The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller.

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Title
The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller.
Author
Fuller, Thomas, 1608-1661.
Publication
London :: Printed for Iohn Williams ...,
1655.
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Subject terms
University of Cambridge -- History.
Great Britain -- Church history.
Waltham Abbey (England) -- History.
Cite this Item
"The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A40655.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed May 21, 2024.

Pages

Page 221

SECTION X.

To the right Worshipful Roger Price Esq High Sheriffe of Buckingham-shire.

SEa-men observe, that the water is the more troubled the nearer they draw on to the Land, because broken by repercussion from the Shore. I am sensible of the same danger, the nearer I approach our times, and the End of this History.

Yet fear not Sr, that the least wrong may redound to You, by my indiscretion in the writing hereof; desiring You only to Patronize what is acceptable therein, and what shall appear otherwise, is left on my account to answer for the same,

YOu may know, that amongst the most Remarka∣bles, effected by the Assembly of Divines, the compiling of the Directory was one, which although composed in the former yeare, yet because not as yet meeting with universal O∣bedience, it will be seasonable enough now to enter on the consideration thereof. The Parliament intending to abolish the Liturgie, and loath to leave the Land altogether at a loss, or deformity in publick service, imployed the Assembly in drawing up a model of Divine Worship. Herein no direct forme of Prayer Verbis conceptis was prescribed, no outward or bodily worship enjoyned, nor people required in the Responsals (more than in Amen) to bear a part in the Service, but all was left to the discretion of the Minister, not enjoyned what, but directed to what purpose, he ought to order his devotions, in publick-prayer and administring Sacraments.

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2. The dissenting Brethren (commonly call'd Independents) were hard∣ly perswaded to consent to a Directory. Even libera custodia, (though it be the best of Restraints) is but a restraint; and they suspected such a Directory would (if inforced) be an infringing of the Christian-liberty; However, they consented at last, the rather because a Preface was prefixed before it, which did much moderate the matter, and mitigate the rigorous imposition there∣of.

3. In this preface, respectful terms are (no less discreetly than chari∣tably) afforded to the first compilers of the Liturgie, allowing them wise and pious, in redressing many things which were vain, erroneous, superstitious, and idolatrous, affirming also, that many Godly and Learned men of that age, rejoyced much in the Liturgie at that time set forth; But adding withall, that they would rejoyce more, had it been their happiness to behold this present re∣formation, they themselves were perswaded, that these first Reformers (were they now alive) would joyn with them in this work at advanting the Directory.

4. The Assemblie-work of the Directorie thus ended, the Lords and Commons began therewith, prefixing an Ordinance thereunto (made much up of forms of repeal) laying down the motives inclining them to think, the abolishing of the Common-Prayer, and establishement of this Directory necessary for this Nation. First, the consideration of the many inconveniences risen by that book in this Kingdom. Secondly, their Covenant-Resolution to reform Religion according to Gods word and the best reformed Churches. Thirdly, their consulting with the learned, p••••us, and reverend Divines for that purpose.

5. The Benefit of Printing the Directorie was bestowed on Mr Rowbor∣rough, and Mr Byfield Scribes to the Assembly, who are said to have sold the same for some hundreds of pounds. Surely the Stationer who bought it, did not with the dishonest, Chap-man, first decry the worth thereof, and then hoast of his penniworth: If since he hath proved a loser thereby, I am confi∣dent, that they who sold it him, carried such a Chancery in their bosoms, as to make him fair satisfaction.

6. Now because it was hard to turn people out of their old track, and put them from a beaten path, (such was, call it constuncy or obstinacy, love or doting, of the generality of the Nation, on the Common-Prayer the Parliament found it fit, yea necessary to back their former Ordinance with a second, da∣ted twenty third of August 1645. And entitled an Ordinance of the Lords and Commons for the more effectual putting in execution the Directorie &c. Where∣in directions were not only given for the dispersing and publishing of the Di∣rectory, in all Parishes, Chappelries, and Donatives, but also for the calling in, and suppressing of all books of Common-Prayer, and several forfeitures and pe∣nalties to be levied and imposed upon conviction before justices of Assize, or of Oyer and terminer, &c.

