An institution of general history from the beginning of the vvorld to the monarchy of Constantine the Great : composed in such method and manner as never yet was extant / by William Howel ...

* 1.1SECT. VI. From the beginning of the Tricipitina or first Triumvirate, to the absolutenesse of Julius Caesar, containing the space of sixteen years.

1. CAESAR by the help of Pompey obtained the Consulship; but not without the assistance of money also. There were two other Competitors, L. Lucerius and M. Bibulus, whereof he was much for the former,* 1.2 having agreed with him, that because he was lesse in favour,* 1.3 but very rich, he should give money for them both through the Centuries. But the Grandees understanding this, and fearing if he had him for his Collegue he might do what he listed, they caused Bibulus to offer more, they themselves contributing to the expence, which corruption Cato denied not to be for the good of the Commonwealth, now brought by the means of such evil mem∣bers into absolute danger and necessity. Caesar confirmed Pompey's acts ac∣cording to agreement, neither Lucullus nor any other opposing it, and Pom∣pey procured, that what honour Lucullus had promised to certain men of Pon∣tus, should not be confirmed by the Senate, filling the City with Soldiers, and by force casting him and Cato out of the Forum. In this his first Con∣sulship he sold alliances with Rome, and also Kingdoms; and, to procure the favour of the Commons,* 1.4 preferred a Law for dividing certain grounds in Campania (which had been preserved to defray publick charges) to such Citizens as had three children or more. This he caused to passe by force, and compelled all Plebeians to swear to observe the Law, and the Senators also, though Cato urged them to refuse; for they did it to save their lives, he having caused the People to decree, that it should be capital for any to deny it. He had recourse to the People in all cases, making little use of the Senate, which he seldom called together. Bibulus his Collegue having opposed his actions for some time to no purpose, kept himself at home, and stirred not for the remaining part of the year. Caesar then governed alone, and was much courted by the Equites or Knights, who having farmed the custome, de∣sired an abatement of the rent. The Senate refused to remit any thing, but he did their businesse for them, procuring the People to abate a third part. By this and other wayes of shews and largesses,* 1.5 he so inveigled the multitude, that he got Gall to be decreed to him for five years, with four Legions, and for the remaining part of the year, spent it in seeking how to establish himself for the time to come.

2. Knowing how considerable a man Pompey was, to bind him faster to him,* 1.6 he gave him in mariage his daughter Julia. He procured two of his own creatures, A. Gabinius and L. Calpurnius Piso (whose daughter he had ma∣ried after Cornelia's death) to be designed Consuls for the following year, as also Vatinius and Clodius Tribunes, though the later had abused his wife (for he was a person exceedingly loose that way) having in womens clothes crept into the meetings proper onely to that Sex, for which he was accused as a breaker of the sacred customes by Cicero. He appeared not against him though he put away his wife, nay he helped him to his place, as it's thought, out of opposition to the Orator (who was wont to declame against the com∣bination of the three great ones, as pernicious to the Commonwealth) and in way of requital for the help hee had afforded him in the procure∣ment of Gall, whither, when the time of his Consulship was expired,* 1.7 he departed. This year was Titus Livius the Historiographer born at Padua.

* 1.83. Clodius out of malice to Cicero seeking for the Tribuneship, whereas he was a Patrician, thereby uncapable of the place, he procured himself to be adopted by a Plebeian, and so with the losse of his former dignity obtained it. Then did he prefer a Law, that whosoever had put to death any Roman Citizen unheard, water and fire should be forbidden him, which amounted

to as much as banishment; and set Cicero his day of appearance, for putting to death Cethegus, Lentulus▪ and others of Catalines conspiracy unheard. Pompey at first stood stifly for the accused, saying, he would rather dye him∣self than Tully should be hurt; but Caesar took him off, because Cicero ha∣ving desired to go his Lieutenant into Gall, upon Clodiu•• his seeming willing to be reconciled, had changed his resolution, and hereby displeased him. This is certain, that he who was wont to defend others so earnestly, was very timorous in his own cause (which hapned also to Demosthenes) and chose ra∣ther to depart the City,* 1.9 and late at night, than undergo his trial,* 1.10 after that Pompey had forsaken him, and the Consuls would give him little hopes. Af∣ter his departure Clodius banished him by decree of the People 400 miles from Italy, demolished his Villages and his house, on the plot whereof he built a Temple to Liberty, and set his goods to sale. He went to Thessa∣lonica a City of Macedonia, being by letters of the Senate commended to such Kings, or Governours, as into the Dominions of whom he might have occasion to come.

4. Clodius having thus rid himself of Cicero, for that Cato's presence was very troublesom to him, sent him also out of the way, under colour of do∣ing him honour.* 1.11 He preferred a Law against Ptolomy King of Cyprus (bro∣ther to Anletes of Aegypt) for the spoiling him of all his estate, and re∣ducing that Island into the form of a Province, though this man had nothing ill deserved. He was indeed very vicious, if that could have given them any right to what he had; but the truth was,* 1.12 Clodius had been taken by the Pi∣rates, and sending to him for money to redeem him, he would part but with two talents, and therefore he took this occasion to be revenged on him and Cato both together. The King hearing of Cato's coming, killed himself, and some said that he cast his treasures into the Sea. Cato sold his goods, and brought a great sum of money into the treasury. But, by this time Pompey repented that he had forsaken Cicero; for, Clodius wanting other matter now to work on, vexed all the great ones, and repealed some things which he had done, so that now he set himself to have him recalled. Clodius withstood it, but thereupon the Senate passed a Decree, that nothing should be heard before his restitution was propounded. Lentulus the Consul propounded it on the Calends of January; but the matter being hindred, several wayes, was brought down to the People on the eighth before the Calends of February, where was great endeavour used by T. Annius Milo and P. Sextius two other Tri∣bunes for his restitution. Clodius their Collegue taking some Fencers belong∣ing to his brother Appius, fell upon the multitude and killed many: The Tri∣bunes were wounded,* 1.13 and Q. Cicero brother of the banished (newly returned from Asia, which he had governed three years) lay for dead amongst the slain. Now the People began seriously to bethink themselves. Milo ventured to draw Clodius by force to judgement, and Pompey possessing himself of the Forum, put the People to their suffrages, who with universal consent voted his restitution. The Senate decreed honour to such Cities as had entertained him, and that his house and Villages should be re-edified at the publick charge. So Cicero who had been banished the year before about the Calends of April, returned this year in the moneth Sextilis, or, the day before the Nones of September, and therefore was absent about sixteen moneths. As Plutarch more rightly computeth than* 1.14 Simpson, who strangely forgetting himself, blaming him, for saying he returned in the sixteenth moneth, con∣tendeth that from the first of April to the moneth Sextilis or August of the following year, intervene but fourteen moneths. Now P. Cornelius Len∣tulus and Q. Caecilius Metellus were Consuls.

5. Caesar having obtained of the People Gall within the Alpes,* 1.15 and Illy∣ricum, with three Legions, the Senate added, that beyond the Alpes (which in part we now call France) with another Legion. His first work was to re∣pel the Helvetians (now called Switzers) who having burnt their houses and resolved to seek out more convenient habitations, intended to passe over the Rhoane, and so through his Province. He having intelligence thereof, ha∣sted

to Geneva, and pulled down the bridge there. They then sent to him to desire that they might passe through his Province without offence,* 1.16 to consider whereof he took time till the Ides of April, and in the mean time raised a wall twenty miles in length, from the Lake Lemanus to the Hill Jura (which divdeth Burgoin from Switzer-land) and thereby hindred their passage. They then bent their course to Araris (a River in France now called Saon) where in their passage be overthrew and dispersed them.* 1.17 They sent him another message to no purpose, and repelled 4000 of his Horse which too greedily chased them; but he continually followed, and hindring them from wasting the Country, at length quite routed and put them to flight; of 348000, 130000 onely remaining, who also shortly after were forced for want of pro∣visions to yield, and giving Hostages, and delivering up their arms, to return from whence they came, and rebuild their Towns and Villages. After this was done, the Galls complained to him of Ariovistus King of the Germans, who had seized on a third part of the Countrey belonging to the Sequani (now Burgundians) and intended to take the rest also. He first sent to him, but this being in vain, he led his Army against him, and they came to an en∣terview, which succeeding not, he overthrew him also, and he fled into Ger∣many in a little boat, two of his wives and as many daughters being taken. These things Caesar accomplished in the first Summer, in the Consulship of his two creatures, Piso and Gabinius.

