Denmark vindicated being an answer to a late treatise called An account of Denmark, as it was in the year 1692, sent from a gentleman in the country, to his friend in London.

REMARKS UPON THE TREATISE, CALLED An ACCOUNT OF DENMARK.

THE first Chapter of the Trea∣tise it self, having nothing mate∣rial in it, besides a general Geo∣graphical Description of the Territories belonging to the King of Denmark, does not require any further Observa∣tions; and if the Author in some other matters had, (as he has done in this) rather follow'd the foot-steps of Authen∣tick Writers, than his Sensible and Grave Men (as he calls them in this Chapter) who have misled him for the most

part, into a Conceit of his own Know∣ledge and an ill-grounded Experience, in∣stead of Truth, we might have superse∣ded to extend these Remarks so far as we are obliged now to do. We will therefore go on to the Second Chapter, where he speaks thus, concerning the Island of Zealand: It is almost of a circular Figure, and contains about 180 English Miles in circumference: I cannot commend its Fertility, there being no Bread Corn growing in any part of it, except Rye, which indeed is in good quan∣tity, and whereof most of their Bread is made, &c. It has no Rivers, nor above half a score Brooks that are able to turn a Mill, &c. About one fourth part of it is Forrest lying open for the King's Hun∣ting, and his Game, such as Stags, Wild Boars, Roe Buck, &c. These are such Sa∣cred things, that no body dares touch them, tho' they find them in whole Herds destroying their Corn, to the infinite yearly damage of the poor Peasants, &c. For Sea-Ports, that most excellent one be∣longing to Copenhagen, must make a∣mends for the want of them, not only in this, but many other of the Islands; there being few others, that I know of, ca∣pable of harboring a Vessel of 200 Tuns, &c.

Neither is this a sensible want, because there are no Commodities in this Island, for Exportation. I have been told, that forty years ago, ten or twelve Dutch Fly-Boats found yearly their Lading at Kiog, a pretty flourishing Town at that time, within twenty English Miles of Copenha∣gen, but of late they seem to be well sa∣tisfied, if the Product of the Isle maintains in this sort of Grain the Inhabitants of it: Not that the Numbers of these are increa∣sed, but Husbandry is not so much encoura∣ged now, as when the Taxes of the poor Country People were less frequent and grie∣vous, &c. The feeding of the Common∣alty generally throughout all Denmark, is very mean, the Burgers or Citizens su∣staining themselves with Rye Bread, Sale Flesh, Stock Fish, Bacon, and very bad Cheese; insomuch that the Inspecters of our Markets in England, who use to de∣story or send to the Prisons all such Vi∣ctuals as are not judged wholesom, would (if they found them no better provided than at Copenhagen) go near to empty the Markets, and leave little so either Buyer or Seller; the Peasants live on Roots, white Meats, and Rye Bread, feldom tasting fresh Fish, and scarce ever Flesh, unless on some extraordinary Festivals

as on St. Martin's Eve, when each Fa∣mily in Denmark, without fail, makes merry with a roasted Goose at Supper, Here and in all Denmark, are but two Seasons of the year, Winter and Summer; those two other more agreeable ones of Spring and Autumn not being commonly known; the Spring never, and the Au∣tumn seldom, &c. The principal things of this Island, and indeed of all Den∣mark, are the City of Copenhagen, and the Passage of the Sound. I will begin with the City, the rather, because when I have done with that, I have little more to say of any other in the King of Denmark's Dominions, there being no other belong∣ing to him, much better than our Town of St. Albans. Thus far our Author.

This Island of Zealand containing the chief City of all Denmark, and being the place of Residence of its Kings, and consequently more frequen∣ted by Strangers, than most of the other parts of this Kingdom, we might have justly expected a more exact Account thereof, than of the rest; which, how it has been performed, will be worth our taking notice of. The circumfe∣rence of Zealand he makes to be ••80 English Miles, when I am surre I could

never meet with any body whether Da••e or other Foreigner, that knew this Island, but all confirmed what I had observed as near as I could, before, that the length of this Island were about 20 Danish Leagues, and if you do reckon but a Danish League to consist of four English Miles (as certainly they do at least) the cir∣cumference which this Gentleman him∣self is pleased to make almost circular, must by computation, amount to 240 English Miles, which is 60 more than is mentioned in the Author's Description. And according to this Calculation, you must give grains of allowance for all the rest; he cannot (says he) recommend its Fertility, there being no Bread Corn growing there in any part, except Rye: but he had forgot that there also grows Wheat in some parts, and Barley almost every where in abundance, as also a great quantity of Oats. He says, That there are few Ports in this and many other of these Islands capable of harbouring a Vessel of 200 Tuns; neither that this is a sensible want, because there are no Commo∣dities in this Island for Exportation. I must confess he has been a little more modest in this Assertion than in any other before, having added the words

(that I know of) yet it is a wonder that his Grave and Sensible Men could not instruct him better. They must for all their Gravity have been either very ig∣norant, or else very negligent in not telling him, that in this very Island of Zealand, were other Cities and Ports (not to speak in this place of those in the other Islands, which shall he mentioned in their proper places) which could, and did harbour Ships of above 200 Tuns, and that it would be a considerable want, if these places were not in that Island; since from Corsoer, a place well Fortified with a Castle, and lying on the West side of this Island on the great Belt over against Nyburgh in Funen, a consi∣derable quantity of Barley is yearly Exported to Holland; as is done like∣wise from Holbeck, but more especially from Calenburgh; which being a well built place, exceeding St. Albans in every respect, and having a very good Port capable of harbouring Ships of a much greater burden than 200 Tuns, stands about fifteen or sixteen English Miles North of Corsoer. In the South part of this Island, is also a place called Nestwed, situated on a Navigable Ri∣ver, which extends it self much higher

into the Country, (tho' our Author has been pleased to allow none at all here) from whence there is a considerable Trade to Lubeck. And if from Kiog, an inconsiderable place in comparison of these places we have now mentioned, but particularly remembered by this Gentleman, when he forgot the rest, there used formerly to go a few Fly-Boats to Holland, there go more now from thence to Norwegen with Malt. I will not insist now upon some of less Note, as Schelsoer and Warburg, tho' the last of these has been famous in our Age, because Charles King of Sweden in his first Expedition against Denmark, Anno 1657. did set first footing there, as he did afterwards in his second, Anno 1658. at Cursoer. When I consider with my self, that this Gentleman has not as much as made the least mention of these before-mentioned places, and how much this contradicts his No∣rions he has set down of this Island of Zealand, as also that not so much as any places have been named by him, lying beyond Elsinore, Cronenburgh & King, the most remote of which is within 20 English Miles of Copenhagen, it seems to be ve∣ry obvious, that both his own Knowledge

and that of his Grave and Sensible Tea∣chers, did not reach much farther. And what may confirm any body in this opi∣nion is, that he tells us a most dis∣mal Story, of whole Herds of Stags, Wild Boars and Ro•• Bucks, (whom he calls Sacred things) destroying the poor Peasants Corn: when it is sufficiently known, that there is scarce any King∣dom to be found, where there is not Provision made for preserving the Royal Game against the rapaciousness of the Peasants and other Vagabonds. And tho' there is a considerable quantity of Forests Royal, and Wild Beasts in this Island, yet is an effectual care taken, that they may not be destructive to the Country; since not only every Nobleman, (who possess almost all the Lands not belonging to the King here) have the Priviledge of Hunting and Shooting in their own Lordships, or Territories, but also the Court by fre∣quent Hunting, kill a great number of them, and the King keeps in every part a certain number of Huntsmen, whose Duty it is to preserve the Country from receiving damage by these wild Beasts.