7. But in opposition hereunto, the King at Oxford set forth a Proclama∣tion (bearing date the thirteenth of November 1645.) enjoyning the use of Common-Prayer, according to the Law▪ notwithstanding the pretended ordinances for the new Directory. Thus as the waves, commanded one way by the Tide, and countermanded another with the wind, know not which to obey; so, people stood amused betwixt these two forms of service, line upon line, pre∣cept upon precept, being the easiest way to edifie, whilst line against line, pre∣cept against precept, did much disturb and distract.

8. The King and Parliament being thus at difference, no wonder if the pens of the Chaplains followed their Patrons, and engaged violently pro and con in the controversy. I presume it will be lawful and safe for me, to give in a breviat of the Arguments on both sides, reserving my private opi∣nion to my self, as not worthy the readers taking notice thereof; for as it hath been permitted in the height and heat of our Civil man, for Trumpeters and Messengers, to have fair and free passage on both sides, pleading the

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Priviledge of the publick faith, provided they do not interest themselves like parties, and as spies forfeit the protection, so subjecting themselves justly to the severest punishment: So. Historians in like manner in all ages have been permitted to transmit to posterity an unpartial account of actions, preserving themselves Neuters in their indifferent relations.

Against the Liturgie.
  • 1. Sad experience hath made it manifest, that the Liturgie used in England, (notwithstanding the re∣ligious intentions of the compilers thereof) hath prove an offence to many godly people.
  • 2. Offence thereby hath also been given to the reformed Churches a∣broad.
  • 3. Mr Calvin himself disliked the Liturgie, in his letter to the Lord Protector, charitably calling many thing therein tolerabiles inep∣tias.
  • 4. The Liturgie is no better, then confining of the Spirit, tying it to such and such words, which is to be left alone to its own liber∣ty, use praying, and have praying, the extemporary gift is improved by the practice thereof.
  • 5. It being a compliant with the Papists, in a great part of their Service, doth not a little confirm them in their Superstition and Idola∣try.
  • 6. It is found by experience that the Liturgie hath been a great means to make an idle and an unedi∣fying Ministry.
For the Liturgie.
  • 1. Such offence (if any) was ta∣ken, not given, and they must be ir∣religious mistakes which stand in op∣position to such religious intentions.
  • 2. No forrain Church ever in print expressed any such offence, and if some particular man have disliked it, as ma∣ny and as eminent have manfested their approbation thereof.
  • 3. Mr Calvin is but one man. Be∣sides, he spake against the first draught of the Liturgie, Anno 1. of King Edw. the sixth, which afterwards was re∣viewed in that Kings Reign, and again in the first of Queen Elizabeth.
  • 4. The same charge lieth against the Directorie, appointing though not the words to be prayed with, the mat∣ter, to be prayed for. Poor liberty to leave the spirit only to supply the place of a Vocabulary, or a Copia Verbo∣rum. And seeing Sense is more consi∣derable then Language, the prescri∣bing thereof restraineth the Spirit as much, as appointing the words of a prayer.
  • 5. It complieth with the Papists in what they have retained of Antiquity, and not what they have superadded of Idolatry, and therefore more proba∣bly may be a means of converting them to our Religion, when they per∣ceive us not possessed with a Spirit of opposition unto them, in such things wherein they close with the Primitive Times.
  • 6. The Vsers of the Liturgie have also laboured in Preaching, Catecht∣sing, and study of Divine Learning. Nor doth the Directorie secure any from Laziness, seeing nothing but Lungs and sides may be used in the de∣livery of any extemporary prayer.

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Against the Liturgie.For the Liturgie.
  • 7. It is tedious to the people with the unnecessary length, taking up an hour at least, in the large and distinct reading thereof.
  • 8. Many Ceremonies, not only unprofitable but burthensome are therein imposed on peoples con∣sciences.
  • 9. Diverse able and faithful Mi∣nisters, have by the means of the Liturgie been debar'd the exercise of their Ministry, and spoiled of their livelihood, to the undoing of them and their family.
  • 7. Some observers of the Directo∣rie, to procure to their parts and per∣sons the repute of ability and piety, have spent as much time, in their extempo∣rary devotions.
  • 8. This is disproved by such who have written volums in the vindicati∣on thereof. But grant it true, not a total absolution, but a reformation therof may hence be inferred.
  • 9. The Directorie, if enforced to subject the refusers to penalties, may spoil as many, and as well deserving of their Ministry, and livelihood.
Such as desire to read deeper in this Controversie, may have their recourse to the manifold Tractats written on this subject.