6. The following year all the Belgae (now inhabitants of the Low-countries for the most part) except those about Rheimes, conspired together against the Romans,* 1.18* 1.19 and besieged Bibrax (now Bearne) and another fort kept by Q. Ti∣tunus. Caesar hereupon marched to the River Axona (now Le Disne) and there overthrew them, after which divers yielded themselves; but the Nervii (a People about Tournay in Flanders) a warlike and severe Nation, stood out, with whom joyned the Attrebates and Veromandui (now Inhabitants of Artois, and of part of Picardie) but these he utterly overthrew, scarcely any escaping out of the field. This was done that year wherein Ci∣cero was recalled. In the third year, purposing for Italy himself, he sent Servius Galba with the twelfth Legion and part of the Horse against the Antuates, Veragri,* 1.20 and Seduni,* 1.21 Nations inhabiting from the River Rhene as high as the Alpes, because he would have the passage thereabout cleared for traffick. Galba defeated a great multitude of them, which set upon him in his Camp. Caesar not long after returning, found the Veneti and other Nations of Gall••a Celtica in rebellion, who gave him trouble enough, but at length he over∣threw the Veneti at Sea, Crassus subdued the Sontiates, and the greatest part of Aquitaine, and Sabinus the Unelli and maritime Cities. Then fell he upon the Marini (a People near Calais in Picardy) and the Menapii also, these two Nations still being in Arms. But, Winter growing on, foul wea∣ther secured them in the marishes, and caused him to remove his men to their winter-quarters.

7. Now by this time he had got great store of of wealth,* 1.22 wherewith he not onely paid his debts, but made him great store of friends by gifts and contri∣butions. Herewith he corrupted the Aediles, Praetors, Consuls and their wives. Passing over the Alpes this Winter into Luca, where he took up his head quarters, so great concourse was made to him, that there were present 200 Senators, amongst whom were Crassus and Pompey, and so many Pro∣consuls and Praetors,* 1.23 that 120 bundles of rods have been seen together at his gates. He fearing he might be recalled, procured Pompey and Crassus to obtain the Consulship for the following year, and continue him his imploy∣ment in Gall for other five years. Cato perswaded L. Domitius to stand for the Consulship, telling him he should contend not for Magistracy but for li∣berty against the Tyrants. But Pompey fearing Cato's vehemency, lest, having the whole Senate in his power, he should perswade the People to what was best, sent some armed men upon Domitius as he went down to the Forum, who killed the slave that caried the light before them, dispersed them all, Cato being the last that fled, who received a wound on his arm whilst he

fought for Domitius. Pompey and Crassus having thus by force obtained the Consulship, bore themselves nothing more moderately afterwards. The peo∣ple being about to give Cato the Praetorship,* 1.24 Pompey pretended a strange fight from Heaven, and dismissed the Assembly: then corrupting the Tribes with money, he procured Antias and Vatinius to be chosen Praetors.* 1.25 Then by the help of Trebonius the Tribune they procured Laws, which continued to Caesar (as they had agreed) his Government in Gall for other five years, as∣signed Syria to Crassus with the Parthian War; and to Pompey all Africk, and the Spains with four Legions, whereof two he lent to Caesar for the Gallick Wars. Pompey being permitted to Govern his Provinces by Depu∣ties stayed at Rome, where he spent his time in shews and pastimes. Crassus much rejoyced in his part, scarcely being able to contain himself abroad and at home, contrary to his wonted gravity, breaking forth into Childish expres∣sions of joy. For, he sleighted the thoughts of Syria and Parthia, as one who would so order his affairs, that the exploits of Lucullus against Tigranos, and of Pompey in the War with Mithridates, should seem but toys, extending his hopes as far as Bactria, the Indians, and the utmost Ocean.

8. The Tribunes hindred all they could, the Consuls from raising men, and laboured to repeal the Laws made for their expeditions.* 1.26 Pompey was herewith well enough contented, having sent his Lieutenants into his Provin∣ces, and being unwilling to leave the Citie, as he pretended,* 1.27 because of the charge of Provisions committed to him, which Cicero, in way of recompence for his labour in his restitution, had procured him from the Senate, that so he might have authority all over the Roman Empire. But Crassus betook him∣self to force, which when the Tribunes saw themselves unable to withstand, they desisted, but loaded him with curses, and when he made the accustomed prayers in the Capitol for prosperous successe, they spoke of unluck auspicia and prodigies which had hapned. Atteius the Tribune laboured to hinder him from going, many exclaiming against it as an unworthy thing that he should fall with War upon those, who had nothing ill deserved of the Ro∣mans, but were at peace with them. This made him fly to Pompey to con∣duct him forth, at the sight of whom those who came to stop him gave way. But Atteius meeting him, earnestly exhorted him to desist, and when that would not do, sent a Viator to lay hold of him; but the rest of the Tribunes not permitting this, and the Viator not quite dismissing him, Atteius got before to the Gate where he had some fire ready, and as Crassus came by, throwing his Odours upon the Coals, devoted him with horrible and bitter curses, invocating certain terrible and unheard of gods. These secret, and antient execrations the Romans, thought to be of that force as no man ever escaped destruction to whom they were denounced, and also proved un∣fortunate to the denouncer, and therefore they were seldom used, and Crassus was blamed on the behalf of the Citie.* 1.28 Florus calleth this Tri∣bune Metellus, and others write that the Tribunes generally thus devoted him, but it appeareth,* 1.29 from Cicero, that P. Atteius was principal in this action.

* 1.309. Crassus in his march rifled the Temple of Jerusalem,* 1.31 and took away the Treasures which Pompey touched not. He spent many dayes in weigh∣ing the Treasure of the Idol, called Atargatis by the Syrians, and by the Greeks Derceto, the Goddesse of Hierapolis, otherwise called Edessa, and Bambyce, and Magog by the Syrians. In his whole passage he shewed more covetousnesse than valour, listing men, and then for money discharging them again. He neglected his opportunities of falling on the Parthians unpro∣vided, and the friendship of the Armenian King, who offered him to invade Parthia through his Kingdom, as also of refreshing his Army in some Citie, (as Cassius advised him) till he had certain news of the Parthians, or else passing down the River to Seleucia, where he might have Provisions by wa∣ter, and could not be compassed in by the Parthians. This later Counsel he rejected by the cunning insinuations of Abgarus the Osroënian (otherwise called Angarus, Mazares, Mazarus, Marachus, Macorus, Ariamnes, and

* 1.32 Acbarus by several) the Regulus, or Petty Prince of the Arabians, who having formerly been a friend and Ally of the Romans, had now applied his mind to the Parthian, and feeding Crassus with money, to conceal his Trea∣chery, gave him notice of whatsoever was done. He perswaded him to leave off thoughts of Seleucia and Ctesiphon, and go straight against Surenas and Sillax the Kings Captains. This he did, and thereby first losing his son, a choice young man, he himself was by Surenas circumvented under pretence of a Treaty, and either slain by his Enemies, or killed by some of his own men,* 1.33 to prevent his falling into their hands. This hapned at Sinnaca, a Citie of Mesopotamia, on the sixth of the Ides of June, as Ovid informeth us; 20000 men were slain, and 10000 taken, according to Plu∣tarch (not to name other accounts) so that the East being almost destitute of forces, many Provinces thereof revolted; but by the care, industry, and valour of C. Cassius the Quaestor of Crassus (the same who afterwards with Brutus, killed Julius Caesar) Syria was appeased. This King of Parthia against whom Crassus miscarried (called Orodes, Herodes, and Hyrodes) was something skilled in the Greek tongue, and other learning. Artabazel, or Artavasdes the Armenian (that first offered kindnesse to Crassus) had re∣conciled himself to the Parthian, who was now with him.* 1.34 He being also learned, (for he wrote Tragedies, Orations, and Histories) some of Euri∣pides his Bacchae was repeated, and the head of Crassus was brought in as it were by chance, and thrown at their feet. But Surenas was afterwards punished for his treachery, being killed by his Master who envied him his glory. And Orodes himself having lost his son Pacorus in a battel against the Romans, and falln into that kind of Dropsie, called Anasarca, Phraa∣tes (or Phraortes) his other son gave him Aconitum, or Wolfs bane, which working so upon him, as with it self it brought out the humour, and gave him ease, he made short work of it, and strangled him.

10. Thus perished Crassus(a) 1.35 (who was so rich that he would have none so accounted, but he that could by his own Revenues maintain an Army) and one of the heads of the Tricipitina was hereby cut off.* 1.36 This laid the foundation of the Civil War betwixt the other two, for he, whilest he lived, balancing them, when he was gone, Caesar must bring under Pompey be∣fore he could be Chief. Whilest Crassus warred against the Parthians, Gabi∣nius, who had been Consul when Cicero was banished, reduced(b) 1.37 into his Kingdom Ptolomy Auletes, whom his subjects had expelled. Then was he Proconsul of Syria; but at his return being accused, especially for making War upon Egypt (which was supposed to be forbidden by the Verses of Si∣bylla) and ready to be torn in pieces by the people, he was yet acquitted by corrupted Judges (or Laelius the Tribune) of treason, but banished, as up∣on other accounts, so chiefly for that he had served out of his Province 100000 Drachmas,* 1.38 or Denarii, and was afterwards recalled by Caesar.* 1.39 In the mean time several Nations of Germany, driven out by the Suevi (not Swedes (in Latine Sueci) but Grisons now for the most part) came into Gall to seek new seats, and there outed the Menapii of their dwel∣lings. Caesar defeated them, killing many thousands, and pursued them over the Rhine, on which he laid a wooden bridge, into the Countrey of the Sigambri (now Guelderland) and freed the Ubii (now Inhabitants of Cullen) from the Dominion of the Suevi,* 1.40 to whom they had been Tributaries. Then returned he to the Morini, or into Picardy, and thence came over into Britain.

