia they cut Puppies in Pieces to Mars, that most cruel God. In Boetia publick expiation is made by passing between the Parts of a Dog divided in twain. But the Romans sacrifice a Dog in the cleansing Month, on the Feast day of Purga∣tory, which they call Lupercalia. Hence it was not, without cause to prohibit them, whose charge Page  221 it was to worship the highest and holiest God, from making a Dog familiar and accustomed to them.

Quest. 112. What is the reason that a Priest of Jupiter is forbid to touch an Ivy, or to pass over that way, that is overspread with Vine-branches?

Sol. Is it not of the like Nature, as not to Eat in a Chariot, nor to sit upon a Pair of Scales, nor step over Brooms? Not that the Pythagoreans do dread and refrain from these things, but prohibit other things by these, for to go under a Vine hath reference to Wine, because its not lawful for a Priest to be drunk, for the Wine is above the heads of those that are drunk and they are depraved and debased thereby; Whereas it is requisite that they should be above pleasure and conquer it, but not be subdued by it. As for the Ivy, it being unfruitful and useless to Men as also in∣firm and by reason of its infirmity stands in need of other Trees to clime upon, though by its shaddow and sight of its greeness, it doth be∣witch the Vulgar, what if they judge it not convenient that a Diviner should have any insignificant thing in his House, and be perplex∣ed with that which takes up ground, and is pernicious to other Plants that bears it up? Hence Ivy is forbidden to the Celestial Priests, and neither at Atbens in Juno's Sacrifices, nor at Thebes in those belonging to Venus, can any wild Ivy be seen, though in Pharmacys and Bac∣chanals (which are Services for the most part performed in the dark) it is to be found. Or was this a Symbol of the Prohibition of Revels Page  222 and Sports of Bacchus? For Women that were addicted to Bacchanal sports, presently ran to the Ivy and pluckt it off, tearing it in pieices with their hands, and knawing it with their Mouths, so that they are not altogether to be disbe∣lieved, that say it hath an infatuating and delirating Spirit in it, transporting and berea∣ving of the Senses, and that alone by it self it introduceth Drunkenness without Wine, to those that have an easie inclination to Enthu∣siasm.

Quest. 113. Why are not those Priests allowed to take upon them or attempt civil Authority, but for honour sake have a Lictor, a sella curulis, as it were in some kind of retribution, that they are ex∣cluded the Magistracy?

Sol. Was it because in some places of Greece the dignity of Priesthood was equal with King∣ship, and therefore they designed not ordinary Persons to be Priests? Or rather because they have therefore appointed Office employments, whereas the Charge of Kings is immethodi∣cal and indefinite, it would not be possible, if both fell out at the same time, that he should be able to attend both, but must of necessity neglect one (both pressing together upon him) sometimes neglect the worship of God, and sometimes injure the Subjects. They that make inspection into civil Government, see that there is no less necessity, then power attending the Administration. For the Ruler of the People (whom Hippocrates calls a Physitian) doth see weighty Matters, and hath to do with weighty Matters, and from other Mens Calamities pro∣cures his own proper troubles, so they thought Page  223 him not sacred enough to Sacrifice to the Gods, and manage the Sacrifices, being present at the Condemnation and Execution of Citi∣zens, and often of some of his own Kindred and Families, which thing often happened to Brutus.

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Plutarch's Morals: Vol. II. Greek Questions:

Quest. 1. WHo are they at Epidaurus called Conipodes and Ar∣tymi?

Sol. The Managers of the Affairs the Com∣mon-wealth were One hundred and eighty Men, out of these they Elected Senators, which they call'd Artymi, the most Part of the Common-People were conversant in Husbandry, these they called Coni∣podes, because (as may be supposed) they were known by their dirty feet, when they came into the City.

Quest. 2. What Woman was that among the Cumans, called Onobatis?

Sol. This was one of the Women taken in Adul∣tery which they brought into the Market-place, and set her upon a certain Stone to be seen of all, from thence they took her and set her on Ass-back, and led her round about the City, and afterwards set her up again upon the Stone, lead∣ing the rest of her life under disgrace; her they Page  225 called Onobatis [the Woman that rode upon an Ass] hence the abominated the Stone as unclean. There was also a certain Magistrate among them, called Phylactes [a Conservator] he that had this Office for the rest of his time, kept the Prison, but at the nocturnal Convention of the Senators, he came into the Counsel, and laying hands on the Kings led them forth, and detained them in Custody until the Senate had determined concerning them, whether they had acted un∣righteously or no, who passed Sentence in pri∣vate.

Quest. 3. Who are Hypocaustria among the Solenses?

Sol. They call the She-Priest of Minerva so, because she offers certain Sacrifices and Oblations for the averting of impending Calamities.

Quest. 4. Who are the Amnemones among the Cnidians, and who is Aphester?

Sol. The sixty Men chosen for Prelates from among the Nobles, which they used for Chief-Ju∣stices [Bishops] and Principle Counsellors for life, in Matters of greatest concern, they called Amnemones (as a Man may suppose) because they were not accountable to any for what they did, or verily (rather in my opinion) because they were Men carrying much business in their Memories, and he that craved their Judgment was called Aphester.

Quest. 5. Who were the Cres•• among the Arca∣dians and Lacedemonians?

Sol. When the Lacedaemonians were agreed with the Tegeats, they made a League with them, and set up a common Pillar at Alpheum, upon which this is written among other things, drive out the Page  226 Messinians from your Borders, and make none of them Cresti, i. e. Good. Aristotle interpreting this, saith, that none of the Tageats ought to be slain that endeavoured to bring aid to the Lacedemoni∣ans.

Quest. 6. Who is Crithologus among the Opun∣tains?

Sol. The most of the Greeks did use Barly at their ancient Sacrifices, when the Citizens offered their first Fruits, now they called him Crithologus, who presided over the Sacrifices, and received the first Fruits. They had two Priests, one that had the chief charge of the Divine things, the other of Daemonic affairs.

Quest. 7. What sort of thin Clouds are the Plo∣jades?

Sol. Showring Clouds which were carried up and down, for the most part they called Plojades, as Theophrastus hath said expresly in his fourth Book of Meteors, whereas indeed the Plojades are those Clouds which have a consistency, and not so moveable, but as to colour white, which disco∣ver a kind of different Matter, neither very Wa∣try nor very Windy.

Quest. 8. Who is Platychetas among Boeo∣tians?

Sol. They that had neighbouring Houses, or bordering Fields, using the Aeolick Dialect, they call so as such who dwell nearest. I will add one say∣ing out of the Thesmophylachan Law, seeing there are many—here it is wanting.

Quest. 9. Who is he among the People of Delphos who is called Hosioter? And why do they call one of the Months Bysius?

Sol. They call the slain Sacrifice Hosioter? when the Hosius [the Holy one] is declared. There are Page  227 five of these Holy ones for Life, and these trans∣act many things with the Prophets, and Sacri∣fice together with them, supposing that they descended from Ducalion. The Month Byfus verily as many think is the same with Physius [natural] for its in the beginning of the Spring, when most things do sprout and put forth Buds; but this is not the true reason; For the Delphs do not use B. for Ph. (as the Macedonians, who say Bilippus, Balacrus and Beronic• for Phylippus, Phalacrus and Pheronica) but instead of P. they for the most part saying 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, therefore Bysius for Pysius, because in that Month they enquire of and consult their God Apollo, this is their genuine and Country way of speaking: for in that Month an Oracle is given forth, and they call that Week the Na∣tivity of Apollo, and the Name is Polyphthonum; not because of their Baking a sort of Cakes called Pthojes, but because then their Oracle is full of An∣swers and Prophesies, for it is but of late that Oraculous answers were given to the enquirer every Month. In former times Pythia gave an∣swers only once a Year, which was in this Month as Calisthenes and Anaxauridas hath told us.

Quest. 10. What is Phyxemelum?

Sol. Its one of the small Plants that creeps upon the ground, upon whose Branches the Cattle treading, do hinder, hurt and spoil their growth, where therefore they have attained some considerable bigness by growth, and escap∣ed the injury of those that use to go over, its called Phyxemelum, of which Esculapius is Wit∣ness.

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Quest. 11. Who are the Apospendoneti?

Sol. The Eretrienses inhabited the Island of Corcyra, but when Charicrates set Sail from Corinth with a considerable strength, and overcame them in Battle: The Eritrienses took Shipping and sailed to their Native Countrey, of which thing the Inhabitants of that Countrey having timely notice, gave them a repulse, and by slinging Stones at them impeded their Landing, now be∣ing not able eitheir to perswade or force their way, seeing the Multitude was implacably bent against them, they sailed into Thracia and took possession of that Country, where they say Metho first inhabited, of whose Off-spring Orpheus was, the City therefore they call Methona, and of the neighbouring Inhabitants the Men are called Apospendoneti, i. e. They that were repulsed with Sling-stones.

Quest. 12. What was Charila among the Delphs?

Sol. The Delphs selemnized three nonennial Feasts, subsequent in order to each other, of which they call one Septerium, another Herois, and the third Charila. The Septerium represents by imitation the fight which Apollo had with Py∣thon, and both his flight and pursuit after the fight unto Tempe, for some verily say that he fled as needing purification by reason of the Slaughter, others say that he pursued Python wounded, and flying along the High-way which they now call Sacred, he left him almost dead, but he overtook him just dead of his wound, and buried by his Son, whose name was Aix as they say. Septerium therefore is the representation of these or some such things, but as to Herois, it hath for the most part a Mysterious reason which the Thiades are Page  229 acquainted with, but by the things that are pub∣lickly acted, one may conjecture it to be the education of Semele [the Mother of Bacchus] Con∣cerning Charila, they fable some such things as these. A Famine by reason of drought seis'd the Delphs, who came with their Wives and Children as suppliants to the Kings-gate, where∣upon he distributed Meal and Pulse to the more noted of them, for there was not sufficient for all. A little Orphan Girl yet coming and impor∣tuning of him, he beat her with his Shoe, and threw his Shoe in her Face, she indeed was a Poor wandring beggar Wench, but was not of an ignoble disposition, therefore withdrawing her self, untied her Girdle and hanged her self, the Fa∣mine hereupon increasing and many Diseases ac∣companying it, Pythia gives answer to the King, that the Maid Charila, who slew her self must be Expiated. They with much ado, at last discovering that this was the Maids name which was smote with a Shoe, they instituted a certain Sa∣crifice mixt with expiatory Rites, which they yet solemnize to this day every Ninth Year: where∣at the King presides distributing Meal and Pulse to all Strangers and Citizens (for they introduce a kind of an Effigies of the Wench Charila and and when all have received their doles, the King smites the Idol with his Shoe, which the Go∣verness of the Thyades takes up and carries away to some desolate place, and there putting a Halter about the Idols Neck, they bury it in the place where they suppose Charila strangled her self.

Quest. 13. What is he that begged flesh among the Aeneians?

Page  230

Sol. Many have been the removes of the Aenci∣ans, first they inhabited the plain of Dosion, thence they were expell'd by the Lapithites to Aithica, frem thence they betook themselves to a Region of Molossia about Arava, where they were called Pa•avaeans, afterward they took possession of Cir∣rah, * they had no sooner landed on Cirrah (Apollo so commanding their King Aenoclus) but they went down to their Country bordering on the River Inachus, inhabited by the Inacheans and Achajans. There was an Oracle given forth. That they would loose all their Country, who parted with some of it, but that it would be held by those that took it of such as freely resigned it. Temo a no∣ted Man among the Aeneians, putting on Rags and a Scrip like a Beggar, addresseth himself to the Inachians, the King in a way of reproach and scorn gave him a Clod of Earth, he received it and put it up into his Scrip, and absconds him∣self making much of his Dole, and presently for∣sakes the Country, begging no more, which the old Men admiring, the Oracle came fresh to their remembrance, and going to the King, told him that he ought not to slight this Man, nor suffer him to escape; whose designs Temo well percei∣ving, hastens his flight, and as he fled, vowed a Hecatomb to Apollo, upon this occasion the Kings fought hand to hand, and when Phaenius the King of the Aeneians saw Hyperochus the King of the Inachaeans charging him with a Dog at his Heels, he said he dealt not fairly to bring a second with him to fight him, whereupon Hyperochus going to drive away the Dog, and turning himself about in order to the throwing a Stone at the Dog, Phaenius slays him; so that the Aeneians possessed themselves of that Region, expelling the Inachaeans Page  231 and Achajans, but they reverence that Stone as sa∣cred, and sacrifice to it, and when they offer a Haca∣tomb to Apollo, they sacrifice an Ox to Jupiter, a choice Part of which they distribute to Temo's po∣sterity, and call it the Beggars flesh.

Quest. 14. Who were the Koliads among the Ithakesians? And who was Phagilus?

Sol. After the Slaughter of the Suiters, some near related to the deceased made head against Ʋlysses. Neoptolemus being introduced by both Parties as an Arbitrator, determined that Ʋlysses should remove and hasten out of Cephalenia, Za∣cynthus and Ithaca, because of the Blood that he had shed there, but the Friends and Relations of the Suiters should pay a yearly Mulct to Ʋlysses, for the wrong done to his Family, Ʋlysses therefore passed over into Italy, and the Mulct he devoted to his Son and commanded the Ithakeses to pay it. The Mulct was Meal, Wine, Honey-Combs, Oyl, Salt, the wonted Offerings of the Phagils. Aristole saith Phagilus was a Lamb, but Telemachus setting Eumeus his People at liberty, placed them among the Citizens, and is the Family of the Coliads descending from Eumaeus, and of the Bu∣cholians coming of Philaetius.

Quest. 15. What is the Wooden Dog among the Locrians?

Sol. Locrus was the Son of Fuscius, the Son of Ampictuon, of him and Cabya came Locrus, with whom his Father falling into contention, and gathering after him a great number of Citizens, consulted the Oracle about transplanting a Co∣lony, the Oracle told him that there he should build a City, where he should happen to be bit by a wooden Dog: He wafting over the Sea unto the next Shoar, trod upon a Cynosbatus [a Page  232 sweet Bryer] and being sorely pained with the prick, he spent many days there, in which time considering the Nature of the Country, he built Physces and Hyanteia, and other Towns which the Locrians [know by the name of Ozolites] in∣habited. Some say that the Locrians were called Ozolites [strong scented People] from Nessus, others say, that they are called so upon the account of Python the Serpent, cast up there by the Surf of the Sea, and putrifying upon the Shoar, and some say that the Men wore Pelts and Ram-Goat skins, living for the most part among the Herds of Goats, and therefore were strong scented; others contrariwise say that the Coun∣try brought forth many Flowers, and that this name was from their sweet odour, among them that asserts this is Architas the Amphissite, who hath wrote thus,

Quest. 16. What manner of thing is that among the Megarins called Aphabroma?

Sol. Nisus of whom Nisaia had her name in the time of his Reign, married Abrota of Boeotia the the Daughter of Onchestus, the Sister of Megareus a Woman (as it seems) excelling in Prudence, and singularly modest, when she Died the Mega∣rins cordially lamented her, and Nisus willing to perpetuate her Memory and Renown, gave command that her Bones should be arrayed with the Gown which she wore, and that Gown they called for her sake Aphabroma, and verily its manifest that the Oracle countenanced the vene∣ration of this Woman, for when the Magarin Page  233 Women would often have altered their Gar∣ments, the Oracle prohibited it.

Quest. 17. Who is Doryxenus?

Sol. The Country of Megaris was anciently inhabited by Vilages, the Inhabitants being di∣vided into five Parts, and they were called He∣raens, Piraens, and Megarins, Cynoscorens, and Tri∣prodiscians, these the Corinthians drew into a Civil War (for they always contrived to bring the Me∣garins into their Power) yet they waged War with much moderation and neighbourly designs, for no Man did at all injure the Husbandman, and there was a stated Ransom determined for all that were taken Captive. And this they received after the release of the Prisoner and not be∣fore, but he that took the Captive Prisoner brought him home, gave him entertainment, and then gave him liberty to depart to his own House, wherefore he that brought in the price of his Ransom, was applauded and remained the Friend of him that received it, and was called Doryxenus, from his being a Captive by the Spear, but he that dealt fraudulently was reputed an unjust and unfaithful Person, not only by the Souldiers but by the Citizens also.