9. But leaving these disquiets, the Common-Prayer daily decreased, and Directorie by the power of Parliament was advanced. Here some would fain be satisfied, whether the Abolishing of the main body of the Common-Prayer, extendeth to the prohibition of every expression therein, (I mean not such which are the numerical words of Scripture, whereof no question) but other ancient passages, which in the Primitive Times, were laudably (not to say necessarily) put in practice.

10. I know a Minister who was accused for using the Gloria Patri (con∣forming his practice to the Directorie in all things else,) and threatned to be brought before the Committee. He pleaded the words of Mr Cartwright in his defence, confessing the Gloria Patri founded en just, cause that men might make their open profession in the Church of the Divinity of the Son of God, against the detestable opinion of Arrius and his Disciples. But now (saith he) that it hath pleased the Lord to quench that fire, there is no such cause why those things should be used. But seeing, (said the Minister) it hath pleased God for our sins to condemn us to live in so licentious an age, wherein the Divinity both of Christ and the Holy-Ghost is called frequently and publickly into question, the same now (by Mr Cartwrights judgement) may lawfully be used, not to say can well be omitted. I remember not that he heard any more of the matter.

11. It is now high time to take our farewel of this tedious subject, and leave the issue thereof to the observation of Posterity. The best Demonstration to prove, whether Daniel and his Fellows (the Children of the Captivity) should thrive better by plain pulse (to which formerly they had been used) or the new diet of diverse and dainty dishes, was even to put it to the Trial of some dayes experiment, and then a Survey taken of their Complexions, whether they be impaired or not; so when the Directorie hath been practised in Eng∣land ninty years (the world lasting so long) as the Liturgie hath been, then Posterity will be the competent Judge, whether the Face of Religion had the more lively, healthful, and chearful looks, under the one, or under the other.

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12. The next news engrossing the talk of all tongues, was about Dr Williams Arch-Bishop of York, no less suddenly than strangely metamo pho∣sed, from a zealous Royalist into an active Parliamentarian; being to relate the occasion thereof, we will enter on the brief history of his life, from the cradle to the grave, repeating nothing formerly written, but only adding thereunto.

13. None can question the gentility of his extraction, finding him born at Aberconway in Carnatvon-shire in Wales; of a family rather ancient than rich. His Grandfather had a good estate, but aliened (it seems) by his heirs, so that this Doctor, when Lord-Keeper, was fain to repurchase it. Surely it was of a considerable value, because he complaineth in his letter to the Duke (who encouraged him to the purchase) that he was forced to borrow money, and stood indebted for the same.

14. He was bred in St Johns Colledge in Cambridge, to hold the scales even with St Johns in Oxford, wherein Arch-Bishop Land had his education. Dr Gwin was his tutor, his chiefest, if not his only eminency, and afterwards the occasion of his preferment. For as this Tutor made his Pupil Fellow; this Pupil made the Tutor Master of the Colledge. Next was Mr Williams made Proctor of the University, excellently performing his Acts for the place in so stately a posture, as rather but of duty, thereby to honour his Mother-Vniversity, than desire to credit himself, as taking it only in his passage to an higher employment.

15. He was Chaplain (or Councellor shall I say?) to Thomas Egerton Lord Chancellor, who imparted many mysteries of that place unto him. Here an able Teacher of State met with as apt a Scholar, the one not more free in pow∣ring forth, then the other capable to receive, firm to retain, and active to im∣prove what was infused into him. So dear was this Doctor to his Patrone, that this Lord dying on his death-bed, desired him to choose what most acceptable legacy he should bequeath unto him. Dr Williams, waving and slighting all mony, requested foure Books, being the collections of the Lord his industry, learning, and experience, concerning

  • 1. The Prerogative Royall.
  • 2. Priviledges of Parliaments.
  • 3. The proceedings in Chancery.
  • 4. The power of the Starr-Chamber.
These were no sooner asked then granted; and the Doctor afterwards copi∣ed out these foure Books into his own brains. Books which were the foure elements of our English State, and he made an absolute Master of all the materials, that is, of all the passages therein, seeing nothing superfluous was therein recorded.