* 1.4111. Britain, or Britany, which also is Albion, being in Greek ΒΡΕ∣ΤΑΝΙΑ, ΒΡΕΤΑΝΙΚΗ, ΒΡΕΤΑΝΙΣ, ΑΛΒΙΩΝ, and ΑΛΟΥΩΝ, was by the Romans called Britania and Remania. It is most probable, saith Cambden,* 1.42 the Inhabitants were called Britans from their painted bodies, for whatsoever is thus painted and coloured, in their antient Countrey speech they call Brith,* 1.43 having been of old much given to paint themselves, as many Writers do testifie. Now the ancient Greeks who sayled by the Coasts, understanding that the Nation was called Brith, might

unto, it add Tania (which word in Greek, as the Glossaries shew, betokeneth a Region) and thereof made the compound name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is Britons-Land, which is corrupted into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but by Lucretius and Caesar the two first Romans that make mention thereof is truely called Britania. In confirmation of this opinion Cambden observeth, that in the names of well-nigh all the antient Britains, there appeareth some signification of a colour, which no doubt (he saith) arose from this kind of painting. The Red co∣lour is of the Britans called Coch and Goch, which in his judgement lieth Couched in these names, Cogidunu••, Argentocoxus, and Segonax. The Black colour called Dù, sheweth it self in Mandubratius, Cartimandua, Togodumnus, Bunduica, Cogidunus. The White collour called Gwin, in Venutius and Immanuentius. The Waterish called Gwellwe in Vellocatus, Carvilius and Suella. The Blew, which they call Glass in Cuniglasus, and he proceedeth further. But this Learned man coming to speak of the time wherein Britain came to be known abroad, denieth that the Britains were with Hercules at the rape of Hesione, that Ulysses was ever in Britain, that the Britans bestowed any Presents upon Cato, that King Alexander the Great, or Hannibal, was ever in the Island; he doubteth whether ever the ship of Hiero mentioned by Athenaeus came hither; yet thinketh that the Britans were mingled with the C••mbri and Galls, in their expeditions into Italy and Greece.

* 1.4412. But as the Romans, Galls, and Spaniards were unknown to Herodo∣tus, and the antient Greek Geographers, so of this mind he ever was, that it was late ere the Greeks and Romans heard of the Britans name. For he judgeth that little book of the World, which goeth abroad under the name of Aristotle, and maketh mention of the Britans, of Albion and Hierne, to be of later dayes by far than that Philosopher, as the best learned men (saith he) have judged. He accounteth Polybius the antientest Greek vvriter that mentioneth the British Isles; who yet knew nothing of them: then doth he, in reference to other Nations, count it but a fable that Himilco the Car∣thaginian, being commanded by his Superious to discover the Western Sea-Coasts of Europe, entred into this Isle many years before that time. And the first Latin Author to his knowledge that made mention of Britain was Lucretius, in his Verses concerning the difference of aire. Now that Lu∣cretius lived but a little before Caesar no man denieth: at what time we are taught out of Caesar himself, that Divitiacus King of the Soissons, and the most mighty Prince of all Gall, Governed Britain, which, as also appeareth from Caesar, is onely to be understood of the Maritime Coasts. Howbeit, Diodorus Siculus writeth that Britain had experience of no foreiners rule; for neither Dionysus (or Bacchus) nor Hercules, nor any other worthy, or Demigod have we heard (saith he) to have attempted War upon that peo∣ple. Now Caesar, who for his noble acts is called Divus, was the first that subdued the Britans, and forced them to pay a certain Tribute. From his time (saith Cambden) and no further off must the Writer of our History fetch the beginning of his work, if he throughly weigh with judgement what the Learned Varro hath in time past written (viz. of the three di∣stinctions of times which we have formerly mentioned, uncertain before the Flood, Fabulous before the Olympiads, and Historical since the begin∣ning of them) and my self already heretofore signified. This most learned man mentions this division of Varro, because that the British History of Geffrey of Monmouth taketh its beginning 333 years before the first Olym∣piad. This History we must absolutely disclaim as utterly Fabulous in re∣ference to King Brutus, and other fictions depending on his story. But whether or no Britain was not known abroad till so late time as our An∣quary judgeth, must be examined for the honour of our Countrey, sa∣ving ever that respect which is due (and that justly) unto his name, and vvill not be at all dimished, seeing the contest is betwixt him also, and Bochartus himself.

13. The controversie is decided clearly against Cambden if two things

can but be made out. 1. That the Cassiterides or Islands ef tinne were known very antiently,* 1.45 and 2. That the Cassiterides are no other than the British Isles. The first is proved from the testimony of many, that the Phoenicians were wont to trade to the Cassiterides, and thence to fetch plenty of Tinne. * Strabo affirmeth it, and that they first traded thither alone from Gades,* 1.46 hi∣ding from others this course of traffick, insomuch that a certain Phoenician Sailor being chased by a Roman Vessel, chose rather to run his ship aground and suffer shipwrack, to cause his pursuers to miscary, than to reveal the mat∣ter, for which fidelity, having escaped himself, he had his losse made up out of the publick Treasury at his return to Carthage. Pliny also writeth,(b) 1.47 in the Chapter of the first inventors, that Midacritus first caried Lead from the Island Cassiteris. For Midacritus is to be read Melcarthus or Melicartus the Phoenician Hercules, according to Sanchoniathon, whom the Phoenici∣ans make Author of the Western voyages.(c) 1.48 Herodotus acknowledgeth he knew not where the Cassiterides were; but that there were some then he acknowlegeth also, whence Tinne came to them the Greeks, and from him it appeareth, that they were situate in the utmost limits of Europe. The Phoe∣nicians being unwilling that any should know them but themselves, the Greeks bought Tin and Lead, either of them, or the Venets or Narbonenses, to whom it was wont to be caried by Land in a journy of thirty dayes, as Dio∣dorus telleth us.(d) 1.49 Dionysius Paeriegetes mentioneth them under the name of Hesperides, and so doth ••zetzes. Festus Anienus speaketh of them un∣der the name of Cestrymnedes, expresly of the sailing of the Phoenicians to them, and that Hamilco, who was sent from the Senate of Carthage to dis∣cover the West, came thither, as he himself recorded, whom Festus pro∣fesseth to follow in the description of the West, having made his collections out of the depth of the Punick Annals. These things considered, prove suf∣ficiently, that the Cassiterides were known in very ancient times.

14. For the second, that the British Isles are those Cassiterides or Stanna∣ries, there needs no proof, Cambden himself confessing, nay proving by ma∣ny arguments, that the Islands of Silly lying off from the Promontory of Cornwal eight leagues, and in number 145, are the very same that from the plenty of Tin were called Cassiterides, from their site Hesperides, and Oestrymnides from Oestrymnis the Promontory of the Artabri, now Gallitia in Spain, over against which they lye. Now for the consequence of the thing, can any imagine that these Islands should be so long known, and not Britain it self to which they lye so close, and from which they are deservedly called British Isles? And what reason is there to think (as Camden doth) that such dream as believe that Hamilco came hither? It's a wonder he should say, that there's nothing for it but a Verse or two of Festus Anienus; when Fe∣stus saith, that he read the story of the whole Navigation, described by Ha∣milco himself in the Punick Annals, Cambden himself contendeth, that from the Cassiterides was Lead first of all caried into Greece,* 1.50 whence it fol∣loweth, that they were known before the time of Homer, who maketh men∣tion of that metal. As for what he urgeth concerning Polybius, that he was utterly ignorant of these parts, if it were granted that he was, yet the Phoenicians, who in the Heroick times sent out Colonies into the Ocean be∣yond Gades, knew these Coasts sufficiently. But Cambden mistook the Histo∣rian, as may appear from all that passage read together, which onely im∣porteth, that as it was not known whether Asia and Africk on the South side were terminated by the Sea, so neither whether the Sea flowed about the Nor∣thern parts of Europe that lye above Narbon; which truly at this day we know not certainly, though in so much light. That this interpretation is to be made, and that Polybius did not mean, that in his age whatever lay above Narbon was unknown, and that they dreamed who spoke or wrote any thing of it, hence appeareth. For he himself accurately described the Fountains of Rhodanus, with Corbilon upon Ligeris, and many other places of Gall above Narbon. And in his third book he promiseth he would write of what lay be∣yond the Sea, and what was there remarkable, nay (which is especially to

be noted) of the British Isles and making of Tin. That he performed his promise in the Books that are lost, appeareth from* 1.51 Strabo, who telleth us, that Polybius describing the regions of Europe, said, he would let passe the ancients, and inquire into such as reprehended them, as Dicaearchus, and Eratosthenes, who last of all had handled Geography, and Pytheas who had imposed upon many. For, he (Pytheas) said he had not viewed all the soil of Britain; but the Island was above 40000 (stadia or furlongs I sup∣pose) in compasse.