But leaving the wild Beasts, we must also see what he says concerning the In∣habitants

of Denmark, whose feeding (if this Gentleman is to be believed) is ve∣ry mean, and the Burgers and Citizens sustain themselves with Rye Bread, Salt Flesh, Stock Fish, Bacon, and very bad Cheese. Here you see the Fare of the Danes, and that of those who live in the Cities, for the poor Peasants fare worse. I am apt to think that this Gentleman happened to light into some Black-Smiths or other their like Mechanicks House in Copenhagen, who (according to the Cu∣stom of these Northern Countries) be∣ing obliged to find their Journey-Men with Victuals at their Houses, where they work, make use of such Dishes as our Author has been pleased to mention here. But if he had been acquainted in Burgers or Citizens Houses of an higher Degree, he would have met also with another sort of Victuals. It is so gene∣rally objected as a fault to the Northern Nations, that they are too Liberal and Hospitable in their Houses, and that they mind Eating and Drinking more than any thing else, that I wonder how this Gentleman could think upon it, except he takes a particular Pride to be singular, and to t••ll us Miracles, which were never seen or heard of before his

Arrival in Denmark. I may say it without Vanity, that the Northern parts are very well known to me, and perhaps as well as to this Gentleman, and this I can affirm for a truh, which may easily be confirmed by hundreds in this Town, that the abovesaid Objection of the Author, is utterly contrary to the Ex∣perience of all understanding People; since it has been always confessed by them, that they rather exceed the true bounds in this point. For nothing is more common in those parts, than to see the Table-Cloath laid thrice a day, and at every Meal to have hot Victuals, at Dinner especially you shall seldom find them without two Dishes; among Me∣chanicks the most solid sort of Victuals•• such as are suitable to their Constitutions and Labour are used, but the better sort of Citizens generally deny them∣selves not any thing that the Season affords, and are extreamly addicted to Varieties in their Diet. It is true, you may seldom meet there with such large Dishes of Meat at the Tables of the better sort, as are customary here, but they make that up in the Number; since even in private Burgers Houses, they seldom sit down at Dinner or Snpper with∣out

two Dishes, & a Glass of Wine, which generally they are furnish'd withall in their own Houses, Taverns being not to be found in so excessive anumber there, as they are with us. When they invite their Friends, their Tables are always thrice fill'd up with variety of Victuals, & Wine is so plentiful among them, that if a Man does not feel the effects of the Feast the next day, he does not think himself well Entertained the day before. I will not undertake here to make an exact Com∣parison betwixt our and their Markets, since perhaps this Gentleman and his Friends have taken more pains in sear∣ching them, than ever I did; but this is notorious enough, that in Denmark the Beef is exceeding well tasted and very fat, that Veal is proportionably good, (tho' not so large as here) and their Hogs-flesh to be compared to any in the World, as also Lambs-flesh and Mutton not to be despised, tho' the lat∣ter be not so common among them. Concerning their Poultry we will say nothing in this place, because we shall have occasion to speak something of this hereafter, when we come to our Author's Remarkable History of the Green-Geese and other wild and tame

Fowl. What he says concerning that there are but two Seasons in Denmark, may best be explained by comparing the North Latitude of these Countries with some of ours. The North Lati∣tude then of Denmark being betwixt the Degrees of 54 and 58 lies parallel to all that Tract in our Island, laying betwixt the City of York and the further end of Scotland; and the City of Co∣penhagen being situated under the 56 Degrees of Northern Latitude, which is correspondent to that of Edenburgh in Scotland, we may from thence con∣jecture, That the leaping from extremi∣ty of heat to extremity of cold, is not near so fearful as this Gentleman would make us believe, or at least it is not so in all parts of Denmark. The rest of this Chapter is taken up with the De∣scription of Copenhagen, which being the only place this Gentleman has thought worthy of taking particular notice of, yet is described by him so su∣perficially, that besides what he says of the Port and its situation, scarce any thing else has been mentioned of the same. This Author having already shewed himself no great admirer of Universities, I do not much admire

at his not so much as naming that of Copenhagen; but since he seem'd so fond in his Preface, of the Bodily Exercises practised in the Antient Academies, one might justly wonder why he has not mentioned that set up a few years ago at Copenhagen, which as it is greatly en∣couraged by his present Danish Majesty, in allowing considerable Sallaries and Priviledges to the same; so all sorts of Exercises, (besides Foreign Languages and Mathematicks) are taught in great Perfection. The Change and Arsenal he has just vouchsafed to name, when it is confess'd by all that have taken a right view of the last of these two, that it is one of the finest to be met withall, and is especially much celebrated for that most wonderful Coelestial Globe, which ha∣ving six foot of Diameter, was once the work of that so much renowned Danish Astronomer, Tycho Brahe; I will only say thus much concerning Copenhagen, That as its Situation is one of the most Commodious in Europe, as to the Sea-side; so on the Land-side, it standing upon a Flat, and containing near 9000 Houses, it is encompass'd with a pleasant and delightful Country. The Streets are broad, clean and neat, wherein are

Lights kept in the Night-time, and what our Author says, That their Buil∣dings being Cage-work, the intervals of the Timber being fill'd up with Brick, and therefore very mean, is frivolous; it be∣ing obvious enough to any considering Person, that in a Country where Tim∣ber is very cheap, and consequently not so sparingly used as here, the Houses so built, are much exceeding for Beauty, our antient way of Plaister-work be∣twixt Timber, and even surpassing our modern common way of Brick-Build∣ings, which are so much inferior to those in the Northern parts for strength, that they generally do not stand half so long, tho' it cannot be denied, that ours for Uniformity and Contrivance, excel theirs. And before we leave this Island of Zealand, I cannot but mention also a place called Roshild, some Leagues di∣stant from Copenhagen, formerly an Epis∣copal See, the Bishops whereof had the Honour of Crowning the Kings of Den∣mark, and the Cathedral here is famous for the Tombs of a great many Danish Kings, some whereof are very Sump∣tuous and Magnificent. And tho' it has been Celebrated again in our Age, for the Peace concluded there Anno 1658••