16. By the Duke of Buckingham (whom he had married to the daugh∣ter of the Earle of Rutland) he presented these Books to King James. Then did His Majesty first take notice of his extraordinary abilities, soon after pre∣ferring him by the Dukes mediation, to the Deanry of Westminster, Bishop of Lincolne, and Keepers place of the Great Seal, till he lost the last in the first of King Charls, as hath formerly been related.

17. I dare confidently avouch what I knowingly speak, that the fol∣lowing passage was the motus primò primus of the breach betwixt him and the Duke. There was one Dr Theodore Price a Welsh man, highly beloved both by Bishop Williams and BP Land, so that therein the rule did not hold, Those that agree in one third agree among themselves; these two Prelates mutu∣ally mortal enemies meeting in the love of this Doctor. Now the Arch∣bishoprick of Armagh in Ireland falling vacant, Bishop Williams moved the Duke for Dr Price, his country man: to whom the Duke answered, that

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King James had by promise fore-disposed the place on the Bishop of Meath, Dr James Vsher, one whose deserts were sufficiently known. Not satisfied herewith, Bishop Williams by his own interest endeavoured to bring Dr Price into the place. The Duke understanding that he, who formerly pro∣fessed a subordination to, at the least a concurrence with his desires, should now offer to contest with him, resolved, that seeing the Lord-Keeper would not own himself to stand by his love, the world should see he should fall by his anger; and this ministred the first occasion to his ruine. And when once the Alarum was sounded of the Dukes displeasure, no Courtier so deaf and drowsie, but did take the same; And all things concurred to his disadvantage. This is that Dr Theodore Price, afterwards died a professed Catholick, re∣conciled to the Church of Rome.

18. Yet after his resigning the Seal, faire preferment was left unto him, could he have consined his large heart thereunto. I meet with a passage in a letter from this Lord-Keeper to the Duke, wherein he professeth calling God to witness, that the Lord-Keeper (troubled with many miseries where∣with suddain greatness is accompanied) envied the fortunes of one Dr Willi∣ams, late Dean of Westminster. Be this a truth or a complement, what he formerly envied now he enjoyed, returned to a plentifull privacie; not only of the Deanry of Westminster, but Bishoprick of Lincoln, which he held with the same. But alass, when our desires are forced on us by our foes, they do not delight but afflict. The same step is not the same step, when we take it aseendendo in hopes to higher preferment, and when we light upon it de∣scendendo, or are remitted unto it as falling from higher advancement. The Bishop is impatient for being less than he had been; and there wanted not those secret enemies to improve his discontents to his disgrace, almost de∣struction, as fining in the Star-Chamber, and long imprisoning in the Tower.

19. Now came that Parliament so much wished for, that many feared it would never begin, and afterwards (oh the mutability of desires, or change of things desired!) the same feared it would never have an end. Then is Bishop Williams sent for out of the Tower, brought to Parliament, advanced to the Arch-Bishoprick of York, and is the Antesignanus of the Episcopal party, to defend it in the House of Lords (as best armed with his pow∣er and experience) against a volly of affronts and oppositions.

20. Once when His Majesty saw him earnest in the defence of Episco∣pacy then opposed by Parliament, My Lord (saith the King) I commend you that you are no whit daunted with all disasters, but are zealous in defending your Order. Please it your Majesty (returned the Arch-Bishop) I am a true Welsh∣man, and they are observed never to run away, till their Generall do first forsake them. No fear of my flinching whilest your Highness doth countenance our cause. But soon after he was imprisoned about the Bishops Protestation to the Par∣liament, and with great difficulty obtained his liberty, as was afore ob∣served.

21. Retiring himself into North-Wales (where his birth, estate, alliance, but chiefly hospitality did make him popular) he had a great, but endeavoured a greater influence on those parts. It gave some distast, that in all consultations he would have his advise pass for an oracle, not to be contested with, much less controled by any. But vast the difference be∣twixt his Orders in Chancery, armed with power to enforce obedience, and his counsell here, which many Military men (as in their own element) took the boldness to contradict; Buff-coats, often rubb'd and grated against this Prelats silk Cassock, which (because of the softer matter) was the sooner fretted therewith. Indeed he endeavoured as much as might be to preserve his country from taxes (an acceptable and ingratiating designe with the people) but sometimes inconsistent with the Kings present and pressing ne∣cessities. All his words and deeds are represented at Oxford (where his

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Court-interest did daily decline) to his disadvantage, and some jealousies are raised of his cordialness to the Royal Cause.