15. From this place it appeareth, that several whom Polybius calleth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or ancients wrote of these parts, before either Dicaearchus or Era∣tosthenes, Pythaeas, or himself. Now Eratosthenes, who, as he saith, was the last that handled Geography, Suidas writeth to have been born in the 126 Olympiad, which was celebrated in the 37 year of the Seleucidae, the seventh of Antiochus Soter, the ninth of Ptolomy Philadelphus, and the 478 year of the City, when Q. Fabius Gurges and C. Genutius Clepsina were Con∣suls, Pyrrhus then warring in Sicily, 274 years before the birth of Christ. But Dicaearchus bosteth in Athenaeus, that he had Aristotle for his Master; and then Pytheas who was cited by both, must needs have preceded them. Yet these Writers were but of late in comparison of Orpheus the most an∣tient Poet, one of the Argonautae, by whom Cambden himself affirmeth Britain to have been described. Although in truth Orpheus was not Author of those Poems fathered on him, but Onomacritus an Athaenian Poet, who lived under the Pisistracidae, as both(a) 1.52 Clemens Alexandrinus and(b) 1.53 Ta∣tianus inform us; yet two advantages we have hereby. For first, Cambden is inconstant, denying that Britain was known to the ancient Greeks; and se∣condly, this Island must have been known then long before the former Geo∣graphers; for the Pisistratidae were banished. Athens in the third year of the 67 Olympiad, the twelfth of Darius Hystaspis, the 244 of the City (at the same time that Tarquinius was banished) 508 years before the birth of Christ, though they write that he flourished in the 50 Olympiad, in the first year whereof Pisistratus indeed got the Soveraignty over that City. These things sufficiently prove, that Britain was known of old to several Nations, though we mentioned not what Bochartus probably conjectureth concerning the Ety∣mology of the name. The Phoenicians trading hither for Lead or Tin, might justly call it Barat-Anac, that is, The Land of Lead or Tin, as the Greeks Cassiteris; and this might easily be changed into Bretanica. Anac signifieth both Lead and Tin, no places in the World are so fruitful of either as the British Isles. And it may seem no wonder that the Word should be so al∣tered, seeing that from Phoenice are derived Poenicus, Punicus, Puniceus, and Poenus. He also giveth other marks of the Phoenicians their planting in those Islands, in the 39 Chapter of the first Book of that excellent Work entituled Canaan, concerning the Colonies and Language of that People, to which wee refer the studious in Antiquity, having thus farre in some sort seemed to vindicate the honour of our Country, yet with submission to the impartially Learned Reader. Now to return to the course of our History.

16. The occasion of this Expedition was given by the Britains.* 1.54 They had sent a continual supply to the Galls, almost in all their Wars against the Ro∣mans, and therefore he resolved to use this advantage, and passe over this Sum∣mer, though it was well spent, judging it would be worth his labour, though he but viewed the country, and took notice of the Havens and Natives, of any whereof the Galls could give him but very small intelligence.* 1.55* 1.56 He sent Voluseus beforehand to make what discovery he could, after whose return, having received the Morini into friendship, that he might have no Enemies at his back, about two of the clock at night he put forth to Sea, and at ten in the morning got to the Coasts of Britain, where he might see all the shoar full of men to oppose him, for they had received intelligence of his coming. He perceived there was no good landing place where he was, and therefore staying for the Fleet till three of the clock, he sailed eight miles further.

Here, though on an even shoar, was he so opposed, that his Soldiers fought not with their wonted alacrity, because their ships being great and deep, could not come near the Land, untill he got more shallow Vessels, and the Ensign-bearer of the tenth Legion leaping out, drew others moved with shame after him. No order was kept in the fight, but every one as he leaped forth into the water, joyned himself to the next Ensign. Caesar send∣ing out continually fresh supplies of men, at length landed all his Army, and the Britains fled.

17. His horse being not come over, he could not pursue them, but they presently sent to treat, promising to give Hostages, and do further what he should enjoyn them. He accepted of their offer, and some Ho∣stages they delivered, promising to give up the rest with conveniency. But it hapned that the horse being come within kenning, was driven by the tide (the Moon now being at full) to the Westward, and forced back to the Con∣tinent; the ships which brought over the Legions, lying at Anchor, by tem∣pest were miserably shattered, and no Provisions had Caesar brought over, as not intending to Winter here. The Britains, having knowledge of these things, agreed amongst themselves to break their promise, concluding, that if they could but intercept or destroy his Army, besides getting much plunder, they should not be invaded for the time to come. They then set upon the seventh Legion as it was reaping Corn,* 1.57 but Caesar being informed by the Watch of a greater dust than ordinary that way, suspected what the matter was, and going to the rescue killed many, and burnt their houses for a good compasse. Hereupon they sent to him again for peace. He required a dou∣ble number of Hostages, whom he commanded them to send over into the Continent; for the Aequinoctial being near, he would not in Winter trust himself, and the Army, in such weak Vessels. Going on board about mid∣night he came safe to Land; but 41 Vessels being driven, the men were for∣ced to Land at another place, whereof 300 were presently besieged by the Morini,* 1.58 (who before had been reconciled to Caesar) out of hope of some booty. They were presently rescued, and T. Labienus was sent to chastize the Rebels, who being reduced to obedience, he, and L. Cotta harrazed the Countrey of the Menapii, who hid themselves in the thick Woods. Then was the Army led into its Winter quarters, in Belgia. The first expedi∣tion of Caesar into Britain fell out in the second year of the 181 Olympiad, the 699th of the Citie, 53 years before the birth of Christ, A. M. 3950. Cn. Pompeius the Great, and M. Licinius Crassus (both of them the second time) being Consuls.

18. Caesar going into Italy according to his custom, ordered a great Navy to be provided. Having dispatch'd his businesse within the Alps,* 1.59 he went into Illyricum against the Pinistae, who had invaded his Province. After this having setled things amongst the Treviri (or them of Triers) who neither came to Councils, nor were otherwise obedient, he took ship at the Haven Iccius (now Calis) with five Legions, and 2000 horse, at Sun-set, and being for sometime carried down by the Tide towards the right hand, arrived again in Britain the next day by noon.* 1.60* 1.61 The Natives seeing a great number of ships (for in all there were 800 Vessels) for that they had falsified their word (all but two sorts of people, who sent their Hostages over into Belgia) for fear withdrew themselves into the Woods. Caesar pursuing them took one of their Fortresses, which they made onely with great Trees laid together, and when he was busied in skirmishing, word came that his Navy was shattered by an∣other Tempest, whereupon he retreated, and took care for the repairing of such ships as were fit to be mended (four being utterly lost) in which work ten dayes were spent with the great labour of the Soldiers. Drawing then up such as were repaired,* 1.62 and fortifying the Camp, he returned. In the mean time the Britains had made Cassivellaun (whose Dominions lay North the River of Thames, and with whom before Caesar's coming they had waged War) their General against the Romans. At first the Britains fighting from their Waggons put their Enemies to it, and killed Q. Laberius Durius a

Tribune; but the day following, the Romans recovered their credit, put∣ting the other to flight who had falln upon them as they were gathering for∣rage, so as they durst not after this time meddle any more with them when in any considerable body.

* 1.6319. Then did Caesar passe the Thames (the Soldiers wading over with their heads onely above water) though the Britains had fastned sharp stakes under the bank, and there made all opposition they could, which was inconsi∣derable. Passing on in Cassivellaun's Countrey he wasted it, Cassivellaun (or Cassibellin) having dismissed all his Army except 4000 Waggons, where∣with he much endamaged the Romans by making sallies upon advantage out of the Woods. But the Tri••obantes (inhabiting those parts long after by the Saxons called Essex and Middlesex) having had their King Imannentius killed by Cassivellaun, for that Mandubratius his son had escaped to Caesar, yielded themselves, and desired that the young man being restored first to his Father's Kingdom might be protected against Cassivellaun. This Caesar grant∣ed, receiving 40 Hostages and Corn for his Army; and these having prote∣ction given them, others near adjoyning yielded themselves. Then did Cae∣sar take Cassivelaun's Town not far distant, being onely a fortified place in the Woods. He sent into Kent, where four petty Kings, Cingetorix, Car∣nilius, Taximagulus, and Segonax reigned, ordering them if possible to seize on Caesor's ships; but Caesar having left to guard the Camp ten Com∣panies of foot and 300 horse, these repulsed them with great losse, killing many of their men, and amongst the rest Lugatorix, a Captain of great ac∣count.* 1.64 Cassibellaun hearing this, and knowing the defection of the Trino∣bantes and the rest, sent, and begged peace of Caesar, who being resolved, for fear of insurrections in Gall, there to vvinter, for that Summer was now al∣most spent, commanded him to deliver in Hostages, ordered what Tribute Britain should pay yearly to the People of Rome, commanded him not to of∣fend Mandubratius nor the Trinobants, and then drew down his Army to the Sea, which he wafted over at twice, for that he had many Prisoners, and many ships had perished by Tempest. The season being very good they came all safe to land, and he quartered them about in several places, because Provisions were very scarce in Gall. This second expedition of Caesar into Britain hap∣ned the next year after the former; L. Domitius Aenobarbus, and Appius Claudius Pulcher being Consuls.