betwixt the Two Northern Crowns; and it also excels our Town of St. Albans: yet the Author has not thought fit to name it to us. And so I will have done with this Island, when I have added this, That besides a great many other Towns not mentioned, it is computed to contain near 350 Villages. The fol∣lowing Chapter treating of the Sound, but more especially of the Toll there at Cronenburgh, whereof the Author has given us a large History, we will pass by, as having nothing much remarkable in it, besides what is mentioned there: and come to the Fourth Chapter, where he treats of the other Islands, and Jut∣land. Not to insist here upon some I∣slands, which are left out by our Au∣thor, though they are more considerable than some that he has mentioned, we will take them in the same Order as he has set them down in the Treatise; and thus he speaks concerning Funen: Fu∣nen is Second to Zealand, whether its bigness, or the goodness of its Soil be con∣sidered: It has plenty of Corn, Hogs, Lakes, and Woods. The chief Town of it is Odensee, a well-seated, and formerly a flou∣rishing little City; but at present much fal∣len to decay. This Island produces nothing for

the Merchant to export, except some few Horses, the Inhabitants generally consuming their own Commodities, &c. This is the whole Description he has given us con∣cerning this Island; which being about 190 English Miles in Circumference, and containing above 250 Villages, is situated between Zealand and Jutland; parted from the first by the great Belt, and from the latter by the little Belt: The chief Town of it was formerly Odensee, a flourishing little City, as this Gentle∣man says; but yet much better than St. Albans; though Nyburgh seems now to be the principal City in this Island: which lying opposite to Corsoer in Zea∣land, has a capacious and commodious Port, able to harbour a great many stout Ships, beyond the Burden of 200 Tuns; as have also likewife Swenburgh, Kartemunde, Voburgh, Middelfare, and other considerable Ports here; from whence good store of Barley is trans∣ported into Holland, and a great quan∣tity of Oxen into other Parts: from whence may appear the Vanity of this Author's Assertion in the Second Chap∣ter concerning the Danish Ports, and what he has been willing to per∣swade us here, That this Island pro∣duces

nothing for the Merchant to ex∣port.

The rest of the Islands mentioned by our Author, being of less Consequence ••han the rest, seem not to require any Remarks, unless what may be said as to their Situation, Laland, Falster, and Mo∣••••en, lying close together, South of Zea∣land, and only are parted from that Island ••y a very narrow Streight, called Grone∣••ound: Laland being the biggest of the Three, is also the most fruitful; the ••hief Town whereof is Naskaw, pretty ••ell fortified, and famous for the long ••esistance it made against the Swedes, ••nno 1659. Monen being but about Thirty English Miles in Circumference, ••id also defend it self better in the same ••ear against the Swedes, than any of the ••igger Islands. Falster lying South West ••om Monen, is celebrated for its Plenty, ••••t more especially for the chief place of ••••e Island, called Nicoping, the great∣••t, and best built of any place in Den∣••ark. In Langland the principal Town Rudcoping: Alsen is famous for the ••wo Castles of Norburgh and Sunder∣••rgh, which have given Titles to Two ••ukes of the same Name; and the lat∣••r for holding out against the Attacks

of Wrangel, the Swedish General; so that he was thereby obliged to quit the whole Island. But Amack, says the Author, deserves particularly to be •••• membred: This Island joins closely •••• the City of Copenhagen, from which it•••• only separated by a small Arm of the S•• which is pass'd over by a Draw-bridge and exceeds in fruitfulness any spot of Ground in Denmark. This Land we•••• given many Years ago to several Families of North Hollanders, who were plant•••• there to make Butter and Cheese for •••• Court, &c. This Island being the lea•••• of all that lie scattered in the Sea, ne•••• Zealand, as having but Fifteen or S••∣teen English Miles in Compass, may w•• be called the Store-house of Copenhage•• since it furnishes its Markets abundant•••• not only with all sorts of good Meat, b•• also with Butter, Cheese, Hares, D•• mestick Fowls, and all sorts of Kitche•• Herbs, and Salleting. There are in•• several Villages, and Three or Four P•• rish Churches; One of which is only •••• the Possession of the North Holland•••• granted to them above 150 Years ag•• by Christiern II. King of Denmark: T•••••• other part of the Island being inhabit•••• by the Danes, I wonder how our A••∣thor

could fall into this mistake, That this Land was given to the North Hol∣landers, without so much as mentioning the Danes, who possess'd the greatest part of it, and that in the very sight of Copenhagen. And so taking our leave of these Islands, we must also take into con∣sideration what our Author has told us concerning Jutland; which though it be a Peninsula, yet he has began to treat of it here in the same Chapter with the Islands. But let us hear his Words: Jutland, part of the ancient Cimbrica Chersonesus, is the biggest part of the Kingdom of Denmark, and may amount to about Two Thirds of the whole. It is divided into Four Stiffts-Ampts, or prin∣cipal Governments. This is a plentiful Country, abounding more especially in Cat∣••le: It wants good Sea-Ports towards the Ocean; notwithstanding which, the Hol∣landers transport yearly great quantities of ••••ean Cows and Oxen from hence, to their more fertile Soil, &c. The Horse and Swine of this Country are excellen••, and in great quantities. It affords Corn in sufficient quantity for the use of its own People, &c. In short, it is the best Coun∣try the King of Denmark is Master of, ••••nd appears to be least declining, because

most remote from Copenhagen. Procul •••• Jove, procul à fulmine.

Jutland being at this time divided in∣to to North and South Jutland, the Author has given us his Description of the North part of it in this Chapter, reserving the South Part for the next following. North Jutland then is divided into Four Princi∣pal Dioceses, or Governments, viz. Al∣burg, Wiburg, Arhusen, and Ripen, so denominated from the Capital Cities of each Government. And here one might, not without good Reason enquire, why this Gentleman has not vouchsafed to add something more concerning these Part•• which he himself calls the biggest of t•••• Kingdom of Denmark, and are indeed the most considerable; since under th•• Diocese of Ripen alone, there is reck••••∣ed to be near 300 Parishes, Seven wal∣led Towns, and Ten Royal Cities: But I am apt to believe, he was unwilling to contradict himself in what he had said in the Second Chapter, That there were no places in Denmark much better than our Town of St. Albans; neither •••• Sea-Ports capable of harbouring Ships •••• above 200 Tun, except Copenhagen.

It will not therefore be amiss to say •••• little of each of these places; fro••

whence may appear how miserably this Gentleman has been mis-led by his grave and sensible Men. And to begin first with Aalburg, which lying most North, is the chief and largest place of this Go∣vernment, (unto which it has given the same Name) approaching in bigness to Copenhagen it self.