Quest. 18. What is Palintochia?

Sol. When the Magarins had expelled Theage∣nes the Tyrant, they managed the Common∣weal, for sometime with moderation, but then (to speak with Plato) when their Orators had fill'd out to them, even to excess, the Wine of Liberty, they became altogether Corrupt, and as in other things the Poor carried themselves insolently toward the Richer sort, so in this that they entred into their Houses, and demanded that they might be feasted and sumptuously treated, Page  234 but where they prevailed not, they used violence and abusive behaviour, at last enacted a Law to enable them to fetch back the use of Money from the Usurers: which at any time they had paid, calling the Execution thereof Palintochia, i. e. the returning of use Money.

Quest. 19. Who is Anthedon of whom Pythia speaks?

Sol. Of old they called Calauria Irene from a Woman Irena, which they fable to be the Daugh∣ter of Neptune and Melantheia the Daughter of Alpheus, afterwards when the People of Alpheus and Hyperes planted there, they called the Island Anthedonia and Hygeria, the Oracle, as Aristotle saith, was this.

Thus Aristotle, but Mnasigiton saith that Anthus who was Brother to Hypera was lost when he was an Infant, and Hypera rambling about to find him, came at Pheras to Acastus or Adrastus, there by chance he found Anthus serving as a Wine-drawer, where while they were a Feasting, and the Boy bringing a Cup of Wine to his Brother, knew him, and said to him softly,

Quest. 20. What is that Darkness spoken of at the Oak in Priena?

Page  235

Sol. The Samians and Prianes waging War with each other, as at other time they sufficiently injured each other, so at a certain great fight the Prianes slew a Thousand of the Samians, seven Years after fighting with the Milessians at the said Oak, they lost all the Principal and Chief of their Citizens together, at that time when Bias the wise (who was sent Embassador from Prieur to Samos) was famous, this grievous and sad calamity befalling the Women, there was established an Execration and Oath to be taken about Matters of greatest concern. The place adjacent to that Oak was called Scotos [Darkness] because their Children, Fathers, and Husbands were there slain.

Quest. 21. Who they were among the Creets called Catacauts?

Sol. They say that the Tyrenes took away by force from Bauro the Daughters and Wives of the Athenians, at which time they inhabited Lemnus and Imber, from whence being driven they came to Laconica, and fell into such a commixture with that People, even so far as to beget Children on the native Women, so that by reason of Jealousie and Calumnies, they were again constrained to leave Laconica, and with their Wives and Children to waft over into Creet, having Pollis with his Brother their Governours; where waging War with the Inhabitants of Creet, they were fain to permit many of them that were slain in Battle, to lie unburied, in that at first they had no leasure, by reason of the War and Peril they were in, and afterwards they shunned the touching of the dead Corpses, being corrupted by time and pru∣trified, wherefore Pollis contrived to bestow cer∣tain Dignities, Priviledges and Immunities, some of which on the Priests of the Gods and some on Page  236 the buryers of the dead, devoting these to the Infernal Daemons, that they should remain perpetual to them and then divided to his Brother a share by Lot. The first he named Priests, the other Catacaute [makers of Bone-fires.] But as to the Governnment each of them ma∣naged it apart, and had among other tranquilities, an immunity from those injurious practises which other Creets were wont to exercise toward one another, privily and openly; for they neither wronged them, nor filched or robbed any thing from them.

Quest. 22. What was the Sepulchre of the Boys at Calcidon?

Sol. Cothus and Arclus the Sons of Zuthus came to dwell in Euba, the Aeolians possessing the greatest part of the Island at that time. The Oracle told Cothos that he should prosper and conquer his Enemies, if he had bought the Country, into which therefore, going up a little after, he happened to meet with some Children playing by the Sea side, whereupon he fell to play with them, conforming himself to their humors, shewed them many out∣landish Toys, but seeing the Children very desirous to have them, refused to give them any upon any other terms then to receive Land for them, the Boys taking up some Earth from the Ground, gave it to him, receiving the Toys, and he departed: The Aeolians (perceiving what was done, and the Enemies sailing in upon them) moved by Indig∣nation and Grief, slew the Children and buried them near the way side that goes from the City to Enripus, and that place is called the Sepulcre of the Children.

Quest. 23. Who was Mixarchagevas among the Argi? And who are the Elasians?

Page  237

Sol. They call Castor Mixarchagevas, and are of opinion that he was buried in the Country, but they worship Pollux as one of the Celestial Deities, those which they supposed were able to drive away the falling Sickness they called Elasii, but esteeming them to be of the posterity of Alexida the daughter of Amphiaraus.

Quest. 24. What was that which was called En∣cnisma, by the Argives?

Sol. It was a custom among those that lost any of their Kindred or Acquaintance, presently after mourning, to Sacrifice to Apollo, and thirty days after to Mercury, for they are of opi∣nion, that as the Earth receives the Bodies of the deceased, so Mercury receives their Souls, gi∣ving them Barley to Apollo's Minister, they take the flesh of the Sacrifice and extinguishing the Fire as polluted, but kindling it again by others, they boil the Flesh, calling it Encnisma.

Quest. 25. Who is, Alastor, Aliterius, Palamnaeus?

Sol. For we must not give credit to those that say that such are called Aliterii who in the time of dearth, watch the Miller and steal the Corn. But he was called Alastor who did exploits not to be forgotten, but had in remembrance for a long time. Aliterius is he who is fit to be a∣voided and observed upon the account of his Knavery. Such things (saith Socrates) were en∣graven in Plates of Brass.

Quest. 26. What is the meaning of this, that the Virgins that follow those that lead the Ox from Enon to Cassiopoea, sing till they approach the bor∣ders in this manner? To Native Country dear, O may ye ne'r return.

Sol. The Aeneians being first excited by the Lapathites, took up their habitation about Aethacia, Page  238 and then about Molossis and Cassiopoea, where the Country affording no Staple Commodity, and being ill bestead with troublesome Neighbours, they went into the Circaean Plain, under the Con∣duct of Onoclus, their King, where there was great droughts. By warning from an Oracle (as they say) they stoned Onoclus, and betaking themselves to ram∣ble again, they came into this Country which they now possess, being very pleasant and fruit∣ful, where they instantly pray to God that they may never return again to their ancient native Country, but abide where they are in prosperity.

Quest. 27. What was the reason that at Rhodes, the Cryer never entred into the Temple [or Tomb] of Ocridion?

Sol. Was it because Ochimus espoused his daugh∣ter Cydippe to Ocridion, but Cercaphus who was Brother to Ochimus, falling in love with the Maid, perswaded the Cryer (for it was the Custom to fetch the Spouses by the Cryer) that he might obtain her, to bring her to him this being accord∣ingly done, Cercaphus got the Maid and fled, af∣terward when Ochimus was grown old, he return∣ed. Wherefore it was enacted by the Rhodians, that a Cryer should not enter into the Chappel of Ocridion, because of the injustice done by him.

Quest. 28. What is the reason that at Tenedos an Organist [or Piper] might not go into the Temple of Tenes? Nor no mention might be made of Achil∣les in that Temple?

Sol. Was it because a Step-Mother accusing Tenes, that he would have lain with her, Molpus a Piper bore false witness against him, whereupon Tenes took occasion to fly into Tenedos with his Sister? and they say, that Achilles was strictly charged by Thetis his Mother not to flay Tenes, as Page  239 one that was much respected by Apollo, com∣mitted the trust to one of the houshold Servants, that he should take special care, and put him in mind of it, least Achilles should kill Tenes at un∣awares: But when Achilles made an incursion into Tenedos, and persued the Sister of Tenes being very fair, Tenes met him and defended his Sister, whereupon she escaped, but Tenes was slain, Achilles knowing of him as he fell down dead slew his own Servant, because he being present did not admonish him to the contrary. He burys Tenes, whose Temple now remains, into which nei∣ther a Piper enters, nor Achilles is named there.

Quest. 29. Who was Poletes amongst the Epi∣damnians?

Sol. The Epidamnians who were neighbouring to the Illiryans perceiving that the Citizens that had frequent commerce wirh them were de∣bauched, and fearing an Innovation, made choice of an approved Man yearly from amongst them, who should deal as a Factor with the Barbarians in all matters of Trade and Traffick, and manage the whole business of dealing and commerce on the behalf of all the Citizens, and this Man was called Poletes [the City Commis∣sioner.]

Quest. 30. Who was Araeniacta at Thracia.

Sol. The Andrians and Chalcidenses sailing into Thrace to get them a Seat, the City Sane being betray'd, was delivered up to them both in com∣mon; and being told that it was deserted by the Barbarians they sent two Spies thither, who ap∣proaching the City and perceiving all the Ene∣mies to be fled, the Chalcidic out-runs, the other intending to seize the City for the Chalcidenses, Page  240 but the Andrian finding himself not able to over∣take him, darts his Lance, and fixeth it exactly in the Gates, and saith that he had first seized the City for the Andrians, hence a great conten∣tion arising without a War, they agreed toge∣ther to make the Eruthraeans, Samians, and Parians Umpires in all matters of controversie between them. The Eruthraeans and Samians brought in the Verdict for the Andrians, but the Parians for the Chalcidenses hence the Andrians about this place bound themselves under a Curse, that they would not give Wives in Marriage to the Parians, nor take Wives of them, therefore they called the Land Acte-araino [the Shoar of the accursed] whereas before it was called Acte-draconis [the shoar of the Aragon.]

Quest. 31. In the solemn Feasts to the honour of Ceres, why do not the Eretrian Women rost their Meat at the fire, but at the Sun? And do not call upon Calligeneia?

Sol. Was it because it came in course to the Women which Agamemnon carryed captive from Troy to solemnize a Feast to Ceres, which while they were in doing a fair Wind arose, and they were suddenly had a board, leaving the Sacrifices imperfect.

Quest. 32. Who were the Aeinautae amongst the Milesians?

Sol. Thoans and Damasenor Tyrants being de∣posed, two Factions got the Government of the City, one of which was called Plontis, and the other Chiromacha, wherein the Potent Men pre∣vailing, they settled the State Affairs in the Asso∣ciation, and when they would sit in Counsel about Matters of greatest concern, the went on Ship∣board and launched out to a great distance from Page  241 the Shore, where agreeing upon a Point in de∣bate they sailed back again and upon this ac∣count were called Aeinautae, [perpetual Mari∣ners.]

Quest. 33. Why do the Chalcidenses call a cer∣tain place about Pyrsopius, Acmaeon Lesche, [the Conventicle of Youths?]

Sol. They say that Nauplius being Persecuted by the Achaeans, addressed himself to the Chalci∣denses for redress, making his defence against the Accusation and recriminated on the Acheans, where∣upon the Chalcidenses refusing to deliver him into their hands least he should be slain by treachery, granted him a Guard of lusty Young men, and appointed their post in that place, where they had mutual Society together and guarded Nau∣plius:

Quest. 34. Who was he that Sacrificed an Ox to his Benefactor?

Sol. In a Haven about Ithakesia, there was a Py∣rat Ship, in which happened to be an old Man who had Earthen Pots, holding Pitch it fell out that an Ithakesian Skipper named Pyrrhias put into this Port, who ransomed the Old Man, upon free cost, only upon his Supplication, and out of commiseration towards him and at the request of the old Man he purchased also some of his Tar-Pots. The Pyrats departing and all fear of danger over: The old fellow brings Pyrrhias to his Earthen Pots, and shews him a great deal of Gold and Silver blended amongst the Pitch [or Tar] whereupon Pyrrhias attaining to great riches, as in all respects he treated the old Man well, so he sacrificed an Ox to him. Hence they say Proverbially, That none hath Sacrificed an Ox to his Benefactor, but Pyrrhias.

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Quest. 35. Why was there such a custom amongst the Baeotian Maids, as they danced, to sing, let us go to Athens?

Sol. It is reported that the Creets (in payment of a Vow,) sent the Firstlings of Men to Delphos, but when such as were sent found no plentiful Provision there, they departed from thence in search of a Plantation, and first sat down at Japy∣gia, from thence they went and possessed that Part of Thracia which now they have, Athenians being mixed with them, for its probable that Minos did not destroy those young Men which the Athenians sent in a way of Tribute but only detain'd them in servitude, of these some that de∣scended were accountcd Creets, and were sent with others to Delphos, so the Baeotian Daughters in remembrance of their Pedigree, sing on their Feast-days, Let us go to Athens.

Quest. 36. Why do the Eleian Women in their Hymns beseech Bacchus that he will come to their help with an Ox's foot? The Hymns runs thus, Come O Hero Bacchus, to thy holy Temple placed by the Sea; with the Graces to thy Temple, with a Neats-foot Sacrificing, and then they redouble this, O worthy Bull.

Sol. Was it because some call Bacchus, Bull-begot, and some Bull? Or as some say, Ox Foot, for a great Foot? As the Poet saith, Ox Eye, for a great Eye? and Ox carriaged for stately car∣riag'd; or rather because the Foot of an Ox is innocent, his Head bearing Horns pernicious, so they desire, that the God would come to them mild and harmless? or is it because ma∣ny Men are of opinion that this God presides o∣ver plowing and sowing?

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Quest. 37. What is the meaning of that place at Tanagria, before the City called Achillaeum?

Sol. It is reported that Achilles had an enmity against, rather than a kindness for this City, in that he took Stratonica the Mother of Poemander by force of Arms, and slew Achestor the Son of Ephippus: Now Poemander the Father of Ephippus, (whilst Tenegria was inhabited by Villages) being besieged in Stegon (a Village so called) by the Achajans, because he refused to aid them in the Wars left that Country the same Night, and fortified Poemandria, Policritus the Architect coming in, disparaging his Works, and making a ridicule of them, leapt over the Ditch, Poemander falling into a rage, catch'd up a great Stone sud∣denly to throw at him, which had been hid there a great while, lying over some sacred Nocturnal Relics, this Poemander hurling rashly, flung, and missing Policritus, slew his own Son Leucippus, he was therefore forced by Law to depart out of Baeotia, and become a wandring and begging Pil∣grim, neither was that easie for him to do, be∣cause of the incursions which the Achaeans made into Tenegrica, wherefore he sent Ephippus his Son to beg aid of Achilles, who by perswasion prevail'd with him to come, as also with Tlepole∣mus the Son of Hercules, and with Peneleus the Son of Hippalmus, all of them their Kindred, by these Poemander was introduced into Chalchis and was ab∣solved by Elephanor from the Murther, he ascri∣bed great honour to these Men, and assigned Groves to each of them of which this kept the name of Achilles's Grove.

Quest. 38. Who among the Baeotians were the Psyloeis, and who the Aeoliae?

Sol. They say that Minos's Daughters, Leucippa, Page  244 Arsinoa, and Alcathoa falling mad had a greedy Appetite for Mans flesh, and accordingly, cast Lots for their Children, whereupon it fell to Leucippa's lot to produce her Son Hippasus, to be cut in peices, the Hubands of these Women that were cloathed in course Apparel by reason of sorrow and greif were called Psiloeis, the Women Aeoliae Oionoliae, and to this day the Orchomenians call their posterity so, and it's so ordered that in the yearly Feast called Agrionia that there a'is flight and pursuit of them by the Priest of Bacchus with a drawn Sword in his hand, and it's law∣ful for him to slay any of them that he takes, Zoilus a Priest of Ortnir slew one, which thing proved unlucky to them, for Zoilus sickning upon a wound that he got, wasted away for a long time and died, whereupon the Occhomenians falling under publick accusations and condemnations remo∣ved the Priest-hood from their Family, and made choice of the best Man in the whole multitude.

Quest. 39. Why do the Arcadians stone those that go willingly into Lycaeum, but those that go in un∣wittingly they carry forth to Eleuthera?