* 1.6520. This Winter did most of the Galls revolt. First, the Eburones (now inhabiting the Bishoprick of Liege) by the instigation of Ambiorix their Prince, who by treachery circumvented two of Caesar's Officers, Q. Titurius Sabinus, and L. Arunculeius Cotta, with a whole Legion.* 1.66 He also besieged Q. Cicero, who commanded the Legion that quartered amongst the Nervii, who had their seats about Tournay in Flanders.* 1.67 But Caesar came in to the rescue, and overthrew the Galls. Labienus lying with another Legion about Rheimes, the Treviri and Indutiomarus came to his Camp,* 1.68 intending to de∣stroy him; but he took his opportunity, and powred out his men upon them, willing his Soldiers to be sure that they killed Indutiomarus, which being done, things again were a little setled. Whilest Caesar was thus imployed a∣broad,* 1.69 in the Citie, this year died his daughter Julia, Pompey's Wife, in Child∣bed, and the Infant (whether Son or Daughter, 'tis as uncertain, so immate∣rial) with her. Hereby was the bond of friendship betwixt them two bro∣ken, and their mutual envy, which thereby onely was restrained, now wanted but an occasion to vent it self. But Caesar foreseeing great stirs in Gall,* 1.70 in∣creased his forces, subdued the Nervii, brought under the Senones and Car∣nutes (now changed into Chartres) the Menapii also; whilest Labienus re∣duced such as inhabited about Triers. Then did he again crosse the Rhine, because of the Conjunction of the Germans with the Galls, and attempt∣ing something upon the Suevi to no purpose,* 1.71 turned against the Eburones. Whilest he harrazed their Territories, the Sigambri set upon the Camp of Cicero then absent, which they could not storm, though they caused great consternation amongst his men, and killed many. After this he wasted again

the grounds of the Enemy, then called a Council in Gall for the punish∣ment of Revolters, and Providing the Army of necessaries drew it into its Winter quarters.

* 1.7221. The following year produced great stirs in the Citie, and those no lesse in Gall. For now were the times so altered,* 1.73 as that Rome could not be found in Rome. Nothing was managed by ancient equity and moderation, all Offices were purchased by Money, or else by Stones, Clubs, or Swords, and the inconveniences of popular Government now grew ripe, the name of a free State, or Commonwealth, covering the greatest injustice, disorder, and oppression of the peoples liberty. The Consuls being debarred by the power of the Tricipitina from leading out Armies, or waging Wars accord∣ing to the antient right and custom, made up their markets out of the publick Revenue, or their Offices by indirect practices, and therefore none of ho∣nour would seek after the Consulship. Pompey connived at this, hoping that a necessity of affairs would draw upon him the Dictatorship, as some of his Creatures, though not in his name, did not stick to hint. This year espe∣cially was there such an horrid contention amongst the Canditates (all or most men of large consciences) as for a long time no Consul could be elected; and this heightned the matter, that T. Annius Milo, one of them, being at great enmity with Clodius, killed him as they met in the way not far from the Citie.* 1.74 This fact the people ill resented, and naughty, and dissolute per∣sons, under pretence of searching for Milo's friends, committed many out∣rages in Rome. This turned indeed all men's eyes upon Pompey, as the fit∣test person to redresse those evils, and whilest they thought of making him Dictator, Cato drew the Senate to this resolution,* 1.75 that he should be made Consul alone, that he might be called to an account for his male-admistra∣tion if need were,* 1.76 and so he was made sole Consul, without any President at all.

22. First, he sate in judgement alone, and examined Milo's case; he also made inquisition after such as had by indirect means procured Offices.* 1.77* 1.78 Milo was defended by Cicero, or rather should have been; for the Orator was so terrified with Pompey's Soldiers, and Clodius his friends, that he could not proceed, and is therefore said to have written that Oration afterwards, which is now extant. Milo then was banished, with several others for other Crimes.* 1.79 Pompey having hitherto as it were executed the Office of Dictator, took to him a Collegue, Q. Scipio Metellus, whose daughter Cornelia he had married. These things being heard in the further Gall, and a rumour spred that Caesar who now was in Italy,* 1.80 would be there retained by the motions in the Citie, many of the Natives conspired for the recovery of their liberty, and chose Vercingerotix for their Captain.

23. Caesar, though in the midst of Winter, and forced to make his way through depths of Snow, returned, and came upon the Arverni at unawares. He took several of their Towns,* 1.81 but besieging one that was situated upon an high Hill, he fought with disadvantage, and was driven off with the losse of 46 Centurions. From this siege he was called by the revolt of the He∣dui, and an insurrection of the Bellovaci; and Labienus, who had prosper∣ously managed his affairs about Paris, joyned with him. Now, most of the Galls being revolted, he first overthrew Vercingetorix, then pursued, and besieged him in Alesia,* 1.82 a Town of the Mandubii, which, when the Galls were not able to relieve, Vercingetorix, according to his own offer, was de∣livered up, with Alesia, and all their Arms. Then reduced he the Hedui, the Arveni also yielded, with divers others, which being done, he sent the Army away into its Winter quarters.* 1.83 In winter the Galls hatched a new conspi∣racy.* 1.84 Caesar therefore departing from Bibracte, wasted the Territories of the Bituriges (about Bourdeaux) and of the Carnutes; subdued also the Bellovaci with others. C. Fabius also reduced some in the mean time, and Caninius having routed several parties, with him Caesar joyned, and besieged Uxellodinum, a Town of the Cadurci, very strongly fortified by its situation. He obtained this Town without striking one stroak, by cutting the veins of a

Fountain which served them with water. After this the Cities of Aquitaine yielded, and going to Narbon he disposed of his Army into their Winter quarters. These things hapned in the eighth year after his coming into Gall, Ser. Sulpitius Rufus,* 1.85 and M. Claudius Marcellus being Consuls, where∣in also were began those contentions betwixt him and his adversaries at Rome, that shortly after brake into Civil wars, which proved deadly in the end to the heads of both the factions, and fatal to that form of Govern∣ment which (though labouring under mortal distempers) was yet on foot.

24. Caesar's carriage, especially in his Consulship, had rendred him very distastefull to the Senate. Pompey on the other side, by his fair demeanour had of late gained much upon it, which Caesar being aware of, desired leave to stand for a second Consulship in his absence. This was granted him; but he fearing the malice of his adversaries in case he were reduced to a private condition, further importuned the Fathers that he might have his Govern∣ment of Gall prorogued,* 1.86 casting about all manner of wayes to keep his Ar∣my till he should be Consul. This was hindred by Marcellus the Consul, who had succeeded Pompey; whereupon Caesar laying his hand upon his Sword, said, that that should obtain it for him.* 1.87 This Marcellus was very bitter against him, pressing hard that a Successor should be sent to him; but this was crossed by Pompey, either out of good nature, or policy. Such were designed Consuls for the ensuing year, as were most opposite to Caesar, viz. L. Aemilius Paulus, and C. Claudius Marcellus Nephew to the former Consul by his brother: Curio also, an inveterate Enemy of Caesar, was made Tribune. Yet all these, except Claudius, were drawn aside by money; Paulus by 1500 Talents, and Curio, who was much indebted, by 100000 Se∣sterces. Marcellus then urging that a Successor was to be sent to Caesar, Curio stisly withstood it, alleging that then ought Pompey also to dismisse his Army; for that his power was equally dangerous to the publick liberty. Pompey outwardly seemed willing, and said he would disband his men; but Curio fell foul upon him, telling him, that promise without performance was nothing; and, that he might seem to stand for the good of the Commonwealth, and not carry favour with Caesar, he desired, that if they both refused to disband, they should, the one as well as the other, be declared Enemies to the State.

25. Pompey exceedingly netled hereat threatned him; but he ceased not to urge the thing. The Senate could have wished them both reduced, but feared to disb••nd Pompey's Army, looking upon Caesar as the more danger∣ous person. Pompey sent now to him for the Legion he had lent him, both of them being ordered into Syria to defend the Eastern parts now in danger by the overthrow of Crassus: he sent him this Legion, and another of his own; but there being no need of them in Syria, they wintred at Capua. Those that brought them into Italy did ill Offices for Caesar, and gave out, as if his Army at his return would all revolt, which though very false was be∣lieved by Pompey, who thereupon neglected to provide for so dangerous a War as followed. The next year C. Claudius Marcellus and L. Corn. Lentulus were Consuls, and it was propounded to the Senate, whether both Pompey and Caesar should lay down all power. Though once it was carried that Caesar onely should, when the Consul propounded it severally, yet* 1.88 Curio again putting it to the question, it was carried against both by 348 voices.* 1.89 Hereat the Consuls inraged, left the Citie, and gave Pompey power as from themselves to fight for his Countrey against Caesar, which he seemed not altogether to approve. Now Curio perceiving himself in danger, and that he could do no more service for Caesar, fled unto him.