It has a good Port capable of contain∣ing Ships of a much greater Burthen than 200 Tuns, seated on the South-side of a very large Bay, called Limfort. This Bay extends it self all along a great part of the Peninsule, and comprehends within its compass a good large Island, called Mors. The second District or Government lying next to this, South∣ward, is called Wiburg. The Capital place whereof is of the same Name, si∣tuated on a small River, which runs Northward into the above named Bay of Limfort. It is an Episcopal See, and though but an Inland place, the River being scarce navigable; yet near as big as Aalburg: South of this lies the Go∣vernment of Aalhuis, likewise so named from its principal City. This place is situated to the South-East of Wiburg, a few Miles above the lesser Belt on the Sea-side, having as commodious a Port

as Aalburg, and coming very near to it in bigness. Opposite to this, viz. on the West-side of the Peninsule near 60 En∣glish Miles distant is Rinkoping, a most famous Sea-port on the German Ocean. This with some other convenient Ports lying on the West-side of this Peninsule, do contradict manifestly what this Gen∣tleman has been pleased to tell us in this Chapter, that it wants good Sea-ports to∣wards the Ocean, as the above-mentioned Cities do shew the Vanity of what he pretended to perswade us in the second Chapter, concerning the want of Sea-ports in Denmark, and that no place here were better than our Town of St. Al∣bans. The fourth and last of these Nor∣thern Dioceses, is called Ripen, it is the largest of these four; its Capital City is called likewise Ripen, being an Episco∣pal See, situated on the West-side of the Peninsule, near the German Ocean, be∣ing defended by a well fortified Castle. Among other Towns here is a place cal∣led Fredericks Ode, deserves to be taken particular notice of. This though well fortified to the Land side, and provided with Pallisado's near the Sea-side; yet was surprized Anno 1657. by the Swe∣••sh General Wrangel, who, with his

Men in the Night-time, beating down the Pallisado's, and passing through the Waters, took it by storm; where above 2000 were slain, and 2000 taken Pri∣soners, besides Officers, and a great store of Ammunition and Plunder. A few Miles from this place is also a good Sea-port called Colding, with a strongly for∣tified Castle called Arnsburg, where is paid the Toll for the Horses and Oxen, which pass this way for Germany in great Quantities; so that it is a manifest Er∣rour in our Author, when he says, that only lean Cows and Oxen are transported from this Peninsule to Holland; since be∣sides these a prodigious Number of fat Oxen, very good Horses, and the best Hogs are sent from hence by Land in∣to Germany, and a considerable Quantity of Corn and Fish, is from the above-mentioned Ports transported into Hol∣land, and other adjacent Countries.

The reason this Gentleman has been pleased to give, why Jutland appears least declining, because most remote from Co∣penhagen, as it favours a little of Malice, so it may perhaps take with some inconside∣ring Persons. But to the more judicious it will be evident enough; that, if this point of its appearing least declining

should be granted; which however it is not, since near Copenhagen, the Country appears in as good a Condition as here; yet the difference arises chiefly from thence, what our Author had said a lit∣tle before, That this is a plentiful Coun∣try, abounding more especially with Cattle; to which I will add, that it has also con∣venient Ports, and abounds with more Commodities for Exportation. And that this is the true Cause of its appear∣ing least declining, may be gathered out of the Authors own Words in this very Chapter; where he says, The Land is more fertile near the Seac••oasts, the In∣land being full of Heaths, Lakes and Woods: and truly in these places, Jutland makes no better appearance than Zealand. I could also assign this for one reason a∣mong others, that the Peasants in gene∣ral here, being not Vassals to the Nobi∣lity as they are in Zealand, might con∣tribute much to this Appearance; but as the first is most evident, so I think it may convince all unbyass'd and judicious Persons, how impartial this Gentleman has been in his pretended Account of Denmark. In the V. Chapter, which he entitles, Of the rest of the King of Denmark's Territories; he begins with

the Dútchy of Sleswick thus: The Dut∣chy of Sleswick is in general a very good Country; Its convenient Situations be∣tween two Seas, the Ocean and the Bal∣tick, rendring it considerable for Trade; although the natural Commodities fit for Exportation, are in no great Quantity. Some Cor••, Cattle, Horses and Wood for firing, it affords to its Neighbours, over and above a sufficient store of each for its own Inhabitants. It is divided between the King and the Duke of Holstein. The principal Town, which gives name to the Dutchy, belongs to the Duke of Hol∣stein, who resides near it in his Pallace of Gottorp, &c. This is all that this Gen∣tleman has thought fit to afford us con∣cerning the Dutchy of Sleswick; which being the South-part of Jutland, com∣prehends a large and fruitful Tract of ground, adorned with a great many fair Cities, and commodious Sea ports; whereas he hath taken up more with the Description of the Resident place of the Duke of Holstein Gottorp; which as it does not belong to the King of Den∣mark's Dominions; so it is much inferi∣our (though else a very fine Seat) to some of the King of Denmark's, which either are not mentioned at all by the

Author, or else represented much less advantageous. It must needs be a great Wonder to any Body that knows these Countries, how he should make a Di∣gression to describe the Residence of the Duke of Holstein Gottorp, and neg∣lect to remember here a goodly Town, called Hadersleben, situated in the same Dukedom near the Baltick, and beauti∣fied with the fair Castle of Hansburg, begun to be built by John the Eldest Son of Christiern I, and finished by Frede∣rick II. this present King•• of Denmark's great Grandfather. Not to mention here Apenrade and Tondern; the first whereof lies on the Baltick, as the Second is situa∣ted near the German Ocean; certainly the Town of Flensbourgh with its Ca∣stle, might have deserved to be remem∣bred as well as Gottorp, except he was afraid of contradicting what he said be∣fore concerning the want of Harbours in Denmark, which were capable of har∣bouring a Ship of 200 Tuns; it being notorious that this place situated on a Bay of the Baltick Sea, called Hever Bay, has so deep and commodious a Port, that it not only receives Ships of a far greater Burthen; but also the same lye up close to the Houses almost every

where, as they do at Wapping, and other adjacent parts of the Thames. It would, I think, not have been amiss to have de∣scribed here, that Tract of Ground, which lying betwixt Sleswick and Flens∣burgh, goes to this Day by the Name of Anglen; and the Inhabitants of it are called Engel Saxen; who being esteem∣ed the Remnants of one of those three Nations, that setled here, this Kingdom has particularly derived its Name from them. The River Eyder also, which divides the Dukedoms of Sleswick, and Holstein, ought not to have been forgot, since it was the ancient Boundary be∣twixt the Saxons and Danes. And since this Gentleman is so strangely taken in the next Chapter with the ancient Goths, I cannot devise why he should not have remembred a piece of Work of their Po∣sterity extant in this Country, some∣what resembling that ancient Roman Work in our Island, called Picts-wall.

This is a long Trench and Wall which was built about the Year 809, in the Times of the Emperour Charles the Great, by Gotricus, then King of Den∣mark, to hinder the Incursions of the Saxons. The Tract of this Work is ea∣sily to be seen yet in a great many pla∣ces

within a few Miles South of Sleswick, and is by the Inhabitants called Dane∣wark to this Day, and reported, that it did reach from the one Sea to the other. These matters, as also a great many others, having a near relation to our ancient times, the Author did either think not worth mentioning; or else those grave Men who instructed him, were not so sensible as he describes them in his first Chapter. But it is time also to see what he says con∣cerning Holstein, these are among others his Words. The Country, (meaning Holstein) is very fruitful and pleasant, excellently well seated for Trade, lying be∣tween the two Seas, and having the ad∣vantage of the Neighbourhood of the Ri∣ver Elbe, and of Hamburgh, &c. Stor∣mar and Ditmarsh, he says, lie the near∣est to the River Elbe, and are for the most part low and rich Countries; the soil being fat, and in many places resembling Holland, as well in its fertility, as man∣ner of improvement, &c.