Sol. Is it as if they obtained their liberty by way of absolution, that this Story gained cre∣dit? And this is that which tends to liberty as that, Thou shalt go into the Country of security, or that, thou shalt come to the Seat of Aresan? or is the reason to be rendred according to that fabulous Story? That all the Sons of Lycaon only Eleuther and Lebadus were free from that Conspiracy a∣gainst Jupiter, but fled into Baeotia, where the Lebadenses use the like civil Polity to that of the Arcadians, Therefore they send them to Eleutheras, that enter unwittingly into the inacessible Temple of Jupiter. Or is it (as Architimus saith in his Page  245 remarks on Arcadia) that some that went into the Lycaeum unawares, were delivered up to the Phliasians by the Arcadians, and by the Phliasians to the Megarins, and by the Megarins to the Thebans which inhabit about Eleuthera, where they are detained under Rain, Thunder, and other direful Judgments from Heaven, and upon this account some say this place was called Eleutheras, but the report is not true, that he that enters into the Lycaeum casts no shadow, though it hath had a firm belief, and what if this be the reason of that report; that the Air converted into Clouds looks darkly on them that go in? Or that he that goes in falls down dead? For the Pythagorians say, that the Souls of the deceased do neither give a shadow, nor wink. Or is it that the Sun only makes a shadow, and the Law for∣bids a Man to enter while the Sun shines? though this they speak aenigmatically, but verily he that goes in is called Elaphus [a Hart] Hence the Lace∣daemonians delivered up Cantharion, the Arcadians to the Arcadians who went over to the Elians (whilst they waged War with the Arcadians) and passing with his booty through the inaccessible Temple fled to Sparta, when the War was ended, the Oracle requiring them to restore the Hart. [Ela∣phus.]

Quest. 40. Who is Eunostus the Hero of Tene∣gra and what's the reason that Women might not enter into this Grove?

Sol. Eunostus was the Son of Elejus who came of Cephissus and Scias, but they say received his name from Eunosta the Nymph that brought him up. This Man as he was honest and just, so •e was no less prudent and austere, and they say, that Othna his Neice fell in love with him, who was Page  246 one of the Daughters of Colonus, and when he perceived that she tempted him to lie with her, manifesting his indignation went and accused her to her brethren, but she had cried Whore first, and provoked her Brethren, Ochimus, Leon and Bucolus, to kill Eunostus, by her false suggestion that he would have forced her, wherefore these laid wait for the Young Man and slew him, upon which Elejus secur'd them. Now Ochna growing penitent and full of terrour, as well to discharge the grief she had for her beloved, as out of commiseration towards her brethren, confest the whole truth to Elejus, and he declares it to Colonus, who con∣demned them. Whereupon Ochna's brethren fled, but she broke her Neck from some high place, (as Myrtis the Anthredonian Poetress hath told us) wherefore he kept the Tomb and Grove of Eunostus from the access and approach of Wo∣men, in so much that upon Earthquakes, Droughts and other Portends that often there happened, the Tenagrians made diligent search, whether any Woman had not by stealth got nigh to that place, and there are some that report (of which Cleidanus a Man of great fame is one) that Euno∣stus met them going to the Sea to wash himself because a Woman had entred into his Grove. Diodes also in his Treatise concerning Tombs re∣lates the Edict of the Tenagrians upon the things that Cleidanus declared.

Quest. 41. Whence is it that in Baeotia there's a River at Eleon called Scamander?

Sol. Deimachus the Son of Eleon an intimate Friend of Hercules and bore his Part in the Seige of Troy, the War proving long (as it seems) took to him Glaucia the Daughter of Scamander, who Page  247 had fallen in love with him, and got her with Child, and soon after fighting against the Tro∣jans was slain. Glaucia fearing that she might be apprehended fled to Hercules, and acquainted him with her late affection towards Deimachus and the familiarity she had with him, Hercules both out of commiseration to the Woman, as also for joy that there was an Off-spring left of so good a Man and his intimate acquaintance, took Glaucia on Shipboard, and when she was delivered of a Son, brought her into Baeotia and committed her and her Child to the care of Eleon. The Son was named Scamander, and came to reign over that Country, he called the River Inachus by his own Name Scamander, and the next Rivulet he named from his Mother Glaucia, but the Fountain he called by his own Wives name Acidusa, by whom he had three Daughters which they have a vene∣ration for to this day, styling them Virgins.

Quest. 42. Whence was that Proverbial speech, Let it be ratified?

Sol. Dinon the Tarentine Praefect, being a Man well skilled in Military affairs, when the Citizens manifested their dislike of a certain opinion of his by lifting up of hands, as the Cryer was de∣claring the majority of Votes, he stretched forth his right hand and said this (meaning his own opinion) is better. Thus Theophrastus hath told the Story, Apolidorus in his Rytinus adds this; that when the Cryer had said there's the most suffrages, ay but saith Dinon these are the best and ratifies the suf∣frages of the minority.

Quest. 43. Why is the City of the Ithakesites called Alalcomenai?

Sol. It's affirmed by most, that it was because Antecleja in the time of her Virginity was forci∣bly Page  248 seised upon by Sysiphus and brought forth Ʋlysses. But Ister the Alexandrian hath acquaint∣ed us in his Memoires that Antecleja was married to Laerta, and being brought to a place about Alalcomenaeum, in Baeotia, was delivered of Ʋlysses, and therefore that place carrys the name of the Metropolis, he mentions also a Town in Ithaca called so.

Quest. 44. Who are the Monophagites in Aegina?

Sol. Many of the Aeginites that fought against Troy, were slain in those Wars, but more of them by storm in the Voyaging by Sea, the relations therefore receiving those few that were left, and observing the other Citizens overwhelmed with sorrow and grief, they thought it not conveni∣ent to make any publick appearances of joy, nor to Sacrifice to the Gods but every one took home to his House his Relations that were escaped, pri∣v•tely to their Feasts and Entertainments, they themselves giving attendance, to their Fathers, Kinsfolks, Brethren, and Acquaintance, none of other Families being admitted thereto. Hence in imitation of these they celebrate a Sacrifice to Neptune which is called the Thiasi, in which they revel without any noise, each Family a part by it self, for the space of sixteen days, without any Servant attending them, then offering Sacrifices to Venus, they finish this solemn Feast, upon this account they are called Monophagi, i. e. such as feed apart by themselves.

Quest. 45. What is the reason that the Statue of Labraden-Jupiter in Caria is made so as to hold an Ax lifted up, and not a Scepter or Lightning?

Sol. Because Hercules slaying Hippolita, and tak•ng away from her amongst other Weapons, Page  249 her Pole-Ax presented it to Omphala, after Om∣phala the Kings of the Lydians carried it, as part of the sacred regalities which they took by Suc∣cession, until Candaules disdaining it, gave it to one of his Favourites to carry, but afterward Gyges revolting, waged War against him. Arselis also came to Gyges his aid from the Malysines with a great strength, and slew Candaules with his Favourite, and carried away the Pole-Ax into Caria with other spoils, where furbishing up the Statue of Jupiter, he put the Ax into his hand, and called it the Labradean God, for the Lydians call an Ax Labra.

Quest. 46. What is the reason that the Trullians call Orobus [Pulse] Catherter, i. e. Purgative, and use it especially in expiations and purifications?

Sol. It was because the Leloges and Minuans in former times driving out the Trallians, possessed themselves of the City and that Country, af∣terward the Trallians returning and conquered them; as many of the Leloges as were not slain or fled, but by reason of indigency and weakness were left there, these they made no account of whether they lived or died, therefore enacted a Law that any Trallian that slew a Minue, or Leloge, should be guiltless, measuring only a Me∣dimnus, i. e. Six Bushels of Pulse to the Family of the slain Person.

Quest. 47. Why is it spoken by way of Proverb amongst the Elites, Thou sufferest worse things than Sambicus?

Sol. It's said that one Sambicus an Elite having many Comrades with him, did break off many of the devoted brazen Vessels placed in Olympia and disposed of them, at length robbed the Tem∣ple of Diana the Bishoppess (this Temple is in Page  250 Elis and called Aristarchaeum) presently after the committing of this Sacriledge, he was taken and tormented the space of a year being examined concerning all the Accessarys and so died, hence this Proverb arose from his sufferings.

Quest. 48. Why is the Temple of Ulysses in Lacedemonia built by the Monument of Leucip∣pis?

Sol. One Ergienes of the posterity of Diomedes by the perswasion of Temenes stole the Palladium from Argos, Leager being conscious of, and ac∣cessory to the fellony (for he was one of the inti∣mates of Temenes) afterward Leager by reason of a fewd betwixt him and Temenes went over into Lacedemonia and transported the Palladium thither. The Kings receive him readily, and place the Palladium next to the Temple of the Leucipides, and sending to Delphos, consult the Oracle about it's safety and preservation. The Ora∣cle answered that they must make one of them that stole it th• keeper of it. So they erected there a Monument of Ʋlysses, for they supposed that that Hero was otherwise related to the City by the Marriage of Penelope.

Quest. 49. What is the reason that it is a Cu∣stom amongst the Chalcidon Women, that if at any time they happen to meet with other Womens Hus∣bands, especially Magistrates, that they cover one Cheek?

Sol. There was a War between the Chalcido∣nians and Bythinians frequently moved upon every pretence. Zeipoetus King of the Bithinians, brings out all his Forces, with the addition of the Thra∣cian Auxillarys, and wasts the Country with Fire and Sword; Zeipoetus then pitching his Camp against them at a place called Phallium, the Chal∣cidonians Page  251 fighting ill through desperateness and disorder lost about eight thousand Souldiers; but were not all cut off, Zeipoetus in favour of the Byzantines yeilding to a cessation of Arms. Now there being a great scarcity of Men in the City of Calcedon, most of the Women were necessi∣tated to Marry their Apprentices and Slaves, and others that chose Widowhood rather than Marriage to such, if they had any occasion to go before the Judges or Magistrates, mannaged their own Affairs; putting a Mask upon one side of their Face, the Married Women (imitating their betters) for modesty sake took up the same Custom.

Quest. 50. Why do the Argives bring their Sheep to the Grove of Agenor to take Ram?

Sol. Was it because Agenor took care to have the fairest Sheep, and of all things possessed the most Flocks of Sheep?

Quest. 51. Why did thc Argive boys on a certain Feast day call themselves Ballacrads in sport?

Sol. Was it because, they report that the first People that were brought by Inacus out of the hilly Countries into the Plains lived upon Achrades, i. e. Wild Pears? But wild Pears were first dis∣covered by the Graecians in Peloponesus, while that Country was called Apia, from Apii wild Pears, which by changing the name came af∣terwards to be called Aohrades.

Quest. 52. For what reason do the men of Elis lead their Mares out of their borders when they would have them leapt by the Horses?

Sol. Was it that of all Kings Aenomaus was the greatest lover of Horses, and being most fond of this Creature [a fine Horse] he imprecated Page  252 many and great Curses upon Horses that should leap Mares in Elis, wherefore the People fearing his Curse, do abominate this thing.

Quest. 53. What was the reason of the Custom amongst the Gnossians to take away the Money by foree from those that borrowed it upon Ʋsury?

Sol. Was it that as Bankrupts they should be liable to all violent Assaulters [i. e. be Outlaw'd and thereby receive further punishment?

Quest. 54. What is the cause that in Samos they call upon Venus of Dexicreon?

Sol. Was this the reason, that the Women of Samos by Lasciviousness and Baudery falling in∣to great debauchery were reformed by Dexi∣creon a Mountebank using some Charms towards them? Or was it because Dexicreon being the Master of a Ship and Sailing into Cyprus a Tra∣ding Voyage, and being about to take in his Lading, was commanded by Venus to lade with Water and nothing else, and Sail back with all possible speed, being perswaded hereto, he took in much Water and set Sail, immediately still Winds and a Calm detaining him, he sold his Water to Merchants and Seamen distressed with Thirst, whereby he gathered up much Money, whereupon he erected a Statue to Venus, and called it by his own Name, if this Story be true, it's manifest that the God∣dess intended not only the enriching of one Man, but the saving of many alive by one Man.

Quest. 55. What is the reason that amongst Samians, when they Sacrifice to Mercury Munifi∣cent, they suffer a Man to filch and steal Garments if he will?

Page  253

Sol. Because when at the command of the Oracle they transplanted themselves from that Island into Mychale, they lived ten years upon Robbery, and after this sailing back again into their Island they conquered their Enemies.

Quest. 56. Whence is that place in the Island Samos called Panema?

Sol. Was it because the Amazens flying be∣fore Bacchus from the Coasts of Ephesus fell up∣on Samos, whereupon Bacchus rigging up his Ships, wafted over and joyning battle, slew abun∣dance of them about that place which by reason of the plenty of blood spilt there, the beholders by way of admiration called it Panema, some say that this slaughter was about Plaeum and shew their Bones there but others say also that Plaeum was rent off from Samos, by the dreadful and heideous cry that was uttered at their death.

Quest. 57. Ʋpon what account was Andron [the Name of a House] in Samos called Pede∣tes?

Sol. The Geomorites [i. e. the Bores] got the Government into their hands, after Demoteles was slain and the dissolution of Monarchical constitution, the Megarines waged War with the Per∣nithites being a Samite Collony, and brought Fetters with them (as they say) to put on the Captives, when the Geomorites were acquainted with these procedings, they immediately sent Aid, setting forth nine Praefects, and managing thirty Ships, two of which Lanching forth and lying before the Haven was destroyed with Lightning, the Praefects proceeding on their Voyage in the rest subdued the Megarins, and took six hundred of them alive, the Prae∣fects Page  254 were so elevated with this Victory, that they meditated the subversion of this Geomo∣ran Oligarchy, but the occasion was given by the States themselves, writing to them that they should bring the Megarine Captives bound in their own Fetters; when they received these Letters, they shewed them privately to the Megarines perswading them, to concur with them in a Conspiracy to procure the Peoples liberty, a Consult was held in common be∣tween them about this matter, and the result was, that the best way was, to beat off the Rings from the Fetters, and put them on the Megarines and fasten them with Thongs to their Girdles that they might not fall off nor being loose should hinder them in their going. Accordingly they accoutred the Men in this manner, and giving each of them a Cimiter, they soon Sailed back to Samos and Landed, and accordingly led the Megarines through the Market-place to the Counsel-house, where all the Geomorites were sitting together, and then the sign being given the Megarines fell on and slew those Men, whereupon the City being set at liberty, they admitted the Megarines (as many as would) into the number of Citizens, and erecting a magnificent Edifice hung up the Fet∣ters in it.

Quest. 58. What is the reason that the cheif Priest of Hercules in Antimachia at Coos, when he manageth the Sacrifice, is clothed in Womens Ap∣parel, and wears a Mitre upon his head?

Sol. Hercules setting Sail from Troy with six Ships, was attacked by a Storm, and lost all his Ships but one, with which only he was forced by the Wind upon the Coast of Coos, and fell Page  255 upon a place called Leceter saving nothing be∣sides his Men and Armour. There hapning to meet with a flock of Sheep, he requested one Ram of the Shepherd (the Man was called Antagoras) who verily being a robust bodied young Man, challenged Heecules to fight with him, and if he were worsted Hercules should carry away the Ram. As soon as this fellow engaged with Hercules, the Meropes came into the aid of Antagoras, and the Grecians coming into assist Hercules a great Fight ensued. Where∣at (they say) Hercules overcharged with mul∣titude, betook himself for refuge to a Woman called Tressa, where he was concealed, disguising himself in Womans Apparel. But afterwards conquering the Meropes, and passing under puri∣fication, he Married the Daughter of Alciopus, and put on a Gown of flowred [Silk]. Hence the Priest offers Sacrifice in the place where the Battle was fought, but the Bridegrooms are cloathed in Womens Apparel when they embrace their Brides.

Quest. 59. Whence was the race of Hamaxocy∣lists in Megara?

Sol. In that licentious Democracy (which intro∣duced the exaction of double Use and Sacriledge) the Peloponesians went on Pilgrimage to Delphos through the borders of Megara, and lodged in Aeigyra by the Lake side with their Wives and Children (as the case required) in their Caravans, where a re∣solute, drunken Company of the Megarins in a riotous and cruel manner overturned their Wa∣gons and overwhelmed them in the Lake; so that many of the Theori [Pilgrims] were drown∣ed. The Megarins indeed by reason of the disor∣der of the Government neglected the punishment Page  256 of this wickedness, but the Amphyctions, taking into consideration the Devotion of this Pilgri∣mage, punished the Actors of this Villany, some with Banishment, some with Death, thence the Posterity of these Villains were called Hamaxocy∣lists, i. e. overturners of Waggons.