26. Curio being called to a Consultation, would have had him presently to invade Italy; but he chose rather first to make an overture of Peace, as 'tis said, writing to his friends to procure, though it were but two Legions with Gall within the Alps and Illyricum, untill he should be Consul, which

though it seemed something reasonable to Pompey, the Consuls would not admit of it. Then wrote he to the Senate a menacing and bitter letter, as it's stiled by* 1.90 Cicero, (who now was returned from Cilicia his Province, which he governed a year, and for his good service in the field was saluted Imperator, and had a triumph decreed him by the Senate, which these di∣sturbances quite put off, he saying, that so an agreement were made, he had rather follow the chariot of Caesar) wherein after an honourable mention made of his own exploits, he signified, that he was willing to resign his power,* 1.91 in case Pompey did the like; otherwise he should retain his Forces, and pre∣sently come to revenge those injuries which had as well been offered to him∣self as his Country. At the reading of these last words all cryed out, that War was denounced, and they sent L. Domitius to succeed him in his Go∣vernment,* 1.92 with four newly raised Legions. For that Antonius and Cassius the Tribunes were of Curio's judgement, the Consuls bade them depart out of the Senate, lest their persons Sacrosanct (as the term was) by their Office, should be violated; who in a great rage departing that night, fled towards Caesar. So now began this famous Civil War, in the fourth year of the 182 Olympiad, the 705 of the City, 47 before the birth of Christ, A. M. 3956, the aforesaid C. Claudius Marcellus, and L. Corn. Lentulus being Con∣suls.

27. The Senate did not think that Caesar would return presently out of Gall, as being unprepared for such an undertaking;* 1.93 and therefore were more flow in their Levies; but he ever judging expedition to be the greatest help in his undertakings, resolved with five Legions to begin the work, and take in the commodious places in Italy, and so did he with admirable speed Ari∣minum and others. This unexpected thing terrified the Senate, and the Peo∣ple,* 1.94 which called to mind the sad effects of the Civil Wars betwixt Sylla and Marius. Cicero would have had them sent to Caesar, but the Consuls with∣stood it. Then departed Pompey to the Army at Capua, whom the Consuls presently followed. The Senators being at their Wits end, spent all that night in their house, and at length followed Pompey to Brundusium.* 1.95 Caesar at Corfinium met Domitius who was sent to succeed him, whom he dismis∣sed, after he had received his Soldiers, that now revolted to him. Then follow∣ed he Pompey to Brundusium, who had sent over the Consuls with part of the Legions into Epirus, which he intended to make the seat of the Warre, staying in the Town till the return of the ships,* 1.96 to transport the rest of the Army. Caesar attempted to storm the place, but he withstood him, till such time as he had shipped his men, and so passed over to Dirrhachium.

28. Caesar knew not well now what to do. For hearing such concourse to be made to Pompey (who drew to his party all the forces of the East) and knowing his old Army to be in Spain his Province, he feared to follow him over, lest he should expose Italy to it, and have an enemy at his back.* 1.97 He therefore returned to Rome, having in the space of 60 dayes got all Italy in∣to his hands without blood, and breaking open the Treasury took out the mo∣ney wich had layn there ever since the taking of the City by the Galls, being reserved for such another case of extremity.* 1.98 For the Aerarium or Treasury in the Temple of Saturn was three-fold. One wherein the tributes or cu∣stoms gathered from Citizens and associates was kept, as also booty got by Ge∣nerals,* 1.99 which was reserved for the ordinary expenses of Warre. Another more private, wherein the Vicessimae, or twentieth parts gathered from them that were manumized, were laid up for extraordinary causes. And there was a third yet more private and sacred, wherein money was treasured up for any extremity that might happen from the Galls, and upon no other occasion might it be touched,* 1.100 bitter curses being laid upon him or them that should do or suffer it. But Caesar did it (though L. Metellus the Tribune did all he could to hinder it) pretending that the People was discharged of the curse, for that nothing more was to be feared from the Galls, whom he had through∣ly subdued.

29. Then went he into Spain, where in a short time he brought all under,

though Pompey had there a strong Army under three Captains, Petreius, Afra∣nius, and Varro, whom yielding, he permitted to depart with all their Forces.* 1.101 At this time he lost two legions in Africk under Curio, and Anto∣nius was overthrown in Illyricum by Dolobella one of Pompey's Officers. But now M. Lepidus the Praetor of the City pronounced him Dictator, and therefore he returned to Rome, where the People being struck with fear, he took upon him the Office, and held the Comitia. But finding it to be odious, he laid it down again after eleven dayes, and procured himself to be chosen Consul, with Servilius Isauricus. Then about the midle of Winter did he order all his forces to meet him at Brundusium,* 1.102 expecting in the City the beginning of January for his entring into the Consulship.* 1.103 When he came to Brundusium, though his forces were not all come together, desiring to set upon Pompey at unawares, he passed over with all he had, viz. five Legions, and 600 Horse, although in the depth of Winter, and without provisions; Pompey now having eleven Italian Legions, and 7000 Horse, besides other supplies out of Greece and Asia.* 1.104 But, those five Legions and two that followed being landed, he took Oricum and Appollonia without fighting one stroak, and then matched streight to Dyrrhachium, the magazin and granary of Pompey. Both of them sate down by the River Apis, Caesar ex∣pecting his other forces, which at length Antony brought over, though the Seas were watched by the other party, and Pompey exercising his men who were raw and unexperienced. Pompey hearing of Antonie's coming, depar∣ted with his whole Army to the River Asparagus. Caesar followed him, and would have fought; but he not stirring out of his trenches, he marched back to Dyrrhachium, which having on one side and Pompey on the other, he was grievously straitned for provisions, and above all things desired to fight. In se∣veral skirmishes he had the better; but in another considerable ingagement was shrewdly beaten, and chased to his Camp, which might have been taken, and a period put to the Warre, as he himself confessed, had the Enemy known how to improve the Victory; Pompey neglecting the advantage, either through the advice of Labienus, or his own inadvertency, for that providence had otherwise determined. Though some now advised Caesar to make use of the shame and anger of his Army, which desired again to be led out to bat∣tel,* 1.105 to redeem it's credit, yet he thought it most convenient to depart thence, and so went into Thessaly, whither Pompey followed him, and pitcht his Camp on the fatal plains of Pharsalum, not of Philippi, as* 1.106 Florus falsly relateth, and with him Manilius and Virgil.

30. Betwixt that Town and the River Enipeus, was fought that great and famous battel betwixt these two great Captains, who both of them are said to have wept in the heads of their Armies,* 1.107 considering that so many of the same Country and Nation should be slain, brother fighting against brother, to satisfie the ambition of two men. The Armies stood for some time gazing on each other, both being unwilling to begin, till Pompey's Auxiliaries, whom he had commanded to stand aloof off, till such time as the Enemy should be broken, and then give the chase (as unwilling to have them ingage in the bat∣tel) being wearied with expectation, began to break their ranks. Fearing they might cause his main body to do so too, though he was unwilling at this time to fight, and managed not his command with wonted alacrity, he caused a charge to be founded, his word being Unconquered Hercules, and Caesar's Victorious Venus. The battel was fought with great courage and admirable si∣lence on both sides;* 1.108 but Pompey's Army, though greater by far, being lesse ex∣perienced, was at length broken and put to flight, at the beginning of which fight all his Auxiliaries, though great multitudes, ran away as fast as might be, whom Caesar onely suffered in the pursute to be slain, commanding that all Italians should be spared. Pompey betook himself to his tent, and sate silent, thinking of Ajax, who was thus served in the siege of Troy, till Caesar bring∣ing his Legions to storm his Camp, he took Horse, and with four in his com∣pany rode as far as Larissa, ere he stopped. On Caesar's part were said to be slain 30 Centurions, and 200 common soldiers; but as others affirmed, 1200.

On Pompey's fell ten Senators (amongst whom that Domitius who had been sent to succeed Caesar) with about 40 Equites or Knights, and of the com∣mon sort, they that say most, 25000; but Asinius Pollio who was in the Fight, and one of Caesar's Captains, in his Commentaries wrote but of 6000.