This is all the Account the Author gives us of Holstein, (besides what he says of its being divided into several Bran∣ches) which Country, considering the ancientness and number of its Nobility, the variety and fertility of Ground, num∣ber

and consequence of its Cities and Towns, would have deserved also a more particular Description: But since he has told us in the First Chapter, That he did include in this Account the Dutchy of Sles∣wick, as part of Denmark, but not the Dutchy of Holstein; because the former was a F••ef of that Crown, the latter of the Empire; and our Remarks being li∣mited by the Account he has given of Denmark, we will only add, That Holstein being divided into Four Princi∣pal Parts, viz. Ditmarsen, Holstein, properly so called, Stormar, and Wage∣ren, the Author has not mentioned the last of all, though that famous City of Lubeck lies in the same, as that of Ham∣burg is situated in Stormaren; each of which would deserve a particular De∣scription, if the Nature and Bounds of these Remarks would permit us to under∣take it.

What he has said concerning the Country of Oldenburgh, is not much to be said to, only to remember, that it is not only that sort of Cream-coloured. Coach-Horses he speaks of, that abound there; but that there is also in that Country so excellent a breed of all sorts of Horses, introduced some Years ago

by Anthony Gunter, the last Count of Ol∣denburgh, that I much question, whether the like, both in number and quality•• can be found in Europe in so small a spot of Ground.

Concerning Norway, the Author having given a pretty regular account, we will say no more of it, but that it is not de∣stitute of Corn; since Tellemarch, He∣march, and Gouldbrands Daal, afford considerable Quantities of Corn. The like is also to be found about Druntheim; and when I have once more put him in mind that the City of Bergen in Norway is one of those which are much better than our Town of St. Albans, and is capable of harbouring Ships of a much greater Bur∣then than 200 Tuns: I will take my leave of him as far as he describes the Territories of Denmark; and go on to the following Chapters, where he treats of the Form of Government, and other Mat∣ters. Yet, before I conclude, I cannot but mention here, that as, out of what has been said in these Remarks upon the foregoing Chapters, it is evident•• that Denmark is generally a fertile Coun∣try, abounding in Corn, and pasture grounds for the feeding of Oxen, and Horses, of both which kind prodigious

quantities are sent yearly into Germany and other parts; that their Forrests and Woods feed innumerable Herds of Swine of the best kind, so I cannot suf∣ficiently admire with what confidence this Gentleman can conclude this Chap∣ter with these words; producing (mea∣ning D••nmark in general) but few Commodities for the Merchant. But it is time to supersede to say any thing farther of this point, and to see what he says in the VI. Chapter, concerning their Form of Government, his words are these, The Antient Form of Government ••ere, was the same which the Goths and Vandals Established in most, if not all parts of Europe, whither they carried their Conquests, and which in England is retained to this day for the most part. 'Tis said of the Romans, that those Provinces which they Conquered, were amply recom∣penced for the loss of their Liberty, by being duced from their Barbarity to Civility; by the introduction of Arts, Learning, Commerce & Politness. I know not whether this way of arguing have not more of Pomp than Truth in it; but with much greater reason may it be said, that all Eu∣rope was beholding to these People for in∣troducing or restoring a Constitution of Government far excelling all others, that

we know of in the World. 'Tis to the An∣tient Inhabitants of these Countries, with other Neighbouring Provinces, that we owe the original of Parliaments, formerly so common, but lost within this last Age, in all Kingdoms, but those of Poland, Great Britain, and Ireland. And in the Pre∣face he speaks to the same purpose; which we will consider in this place, be∣cause it explains what he has said just now. These are his words, All Europe was in a manner a free Country till very lately, in so much that the Europeans were, and still are distinguished in the Eastern parts of the World, by the name of Franks In the beginning small Territories or Con∣gregations of People, chose Valiant and Wise Men to be their Captains or Judges, and as often depased them upon mismanage∣ment These •••• Captains doing their Duty well and faithfully) were the Originals of all our Kings and Princes, which at first, and for a long time, were every where Elective. According to their own War∣like temper, or that of the People which they Governed, they (upon the score of Re∣venge, Ambition, or being overthrowing with multitudes at home) encroached upon their Neighbours, till from petty Princi∣palities, their Countries waxed to mighty Kingdoms. Spain alone consisting of twelve

or thirteen till 'tother day, and one part of our Island of no less than seven: Each of these was at first, made through an Union of many petty Lordships. Italy from se∣veral small Commonwealths was at length swallowed up by the Emperors, Popes, Kings of Spain, Dukes of Florence, and other lesser Tyrants. Yet 'tis to be remarked, that the Antient States of Europe is best preserved in Italy, even to this day, not∣withstanding the Encroachments which have been there made on the Peoples Li∣berties; of which one reason may be, that the Republicks which are more in Number and Quality in that spot of ground, than in all Europe besides, keep their Ecclesia∣sticks within their due bounds, and make use of that Natural Wit which Providence and a happy Climate has given them, to curb those, who if they had Power, would curb all the World. Every one ought to know how great the Rights of the People were very lately in the Elective Kingdoms of Sweeden and Denmark; how Germa∣ny was freer than any other part of Europe, till at length 'twas Lorded by Captains which in process of time grew Princes and Electors, and by Bishops with Temporal Au∣thority, who may thank Charles the Great, (a bigotted Prince) for the double Sword of Flesh and Spirit.

In this Passage, the Author pretends to give us an Account of the Origine, Growth, and Alterations of Govern∣ment, he pretends give us a short Hi∣story of the Goths, Vandals, Germans, Spaniards, Italians; nay, even English, Sweeds, Danes and Poles, and all this in a few Pages, which great Authors before in whole Volumes, have scarce been able to effect to the purpose: But that which is most pleasant, is, that he having entangled himself among his An∣tient Goths and Vandals, and their most admirable Constitutions, has not given himself leisure to look rightly into our latter times, else he could scarce have fallen into such a Paradox as to affirm, That in Italy the Republicks are more in Number & Quality, than in all Europe be∣sides. When I did read these words to some Gentlemen, who had Travelled in those as well as other parts of Europe, and were come to pass a little time in the Country, they did cry out aloud, risum teneatis amici; and I remember that a certain Myn Heer, who seem'd to be well vers'd in those Countries, could not forbear saying, according to his Native blunt way, That surely this Gentleman must not have seen much of Europe, or else have slept by day,

and never Travell'd but by night; since if he had but walk'd through the streets of Amsterdam in the day time, and considered with what vast Charges that City had been built, the stupendious∣ness and vastness of its Fortifications, which together with a large Mote all Brick'd round, comprehended above 1000 Acres of Ground, the Magnifi∣cence and Regularity of the Houses and Garden; in and about that City; as al∣so that prodigious number of Shipping of all sorts, which was obvious enough to every Body's Eye, he might from thence have taken an occasion to in∣quire better into the Power and Wealth of this Commonwealth, before he had made this Assertion concerning his Ita∣lian Republicks. He ought, said the Amsterdamer (for so I understood after∣wards he was) have cast his Eyes upon the two Jews Synagogues at Amsterdam, whereof one is far exceeding, not only those at Rome and Venice, but also all the rest in Europe; he ought to have look'd upon that famous Stadthuyse there, with the large Magazin of Arms by it; upon those most excellent Statues a top of it, especially that of Atlas bear∣ing upon his Shoulders the Globe which holds 30 Barrels of Water: He ought