Page  257

Plutarch's Morals: Vol. II. Of the Desire of Riches, or Love of Wealth.

HIppomachus a Master of the Exerci∣ses, when some were commend∣ing a tall Man that had long Hands, as one that promised fair to be good at Fisticuffs; replied, a fit Man in∣deed, if the Victors Lawrel were to be hang∣ed up aloft, and should be his that could best reach it, and take it down: we may say the same to those that are transported with an ad∣miration of, and place their happiness in, having fair Fields, stately Mansion houses, and a great deal of Money lying by them; that they were in the right, if happiness were to be bought and sold. You may see indeed many Persons that chuse rather to be Rich, and at the same time very Miserable, than to part with their Money and become happy. But alas! indolency and repose of Spirit, magnanimity, constan∣cy, Page  258 resolution, and contentment of Mind, these are not a Money-purchase. By having Wealth meerly, none can attain to a mean esteem of it, nor by possessing things superfluous, to a sense that we do not need them. From what other evils then can Riches free us, if not so much as from an inordinate desire of them? It's true indeed that by drinking Men allay their Thirst after drink, and by eating their longings after Food are satisfied, and he that said

if more Cloaths had been heaped on than he needed, would have thrown them off, as being ill at ease. But the love of Money is not aba∣ted by having Silver and Gold, neither do cove∣tous desires cease, by possessing still more. But one may say to Wealth as he did to an insolent Quack.

When this distemper seises a Man that wants only Bread and a House to put his head in, ordinary Raiment and such Victuals as come first to hand, it fills him with eager desires after Gold and Silver, Ivory and Emeralds, Hounds and Horses, thus taking off the Appe∣tite and carrying it from things that are necessary, after things that are troublesome and unusual, hard to come by and unprofitable when obtain∣ed. For no Man is poor, as to what Nature requires and what suffices it: No Man takes up Page  259 Money on use to buy Meal or Cheese, Bread or Olives; but you may see one Man run into Debt for the Purchase of a sumptuous House, another for an adjoyning Olive-yard, another for Corn-fields or Vineyards, another for Gala∣tian Mules, and another by a vain expence.

has been plung'd over Head and Ears into Con∣tracts and Use-Money, Pawns and Mortgages. Moreover, as they that use to drink after they have quenched their Thirst, and to eat after their hunger is satisfied, vomit up even what they took when they were a Thirst or Hungry; so they that covet things useless and superfluous, enjoy not even those that are necessary. This is the Character of these Men.

As for those that spend nothing, although they possess much, and yet are always craving more, they may still more increase our wonder at their folly: especially when one calls to mind that of Aristippus, who was wont to say, that when a Man did eat and drink liberally, and yet was ne∣ver the nearer being filled, in this case he pre∣sently goes to the Physitian, and enquires what's his Disease and his Indisposition, and how he may get rid of it. But if one that has five Beds desires ten, and having Ten Tables is for purchasing as many more, and having Land and Money good store, is not at all filled, but still is bent, even to the breaking his natural rest, upon getting more, and when he has never so much, never has enough, this Man thinks he has no need of a Physitian to cure him, and in order to it to show Page  260 him from what cause his distemper arises. In∣deed when a Man is a Thirst that hath not drunk at all, we expect that upon his drink∣ing his thirstiness should cease; but as for him that drinks and drinks and so goes on without giving over, we do not think such a one needs further repletion but evacuation, and we advise him by all means to Vomit as knowing that his trouble proceeds nor from the want of any thing, but from some sharp Humour or preternatural heat that is within him.

Among those persons therefore that are for increasing their substance, and getting more, he that is poor and indigent may perhaps give over his cares, when he has got a House, or found a Treasure, or by a Friends held has pay'd his Debts and has his Creditors discharge. But as for him that having more than enough, yet still desires to have more, it is not Gold nor Silver, not Horses, Sheep or Oxen, that can cure him of this Disease, but he needs Evacuation and Purgation: for his distemper is not penury and want, but an insatiable desire and thirst after Riches proceeding from a depraved and incon∣siderate judgment of things, which if it be not plucked out of Mens Minds, like a thing twisting across and contracting them, they will always be in want of superfluities, that is, be craving things they have no need of.

When a Physitian visits a Patient that has thrown himself upon his Bed, and lies here groaning and refusing to eat, he feels his Pulse and asks him some questions, and finding that he is not at all feverish, he tells him it's his Mind that is distempered, and goes his way. When we see therefore a Man pining away for more Page  261 Means, and sighing sadly at any Expences, for∣bearing no sordid or painful course that brings him in gain, when yet he hath Houses and Lands, Herds and Slaves, and Cloaths enough, what shall we call this Mans Disease but Poverty of Mind? for as for want of Money, one friend, as Menander says, by being a Benefactor to him can cure it, but this other of the Mind, all a Mans friends living or dead cannot satisfie it. It was therefore a good saying of Solon, concerning such Persons.

To those indeed that are wise, the Riches that nature requires are limited, and like a Circle drawn from a Center at such a distance, is confined within the compass of their real needs.

There is also this peculiar mischeif in the love of Wealth, that this desire hinders and oppo∣ses its own satisfaction, which other desires do procure. For no Man abstains from a good Morsel because he loves Dainties, not from Wine because he thirsts after Wine, as these Men abstain from using Money, because they love Money. Does it not look like madness and a pitious Distemper, for a Man not to make use of a Garment because he shakes with cold, to refuse to eat Bread, because he is ready to famish with hunger, and not to use Wealth, because he is greedy of getting it?

This is the evil case that Thrasonides describes,

Sophocles being asked by one, whether he was able yet to company with a Woman; Heavens defend, said he, I have got my Liberty and by means of my old Age have escaped those mad and furious Masters: for it is very fit and be∣coming, that when our pleasures leave us, those desires should do so too, which, as Alcaeus says,

But it is otherwise in the Love of Wealth, which like a hard and severe Mistriss, compels us to get, what it forbids us to enjoy, and ex∣cites an Appetite, but denies the pleasure of its gratification. Stratonicus wittily abused the Rhodian for their profuseness, when he said, that they builded their Houses as if they were immortal, but provided for their Tables as if they were to live but a little while: so covetous Men seem to be profuse by what they possess, when they are sordid wretches if you consider what they use and enjoy; for they endure labour, but tast no plea∣sure.

Damades once came to Phocions house and sur∣prised him as he was at Dinner, and when he saw his frugal and slender Diet, I much wonder Phocion, says he, that you should manage State Affairs and can dine as you do: for this Orator himself, pleaded Causes and harangu'd the People Page  263 only for his Gut; and looking upon Athens as affording too little a supply for his Luxury, he fetch'd his Provisions from Macedonia: for which cause Antipater, seeing him when he was an old Man, compar'd him to a Sacrifice when all was over, and there remained nothing of the Beast but only the Tongue and the Stomach. But who would not wonder at thee, O wretched Man, who being able to live as thou dost, so sordidly, so unlike a Man, bestowing nothing on any Body, being currish to thy Friends, and with∣out any ambition to serve the publick, yet af∣flictest thy self and watchest whole Nights, hirest out thy Labours, lyest at catch for Inheritances, crouchest to every one, when thou art so well provided by thy sordid Parsimony to live at ease.

It's reported of a certain Byzantine,* that sur∣prizing a Whore-Master with his Wife that was very hard favoured, he cryed out, O wretch, what compelled thee to do this, Sapagoras had a Portion with her? It's necessary for Kings, for Procu∣rators under them, for those that covet Prehe∣minence and Rule over Cities, that they should heap up Treasure; who are forced through Am∣bition, Pride and Vain-glory to make Feasts, to gratifie Friends, to maintain a Retinue, to send Presents, to feed Armies, to purchase Gladiators. But thou hast so much business lying upon thy hand, tormentest thy self, tumblest up and down, and all this while livest the life of a Snail in thy Shell through Parsimony, and endurest all hard∣ships, receiving no advantage at all. Just like the Bath-keepers Asse, that carrys the Wood and Fewel for the Fires, and is always filled with the Smoak and Ashes of the Stove, but it self Page  264 is never bathed nor warmed, washed nor cleansed there.

I have said enough of this sort of Covetousness, which makes a Man live the life of an Ass, or an Ant.

But there is another sort of it which is more Savage, that calumniates and gets inheritances by bad Arts, that pries into other Mens Affairs, that is full of thoughtfulness and cares, counting how many of their Friends are yet alive, and after all enjoy nothing of what by all these Arts they have heaped up.

As therefore we have a greater aversion and hatred against the Vipers, poysonous Flies and Spiders, than against Bears and Lyons, because they kill and destroy Men, but serve themselves no farther of their Carkasses, which they do not feed upon as those other wild Beasts do; so they that become bad and ill Men through sordidness and parsimony, deserve more of our abhorrence, than those that prove such by luxurious living and excess; for they deprive others of what they are neither able nor inclin'd to make use of themselves.

Hence it is, that the Luxurious when they are rich and well provided, give some truce to their De∣baucheries; as Demosthenes said to some that were of opinion that Damades ceased to be an ill Man, now, says he, you see him full and glutted like the Lyons that then hunt not after prey. But as for the other, who in the management of Af∣fairs propose no end to themselves either of plea∣sure or profit, their covetous desires have no truce or cessation, they being always empty and standing in need of all things.

But some perhaps may plead on their behalf, that these Men keep and hoard up their Wealth for their Children and Heirs; to whom they p•rt Page  265 with nothing whilst they are alive, but like those Mice that live in Mines, and pick up and eat the Golden Sands and Oar, you cannot come by any of that Gold, till you anatomize them to find it after they are dead.

But to what end, I pray, would they leave such a deal of Money and a great Estate to their Children and Heirs? that they forsooth may preserve it also for others, and those others in like manner should hand it down to their Chil∣dren (just like those Earthen Pipes the Potters make for a Water-course, which retain none of the Water themselves, but one Pipe only con∣veighs it to the next) till some Informing false Ac∣cuser or Tyrant appears, who cuts off this Keeper in Trust, and when his breath is stopped, derives and diverts the course of his Wealth into another Channel; or as they say till some one that is the most wicked of the Race, devours and consumes all, that those who went before him had preserved. For not only as Euripides, says,

but it's as true of the Children of the Parsimoni∣ous; as Diogenes wittily abused this sort of Men, when he said, that it was better to be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] a Ram than a Son of a Citizen of Megara. For under the pretence of training them up and instructing them, they undo and pervert them, implanting in them their own Love of Money and meanness of Spirit, and erecting as it were a Fortress for the securing their inheritance in the Minds of their Heirs.

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For the Instructions and Lessons they give them, are such as these, Gain as much and spend as little as may be: Value your self, according to what you are worth. But certainly this is not to in∣struct, but to contract and sow them up, just like a Purse, the better to conceal and keep what is put into it. The Purse indeed becomes foul and musty after the Money is put up in it; but the Children of the Covetous, before they are enriched by their Parents, are replenish∣ed with covetous desires, which they derive from them. And indeed they pay them a deserved Reward for Instructions, not loving them because they shall receive a great Estate from them, but hating them, because they have it not so soon as they fain would. For being taught to admire nothing but Wealth, nor knowing any other end of living but to get a great Estate, they account the Life of their Parents to be an hinderance to that of their own, and fancy so much time is ta∣ken from their own Age as is added to theirs. Wherefore whilst their Parents are yet li∣ving, they secretly always steal their pleasures and injoy them, and what they bestow upon their Friends or spend upon their Lusts (when they have learnt something by secret information) is fetch'd as it were from anothers Estate, not their own.

But when their Parents are dead, and they are once possess'd of their Keys and Seals, then their way of living is of another fashion, and they put on another Face and Aspect, grave, severe and morose. You hear no more of their former Pastimes in several Ex∣ercises of the Ball, nor of the Academy or Page  267 the Lyceum(a) [as neither minding the Philoso∣phy of Plato or Aristotle] but they are wholy taken up in examining the Servants and looking over Writings, in debating matters with those that receive or owe them Money; their hur∣ry of business and thoughtfulness will not give them leave to dine, and they are forced to make the Night their time of Bathing; the Schools in which they were Educated, and the Water of Dirce,(b) [that is, their Po∣etry](c) are neglected. If any Man ask him, will you not go and hear the Philosopher? How can I, says he, now that my Father is dead, I am not at leasure. O miserable wretch! What has thy Father left thee to be compared with what he has taken from thee, thy Leasure and thy Liberty? And yet it is not so much He that has done it, as the Wealth that flows round thee, and overpowrs thee; which, like the Woman Hesiod(d) speaks of

bringing those cares like untimely wrinkles and old Age on thy Soul, which Spring from covetous desires and multiplicity of business, that shrivel up all thy vigour and gaiety, all sense of honour, kindness and humanity within thee.

But some will say, do not you see Rich Men live splendidly and spend high? To whom we answer, dost thou not hear what Aristotle says, Page  268 that some there are that do not use Wealth, and some abuse it? as if neither sort did what was fit and becoming, but what the one sort pos∣sessed, did neither advantage nor adorn them, and what the other had, did hurt and dishonour them.

But let us further consider, what is that use of Riches, for which Men so much admire them: is it the enjoyment of what suffices Nature? Alas! in this respect the Wealthy have no advan∣tage of those that are of a meaner Fortune; but Wealth (as Theophrastus says) may well be neglected and looked upon with less esteem and veneration, if Callias the Richest Man in Athens, and Ismenias the Wealthiest of Thebes, made use but of the same things that Socrates and Epami∣nondas did: For as Agathon sent away the Mu∣sick from the Room where he Feasted, to the Womens appartment, contenting himself with the Discourses of his Guests, so you would reject and send away the Purple Beds, and the high priz'd tables, and all other super∣fluous things, when you see that the Rich make use of the same things with the poor.

I do not mean thou shouldest presently

but the impertinent labours of Goldsmiths, Turners, Perfumers and Cooks, when thou re∣solvest wisely and soberly to banish all useless things.

But if the things that suffice Nature, lye in •ommon among those that have and those that want Riches; if rich Men pride themselves only Page  269 in things superfluous; and thou art ready to praise Scopas of Thessaly, who when one begged somewhat of him he had in his house, as a su∣perfluous thing he had no use for, made answer, but we Rich Men count our felicity and happi∣ness to lye in these superfluities, and not in those necessary things, if your case be thus, have a care you do not seem like one that mag∣nifies and prefers a pomp and publick show at a Festival, before Life it self.

Our Country's Feast of Bacchus, was in old time Celebrated in a more homely manner, tho' with great Mirth and Jollity: one carried in Procession a Vessel of Wine, and a branch of a Vine, afterward followed one leading a Goat another followed him bearing a Basket of dry'd Figs, and after all came a Phallus.* But all these are now despised and out of date; the Procession being made with Golden Vessels and costly Gar∣ments, driving of Chariots and Persons in Mas∣querade: and just thus the things that are ne∣cessary and useful in Riches are swallowed up by those that are unprofitable and superflu∣ous.

The most of us commit Telemachus his mi∣stake; for he through unexperience or rather want of judgment, when he saw Nestors House, furnished with Beds and Tables, Garments and Carpets, and well stored with new Wine, did not look upon him as so happy a Man in being thus well provided with things necessary and use∣ful: but when he beheld the Ivory, the Gold and Amber in Menelaus's house, he cry'd out in amazement,

whereas Socrates or Diogenes would have said ra∣ther Thou Fool, what is it thou sayest? when thou oughtest to have strip'd thy Wife of her Pur∣ple and Gaudy Attire, that she might cease to live Luxuriously and to run mad after Strangers and their Fashions, instead of this, thou adornest and beautifiest thy House that it may appear like a Theater or a Stage to all comers.