22. At last some great Affronts were put upon him (increased with his tender resenting of them,) being himself (as I have been informed) put out of Commission, and another placed in his room. A disgrace so much the more insupportable to his high Spirit, because he conceived himself much meriting of his Majesty, by his loyalty, industry, ability, and expence in his Cause, who hitherto had spared neither care nor cost in advancing the same, even to the impairing of his own estate.

23. But now he entereth on a designe, which had I line and plummet, I want skill to manage them in measuring the depth thereof. He sueth to the Parliament for favour, and obtained it, whose General in a manner he becomes in laying siege to the Town and Castle of Abercon-way, till he had reduced it to their service, and much of the Town to his own possession.

24. And now Meruit sub Parliamento in Wallia is the wonder of all men. I confess he told his kinsman, who related it to me, that if he might have the convenience to speak with his Majesty, but one half-houre (a small time for so great a task) he doubted not but to give him full satisfaction for his behaviour. Sure it is, those of the Royall Party, and his own Order, which could not mine into his invisible motives, but surveyed only the sad surface of his actions, condemn the same as irreconcileable with the principles he professed. And though hereby he escaped a Composition for his estate in Goldsmiths-Hall, yet his memory is still to compound (and at what rate (know not) with many mouths, before a good word can be afforded unto it; But these, perchance, have never read the well latined Apologie in his behalf. And although some will say, that they that need an Apologie come too near to fault, the word (as commonly taken) sounding more of excuse then defence, yet surely in its genuine notation, it speaks not guilt, but all∣wayes greatness of enemies and opposers.

25. Of all English Divines since the Reformation, he might make the most experimental Sermon on the Apostles words, By honour and dishonour, by ill report and good report, though the method not so applyable as the matter unto him, who did not close and conclude with the general good esteem, losing by his last compliance his old friends at Oxford, and in lieu of them finding few new ones at London.

26. Envie it self cannot deny, but that whithersoever he went, he might be traced by the footsteps of his benefaction. Much he expended on the repair of Westminster-Abby-Church, and his answer is generally known, when pressed by Bishop Land to a larger contribution to S. Pauls, that he would not rob Peter to pay Paul. The Library of Westminster was the effect of his bounty, and so was a Chappel in Lincoln-Colledge in Oxford, having no other relation thereunto, than as the name-sake of his Bishoprick: so small an invitation will serve to call a coming charity. At S. Johns in Cambridge he founded two Fellowships, built a fair Library, and furnished it with books, in∣tending more, had his bounty then met with proportionable entertainment. But Benefactors may give money, but not gratefull minds to such as re∣ceive it.

27. He was very chast in his conversation, whatsoever a nameless au∣thor hath written on the contrary: Whom his Confuter hath stiled, Aulicus è Coquinariâ, or, The Courtier out of the kitchin, and that deservedly for his unworthy writings, out of what Dripping-pan soever, he licked this his sluttish intelligence. For most true it is, (as I am certainly informed from such who knew the privacies and casualties of his infancy,) this Arch-Bishop was but one degree removed from a Misogynist, yet to palliate his infirmity to noble females, he was most compleat in his courtly addres∣ses.

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28. He hated Popery with a perfect hatred: and though oft declaring freedom and favour to imprisoned Papists, as a Minister of state, in obedi∣ence to his office; yet he never procured them any courtesies out of his pro∣per inclinations. Yea, when Dr 〈…〉〈…〉 the new Bishop of Calcedon, at the end of King James His Reign first arrived in England, he gave the Duke of Buckangham advice (in case other circumstances conveniently concur∣red) that the Judges should presently proceed against him, and hang him out of the way, and the King cast the blame on Arch-Bishop Abbots, or him∣self, prepared (it seemeth) to undergo his Royal displeasure therein.