to have view'd the extraordinariness of the Globes Coelestial and Terrestial, laid in the Floor of the Great Hall, toge∣ther with the rest of the Rarities of Pictures, Carved Works and Marble Statues there: He ought to have made an exact Observation concerning the great Number and Splendor of their Alms Houses in this City, which being like Princes Palaces, maintain 20000 Poor per diem; as also the Multitude, Largeness, and Magnificense of their Bridges and Channels, which are to be found in every street, and fac'd every where with Brick and Square Stone∣work, and other innumerable advanta∣ges which this City enjoys, and are all acquired with vast Charges and great Industry; and then he would easily have been able to find out, that if Ve∣nice boasts of its Channels which di∣vide, and Bridges which unite their City; if Genova is proud of her Mag∣nificent Buildings, Amsterdam surpasses the first, and is not behind hand with the latter in either kind; But, said he, if this Author have made a due enquiry and have been instructed, that Amster∣dam is the Magazeen of Europe for Corn and Spices, the latter of which the Vene∣tians formerly brought by Land through

AEgypt, that it has a inconceivable store of all manner of Provisions for War, and more store of saw'd and prepar'd Timber for Shipping, than can be found in any one Nation besides in the World; how it has the vastest Magazeens of Marbles whereof Versails it self has been built; how it is the Emperor's Staple of Quick-silver, and that from hence, not only Spain, but also almost whole Eu∣rope and the Indias are furnished; if he had been duly informed, what vast quantities of Wines, Brandies, Hemp, Pitch and Tar are to be found here, be∣sides the prodigious Stores for Shipping which are laid up in the Admiralty and East-India Houses, and are almost in∣credible to be related; how great a share Amsterdam bears in the Charges of such a War as the United Provinces now wage with the rest of the Confe∣drates against France; and how at last the Bank of Amsterdam is the most considerable in Europe, and the World, and so much surpassing both these of Venice and Genoua (the only two Com∣monwealths now in Italy, worth men∣tioning) that these of Amsterdam writes more in one day, than these of Venice and Genoua together do in two: He might from thence have easily been con∣vinced

concerning the Vanity of his Supposition. The whole Company cou'd not forbear smiling at the eagerness, wherein this Gentleman had represent∣ed the advantages of his Native place, when it was objected to him by one, who particularly well seem'd to understand the Italian Commonwealths: That it was scarce to be deny'd, but that Am∣sterdam alone, for Wealth and Trade, did surpass all the Commonwealths in Italy, yet that he had not consider'd what large Possessions the Venetians had on the Terra firma, and in the Morea, besides what be∣longs to them in Candia and Dalmatia, and what a considerable Tract of Ground were in the Possession of the Genueses, all along the Sea side about that City, to all which Amsterdam could not pretend to, as having very small Territories belong∣ing to it. The Amsterdammer was a little startled at this unexpected Objection, but quickly recollecting himself, he answer'd, That the Wealth of Amsterdam was such as to be able to purchase the Territories of all the Italian Commonwealths what∣soever. And said he, since this may seem a hard saying in the Opinion of some, who have not been so inquisitive in this mat∣ter, I will shew you another Common∣wealth within the Commonwealth of

the United Provinces, and whose chief strength is lodged within the City of Amsterdam, which easily may be pro∣ved to exceed all the Commonwealths of Italy together, in Trade, Strength, and extent of its Territories, and this is the East India Company in Holland. This is easie to be believed by these who will consider, said he, what vast and rich Possessions this Company has in the Island of Java, where in the Ca∣pital City called Batava, Built and Fortified after the manner of Amster∣dam, the General of the Indies lives like a Prince attended with his Horse and Foot-Guards, and assisted by his Councellors; what a vast Trade it has in Japan, China, the Isles of Sumatra and Bengala, in the two latter of which the Company has also here Lodges and vast Store-Houses, as he has likewise on the Coast of Malabar, and Cormandel, and in the Countries of the Great Mogul and King of Galcanda. How in the Molucca and Banda Islands she is almost become Master of all, as in the rich Island of Zealon, she has all the plain Country under her Jurisdiction, hav∣ing obliged the Emperor to live in the Mountains, while she is possessed of Co∣lomba and other Garisons there. These

places being maintained by 30000 Men and 200 great Ships, whereof 50 are Capital ones, which are in constant Pay of the Commonwealths, of the East Indias and Transport yearly such prodigious Riches from those parts into the six Chambers of Amsterdam, Zea∣land, Delph, Roterdam, Horne, and Enckhuysen, from whence they are di∣spersed again through whole Europe; I will, said the Gentleman, leave it to the Judgment of Understanding Men in this matter, whether all the Common∣wealths of Italy put together, can pro∣duce any thing like it. All the Company was much delighted to hear with what dexterity this Gentleman pleaded the Cause of his Native Country, unto whom I replied, That since it was obvi∣ous enough that the Strength and Power of all the Republicks that are now adays in Italy, was in no ways to be compared with Holland; I could not but be of Opinion, that what our Author had said concerning the Quality of these Republicks, was meant con∣cerning their Policy, and, when the Amsterdammer, interrupting me, an∣swered, That, tho' he saw me willing to help, as the saying was, A lame Dog over the Stile, yet if I would but look

upon the Author's passage where the words, more in Number and Quality were joyned together, I might easily find what his meaning were, and that one was as extravagant as the other. For, said he, what is more evident to any judicious Traveller, than the great difference there is betwixt the number of Re∣publicks in Italy and betwixt the rest of Europe. Not to speak of the seven United Provinces, which are each of them a separate Commonwealth, but joyned by a mutual Confederacy; are not the Switz Cantons and other Com∣monwealths sufficiently known to out-number all the Republicks in Italy, and to possess great Territories? What Tra∣veller can be so ignorant as not to have heard or seen, that considerable number of Commonwealths, which are remain∣ing to this day in Germany only, is Ve∣nice, Genoua, Lucca, and one or two more not worth mentioning, equal in number to all these. And if we should add that Bologna which retains somle∣thing of its Antient Freedom under the Jurisdiction of the Pope; and that of Vinzenza under the Government of the Venetians; nay, even the three small Leagues of the Grisons, laying on the ut∣most Borders of Italy, all these will not

amount to the number alone of the Com∣monwealths now in being in Germany. This may be easily computed if we re∣member but the chiefest of them; as Ham∣borough, Bremen, Lubeck, Embden, Frank∣ford, on the Mayn, Cologne, Worms, Ra∣tisbon, Augsburgh, Eger, Nurenburg, Ulm, Oppenheimb, Nordlinger, and the grea∣test part of the two Circles of Suabia, and Franconia, besides others; and con∣sidering that Hamborough Nurenburg, Collen, Frankford and Bremen, come very near in bigness even to the best Com∣monwealth in Italy; that the Bank of Hamborough comes next to those of Venice and Genoua, and surpasses either of them in Trade and Shipping; that Bre∣men and others come very to them in Trade now; and what great Territorie some of them possess; it is evident enough that if our Author, instead of Europe, had but said Germany, yet it would have been taken for a Rodomontado by all Travellers, especially those who have made a due comparison betwixt the Frontier Places and Garisons of the Venetians, and the vast Fortifications and considerable Forces. which are main∣tained by these abovementioned Com∣monwealths in Germany.