The happiness Riches pretends to is such, that it depends upon spectators and witnesses, else it would signifie nothing at all. But it is quite otherwise when we consider Temperance or Phi∣losophy or such knowledge of the Gods as is requisite, though unknown to all other Mortals. This communicates a peculiar Light and great Splendor within the Soul, and causes a joy that dwells with it as an inmate, whilest it enjoys the chief good, though neither Gods nor Men were privy to it. Such a thing in truth is Ver∣tue and the Beauty of Geometrical and Astro∣logical Sciences. and does Riches with her Bra∣very and Necklaces, and all that Gaudery that pleases Girls, deserve to be compared with any of these? When no body observes and looks on, Riches are truly blind and depriv'd of Light: Page  271 For if a Rich Man makes a Meal with his Wife or Familiars alone, he makes no stir about Mag∣nificent Tables to eat on, or Golden Cups to drink in, but uses those that come next to hand; and his Wife without any Gold or Purple to adorn her, presents her self in a plain dress: but when he makes a Feast, that is, when the Pomp and Theater is to be fitted and prepared, and the Scene of Riches is to enter,

then they provide Lamps, and much adoe is made about the drinking Cups, the Servitors to fill Wine are changed, all things are put into a new dress, whatever is made of Gold and Silver or set with Precious Stones is all brought forth, thus plainly declaring that they would be looked upon by all for Rich Men: but there wants Tem∣perance, though he should eat his Meal alone, and that Contentment of Mind which alone makes a Feast.

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Plutarch's Morals: Vol. II. How a Man may inoffensively Praise himself, and without being lyable to Envy.

HE that talks big and arrogantly of himself, Herculianus, is unviersally condemned as a troublesom and ill bred Companion: but the most, and even of those who in words mightily declaim against him, seem to applaud him in their Actions. Euripides cou'd say,

yet he often brings in his Heroes intollerably Page  273 boasting; and stuffs their most Tragical adven∣tures and passions with improper discourses of themselves. So Pindar declares.

but forbears not to extol his own raptures; which, indeed by the confession of all Men, are worthy of the noblest praise.

But those who are Crowned for Mastery in the Games, or in the Learned Combats, have others to celebrate their Victories; that the Peo∣ples Ears be not grated with the harsh noises of self-applause. And Timotheus is justly censured as unskilfully and irregularly setting forth his Con∣quest of Phrynis, when he proudly boasted it in writing; and the Cryer bawl'd aloud Milesian Timotheus hath vanquished Jonocamptas the Son of •…arbo.

'Tis true then [as Xenophon says] A Mans praises •…ave very musical and charming accents in anothers Mouth, but very flat and untuneable in his own. For •…e brand them as Impudent who commend •…hemselves; it becoming them to be modest, tho' •…hey were prais'd by others: and account them •…njust in arrogating that to themselves, which •…nother has the sole propriety of bestowing on •…hem. Besides, if we then are silent, we seem •…ither angry or envious; but if we second their •…iscourse, we are presently entangled, and forc'd •… contribute more then we intended, speaking •… Mens faces, what only sounds well behind •…heir backs; and so undertake rather the base •…ork of drudging Flattery, then any real Office• •…f true Honour.

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Yet however there is a time when a generous and prudent Man may be the subject of his own discourse, and give a free R•••tion of things he has worthily done or said, as well as other Truths; taking care that it be not meerly for favour or reputation, but upon some emergent occasion, especially, if any considerable advantage may thence accrue. There is indeed a Praise of this kind which bears very excellent and lovely fruit, from whose seeds arise many of the same species very much meliorated, and improv'd. And therefore it is, that the wise Courtier seeks Glory, not as the reward or solace of his Vertue, not embraces it meerly as the Companion of his atchievements, but because the being accounted an Honourable Person, and Gallant Man, affords a Thousand opportunities of compassing many and more desireable things. For we see, those who are apt to believe, admire and love us, easily receive profit by us, with a great deal of delight; whereas if a Man lye under calumnies and suspicions, he cannot exert his Vertue to the benefit of others, without commiting a kind of violence upon them.

There may also be more Reasons then these, which we must enquire into, that while we en∣deavour to avoid a frivolous and nauseous ap∣plauding of our selves, we chance not to omi•… that sort which may be truly useful.

The Praise therefore is vain, which a Ma•… heaps on himself, to provoke others also t•… Praise him, and is chiefly contemptible as pro¦ceeding from an importunate and unseasonabl•… affectation of esteem.

For as they who are ready to dye for Food, a¦gainst Nature are compelled to gnaw off their ow•… Page  275 flesh, and thus put a miserable end to their Famine; so they, who mortally hunger after Praise, unless some one afford 'em a little scantlin Alms of commendation, do violate the Laws of de∣cency, shamelesly endeavouring to supply those wants by an unnatural extolling of themselves.

But when they do not on the bare consideration of themselves hunt applause, but strive to ob∣scure the worth of others, by fighting against their Praises, and opposing their own works and practices to theirs, they add to their vanity an envious and abhorred baseness: and like him that thrusts his Foot into anothers dance, are stigma∣tiz'd with a Proverb as ridiculous and pragmati∣cal Clowns.

Therefore we must diligently beware that a∣mongst the Elogiums of others we foist not in any thing of our selves, which may seem jea∣lously or enviously detractive from them; nei∣ther should we allow others to praise us at such a time, but frankly yield the Honour to those who are then celebrated, if their merit be real; and though the persons be vicious or unworthy, yet must we not take from them, by setting up our selves: but rather on the other hand reprove the unskilful applauders, and de∣monstrate their encomiums to be improperly and dangerously conferr'd.

But self-praise is not lyable to disgrace or blame, when 'tis delicately handled by way of Apology to remove a calumny or accusation; Thus Pericles — but ye are angry at me, a Man inferiour to none, whether it be in the knowing or Page  276 interpreting of necessary things, a Man who am a lover of my Country, and above the menaces of Bribes. For in speaking with this Gallantry of himself, he was not only free from arrogance, vanity and ambition, but demonstrated the Greatness and Spirit of that Vertue, which could not be de∣jected it self, and also humbled and tamed the haughtiness of Envy. Such Men as these will hardly be condemned, but those who should vote against them, are won over to their Cause, do receive infinite satisfaction, and are agreeably enspirited with this Noble boasting, especially if that bravery be steady, and the Ground firm on which it stands: This History does frequently discover; For when the Theban Prin∣ces accused Pelopidas and Epaminondas, that the time for their Government of Baeotia being ex∣pired, they did not forthwith give up their Power, but made an Incursion into Laconia, and repaired, and repeopled Messene, Pelopidas submit∣ting himself, and making many lowly entreaties, very hardly obtained his absolution: But Epami∣nundas loftily glorying in those Actions, and at last declaring he would willingly be put to Death, so that they would set up his Accusation, Epami∣nondas hath wasted Laconia, an Enemies Country; hath prosperously settled the Affairs of Messene, and happily established the League and Alliance with Ar∣cadia, against our wills, they admired him; and the Citizens wondring at the cheerful greatness of his courage, dismissed him with unspeakable pleasantness and satisfaction.

Therefore when Agamemnon thus reproached Diomed,

Sthenelus is not much to be condemn'd for say∣ing

For Sthenelus had not been calumniated him∣self; but only patroniz'd his abused friend: and so the cause excus'd that freedom of Speech, which seem'd otherwise to have something of the Glorioso.

But Cicero's magnifying his diligence and pru∣dence in Catalines Tryal, was not very pleasing to the Romans: yet when Scipio said they ought not to Judge Scipio, who had enstated them in the power of Judging all Men, they ascended Crown'd to the Capital and Sacrificed wirh him. For Scipio was not necessitated to this, but meerly spur'd by the desire of Glory; and the danger he was in delivered him from Envy.

Now talking after an high and glorious man∣ner proves advantagious, not only to Persons in dangers of the Law, or such like imminent di∣stress, but to those also who are clouded in a dull series of misfortunes; and that more properly then when they appear splendid in the World. For what addition can words make to those who already seem possess'd of real glory, and to lie in∣dulging and basquing in her Beams? But those who at present are incapable of ambition, if they express themselves loftily, they seem only to bear up against the storms of Fortune, to undergird the greatness of their Souls, and to shun that Page  278 pity and commiseration which supposes a ship∣wrackt and forlorn Condition. As therefore those who in walking affect a stiffness of Body and a stretcht out Neck, are accounted effemi∣nate and foppish, but are commended if in fen∣cing and fighting they keep themselves erect and steady; so the Man grapling with ill Fortune, if he raise himself like a strong Champion to resist her, and by a bravery of Speech transform himself from abject and miserable to bold and noble, he is not to be censur'd as obstinate and audacious, but honour'd as invincible and great. Tho' Homer therefore described Patroclus in the happinesses of life, smooth, and without Envy, yet in death he makes him have something of the Bravo and a Soldiers gal∣lant roughness.

So Phocion, tho' otherwise very mild, after the Sentence pass'd on him, shew'd the greatness of his Mind in many respects; particularly to one of his fellow sufferers who miserably cry'd out and bewail'd his misfortune, What [says he] is it not a pleasure to thee to die with Phocion?

Further a Prudent Man has not less, but grea∣ter liberty to speak any thing of himself, when his Merits are rewaraded with injurious and un∣kind returns, Achilles usually gave the Gods their Glory, and was moderate in such expressions, as

But when he was unhandsomly reproach'd and aspers'd with contumelies, he added swelling words to his anger, and those in his own ap∣plause: For Apologies claim a great liberty of Speech, and boasting, as considerable Parts of their de∣fence.

Themistocles also, having neither been guilty of any thing distasteful in his words nor actions, yet perceiving the Athenians glutted with him, and beginning to neglect him, forbore not to say, Why, O ye happy people, do ye weary out your selves, by still receiving benefits from the same hands? Ʋpon every storm you fly to the same Tree, for shelter; yet when it is fair again despoil it of it's leaves, as you go away.

They therefore who are injur'd usually recount their good actions to the ingrate: And if they also praise those excellencies which others are pleas'd to condemn, they are not only pardonable, but altogether without blame. For it is evident they reproach not others, but apologize for them∣selves.

This gave Demosthenes a glorious freedom, yet allay'd the offensive brightness of his own praises, which almost every where shine through his whole Oration 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: he still extolling those Page  278 〈1 page duplicate〉 Page  279 〈1 page duplicate〉 Page  280 Embassies and Decrees, which were so much objected against him.

Not much unlike this is the insinuating deli∣cacy of an Antithesis; when a Person, being ac∣cus'd for any thing as a Crime, demonstrates it's opposite to be base and vicious. So Lycurgus being upbraided by the Athenians for stopping a Sycophants mouth with Money, and what kind of Citizens [says he] do you then take me to be, who having so long managed the Affairs of the Republick amongst you, am at last found rather to have given Money for the prevention of injustice, than to have receiv'd any thing to promote it? And Cicero, Metellus objecting he had cast more by his Evidence a∣gainst 'em, than ever he had acquitted by his Pleading for 'em, replies, Who therefore will not freely declare, that Cicero has more honesty and faith than Eloquence? Many expressions of this nature are in Demosthenes; particularly, but who might not justly have slain me, if I had endeavoured in word only to sully what the City accounts lovely? Or what, think you, would those unworthy fellows have said, if, whilst I had been curiously poring on other things, the Citys had revolted? And all his foremention'd Oration ingeniously dresses these Antithetons and Solutions of Cases with the subtile Ornaments of his own praise. But this may very profitably be learn'd therein, that delicately tempr'ing the en∣comiums of his Auditors, with the things rela∣ting to himself, he secures himself from being lyable to Envy; nor becomes suspected of Self-love.

There he relates in what manner the Atheni∣ans behav'd themselves to the Eubaeans, in what manner to the Thebans, and what benefits they conferr'd upon those of Byzantium and Chersonesus; Page  281 in all which he confesses his Part was only that of their Minister or Steward. Thus by a Rhe∣torical deceit he finely and insensibly instills his own praises into his hearers, who pleasingly hang upon his words, and rejoyce at the commemora∣tion of those worthy deeds: Now this Joy is im∣mediately seconded by admiration, and admira∣tion is succeeded by a liking and love of that Person, who so wisely administred the Affairs. This Epaminondas seems to have consider'd, when being revil'd by Meneclidas as though he had an higher opinion of himself, then ever Agamemnon had, —if it be so [says he] O Thebans, 'tis you have puff'd me up; you, by whose help alone, I over∣threw the Lacedemonian Empire in one day.

But since for the most part many are exceed∣ingly displeas'd with those who are the Trum∣peters of their own Fame, but if they sound forth anothers are delighted, and give them cheerful acclamations; it is hence grown a fre∣quent custom amongst Orators by a seasonable extolling those who have like purposes, actions and manner of life with Theirs, to assure and wheedle over the Auditory to themselves; know∣ing that though the Panegyrist solemnize ano∣thers worth, yet having the same endowments of Vertue, these Encomiums will redound to him∣self. For as he who reproaches any Man for faults of which he himself is guilty, cannot but perceive he principally upbraids himself: So the vertuous by giving applauses to the vertuous, offer their own praises to the apprehensive, who will presently cry out, —and are not you one of these? Therefore Alexander honouring Hercules, and Androcopes again honouring Alexander, they in effect propos'd themselves to be in like manner Page  282 honoured by others. But Dionysius scoffing Gelon, and, calling him the Gelos of Sicily, was not aware through envy he had happen'd to in∣fringe the greatness of his Authority and Power. These things the prudent Man must know and observe.

Now those who are forc'd upon their own praises, are the more excusable, if they arrogate not the causes wholly to themselves, but ascribe them in part of Fortune, and in part to God. Achilles therefore said well,

and Timoleon did well, who Erected a Fane to Fortune, and dedicated his house to Bonus Genius, to whom he referr'd the felicity of his Attempts. But best of all Python Aenius, who after he had slain Cotys, coming to Athens, and perceiving that the Orators being very busie in applauding him to the People, displeas'd many, and stirr'd them up to Envy, he thus speaks, These things, ye Athe∣nians some of the Gods have done; our hands were on∣ly the Instruments of their Work. Sylla also pre∣vented envy by his perpetually praising Fortune, not his prowess; and at last Sirnam'd himself Epaphroditus in acknowledgment that his success proceeded from the care of Venus. For the World will more readily impute whatever a Person has done well, to a lucky chance, or the pleasure of some God, then to his Vertue: and will hardly allow him any honour of a prosp'rous action; though all defects and misadventures they attri∣bute wholly to himself.

Page  283

The Laws therefore of Zaleucus were recei∣ved by the Locrenses with the more willingness and delight, because he had told 'em, Minerva constantly appear'd to him, dictated and instru∣cted him in those Laws; and that they were none of them his own Inventions.

These kind of excuses may be fram'd as con∣venient remedies or preventions when we have to do with Persons of a difficult or envious hu∣mour: nor is it amiss to use some little revoca∣tions or corrections of what may seem spoken to our praise, even before those who are of a sedate and composed temper. If any commend us as those who have Learning, Riches, or Authority, we should hinder them from choosing such Topicks; and rather desire them, if they can, to take notice of us as innocent, good and useful. Thus we do not so much collate, as translate praises; and seem not to be puff'd up with our applauders, but rather to show they have not prais'd conveniently, and for truly meritorious things. We hide also inferior with better qua∣lifications; yet not as desiring to be commended, but as teaching to commend aright. Such forms as these may be referr'd hither; 'Tis true I have not wall'd the City with Stones or Brick; but if ye view my Fortifications you shall find Armour, and Horses, and Confederates enough. But more aptly belongs that of Pericles: when his Friends be∣wail'd him in the extreamities of death, they put him in mind of his Authority and the great Office he had discharg'd; as also what Victories, Trophies and Cities he had left the Athenians, but he raising himself a little, reprov'd them as fixing only upon common acquests, and enlarging rather in the Encomiums of Fortune than of Page  284 Vertue; whereas they neglected the greatest matter and which was more peculiar to himself, That he had never been the occasion of any Athenians wearing black. And hence the Orator may learn if he be a good Man, to transfer the Eulogiums of his Eloquence to his vertuous Life and Man∣ners; and the Commander who is admir'd and applauded for his conduct or happy Fortune in the Wars may freely propose his Clemency or Justice as more worthy to be prais'd. Nay fur∣ther it becomes even an Emperor upon a pro∣fusion of such glutting praises as Flatterers are commonly guilty of, to say something of this nature

If you know me well let my justice or tempe∣rance, my equanimity or humanity be rather spoken of. For even envy her self can easily concede the lesser honours to him who refuses the greater; nor will it rob any of true enco∣miums, not to expect false and vain ones. There∣fore several Princes wo permitted not themselves to be called Gods, nor the off-spring of the Gods, have yet assumed the Titles of Philadel∣phi, Philometores, Evergetae, or Theophili; and none ever doubted to honour them with those glorious yet human appellations.