29. Not out of Sympathy to Non-conformists, but Antipathy to Bishop Laud, he was favourable to some select persons of that opinion. Most sure it is, that in his greatness he procured for Mr Cotton of Boston a tolerati∣on under the Broad Seal, for the free exercise of his Ministry, not withstanding his dissenting in Ceremonies, so long as done without disturbance to the Church. But as for this Bishop himself, he was so great an honourer of the English Liturgie; that of his own cost, he caused the same to be translated into Spanish, and fairely printed, to confute their false conceit of our Church, who would not beleeve, that we used any Book of Common-Prayer amongst us.

30. He was of a proper persons, comely countenance, and amiable complexion, having a stately garbe and gate by nature, which (suppose him prouder then he should be) made him mistaken prouder then he was. His head was a well filled Treasury, and his tongue the faire key to unlock it. He had as great a memory as could be reconciled with so good a judge∣ment; so quick his parts, that his extempore-performances equalized the premeditations of others of his profession. He was very open, and too free in discourse, disdaining to lie at a close guard, so confident of the length and strength of his weapon.

31. Thus take we our farewell of his memory, concluding it with one of his speeches (as savourie I beleeve as ever any he uttered) wherein he expressed himself to a grave Minister coming to him for Institution in a li∣ving. I have (saith he) passed thorough many places of honour and trust, both in Church and State, more then any of my Order in England this seaventy years before. But were I but assured that by my preaching I had converted but one soule unto God, I should take therein more spiritual joy and comfort, than in all the honours and offices which have been bestowed upon me,

32. He died as I take it, Anno 1649. Sure I am on the 25. of March, leaving a leading case (not as yet decided in our Law) whether his halfe years rents (due after Sunrise) should goe with his Goods and Chattels, unto his Executor, or fall to his Heir; The best was, such the Providence of the Parties concerned therein, that before it came to a Suite they seasonably com∣pounded it amongst themselves.

33. Come we now to present the Reader with a List of the principal Ordinances of the Lords and Commons, which respected Church-matters. I say principal, otherwise to recite all, (which wear the Countenance of an Ecclesiastical Tendency, some of them being mingled with civil affairs) would be over-voluminous. Yea I have heard, that a great Antiquary should say, that the Orders and Ordinances of this Parliament in bulke and number, did, not only equall, but exceed all the Laws and Statutes, made since the Conquest, it will be sufficient therefore to recite Titles of those most material, going a little backward in Time, to make our History the more entire.

Die Martis August. 19. 1645.

Directions of the Lords and Commons (after advice had with the Assembly of Divines) for the election and chusing of Ruling Elders, in all the Congregations,

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and in the Classical Assemblies for the City of London and Westminster, and the several Countries of the Kingdom. For the speedy setling of the Presbyteriall Government.

Die Lunae. Oct. 20. 1645.

An Ordinance of the Lords and Commons together with Rules and Directions con∣cerning suspension from the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, in cases of Ig∣norance and Scandal. Also the names of such Ministers and others that are ap∣pointed Triers and Judges of the ability of Elders in the twelve Classes with the Pro∣vince of London.

Die Sabbathi March 14. 1645.

An Ordinance of the Lords and Commons for keeping of scandalous persons from the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, the enabling of the Congregation for the choice of Elders, and supplying of defects in former ordinances and directions of Parliament concerning Church Government.

Die Veneris June 5. 1646.

An Ordinance of the Lords and Commons for the present setling (without further delay) of the Presbyterial Government in the Church of England.

Die Veneris August 28. 1646.

An Ordinance of the Lords and Commons for the Ordination of Ministers by the Classical Presbyters within their respective bounds, for the several Congregati∣ons in the Kingdom of England.

Die Sabbathi Jan. 29. 1647.

An Ordinance of the Lords and Commons for the speedy dividing and setling of the several Counties of this Kingdom into distinct Classical Presbyteries, and Con∣gregational Elderships

34. Great now was the clamorous importunity of the Wives and Chil∣dren of Ministers sequestred, ready to starve for want of maintenance. I had almost called them the Widdows and Orphans of those Ministers, because though their Fathers were living to them, their Means were not living to their Fathers, and they left destitute of a livelihood. Indeed there was an Ordinance of Parliament made 1644, impowring their Commissioners in the Country to appoint means (not exceeding a fift part) to the Wives and Children of all sequestred Persons, but seeing Clergie-men were not therein expressed by name, such as enjoyed their Sequestrations refused to contribute any thing unto them. Whereupon the House of Commons compassionately reflecting on the distresses of the foresaid complainers, made an Order in more particular manner for the Clergy, and (seeing it is hard to come by) I conceive it a charitable work, here to insert a Copy thereof.