But at last, said the Dutchmen, sup∣posing

I should be willing, according to your opinion, to apply the Author's word Quality to the Policy of the Common∣wealths of Italy, in comparison of all the rest in Europe, who is so ignorant, as not to know that a great many of them enjoy a much greater share of Liberty (as being democratical) than any of his Italian Re∣publicks; and tho' some of the Swiz Can∣tons have modell'd their Government some what according to the Venetians; yet some in Germany, & especially the Seven United Provinces, tho' Aristocratical do enjoy a so much higher Degree of Liber∣ty before the Venetian Subjects, generally speaking, that if in those parts the Coun∣tryman should be a Vassal to his Baron or Lord, the Gentlemen should be squeez'd continually, and oppress'd by one Po∣desta or another; and in general, the Nobility again in constant fear of an In∣quisition, they would not like to change theirs with the Venetians; and I believe that all our Author's Rhetorick would not be sufficient to perswade them; but that their new way of living free were much to be preferred before his antient Gothick way of Governing. But it is time to break off this Dialogue, and to consider what our Author further says concerning the antient Goths and Vandals,

whom he makes the Fundators of that sort of Government in Europe, as is now, for the most part retained in England, and says, That we owe the Originals of Parliaments to them. I know not whe∣ther this Assertion have not more pomp than truth in it, (to make use of his own words, which he has given us con∣cerning the Romans) since, if we look rightly into the Matter, the Govern∣ment of these Nations when they at first extended their Conquests over Spain, Africa and Italy, as the Franks did over France, and the Saxons over England, being wholly adapted to Military Enter∣prizes; there was, it's true, commonly a General chosen by the Army, and the Heads of the same were admitted to all Debates; yet was it in no ways to be compared with what of latter years has been called a Parliament, If we peruse what the antient Authors have left us concerning their way of Government at home we may conjecture what it was abroad. Considering then the most antient way or custom of these People (which were Germans) It is manifest enough, That they were divided in a great num∣ber of Commonwealths, whereof each had one whom they called sometimes a King, sometimes a Duke; These being

again subdivided in Petty Governmentsa had their Heads, to whom they paid some sort of Respect at pleasure. At home Mat∣ters of no great Concerns were debated, and adjust∣ed by the Chief or Heads b but those of moment the whole Body of the People consulted about, and determined even as far as Capital Matters went. As one of these Common∣wealths was rarely in a Condition to undertake any foreign War; so the same was always begun with the joynt Consent of such as intended to engage themselves in the same; when a General (without regard to his Nobility some∣times) cwas chosen, who

with the Advice of the Heads of those several Commonwealths, that were partakers of the Troubles and Dangers of the War was fain to act rather pre∣cariously than with Authority. And considering that Cities, nay, even Villa∣ges were unknown to themd that they changed their Habitations as often as they found an opportunity, or dislik'd the former; that their Fences were hor, rible Forests, and impassable Mountains and inaccessible Moores; what wonder if their Custom of Governing (for Laws they had none) were according their wild Inclinations, and Savage Habitati∣ons. But to deduce the Orginals of Parlia∣ments, used in the best regulated, Governments of Europe from the Barbarous and Irregular Conventions of a Savage People; when we may have them from better Hands, I must confess, is a way that savours a little to much of a conceit of unknown Antiquity. I see no rea∣son why wemight not with the same Right, or perhaps more affirm that the Cosarcks upon the Frontiers of Poland; the Rascians in Bosnia, and Morlacks in Dalmatia have their Parlia∣ments, since it is certain they are as free as ever the Germans were, and have their way of consulting together under their Heads as well, and that more orderly than those had in anti∣ent times.

Nevertheless it can scarce be denied, but that Spain and France, which were the first places whither those barbarous Na∣tions extended their Conquests, have been very Instrumental in first shewing to the other Nations in Europe the Par∣liamentary way. These two Nations being a great deal sooner and more known to the Romans than the Ger∣mans, we have receiv'd a more per∣fect and authentick Account concern∣ing them; And as they were sooner and better Civiliz'd than the Germans in those Times, so their Government was more regular, and coming a great deal nearer to these most excellent Conventions, afterwards called Par∣liaments. The Spaniards were, it's true, divided into a great many Com∣monwealths, or separate Governments; but these were more Aristocratical than Democratical, having sometimes their petty Kings, Princes or Senate; and as they had a great many well fortifi∣ed Cities, Towns and Sea-ports; so had the most Civilized Provinces their Capital Cities, where the Prince that governed the rest, together with their Principals did reside, and had a great, though limited Power over them. Of

this is a very remarkable Instance rela∣ted by Livy: from whence may be con∣jectured in how great a Veneration the Name and Authority of Kings was among these People, when they would have proclaimed Scipio a King; which he refusing, says the Historian, they were surprised how he could refuse the highest Degree of Dignity, which all the rest of Mortals were so covetous of. The ancient Gauls, adjoining on one side to Spain, as they were not unacquainted with the Spaniards, ser∣ving sometimes there under the Car∣thaginians, sometimes under the Ro∣mans, and having even extended their Conquest thither, as may be seen by the Celtiberians, who came out of France into Spain; so they had questi∣onless a great part of their Policy from

thence, it being evident that they had their Kings, Princes, Senate and No∣bility, who did Command over such several distinct. Commonwealths, as they were divided into: And as they, according to the Method of the Spa∣niards, had their well regulated Coun∣cils, consisting of their principal Men, so they had their fortified Towns, where their Kings, Princes and Ma∣gistrates generally resided, who had a Power much beyond what was usual then in Germany, nay, even of Life and Death, and were not depending on the Popularicy, but some of them according to their Laws and Consti∣tutions, were Hereditary: How much more polish'd these People were than the Germans, and how much more re∣gular their Councils; Caesar hasa left us a notable Instance concerning the Helvetians in his Commentaries; Where he tells us, That after the Defeat of the Helvetians, there was a Register found written in the Grecian Tongue in their Camp, wherein was contained a most

exact Account of the Names and Num∣ber of such, as according to the Agree∣ment of the Grand Council of the seve∣ral Helvetian Commonwealths, were come to settle themselves in those parts of France, where they were defeated by Caesar.b And much to the same pur∣pose he speaks afterwards concerning those People in France, which were then called Belgae, and inhabited those parts of the Netherlands, Normandy and Picardy, which are opposite to our shoar, though at the same time he rec∣kons them the least civiliz'd of all the French. Any body that will take the pains duly to compare what Caesar, Livy and Tacitus have left behind them con∣cerning the ancient Spaniards, French and Germans, will soon be convinc'd, how far the well regulated Policy of the two former in their Cities and Councils exceeded those confused Meetings of the Germans, without Order or Com∣mand;