Again, they who in their Writings and Sayings are absolute Votaries to Wisdom by no means will be called Sophi or Wisemen, but can pleasant∣ly swallow the Epithet of Philosopher, i. e. Stu∣dents or Lovers of Wisdom, or any other easie name which sounds not big, nor exposes them to Page  285 envy; and so they beget and preserve a good esteem. But your Rhetorical Sophisters whilst in their Orations they gape for the extra∣ordinary acclamations of Divine, Angelical, Won∣derful, they loose even those common ones of Manly or Pretty well.

Now as skilful Painters that they may not of∣fend the Eye, allay their overbright and gawdy colours by temp'ring 'em with darker; so there are some who will not represent their own Praises altogether glazing, and immoderately spendid, but cast in some defects, some scapes, or slight faults to take away the danger of displeasure or envy. Epeius intollerably brags

and after yet he would seem to qualifie all with this but, to say truth, to excuse his arrogance with so base a Confession is ridiculous. He then who would be an exact Man corrects himself for his forgetfulness, ignorance, ambition, or not giving ear to discipline or instructions. So does Ʋlys∣ses.—

And for the most part 'tis a good Antidote a∣gainst envy to mix amongst our Praises those faults that are not altogether ungenerous and base: Therefore many temper them not only with confessions of Poverty or Unskilfulness, but even of vile descent. So Agathocles carowzing amongst the Sicilian Youth in Golden Bowls very curiously wrought, commanded Earthen Pots to be brought in, See (says he) what Diligence, Labori∣ousnes and Fortitude can do! Once we made muggen Jugs, but now Vessels of Gold. For his Original was so mean and contemptible, that it was thought he had serv'd in a Potters Shop, who at last go∣vern'd almost all Sicily.

These are the outward preventions, or reme∣dies against diseases that may rise from the speaking of ones self. There are some others inward which Cato has recourse to, when he tells us he was envy'd for neglecting his do∣mestick Affairs, and being vigilant whole Nights in those of his Country,

and

For as they who obtain great Possessions of Houses or Lands gratis, and with little difficulty, Page  287 are under the Eye of Envy; but not if their Pur∣chases were troublesome and dear; so it is with them who arrive at honour and applause. Well then, since 'tis evident, we may praise our selves not only inoffensively, and without being lyable to Envy, but with great advantage too; that we may not seem to do this for its self, but a further and better end, first consider whether it may prove for the Instruction of the Company by exciting them to a vertuous aemulation. For so Nestors relation of his own atchievements en∣flamed Patrochis, and nine others with a vehe∣ment desire of single combat, and we know the Counsel that brings perswasive deeds as well as words, a lively exemplar, and an immediate familiar incentive, ensouls a Man with courage; moves, yea vehemently spurs him up to such a resolution of Mind as cannot doubt the possibili∣ty and success of the attempt. This was the reason of that Chorus in Laecedemon consisting of Boys, Young-men and Old, which thus sung in Parts.

well and politickly in this public entertainment did the Legislator propose to the Youth obvious and domestick examples of such as they saw had already performed the same things he exhorted them to.

Moreover it is not only available for the exci∣ting of a generous aemulation, but sometimes requisite for the silencing and taming an insolent Page  288 and audacious Man, to talk a little gloriously of ones self: As Nestor in this

And Aristotle writes to Alexander, that not only those who have mighty Empires may think highly of themselves; but they also who have worthy thoughts and notions of the Gods. Such a remarque as this is also profitable against Ene∣mies, and recalls the Spirits:

And such a reflection as that of Agesilaus, who said concerning the King of Persia, when he heard him call'd the Great, and who is greater then I, unless he be more Just? So Epimanondas answered the Lacedomonians when they had spun out a long accusation against the Thebans, I see then we have forc'd you one of your wonted humor of short speech.

The like to these are proper against Adver∣saries; but amongst our Friends and Fellow Citizens a seasonable glorying is good, not only to humble and throw down their haughtiness; but if they be fearful or astonished, to fetch back their courage, and teach them to rally up them∣selves again. Therefore Cyrus in Perils and Bat∣tels talked at a Thundring rate, but otherwise was mild and gentle in discourse. And Antigonus the second generally was modest and free from blustring, but at the Sea-fight at Cos, one of his Friends saying, see you now how much greater the Page  289 number of the Enemies Ships is, then ours? He an∣swers and how many soever they be; set me opposite to them all.

This Homer seems to have considered, who makes Ʋlysses, when his friends were dismay'd at the noise and horrible Waves of Caribdis, to im∣mind them of his former Stratagems and Va∣lour.

For these kind of Praises are not such as the Haranguers to the People or Sophistical Brag∣gers use, nor of those who affect Popular Hum∣mings and Applause; but necessary Pledges of •…hat Courage and Conduct, which must be given to hearten up our Friends, for we know •…hat opinion and confidence in him whom we •…steem endued with the Fortitude and Experi∣•…nce of a compleat Captain, is in the Crisis of •… Battle no small advantage to the obtaining of •…he day.

We have before declar'd the opposing him∣•…elf to the reputation and credit of another •…o be altogether unbefitting a worthy Man, •…ut where a vitious Praise becomes hurtful •…nd corruptive, creating an earnestness after •…vil things, or an evil purpose in great Mat∣•…ers, it is not unprofitable to refuse it; but •…ecomes us to direct the Minds of the Com∣•…any towards better sentiments of things, •…owing their difference, and wherein it fails. •…or certainly any one will be pleased, when he Page  290 sees many voluntarily abstaining from the Vi∣ces they heard cry'd down and reprov'd, but if baseness be well accounted of, and ho∣nour be made to attend on him who pur∣sues Pleasure or Avarice, where is the Nature so happily strong that can resist, much less conquer the Temptation? Therefore a gene∣rous and discreet Person must not set himself against the Praises of evil Men, but of evil actions, for they are not by any means to be applauded; and these kind of commendations pervert the judgments of Men, and miserably lead them to the imitating and aemulating unworthy practices as laudable. But they may be easily bewrayed by confronting them with opposite Truths. Theodorus the Tragedian is reported to have said to Satyrus the Comedian, 'Tis not so wonderful an Art to move the Theaters Laughter, as to force its Tears, and if some Philosopher should have retorted, Ay, but friend 'tis not so fit and seemly to make Men weep, as to remove and free them from their Sorrow; 'tis likely by some odd way of commending himself, he would have de∣lighted his hearer, and endeavoured to alter or secure his Judgment. So Zeno knew how to speak for himself when the greater number of Theophrastus his Scholars, was opposed to the fewness of his; saying, His Chorus is indeed greater then mine, but mine is sweeter and better taught. And Phocion, while Leostenes prosper'd, being asked by the Orators, what good he had done the City, Replyes—Nothing but thi•… that in my Government of you there have been n•… funeral Orations, though all the deceased were burie•… in the Sepulchres of their Ancestors. So Crat•… Page  291 by way of Antithesis to this Epitaph of the Glutton

well opposes these

This kind of Praise is amiable and advantagi∣ous, teaching to admire and love convenient and profitable things, instead of the the superfluous and vain.

Thus much for the stating of the question, in what cases, and how far self Praise may be inoffensive: Now the Order of the Discourse requires to shew how an uncomely and un∣seasonable affectation of Praise may be avoid∣ed.

Discourse of a Mans self usually sallys from self Love, as from its Fort; and is there observed to lay wait, even in those who are vulgarly thought free enough from ambition. Therefore, as it is one of the Rules of health, to avoid dangerous and unwholsome places, or being in them to take the greater care, so it ought to be a like Rule concerning con∣verse and speaking of ones self. For this kind of Talk has slippery occasions, into which we unawares and indiscernibly are apt to fall.

For first (as is abovesaid) ambition usually in∣trudes with some flourishing remarks to adorn Page  292 her self: for let a Person be commended by his equal or inferior, the Mind of the Ambitious is tickled and rubed at the hearing of his Praise, and immediately he is hurried by an intempe∣rate desire and precipitation after the like; as the Appetite of the hungry is sharpned by seeing others Eat.

In the second place, the stroy of Mens pro∣sperous Actions, naturally carrys them into the humour of boasting; and Joy so far transports them, that they swell with their own words, when they would give you a Relation of their Victorys, and success in the businesss of the State, or of other their publickly applauded Actions or Orations, they find it difficult not to play the Rhodomontado's, and preserve a mean. In which kind of Error 'tis observable that Soldiers and Mariners are most entang∣led: nor is it unfrequent with those who re∣turn from the Government of Provinces, and management of great Affairs. Such as these when is mention once made of Illustri∣ous and Royal Personages, presently thrust in some Eulogys of themselves, as proceeding from the favour and kind opinion of those Princes; and then fancy they seem not at all to have prais'd themselves, but only given a bare account, what great Men have said hono∣rably of them. So, another sort, little different from these, think they are not discerned, when they tell you all the familiarities of Kings and Emperors with them, and their particular ap∣pear to recount them, not as thereby intend∣ing their own Honour, but as bringing in considerable Evidences of singular Affa∣bility Page  293 and Humanity in Persons so excceding great.

We see then what reason we have to look narrowly to our selves, that, whilst we confer praises on others, we give no ground for Suspi∣cion, that we may make them but the vehicles of our own; and that in pretending to celebrate Patroclus under his name we mean Romantickly our selves.

Further, that kind of discourse which con∣sists in dispraising and finding fault is dan∣gerous, and yields opportunity to those that watch it, for the magnifying their own little worth. Of this old Men are inclinable to be guilty, when by chastizing and debasing o∣thers for their Vices, they exalt themselves as wonderfully great in the opposite Ver∣tues. Indeed to these there must be a very large concession, if they be Reverend not on∣ly in Age, but in Vertue and Place: For it is not altogether an unprofitable way, since it may sometimes create an extraordinary zeal, and aemulation of Honour in those who are thus spur'd up. But otherwise that sort of humour is carefully to be shun'd; for re∣proof is often bitter, and wants a great deal of caution to sweeten and correct it. Now this is not done by the tempering our own Praises with the reprehension of another: for he is an unworthy and odious Fellow, who seeks his own Credit through any Mans disgrace, basely endeavouring to build a slight Reputation of his Vertue, upon the discovery of anothers crimes.

Lastly, as they who are naturally enclin'd to a dangerous sort of Laughter, which is a kind of a violent passion or disease, must preserve Page  294 especially the smooth Parts of the Body from tickling incentives that may provoke it: So they whose Minds are soft, and propense to the desires of Reputation, must carefully be∣ware that they be not precipitated by the ticklings of anothers Praises into a vaporing of themselves. They ought rather to blush, if they hear themselves commended; and not put on a brazen face. They ought modest∣ly and handsomly to reprove tieir applau∣ders, as having honour'd them too much; and not chide them for having been too spa∣ring in their Praise. Yet in this many offend, putting those who speak advantagiously of them in mind of more things of the same na∣ture; endeavouring to make a huge heap of creditable actions, till they spoil not only what they themselves added, but all that their Friends conferr'd to the promoting their esteem.

Some there are who flatter themselves till they are stupidly puff'd up: others alure a Man to talk of himself, and take him, by casting some little gilded temptation in his way: and • another sort for a little sport will be putting que∣stions, as those in Menander to the silly Braga∣docia Soldier.

But they spoil'd all with Laughter.

Page  295

We must therefore be watchful that we neither our selves drop into our own in∣convenient Praises; nor he hooked into them by others. Now the best and most certain way of Security is to look back upon such as we can remember guilty of this fault; and consider how absurd and ugly it is accounted by all Men; and that hardly any thing is in converse a greater disturbance then this.

Hence it is, that though there be no other quality in such persons unpleasing, yet as Na∣ture had taught us to abhor and fly it, we hasten out to get a little fresh Air, and even the very Parasites and indigent Flatterers are uneasie, when the wealthy and great Men, by whose scraps they live, begin to admire and extol themselves. Yet [they say] these are the pri∣cipal dishes at Feasts; Therefore he in Menander crys out

But these faults are not only to be objected against common Soldiers and Upstarts, detain∣ing others with gaudy and proud relations of their own actions; but also to Sophists and Philosophers and Commanders, growing full of themselves, and talking at a fastuous rate.

Therefore 'tis fit we still remember that a∣nothers dispraise always accompanys the in∣discreet Praises of our selves. That the end of vain glory is disgrace, and that as Demo∣sthenes tells us, the Company will both be offend∣ed Page  296 and judge otherwise of us, then we would seem to be. Let us then forbear to talk of our selves, unless the profit that we or others may thence probably reap, be considerably great.

Page  297

Plutarch's Morals: Concerning the Procreation of the Soul, as discours'd of in Timaeus. The Father to Autobulus, and Plu∣tarch wisheth Health.

SINCE 'tis my Opinion, that it would be re∣quisite for me to collect together, what I have discours'd and written dispersedly in several Treatises, explaining, as we appre∣hended his Sense and Meaning, what Opinion Plato had concerning the Soul, as requiring a particular Commentary by it self: Therefore, and for that the Subject it self may seem to want the support and alloy of sound Argument, in re∣gard my Sentiments in many things do not com∣ply with Plato's Disciples, I will rehearse the Words as they run originally in the Text it self of Timaeus.

There being one Substance not admitting of Division, but continuing still the same, and ano∣ther Page  298 liable to be divided into several Bodies, out of both these he produc'd, for a middle Mixture, a third sort of Substance, partaking of the Na∣ture of the Same, and the Nature of the Other diversly oppos'd; and plac'd it in the midst be∣tween that which was indivisible, and that which was subject to be corporeally divided. Then taking all Three, he blended them into one form, forcibly adapting to the Same, the Nature of the Other, not readily condescending to a Mixture. Now when he had thus mix'd them with the Substance, and reduc'd the Three into one, he again divided this whole Matter into so many parts, as were thought to be necessary; every one of these Parts being compos'd of the Same, the Other, and the Substance: and thus he began his Division.

By the way, it would be an endless Toyl to recite the Contentions and Disputes that have from hence arisen among his Interpreters, and to you indeed superfluous, who are not ignorant your selves of the greatest part.

But seeing that Xenocrates won to his Opini•… several of the most eminent Philosophers, while he defin'd the Substance of the Soul to be a Num∣ber made by it self; and that many adher'd to Crantor the Solian, who affirm'd the Soul to con∣sist of an Essence partly perceptible to the Mind, partly subject to Opinions concerning sensible things, I am apt to believe, that the Perspicuity of these Matters clearly dilucidated, will afford ye a fair entrance into the Knowledge of the Rest. Nor does either of the two Conjectures require many Words of Explanation. In regard the one side pretends, that by the Mixture of the Divisible and Indivisible Substance no other thing Page  299 is meant than the Generation or Original of Num∣ber; seeing that the Unite is undividable, but Multitude is subject to Division: However that out of these is begot the Number of One, termi∣nating Plurality, and putting a Period to Infinity, which they call the unlimitted Binarie; which Zaratas, the Scholar of Pythagoras nam'd the Mo∣ther; but the Ʋnite, the Father of Number; and that therefore those Numbers were the best which approach'd nearest in Resemblance to the Unite. Nevertheless, this Number cannot be said to be the Soul: for it neither has the Power to move, neither can it be mov'd. But the Same and the Other being blended together, of which, this is the Origi∣nal of Motion and Mutation, the t'other of Rest and Stability; from these two springs the Soul, which is no less Active or Passive it self, to stay, or to be stay'd, to move, or to be mov'd.