Die Jovis. Nov. 11. 1647.

That the Wives and Children of all such Persons as are or have been or shall be seque∣stred, by Order of either Houses of Parliament, shall be comprehended within the Ordinance, that alloweth a fift part for Wives and Children, and shall have their fift part allowed unto them, and the Committee of Lords and Commons for sequestra∣tion, and the Committee of plundered Ministers, and all other Committees are re∣quired to take notice hereof, and yeeld Obedience hereunto accordingly.

H. Elsing Clericus Parliamenti Domus Communis.

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35. But Covetousnesse will wriggle it self out at a small hole. Many were the Evasions whereby such Clergie-men possest of their livings do frustrate and defeat the effectual paiment of the fift part to the aforesaid Wives and Chil∣dren. Some of which starting-holes we will here present, not to the intent that any should unjustly hide themselves herein, but that for the future they may be stopped up, as obstructing the true performance of the Parlia∣ments intended Curtesie.

36. First they plead that Taxes being first deducted, Tythes are so bad∣ly paid, they cannot live and maintain themselves if they must still pay a fift part out of the remainder. Such consider not, if themselves cannot live on the whole Grist, how shall the Families of such sequestred Ministers subsist on the Tole.

37. Secondly, if the foresaid Minister hath a Wife without Children, or Children without a Wife, or but one Child, they deny paiment, as not with∣in the Letter (though the Equity) of the Order; though one Child is as una∣ble to live on nothing, as if there were many more.

38. Thirdly, if the sequestred Minister hath any temporal means of his own, or since his sequestration hath acquired any place wherein he officiateth (though short of a comfortable subsistence) they deny paiment of a fift part unto him.

39. Fourthly, they affright the said sequestred Minister, threatning to New article against for his former faults. Whereas, had he not been reputed a malignant, not a fift part, but all the five parts were due unto him.

40. Fiftly, many who have livings in great Towns (especially Vicarages) disclaim the receiving of any Benefits in the nature of Tithes, and accept them only in the notion of Benevolence. Then they plead nothing due to the seque∣stred Minister, out of the free gratuities which only are bestowed upon them.

41. Sixtly, they plead, that nothing can be demanded by vertue of the said Ordinance, longer then the sitting of the said Parliament which made it, which long since is dissolved; now though this be but a dilatory plea, (themselves enjoying the foure parts by vertue of the same Order) yet though it doth not finally blast, it doth much set back the fift part, and whilst the same groweth, the Ministers Wives and Children starve.

42. Lastly, of late, since the setting forth of the Proclamation that all who disquiet their peaceable possession, who are put into livings by the Parliaments Order, should be beheld as enemies to the State. Such sequestred Ministers who only sue the refusers to pay the fift part unblameable in all things else, are threatned (though they humbly conceived contrary to the true intent of the Proclamation) with the foresaid penalty if they desist not in their suite. Ma∣ny more are their subterfugies (besides vexing their wives with the tedious attendance to get Orders on Orders) so that as one truly and sadly said, the fifts are even paid at sixes and sevens.

43. I am sorry to see the pittiful and pious intentions of the Parliament, so abused and deluded by the indirect dealings of others, so that they cannot attain their intended ends, for the relief of so many poor people, seeing no doubt therein, they desired to be like the best of beings; who as closely applieth his lenitive, as corrasive plasters, and that his mercy may take as true effect as his justice. Sure if the present Authority (when at leisure from higher imploy∣ment) shall be pleased to take the groans of these poor souls into its confide∣ration, the voice of their hungry bowels will quickly be turned to a more plea∣sant tune, from barking for food, to the blessing of those who procured it. Nor let any censure this a digress from my History, for though my estate will not suffer me with Job to be eyes to the blind, and feet to the Iame, I will endea∣vour what I can to be a Tongue for the Dumbe.

Notes

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