31. Pompey thought first of flying to the Parthian, then to Juba into Numidia; but being disswaded by those about him, he resolved upon Egypt,* 1.109 as a Country at hand,* 1.110 powerful, and the King whereof was ingaged to him in way of friendship as his Guardian. Thither when he came and sent to be received, the King being a boy, Achillas, Pothinus the Eunuch, and Theo∣dotus his Schoolmaster consulting about the matter, one would have him re∣ceived, and another not, but the last, to shew his eloquence, declared both their wayes to be bad, and that he was to be received, and then slain, subjoy∣ning, Mortuum non mordere, that the dead bites not, which saying long after Patrick Grey traiterously suggested to Queen Elizabeth, perswading her to put to death the Queen of Scots, though he was sent from King James this Queen's son to work her deliverance. This was resolved, either out of fear, as they pretended, that he should get Aegypt into his power, or because they con∣temned so great a person now unfortunate, or rather to curry favour with Caesar. Pompey then being received into a little boat, as though to come to the King, who stood on the other side of one of the mouths of Nile with his Army, was treacherously slain, when he could neither flye nor defend him∣self.* 1.111 He covered his face with his gown, and neither speaking nor doing any thing unbecoming him, with a groan patiently received the stroaks. So fell this great man, being in War a most able Captain, and in Peace (except when he stood in fear of a concurrent equal) full of modesty, in the 58 year of his age, and the very day preceding his birth-day, and the third year of these unhappy differences. His head was cut off, and reserved as a present for Caesar; his body was cast upon the shoar for every one to gaze at, and af∣terwards being washed with Sea-water by Philip his Libertus or Freed-man, (who stood by it till all had looked their full) he wrapped it in his own coat, and burnt it with the rotten pieces of a Fisher's boat which he there found.

32. Caesar having staid two dayes at Pharsalum, on the third pursued Pom∣pey, lest he should renew the War, and so came to Alexandria, where his head and ring were presented to him. He took the ring, but was grievously offended at the sight of the head,* 1.112 and weeping (which Lucan accounteth but feigned) commanded it to be buried. The news of Caesar's successe was not believed at Rome till he sent Pompeys ring thither. Then was power given him by them there,* 1.113 to determin of his Enemies as he pleased, and to make War where he would without asking leave of the People. They voted him Consul for five years, and Dictator, not for half an one (as was the custom) but a whole year, with the power of a Tribune for his life, which thing was never granted to any before him. He accepted these honours, and entred upon his second Dictatorship. But ere his departure out of Aegypt he was put to much trouble and danger. For, there being at that time a difference betwixtt young Ptolomy and his sister about the Government, he stood much her friend, which favour she is said to have purchased with the losse of her chastity. His endeavours for her Pothinus the Eunuch,* 1.114 who now feared to be punished for the sedition he had raised about Pompey, interpreted as sinisterly meant towards the King,* 1.115 and thereby raised a dangerous War, which yet though in Winter, was prosperously ended by Caesar, and the young King flying from his Camp was drowned, too many of his followers pressing into and sinking the boat. Caesar then gave the Kingdom to Cleopatra, and to co∣lour the matter, caused her to take as an husband her younger brother but eleven years of age. But she brought the Dictator himself a son not long af∣ter, who by his permission she named Caesario; and had kept him longer with her than nine moneths, or else had followed him to Rome, but that he was ne∣cessarily drawn another way by the means of Pharnaces, who now had in∣vaded

Pontus his father's Kingdom.* 1.116 Yet this woman after his departure is said to have been as familiar with his Enemy Cn. Pompey the eldest son of Pompey the Great.

33. Caesar then went against Pharnaces, and taking Syria in his way, vi∣sited the Cities. He restored Hyrcanus to the Priesthood in Judaea,* 1.117 though Antigonus the son of Aristobulus (who being let out of Prison by him, and sent home, had been poysoned by Pompey's party) sued to him for the Govern∣ment. He made also Antipater (whom Hyrcanus had sent to joyn with Mi∣thridates of Pergamus with 3000 horse,* 1.118 and who did good service in the Alexandrian War) Governour of Judaea. He promoted his own Kinsman Sexius Caesar from a Quaestorship to the Government of Syria,* 1.119 which Scipio father-in-law to Pompey had enjoyed the year before. From Syria he sayled into Cilicia, and thence marched with all speed against Pharnaces, who out of fear sent several times to him about a Peace, but he returned him onely good words, that he might surprize him. At length he gave him conditions, which he neglected to perform,* 1.120 hoping Caesar would be called away, and therefore he fell on,* 1.121 and overthrew him at the Hill Scotius (where formerly Mithridates defeated Triarius) within five dayes after his arrival, and four hours after he had got a sight of his Army, so that writing to a friend at Rome, to note the celerity of this Enterprize he expressed it in three words, Veni, Vi∣di, Vici. Then receiving such places as Pharnaces had seized on, and setling things in Asia, as he passed, exacting much money of the people, he was cal∣led home into Italy by stirs which hapned in the Citie.

* 1.12234. He quieted the Seditions, and the mutiny of his own Soldiers,* 1.123 who flew high in their demands for a dismission, and a payment of what he had promised them. Then being declared Consul for the following year, for that the year of his Dictatorship was out, he passed over into Africk, where Sci∣pio, Cato, Labienus, Petreius, and others of Pompey's Captains were with Juba.* 1.124 He got the better in several battels. Juba caused his slave to kill him, and his young Son Caesar led in Triumph, who being brought up in Italy proved an excellent Historian. Cato at Utica stabbed himself, having read over Plato his Phaedo of the Souls immortality. The wound not being deep enough he died not presently, but strugling betwixt life and death, cast him∣self off from his bed, and threw down a Geometrical Table, which making a noise, his son and servants rushed in, and finding him in that condition, his Freed-man, who was a Physician, began to put in the bowels which were un∣touched, and sow up his belly. But he coming to himself pushed him from him, and tearing out his bowels, inlarged the wound and died, being a man of wonderfull Justice, Severity, and Magnanimity. Caesar hearing of his death let fall some expressions, which signified a great desire to have got him into his hands, and hinted (as was thought) an intention of dealing mildly with him. Petreius and Scipio also perished in Africk. After these things returning to Rome he Triumphed four times, over Gall, Pontus, Alex∣andria, and Africk, it being unlawfull to do it over any Roman; although he carried in Tables, a representation of what he had done in the Civil Wars. Then went he once more into Spain against Pompey's sons,* 1.125* 1.126 to whom several had fled out of Africk, where coming to fight near Munda, his Army was struck with such fear, as it was never nearer running. It had fled, but that he snatching a Target out of a Soldier's hand, went, and ingaged the Enemy himself, & had 200 Darts thrown at him, whereat his Officers being ashamed came on, and he got the day, 30000 of his Enemies being slain, with two of their Captains, Labienus and Varus. Cn. Pompey also, though he fled, was taken, and his head sent to Caesar.

35. This year being that of his third Consulship (which he exercised with M. Aemilius Lepidus) being Pontifex Maximus, or High-Priest, he amended(a) 1.127 the Roman year, which reformed by him, is yet after him called Julian.* 1.128 Herein he used the skill of Sosigenes an excellent Mathematician of Alexandria (where he learned this account, though the Alexandrian Moneths consisted of 30 dayes apiece, and five dayes were added at the end

of every year) in Astronomical Calculations,* 1.129 and of Flaevius the Scribe in rectifying the Calendar. Whereas now in the Moneth of February were in∣tercalated 23 dayes, he intercalated betwixt November and December two other Moneths containing 67 dayes: so that this present year had fifteen Moneths and 445 dayes. But this work seemeth to have been done be∣fore his last expedition into Spain. After his return he(b) 1.130 laid down the Conshulship, and bringing in a new mode of creating honorary Consuls for three moneths, made Q. Fabius Maximus, and C. Trebonius, whereof the former dying in the last day of the year, Caninius Rebilus obtained to succeed him for the few hours that remained, whereupon Tully(c) 1.131 calls him the most vigilant Consul, for that he never slept during his Office. Now were vast honours decreed him by the Senate,* 1.132(d) 1.133 as that he should be Dictator in perpetuum, and have the stile of Imperator, not in that sense as Generals were wont to have it given by their Soldiers after some worthy exploit, but whereby the greatest Authority in the Commonwealth was signified. For, the Militia was to be wholely and solely at his disposal, as also raising of money: and all sorts of Magistrates, even Plebeian, were to be subject to him, and swear to contra∣dict none of his decrees.