But the Followers of Crantor, supposing the proper Function of the Soul to consist in judging of those things which are discernable to the Un∣derstanding, and liable to Sense, as also of the Differences and Similitudes of these things, as well in themselves, as in reference one to another, alledge the Soul to be compos'd of All, to the end she may have a true Knowledge of the whole: Now the things of which she is to make her Judgment, are fourfold; The Intelligible Nature always immutable and still the same: The Sensi∣tive Nature, which is Passive and subject to Alte∣ration; the Nature of the Same; and the Nature of the Other, or the Diversly Opposite; in regard the two former in some measure participate also of Diversity and Identity. All these Philosophers like∣wise equally hold, that the Soul does neither de∣rive its Beginning from Time, nor that it is the Page  300 Product of Generation; but that it is endu'd with several Faculties and Vertues into which Plato, as it were melting and dissolving its Substance for Contemplation's Sake, supposes it, only in dis∣course to have had its Original from Procreation and Mixture.

The same was his Opinion concerning the World; for he knew it to be created, and with∣out beginning; but not perceiving it so easie to apprehend how the Structure was rear'd, or by what Order and Government supported, unless by admitting its Beginning and the Causes thereto concurring, he follow'd that Method to instruct himself. These things being thus generally by them laid down, Eudorus will allow to neither side any share of probability: and indeed to me, they both seem to have wander'd from the Opi∣nion of Plato; if we intend to make the most likely Rule our Guide; which is not to advance our own Conceits, but to come as close as we can to his Sence and Meaning. Now as to this same Mixture, as they call it; of the intelligible and sen∣sitive Substance, there is no reason appears, why it should be more the Original of the Soul, than of any other thing that ye can name. For the whole World it self, and every one of its parts pretend to no other Composition than of a sensi∣tive and Intelligible Substance. Of which the one affords Matter and Foundation, the other Form and Figure to the whole Mass. And then again, whate're there is of material Substance fram'd and structur'd by participation and assimu∣lation of the intelligible Nature, is not only to be felt, but visible to the Eye; when as the Soul still soars above the reach of all natural Apprehen∣sion. Neither did Plato ever assert Number to the Page  301 Soul, but a perpetually self-moving Nature, the Fountain and Principle of Motion. Only he embellish'd and adorn'd the Substance of it with Number, Proportion and Harmony; as being a Subject capable of receiving the most goodly form which those Ornaments could produce. So that I cannot believe it to be the same thing to com∣pose the Soul according to Number, and to af∣firm the Soul to be Number it self. Nor can it be said to be Harmony, because harmoniously com∣pos'd, as he has clearly demonstrated in his Treatise of the Soul. But plain it is, that those Philosophers understood not the meaning of The Same, and the Other. For they tell us how the Same contributes Rest, the Other Motion toward the Generation of the Soul. Though Plato him∣self, in his Treatise entitl'd the Sophist; disposes and distinguishes Essence, The Same, The Other, together with Motion and Rest, as being fine Things altogether differing one from another; and void of mutual Affinity. But these Men are generally, as the most part of Plato's Readers, ti∣morously and vainly perplex'd, use all their En∣deavors by wresting and tormenting his Sence, to conceal and hide what he has written, as if it were some terrible Novelty not fit for publick View, that the World and the Soul had not their Beginning and Composition from Eternity, and therefore were not confin'd within the boundless immensity of Time for the future: of which we have particularly spoken already. So that now it shall suffice to say no more than this, that these Writers confound and smoother, if they do not rather utterly abolish his eager Contest and Dis∣pute in behalf of the Gods, wherein Plato con∣fesses himself to have been transported with an am∣bitious Page  302 Zeal, even beyond the Strength of his Years, against the Atheists of his Time. For if the World had no beginning, Plato's Opinion va∣nishes; That the Soul, much elder than the Bo∣dy, is the Principle of all Motion and Alteration, or to use his own Words, their Chieftain and first efficient Cause, whose Mansion is in Nature's most secret Retirement. But what the Soul is, what the Body, and why the Soul is said to have been elder than the Body, shall be made appear in the Progress of this Discourse. The igno∣rance of which seems to have been the Occasion of so much Doubt and Incredulity, in reference to the true Opinion.

First, Therefore I shall propose my own Sen∣timents concerning these things, desiring to gain Credit no otherwise than by the most probable strength of Arguments, explaining and reconcil∣ing to the utmost of my Ability, Truth and Pa∣radox together: after which I shall apply both the Explication and Demonstration to the Words of the Text. In my Opinion then, the Business lies thus: The World, saith Heraclitus, neither did any one of all the Gods, nor any mortal Man create. As if he had been afraid, that not being able to make out the Creation by a Deity; we should be constrain'd to acknowledge some Man to have been the Architect of the Universe. But certainly far better it is in submission to Pla∣to's Judgment, both to avow, and in our Songs of Praise to attribute the Glory of the Structure to God. For the Frame it self is the most beau∣tiful of all Master-pieces, and God the most Illu∣strious of all Causes: But that the Substance and Materials were not created, but always ready at the ordering and disposal of the Omnipotent Buil∣der, Page  301 to give it Form and Figure, as near as might be approaching to his own Resemblance. For the Creation was not out of nothing, but out of Matter wanting Beauty and Perfection, like the rude Materials of a House, a Garment, or a Statue, lying first in shapeless Confusion. For before the Creation of the World, there was no∣thing but a confus'd Heap: Yet was that con∣fus'd Heap neither without a Body, without Mo∣tion, nor without a Soul. The Corporeal part was without Form or Consistence, and the mov∣ing part stupid and headlong without reason or Conduct. God neither incorporated that which was incorporeal, nor conveigh'd a Soul into that which had none before; like a Person either Mu∣sical or Poetical, who does not make the Voice, nor the Movement, only he renders the Voice Harmony, and graces the Movement with pro∣per Measures. Thus God did not make the Tangible and Repercutient Solidity of the Corpo∣real Substance; nor the imaginative or moving Faculties of the Soul. But taking these two Principles, as they lay ready at hand, the one obscure and dark, the other turbulent and sence∣less, both imperfect without the Bounds of Order and Decency, He so dispos'd, digested, and em∣bellish'd the confus'd Mass, that He brought to perfection a most absolute and glorious Creature. Therefore the Substance of the Body is no other; then that all receiving Nature, the Seat and Nurse of all created Beings. But the Substance of the Soul in Philebus he called an infinite, being the Privation of Number and Proportion; hav∣ing neither Period nor Measure either of Dimi∣nution or Excess, of Distinction or Dissimilitude. But as to that Order he alledges in Timaeus, to be Page  304 the mixture of Nature with the indivisible Sub∣stance, but being apply'd to Bodies, becomes lia∣ble to Division, he would not have it thought to be a Bulk augmented by Unites or Points, nor by Longitude and Breadth, which are Qualities more consentaneous to Bodies than to the Soul, but that disorderly unlimited Principle, moving both it self and other Substances, that which he frequently calls Necessity, and within his Treatise of Laws, he openly stiles the disorderly ill acting, or harm-doing Soul. For such was this Soul of her self, but at length one became wise, that by the parti∣cipation of Understanding, Ratiocination and Harmony, she might be the Soul of the World: Thus that All-receiving and material Principle, enjoy'd both Magnitude, Space and Distance; but Beauty, Form and Measure of Proportion it had none. However all these it obtain'd, when it came to be embellish'd and adorn'd with all the Ornaments of Sea and Land, the Heavens, the Stars, and all those infinite Varieties of Plants and living Creatures. Now as for those who attribute to Matter; and not to the Soul, that which in Timaeus is call'd Necessity, in Philebus, vast Dis∣proportion and unlimited Exorbitancy of Diminution and Excess, they can never maintain it to be the Cause of Disorder, in regard that Plato always al∣ledges that same Matter to be without any Form or Figures, and altogether destitute of any Qua∣lity or effectual Vertue properly belonging to it; comparing it to such Oyls that have no Scent at all, which the Perfumers mix in their Tictures. For there is no likelihood that Plato would sup∣pose that to be the Cause and Principle of Evil, which is altogether feneant in it self, sluggish, and never to be rous'd on to Action; and yet Page  305 at the same time brand this Immensity with the harsh Epithete of deformed and mischievous, and call it Necessity repugnant and contumatiously re∣bellious against God. For this same Necessity, which ranverses Heaven (to use his own Phrase in his Politicks) and turns it the quite contrary way from Decency and Symmetry, together with, innate Concupiscence, and that inbred Confusion of ancient Nature, hurly burly'd with all manner of Disorder, before they were wrought and kneaded into the graceful Decorum of the World, whence came they to be conveighed into the se∣veral Varieties of Forms and Beings, if the Sub∣ject, which is the First Matter, were void of all Quality whatsoever, and depriv'd of all efficient Cause; more especially the Architect being so good himself, and intending a Frame the nearest approaching to his own Perfections? For besides these, there is no third Principle. And indeed we should stumble into the perplex'd Intricacies of the Stoicks, should we advance Evil into the World out of Non-entity, without either any preceding Cause or Effect of Generation; in re∣gard that among those Principles that have a Be∣ing, it is not probable, that either real Good, or that which is destitute of all manner of Quality, should afford Birth or Substance to Evil. But Plato escap'd those Pit-falls into which they blun∣dred who came after him; who neglecting what he carefully embrac'd, the third Principle, and energetick Vertue, in the middle betwixt God and the first Matter, maintain the most absurd of Arguments, affirming the Nature of Evils to have crept in spontaneously and adventitiously, I know not how, nor by what strange Accidents. And yet they will not allow an Atome of Epicu∣rus Page  306 so much as a moments Liberty to shift in its Station, which, as they say, would infer Motion out of Non-entity, without any impulsive Cause; nevertheless, themselves presuming all this while to affirm, that Vice and Wickedness, together with a thousand other Incongruities and Vexati∣ons afflicting the Body, of which no Cause can be ascrib'd to any of the Principles, deriv'd their Being from Consequence. Plato however does not so, who despoiling the first Matter of all manner of Distinction, and separating from God, as far as it is possible, the Causes of Evil, has thus deliver'd himself concerning the World in his Political Discourses. The World, saith he, re∣ceiv'd from the illustrious Builder all things beautiful and lovely; but whatsoever happens to be noxious and irregular in Heaven, through its exterior Habit and Disposition, from thence it derives those Inconveniences, and conveighs them into the several Creatures. And a little after, in the same Treatise, In process of time, when Oblivion had incroach'd upon the World, the Distemper of its ancient Confusion more prevail'd, and the Hazard is, lest being dissolv'd, it should again be sunk and plung'd into the immense Abyss of its former Irregularity. But there can be no dissimili∣tude in the first Matter, as being void of Quali∣ty and Distinction.

Of which, when Eudemus, with several others, was altogether ignorant, he seems deridingly to cavil with Plato, and taxes him with asserting the first Matter to be the Cause, the Root and Prin∣ciple of all Evil, which he had at other times so frequently dignify'd with the tender Appellations of Mother and Nurse. Whereas Plato gives to Matter only the Titles of the Mother and Nurse; but the Cause of Evil he makes to be the moving Page  307 Force residing within it, not govern'd by Order and Reason, though not without a Soul neither, which in his Treatise of the Laws, he calls ex∣presly the Soul repugnant, and in Hostility with that other propitiously and kindly acting. For though the Soul be the Principle of Motion, yet is it the Understanding and Intelligence which measures that Motion by Order and Harmony, and is the Cause of both. God therefore did not wake a sluggish and sleepy Matter into Action, but prevented it by a fix'd Establishment from be∣ing any longer troubled and disquieted by a sence∣less and stupid Cause. Neither did he infuse in∣to Nature the Principles of Alteration and passive Subjection to Disorders; but when it was under the Pressure of those unruly Disorders and Alte∣rations, he discharg'd it of its manifold Enormities and Irregularities, making use of Symmetry, Proportion and Number, as the most proper In∣struments, not of Alteration and lawless Motion to distract the several Beings with Passions and Distinctions, but rather to render 'em fix'd and stable, and nearest in their Composition to those things that in themselves continue still the same upon the equal Poise of Diuturnity. And this in my Judgment is the Sence and Meaning of Plato. Of which, the easie Reconciliation of his seeming In∣congruities and Contradiction of himself may serve for the first Proof.

For indeed no Men of Judgment would have objected to the most Bacchanalian Sophisters, more especially to Plato, the Guilt of so much Incon∣venience and impudent Rashness in a Discourse by him so elaborately study'd, as to affirm the same Nature in one place never to have been created, in another to have been the Effects of Generation Page  308 in Phaedrus, to assert the Soul Eternal: in Timaeus, to subject it to Procreation. The Words in Phae∣drus need no Repetition, as being generally fami∣liar to the Learned, wherein he proves the Soul to be incorruptible, in regard it never had a Be∣ginning; as being that which moves it self. But in Timaeus, God, saith he, did make the Soul a Ju∣nior to the Body, as now we labour to prove it to have been subsequent to the Body. For he would have never suffer'd the more Ancient, because link'd and coupl'd with the Younger, to have been go∣vern'd by it; only We, guided I know not how, by Chance and inconsiderate Rashness, frame odd kind of Notions to our selves. But God most certainly compos'd the Soul excelling the Body in Seniority both of Original and Power to be Mistriss and Governess of her inferior Servant. And then again he adds, how that the Soul re∣verting to her self, began the Divine Beginning of an eternal and prudent Life. Now, saith he, the Body of Heaven became visible; but the Soul being invisible, nevertheless participating of Ratiocination and Harmony, by the best of intelligible Beings, she was made the best of things created. Here then he de∣termines God to be the best of sempiternal Be∣ings, the Soul to be the most excellent of tempo∣ral existences. By which apparent Distinction, and Antithesis, he denies the Eternity of the Soul, or that it never had a Beginning. And thus what other or better Reconciliation of these seeming Contrarieties, than his own Explanation, to those that are willing to apprehend it. For he declares to have been without beginning the never pro∣created Soul that mov'd all things confusedly and in an irregular manner before the Creation of the World. But as for that, which God compos'd Page  309 out of this, and that other permanent and choicest Substance both prudent and orderly, and adding of his own, as if it were for Form and Beauty's sake, Intellect to Sence, and Order to Motion, constituted Prince and Chieftain of the whole, that he acknowledges to have had a Beginning and to have proceeded from Generation. Thus he likewise pronounces the Body of the World in one respect to be eternal and without Beginning, in another Sence to be the Work of the Creation. To which purpose, where he says that the visible Structure, never in repose at first, but restless in a confus'd and tempestuous Motion, was at length by the hand of God, dispos'd and rang'd in∣to Majestick Order, where he says that the four Elements, Fire and Water, Earth and Air, be∣fore the stately Pile was by them embellish'd and adorn'd, caus'd a prodigious Fever, and shiver∣ing Ague in the whole Mass of Matter, that la∣bour'd under the Combats of their unequal Mix∣tures, by his urging these things he gives those Bodies room in the vast Abyss before the Fabrick of the Universe. Again, when he says, that the Body was younger than the Soul, and that the World was created, as being of a Corporeal sub∣stance that may be seen and felt, which sort of substances must necessarily have a Beginning and be created; it is evidently demonstrable from thence, that he ascribes Original Creation to the Nature of Bodies. So far is he from being re∣pugnant or contradictory to himself in these sub∣limest Mysteries. For he does not contend, that the same Body was created by God, or after the same manner, and yet that it was before it had a Being, which would have been to act the part of a Jugler; but he instructs us what we ought to Page  310 understand by Generation and Creation. There∣fore, says he, at first all these things were void of Measure and Proportion; but when God first began to beautifie the whole, the Fire and Water, Earth and Air, having perhaps some Prints and Footsteps of their Forms, lay in a huddle jumbl'd together, as probable it is, that all things are, where God is absent, which then he reduc'd to a comely Perfection, vary'd by Num∣ber and Order. Moreover, having told us before, that it was not a Work of one, but of a twofold Proportion to bind and fasten the bulkie Immensi∣ty of the whole, which was both solid and of a prodigious profundity, and then coming to de∣clare how God, after he had plac'd the Water and the Earth in the midst between the Fire and the Air, incontinently clos'd up the Heavens into a circular Form. Out of these Materials, saith he, being four in number, was the Body of the World created, agreeing in Proportion, and so amicably cor∣responding together, that being thus embody'd and con∣fin'd within their proper Bounds, it is impossible that any dissolution should happen from their own Contend∣ing Force, unless He that riveted the whole Frame, should go about again to rend it in pieces: most ap∣parently teaching us, that God was not the Pa∣rent and Architect of the Corporeal Substance only, or of the Bulk and Matter, but of the Beauty, the Symmetry and Similitude that adorn'd and grac'd the whole. The same we are to believe He thought concerning the Soul; that there is one which was neither the Created by God, neither is it the Soul of the World, but a certain self-moving and restless Efficacy of a giddy, headstrong, irrational and disorderly Agitation and Impetuosity. The other, that which God himself having accouter'd and adorn'd with sutable Page  311 Numbers and Proportions, has made Queen: Re∣gent of the created World, her self the Product of Creation also. Now that Plato had this Belief concerning these things, and not for Contempla∣tion's Sake laid down these Suppositions concern∣ing the Creation of the World and the Soul, this a∣mong many others, seem to be an evident signifi∣cation, that as to the Soul, he avers it to be both created and not created, but as to the World he always maintains, that it had a Beginning, and was created, never that it was Incorruptible and Eternal. What Necessity therefore of bringing any Testimonies out of Timaeus. For the whole Treatise from the Beginning to the End, discourses of nothing else but of the Creation of the World. As for the rest we find that Timaeus in his Atlan∣tick, addressing himself in Prayer to the Deity, calls God that Being which of old existed in his Works, but now was apparent to Reason. In his Politicks, his Parmenidean Guest acknowledges the World, which was the Handy-work of God, to be replenish'd with several good things, and that if there be any thing in it which is vitious and offensive, that it is a Mixture of its first ill Habit of Incongruous and Irrational. But Socrates, in his Politicks, beginning to discourse of Num∣ber, which some call by the Name of Wedlock; The Created Divinity, saith he, has a circular Peri∣od, which is, as it were, enchas'd and involv'd in a certain and perfect Number; meaning in that place by created Divinity no other than the World it self. The first Pair of these Numbers consists of One and Two, the second of Three and

1	2
3	2
5	5
7	8

Four, the third of Five and Six; nei∣ther of which Pairs make a Tetrago∣nal Number, either by themselves, Page  312 nor joyned with any other Figures. The fourth of Seven and Eight, which being added all altoge∣ther, produce a Tetragonal Number of Thirty Six.

Page  347

Plutarch's Morals: Vol. II. That a Philosopher ought chiefly to Converse with great Men.

THE Resolution which you have taken to enter into the Friendship and Familiarity of Soranus, that by the frequent opportu∣nities of conversing with him, you may cultivate Page  348 and improve a Soil, which gives such early pro∣mises of a plentiful Harvest, is an undertaking which will not only oblige his Relations and Friends, but redound very much to the advan∣tage of the publick; and (notwithstanding the Peevish Censures of some Morose or Ignorant People) it is so far from being an argument of aspiring and vain-glorious Temper, that it shows you to be a Lover of Vertue and good Manners, and a zealous Promoter of the common Interest of Mankind.

They themselves are rather to be accused of an indirect, but more Vehement sort of Ambition, who would not upon any Terms be found in the Company, or so much as be seen to give a civil Salute to a Person of quality. For how unrea∣sonable would it be to enforce a well disposed Young Gentleman, and one who needs the di∣rection of a wise Governour, to such complaints as these, I could wish that instead of these ad∣vantages of Fortune, this Title and this Estate to which I was born, that I had been the Son of some Scriviner or pitiful Mechanic, that I might like them, have the Conversation of such a Man as Socrates, enjoy his Company, and hear his instructive Lessons of Morality.

*So far I am sure was an excellent Philosopher from being of their humour, that when he was censured for exposing and prostituting the Digni∣ty of Philosophy, by his freedom to all comers, he answered, That he could wish that Nature had given understanding to wild Beasts, that they too might be capable of being his Hearers. Shall we then deny that priviledge to Men of Interest and Power, which this good Man would have communicated (if it had been possible) to the brute Beasts? But Page  349 these Men have taken up a false notion of Phi∣losophy, they make it much like the Art of Statuary, whose business is to carve out a liveless Image, in the most exact figure and propor∣tion, and then to raise it upon its pedestal, where it is to continue for ever, the true Philosophy is of a quite different nature, it is a spring and principle of Motion where ever it comes; it makes Men active and industrious, it sets every Whoel and Faculty of going, it stores our Minds with axioms and rules, by which to make a sound Judgment, it determines the Will to the choice of what is honourable and just: and it wings all our faculties to the swift∣est Prosecution of it. It is accompanied with an Elevation and Nobleness of mind, joyned with a coolness and sweetness of Behaviour? Back'd with a becoming assurance and inflexible resolution. And from this diffussiveness of the Nature of good, it follows that the best and most accomplish∣ed Men are inclined to converse with Persons of the highest condition. Indeed a Physitian if he have any good nature and sence of honour, would be more ready to cure an Eye which is to see and to watch for a great many thousands, than that of a private Person; how much more then ought a Philosopher to form and fashion, to rectifie and cure the Soul of such an one, who is (if I may so express it) to inform the Body Politic? Who is to think and understand for so many o∣thers, to be in a great measure the Rule of Reason, the Standard of Law and Model of Behaviour, by which all the rest will square and direct their Actions? Suppose a Man to have a Talent at finding out Springs, and contriving of aquaeducts Page  350 (a piece of skill for which Hercules and others of the Ancients are much celebrated in History) surely he could not so satisfactorily employ him∣self in sinking a Well, or deriving Water to some private Seat, or contemptible Cottage, as to supply Conduits to some fair and populous City, to relieve an Army just perishing with Thirst, or to refesh and adorn with Fountains and cool Streams, the beautiful Gardens of some Glorious Monarch. There is a passage of Homer very pertinent to this purpose, in which he calls Minos 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which as Plato interprets it, signifies the Disciple and Companion of Jupiter, it were beneath his Dignity indeed to teach private Men, such as care only for a family, or indulge their useless Speculations; but Kings are Scholars Worthy the Tuition of a God. Who when they are well advised, just, good and magnanimous, never fail to procure the Peace and Prosperity of all their Subjects. The Naturalists tells us that the Eryngium or Eringo hath such a Property with it, that if one of the Flock do but taste it, all the rest will stand stock still in the same place, till the Shepherd had taken it out of his Mouth. Whether this be true or no it is manifest by expe∣rience,* that the Effluvias of Power (the Actions and Examples of great Men) have such a peircing and assimulating quality, that fire it self scarce excels them in Activity. The effects of Philo∣sophy indeed are different according to the diffe∣rence of inclinations in Men, if indeed it lights on such a one who loves a dull and inactive sort of life, that makes himself the Center, and the lit∣tle conveniences of life the Circumference of all his thoughts, such a one does Contract the Sphere of Page  351 her Activity, so that having only made easie and comfortable the life of a single Person, it fails and dies with him: But when it finds a Man of a ruling Genius, one fitted for Conversation, and a∣ble to grapple with the difficulties of public bu∣siness, if it once possess him with Principles of Honesty, Honour and Religion,* this Man takes a com∣pendious method, by doing good to one to oblige a great part of Mankind. Such was the effect of Anaxagoras his Conversation with Pericles, Plato's with Dion, and of Pythagoras with the prin∣cipal Statesmen of all Italy. Plato himself took a Voyage when he had the concern of an ex∣pedition lying upon him, to see and hear Atheni∣dorous, and Scipio sent for Panetius,* when he was Commissioned by the Senate to take a Survey of the manners of the Justice or Injustice, which was practised in their Provinces; and what a pretty sort of return would it have been in Panetius to send word back—if indeed you were in a private Capacity, John a Nokes or Jack a Stiles, that had a mind to get into some obscure Corner or Cell, to state Cases and resolve Syllogisms, I should very gladly have accepted your Invitation but now because you are the Son of Paulus Aemilius, twice Consul, and Grandson of that Scipio, who was Sirnamed from his Conquest of Hannibal and Afric, I cannot with honour hold any Conversati∣on with you.

The Objection which they bring from the two kinds of Discourse, one of which is mental,* the other express'd in words or interpretative of the former, together with the Poetical Trappings which belong to the Distinction are so stale and pedantical, that they are best answered by laugh∣ter Page  352 or silence; however thus much shall be said, that the end of them both is to keep our minds in the first place in a good and even Composure, and next to keep up a good Correspondence with others; for he that hath attained to Vertue by the Methods of Philosophy hath his mind always in Tune and good Temper; he is not struck with those Reproaches of Conscience, which cause the acu∣test Sense of Pain, and are the natural punish∣ments of our Follies; but he enjoys (the great Prerogative of a good Man) to be always easie and in amity with himself.

His Passion does not stand in defiance to his reason, nor do his Reasonings cross, and thwart one the other, but he is always consistent to him∣self; the very Joys of wicked Men are tumultuary and confus'd, like those who dwell in the Borders of two great Empires at variance, always insecure, and in perpetual Alarums; whilest a Good Man enjoys an uninterrupted Peace and Serenity of Mind, which excels the other not only in duration, but in Sense of pleasure too. As for the other sort of Reason, that which consists in expres∣sion of it self to others, Pindar says very well, that it was not mercenary in old time, nor indeed is it so now, but by the baseness and ambition of a few is made use of to serve their poor secular Interest; for if the Poets represent Venus her self as much offended with those, who make a Trade and Traffick of the Passion of Love; how Page  353 much more reasonably may we suppose that Ʋrania, and Clio and Caliope have an Indignation against those who set Learning, and Philosophy to Sale? Certainly the gifts and endowments of the Muses ought much rather to be priviledged from such mean considerations, — if indeed some have made Fame and Reputation one of the ends of their Studies, they used it only as an Instrument to get Friends, since we find by com∣mon observation that Men only praise them whom they love, if they sought it for its own praise, they were as much mistaken as Ixion, when he embraced a Cloud instead of Juno; for there is nothing so fleeting, so changeable and inconstant as popular applause, it is but a pompous shadow, and hath no manner of solidity and duration in it; but a wise Man if he design to engage in business and matters of State, will so far aim at Fame and Popularity, as that he may be better enabled to benefit others; for it is a difficult and very unpleasant Task to do good to those who are disaffected to our Persons. It is the good opinion men have of us, which disposes Men to give credit to our Doctrine: As Light is a grea∣ter good to those who see others by it, then to those who only are seen: So is Honour of a greater benefit to those who know how to use it, than to those who are careless or insensible of it. But even such a one who withdraws himself from the noise of the World, who loves privacy and indulges his own thoughts will show that respect to the good word of the People, as Hippolytus did to Venus, though he abstain from her Mysteries, he will pay his Devotions at a Distance, but he will not be so Cynical and sullen, as not to hear Page  354 with gladness the commendations of vertuous Men like himself; he will neither engage himself in a restless pursuit of Wealth, Interest or Honour, nor will he on the other hand be so rustick and insensible as to refuse them in a mo∣derate degree; when they fairly come in his way; in like manner he will not court and follow hansom and beautiful Youths, but will rather chuse such who are of a teachable Disposition, of a gentile behaviour and lovers of Learning: The Charms and Graces of Youth will not make a Philosopher shy of their Conversation, when the endowments of their Minds, are answerable to to the Features of their Bodies; the case is the same when greatness of place and fortune concur with a well dispos'd Mind in the same Person, he will not therefore forbear loving and respecting them, nor be afraid of the name of a Courtier, nor think it a Curse that such at∣tendance and dependance should be his Fate.

The application is easie to the matter in hand.

A Philosopher therefore, though of a retir'd humor, will be thus affected; but such a one who generously designs his Studies for the pub∣lick Advantage, will chearfully embrace their advances of Friendship, will hear as well as be heard, lay aside his Scholastical Terms and Di∣stinctions, nor confound his novices with the barbarous sound of baralypton.

says one boastingly in the Poet; the same Man if he were as much a Lover of Mankind, as of Husbandry, would much rather bestow his Pains on such a Farm, the Fruits of which would serve a great number, then to be always dressing the Olive-yard of some Cynical Malecontent, which when all was done would scarce yield Oyl enough to dress a Salad, or to supply his Lamp in the long Winter Evenings. Epicurus himself, who places happiness in the profoundest quiet, and sluggish inactivity, as the only secure Harbour from the storms of this troublesom World, could not but confess* that it is both more noble and delight∣ful to do; than to receive a kindness; for there is nothing which produces so human and genuine a sort of pleasure, as that of doing good, he who first gave the Name of the three Graces well un∣derstood this, for they all signifie * Delectation and Joy. This is so evidently true, that we all receive good turns blushing, and with some con∣fusion, but we are always gay and well pleased, when we are conferring one.

If then it is so pleasant to do good to a few, how are their Hearts dilated with joy, who are Benefactors to whole Cities, Provinces and Kingdoms? And such Benefactors are they who instil good Principles into those, upon whom so many Mil∣lions do depend: On the other hand, those who debauch the minds of great Men, as Sychophants, false Informers, and Flatterers worse then both, ma¦nifestly do, are the Center of all the Curses of a Na∣tion, as Men who do not only infuse deadly Poy∣son into the Cestern of a private House, but into Page  356 the public Springs of which so many Thousands are to Drink. The People therefore thought it sufficient punishment for the hangers on of Callias, to have that biting Poet Eupolis expose them in his Comedies: But as for the Favorites of those excreable Tyrants, Apollodorus, Phalaris, and Dye∣nysius, they rack'd them, they fleed them alive, they roasted them in slow Fires, they looked on them as the very Pests of Society and Disgraces of Human Nature, for to debauch a simple Person is indeed an ill thing, but to corrupt a Prince is an infinite Mischief: In like manner, he who in∣structs an ordinary Man, makes him to pass his Life decently and with comfort, but he who in∣structs a Prince, by correcting his Errors and clearing his understanding, is a Philosopher for the publick, by rectifying the very moul and model by which whole Nations are form'd and regu∣lated. It is the custom of all Nations to pay a peculiar honour and deference to their Priests, and the reason of it is, because they do not only pray for good things for themselves, their own Families and Friends, but for whole Communities, for the whole state of Mankind, yet we are not so fond as to think that the Priests, make the Gods givers of good things, or in∣spire a Vein of beneficence into them, but only make their supplications to a being, which of its self is inclinable to answer their requests; but in this a good Tutor hath the Priviledge above the Priests, he effectually renders a Prince more disposed to Actions of Justice, of Moderation and Mercy, and therefore hath a greater satis∣faction of Mind, when he reflects upon it.

For my own part, I cannot but think that an ordinary Mecanick, for instance, a Maker of Page  357 Musical Instruments, would be much more at∣tentive and pleased at his work, if his Harp were to be touched by the famous Amphion, and in his hand to serve for the Builder of Thebes, or if that Thaletas the Candidate had bespoke it, who was so great a Master, that by the force of his Musick he pacified a popular tumult amongst the Lacaedemonians. A good natured Shipwright would ply his work more heartily, if he were to make the Steerage for the Admiral Galley of Themi∣stocles, when he fought for the liberty of Greece, or of Pompey, when he went on his expedition against the Pirates, what exstacy of delight then must a Philosopher be in when he reflects, that his Scho∣lar is a Man of Authority, a Prince or great Potentate, that he is employ'd in so publick a work, giving Laws to him who is to give Laws to a whole Nation, who is to punish Vice, and to reward the Vertuous, with Riches and Ho∣nour? The Builder of the Argos certainly would have been mightily pleased, if he had know what Noble Mariners were to row in his Ship, and that at last she should be Translated into Heaven; and a Smith would not be half so much pleased to make the Iron-work for a Coach, as to beat out the Plates on which Solons Laws were to be engrav'd. In like manner the Discourses and Rules of Philosophy being once deeply stamp'd and imprinted on the Minds of great Personages, will stick so close, that the Prince shall seem no other then Justice Incarnate and Animated Law: This was the De∣sign of Plato's Voyage into Sicily, he hoped that the Lectures of his Philosophy would serve for Laws to Dionysius, and bring his affairs into a good posture: But the Soul of that unfortunate Prince was like Paper Scribled all over with the Page  358 Characters of Vice, it's piercing and corroding quality had stained quite through, and sunk into the very substance of his Soul: In such Cases, it is the best course to give them over betimes; for it is a great Truth, that Vice hath its certain Period, after which it becomes desperate and incurable.

Page  359

Plutarch's Morals: Vol. II. A Discourse concerning Socrates his Daemon.