Notes

• * 1.1

  SECT. 6.
• * 1.2

  Caesar and al∣so his adver∣saries pur∣chase the Consulship.
• * 1.3

  Velleius l. 2. c. 33. Appian belli ci∣vilis l. 2. p. 435. Strabo lib. 12. p. 558. Plutarch in Cae∣sare, Lucullo, & Pompeio. Livii Epirom. l. 10.
• * 1.4

  His acts therein.
• * 1.5

  By inveigling the Peo∣ple he procur∣eth Gall for five years.
• * 1.6

  He marieth his daughter Julia to Pom∣pey, and other∣wise provid∣eth for his own interest.
• * 1.7

  Euseb.
• * 1.8

  Clodius the Tribune
• * 1.9

  Banisheth Ci∣cero.
• * 1.10

  A. M. 3947. V. C. 696.
• * 1.11

  Sendeth Cato to spoil the King of Cyprus most unjust∣ly of his estate.
• * 1.12

  Lege Plutar∣chum in Cato∣ne Minore.
• * 1.13

  Cicero recal∣led.
• * 1.14

  A. M. 1948.
• * 1.15

  Vide Caesaris comment. de bello Gallco. l. 1. Plutarch in Cae∣sare. Dionem l. 38. p. 78. E.
• * 1.16

  Caesar's acts in Gall the first year.
• * 1.17

  Florum l. 3. c. 10. Livii Epitom. l. 103. Orosium l. 6. c. 7.
• * 1.18

  The acts of his second year.
• * 1.19

  Caesar Comment. l. 2.
• * 1.20

  The third.
• * 1.21

  Lib. 3. Dio lib. 39.
• * 1.22

  Sueton in Julio. Appian belli civilis lib. 2. Pultarch in Pompeio, & in Crasso. Dio lib. 39. p. 108. Patercul. l. 2. c. 46.
• * 1.23

  Great conflu∣ence to him at Luca.
• * 1.24

  Pompey and Crassus accord∣ing to agree∣ment obtain∣ed the Con∣sulships by force, and con∣tinue to Caesar his Command for other five years.
• * 1.25

  A. M. 3950. Ol. 181. ann. 2. V. C. 699. Hyrcani 9.
• * 1.26

  Crassus against the minds of all men resol∣ving to go against the Parthians.
• * 1.27

  Plutarch. & Dio ut priùs.
• * 1.28

  Lib. 3. cap. 11.
• * 1.29

  Lib. 1. de Divinat.
• * 1.30

  Rifleth the Temple of Je∣rusalem.
• * 1.31

  Lege Plutarch. in Crasso. Dionem lib. 40. Florum l. 3. c. 11. Orosium lib. 6. cap. 13. Velleium lib. 2. cap. 40. Strab. lib. 16.
• * 1.32

  In Tacitus (Annal. l. 12.) Is written Abbarus, but Lipsius noteth upon it that in the Vatican Copy 'tis ever Acbarus, and was common to all the A∣rabian Kings, as Ptolomy to those of E∣gypt, in Appian 'tis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.33

  And is slain.
• * 1.34

  A. M. 3952. V. C. 701.
• (a) 1.35

  Cicero Of∣fic. lib. 1.
• * 1.36

  Whereby one head of the Tricipitina is cut off.
• (b) 1.37

  Idem Epi∣stolis ad Quin∣tum fratrem & ad Atticum Dio lib. 39. Valer. Maxim. lib. 8. cap. 1. Exemp. 3.
• * 1.38

  Gabinius ba∣nished.
• * 1.39

  Caesar. Comment. l. 4.
• * 1.40

  Caesar defeat∣eth the Ger∣mans.
• * 1.41

  Britain.
• * 1.42

  Consul. Camb∣denum in Bri∣tania.
• * 1.43

  The name, whence de∣rived
• * 1.44

  Cambdens ar∣guments that Britain was but known lately.
• * 1.45

  The contrary asserted.
• * 1.46

  Lib. 3. p. 175.
• (b) 1.47

  Lib. 7. c. 56.
• (c) 1.48

  Lib. 3. c. 115.
• (d) 1.49

  Videsis apud Bocharti Canaan l. 1. c. 39.
• * 1.50

  His argu∣ments refuted.
• * 1.51

  Lib. 2. p. 104.
• (a) 1.52

  Stromat. l. 1.
• (b) 1.53

  Orat. con∣tra Graecos pag. 173. Edit. una cum Athe∣nagora & Theophylo.
• * 1.54

  Caesar Comment. lib. 4.
• * 1.55

  Caesar passeth over into Bri∣tain.
• * 1.56

  A. M. 3950. V. C. 699 Ante Christum 53. Cn. Pompeio M. 2. M. Licinio Crasso 2. Coss.
• * 1.57

  His successe.
• * 1.58

  His retreat.
• * 1.59

  Idem lib. 5.
• * 1.60

  He returneth.
• * 1.61

  A. M. 3951. V. C. 700.
• * 1.62

  Cassivellaun General of the Britans.
• * 1.63

  Caesar passeth over the Tham••s.
• * 1.64

  Cassivellaun beggeth peace and Caesar re∣turneth into Gall.
• * 1.65

  The Galls re∣volt.
• * 1.66

  Idem ibid.
• * 1.67

  Dio lib. 40.
• * 1.68

  Orosius lib. 6. cap. 10.
• * 1.69

  Julia dieth.
• * 1.70

  Caesar comment. lib. 6.
• * 1.71

  Caesar reduceth Revolters.
• * 1.72

  Stirs in the Citie.
• * 1.73

  Lege Appian. de bello civil. l. 2.
• * 1.74

  Milo killeth Clodius.
• * 1.75

  A. M. 3953. Ol. 182. ann. 1. V. C. 702. Ante Christ. 50.
• * 1.76

  Pompey made Consul alone.
• * 1.77

  His Acts.
• * 1.78

  Idem ibid. Plutarch in Pompeio.
• * 1.79

  Livii Epitom. lib. 107.
• * 1.80

  The Galls hearing of these stirs re∣bel.
• * 1.81

  Caesar comment, lib. 7.
• * 1.82

  Caesar reduceth them.
• * 1.83

  Hirtius lib. 8.
• * 1.84

  A new conspi∣racy
• * 1.85

  Disappointed.
• * 1.86

  The grounds and occasions of the Civil Wars betwixt Pompey and Caesar.
• * 1.87

  Appian. de bel∣lo civili lib. 2. Velleius Pa∣terc. l. 2. c. 48.
• * 1.88

  Consule Ap∣pianum de bello civili lib. 2. pag. 446.
• * 1.89

  Curio labour∣eth hard for Caesar.
• * 1.90

  Epistol. ad fa∣miliar. l. 16. Epist. 11.
• * 1.91

  Dio l. 40. ini∣tio.
• * 1.92

  L. Domitius sent by the Senate to suc∣ceed Caesar.
• * 1.93

  Lege Appian. ubi supra. Caesar de bello Civil. l. 1. Dio l. 40.
• * 1.94

  Caesar invad∣eth Italy.
• * 1.95

  A. M. 3956. Ol. 182. ann. 4. V. C. 705. Hyrcani 15.
• * 1.96

  Followeth Pompey to Brundusium,
• * 1.97

  Appian ut prius Caesaris de bel∣lo civil. l. 2. Plutarch in Caesare & Pompeio. Sueton in Julio.
• * 1.98

  Returneth to Rome.
• * 1.99

  Rifleth the Treasury.
• * 1.100

  A. M. 3957. V. C. 706.
• * 1.101

  Goeth into Spain.
• * 1.102

  Dictator for e∣leven dayes, and then Con∣su••.
• * 1.103

  Caesar de bello Civili l. 2. Appian.
• * 1.104

  Passeth over into Epirus.
• * 1.105

  Cometh to the plains of Pharsalum,
• * 1.106

  L. 4. c. 2. & 7.
• * 1.107

  Vide Plutarch in Caesare, & Pompeio, & Appian ut supra.
• * 1.108

  Where he o∣verthroweth Pompey.
• * 1.109

  Plutarch in Pompeio. Appian ubi su∣pra. Livii Epitom. l. 112. Paterculus l. 2. c. 53.
• * 1.110

  Pompey flying into Aegypt
• * 1.111

  Is treache∣rously slain.
• * 1.112

  Dio lib. 42.
• * 1.113

  Caesar there∣upon honour∣ed at Rome.
• * 1.114

  Caesar de bello civili l. 3. Dio l. 42. Hirtius de bello Alexandrino. Sueton. in Julio.
• * 1.115

  The Alexan∣drian War.
• * 1.116

  Plutarch. in Antonio.
• * 1.117

  Josephi Anti∣quit. lib. 14. cap. 15.
• * 1.118

  Hirtius.
• * 1.119

  A. M. 3958. V. C. 707.
• * 1.120

  Caesar over∣throweth Pharnaces.
• * 1.121

  Plutarch. in Caesare. Appian belli ci∣vil. lib. 2.
• * 1.122

  Returneth to Rome.
• * 1.123

  Plutarch. in Caesare. Dio lib. 42. Appian ut su∣prà. A. M. 3959. V. C. 708. Lege Plutarch. in Catone mi∣nore.
• * 1.124

  Suppresseth Pompey's friends in A∣frick.
• * 1.125

  Pompey's sons in Spain.
• * 1.126

  A. M. 3960. Ol. 183. ann. 4. V. C. 709. Hyrcani 20.
• (a) 1.127

  Sueton. in Julio. Plutarch. in Caesare. Dio l. 43. p. 226. E. Caesorinus de die natali c. 20. Macrobius Sa∣turnal. l. 1. c. 14. Plin. l. 18. c. 25.
• * 1.128

  The Julian year.
• * 1.129

  SECT. 7.
• (b) 1.130

  Dio ut su∣prà p. 236. c.
• (c) 1.131

  Famil. Epist. l. 7. Epist. 30. Caninio consule scito neminem prandisse, nihil tamen eo consule mali factum est fuit enim miri∣fica vigilantia, qui suo toto con∣sulatu somnum non viderit.
• * 1.132

  Vast honours decreed to Cae∣sar.
• (d) 1.133

  Dio ut su∣prà. Livius lib. 116. Appian belli civil. lib. 2.