and which of these may justly claim that Prerogative of having been the Original of these Conventions of the States since called Parliaments. What some object, that these Nations being subdu'd by the Romans, had before the Germans came thither, lost together with their Liberty, their ancient Con∣stitutions of Government, is very insig∣nificant; Since it may easily be proved, that, as all of them did not lose their Li∣berty, so they retain'd their Constitu∣tions. Who can be ignorant that a great many Commonwealths, both in Spain and France, were not Conquer'd by the Romans; but were receiv'd as Allies, and proved very instrumental in subduing the rest?c And yet among these also that were subdu'd, it was a common Custom among the Romans to let them enjoy their Laws, and even to confirm their Kings and Princes. Caesar

call'd the French that inhabited the Neighbouring Provinces of the Rhine, the Allies of the Romans; and said that France, according to the Decree of the Senate, ought to enjoy its Liber∣ty and Lawsd. And when he after∣wards returned the second time out of Britanny: and had occasion to lay his Army into Winter quarters among the Belgas or Armoricans, subdu'd by him before, he call'd a general Council to∣gether of these several Common∣wealths, where he intended to divide his Forces into Winter quarters:e And that some of these Common∣wealths retain'd their Liberty and Constitutions about 150 Years after Caesar's time; Tacitus has left as a parti∣cular Observation concerning some of them, that lived near the Rhine. It

would be too tedious to relate all that the Ancients have left behind them in their Monuments concerning this Point; out of what has been said, I think, it may easily be seen, that, as the Constitution of Government among the ancient Spaniards and French, (be∣ing composed out of their Kings, the Nobility and principal Men of the Cities,) did come a great deal nearer to the Parliamentary way of consulting in latter Times, than the irregular Proceedings of the Germans in those times; So those that will throughly per∣use the ancient Histories, will be suffi∣ciently convinc'd, that the same Form of Government was never extinguish'd in all parts of those Kingdoms, but preserved even till the time, when the Goths, Vandals, Suevians, Franks, and others, setled themselves in those parts; So that it may be said, that we owe the first Rudiments of Governing by consent of the Estates to those Coun∣tries, which were Conquered after∣wards by the Germans, but that the same should have been establish'd by them, when they were so many hundred Years before in use there, is, what scarce any body, who is not prepossessed

with the conceit of a Gothick and tu∣multuous sort of Goverment, will assert. And here, if we should enquire into the Originals of Princes and Kings, (which our Author pretends to have done in a few Lines) at several Times and Places, we should be obliged to go much beyond the design of these Remarks, since to understanding Men it is apparent enough, that if the Au∣thor's whole Book, had been employed upon that Point only, it would not have been sufficient so much as to touch the chief Heads of so ample a Subject. I will only say, that I cannot sufficiently admire, why this Gentle∣man is so mightily taken with these Times, when Spain and England were divided, the first into thirteen, and the latter into seven or more peculiar Go∣vernments, considering that they were perhaps the worst of Times ever these Countries saw; neither could any last∣ing Peace be setled, till instead of the same, one Head had the Management of the whole Body. But before we leave this Subject, we must say some∣thing concerning Germany and Sweden: For every one ought to know, says he, how great the Rights of the People were

very lately in the Elective Kingdoms of Sweden and Denmark: If every one ought to know, he might have said a little more of it, since else few will know it for him. What clear a Noti∣on this Gentleman has concerning Ele∣ctive Kingdoms, will better appear hereafter, when we shall have occasi∣on to treat upon the Question, Whither the Kingdom of Denmark has been He∣reditary or Elective; But as for the Rights of the People in Sweden, why they should so much vary from the same, that they were lately, he would have done well to have explained a little. I am not ignorant, that the Wings of the Nobility, that composed formerly the Senate there, have been considerably clipt, and that about fif∣teen or sixteen Years ago, when that Kingdom during the Minority of this present King, was partly through Mismanagement, partly through the War with the Empire and Den∣mark, miserably exhausted; the Estates then, finding themselves not in a Ca∣pacity to restore matters without ex∣traordinary Subsidies, which could not easily be levied upon the Subjects, did then advise the King, to oblige

such of his Subjects as had by the Pro∣fuseness of some of his Predecessors, or other means, acquired to themselves vast Estates and other Advantages be∣longing to the Crown, to restore the same, which was executed according∣ly; some of the chiefest profering the same voluntarily, the rest being ob∣liged to follow their Example. As by these means the King was enabled to restore the decayed State of the Militia and Army; so it is not to be denied, but that his Revenues were greatly en∣creased, as well as his Power; yet is from hence not necessarily to be con∣cluded, that the Rights of the Peo∣ple are lost, since the four Estates of the Nobility, Clergy, Citizens and Peasants, have thereby not surrendred any thing of their Native Rights, tho perhaps some particular Persons have felt the smart of it. Germany was freer than any other part of Europe, says our Author, but he ought to have remem∣bred that this was in those days when every body being his own Master, there, they liv'd more like the Tartars do now, than like any of the rest of the Europeans; And if they had conti∣nued in that so much admired State of

Liberty, I am apt to believe Germany would not have come into that flourish∣ing Condition it has been in since. If it was for my purpose here to enlarge me self upon this matter, I could shew easie enough, that these, whom our Author calls Captains, Princes, Electors, Bishops, &c. were the first Restorers of the Liberty of Germany; that they were the Founders of its Greatness, and Upholders of the same after this Coun∣try was Conquered by Charles the Great. I could shew him, that there were the Bishops in Germany before the times of Charles the Great, and that those instituted by him, for all their double Sword of Flesh and Spirit, have not been armed sufficiently so to sub∣due the Germans, but that in the most parts the ancient Liberty has been preserv'd under their Jurisdiction, and some have been able to find ways to free themselves quite from it. And thus much I will only say in the Vin∣dication of Charles the Great; As he has laid the Foundation of what Germany is now (whom our Author makes bold to call bigotted) that as able Headpieces as this Gentleman, and these some what better versed in the

German Constitutions than he can pre∣tend to, have so greatly approved of the Methods that that Great Emperor took in uniting so vast a Country both in Laws and Religion, that his vain and confident Assertions will prove ri∣diculous to all, who have had any true insight into the Affairs of Germany. I must add something more concerning Poland, which he says, is the only King∣dom besides this Island and Ireland, where Parliaments are not lost, to shew what sort of Parliament is to be found there, that so every body may be able to judge how far the Polish Parliaments do differ from the English, both in their Pro∣ceedings and fundamental Constitutions. It is therefore to be known, that there are but two sorts of People (besides the King) in Poland, that can justly be said to have a Share in the Govern∣ment, viz. the Clergy and Nobility; The Citizens and Peasants being totally excluded from the same, and being for the most part subjected either to the Clergy or the Nobility, the fewest to the King. And though the Cities in the Regal Prussia enjoy a greater share of Freedom, as having their own Constitutions, and sending their Depu∣ties

to the Dyet; yet is their Number so inconsiderable, in comparison of the rest, that it scarce comes into Consi∣deration. The King's chief Advantage is, That he has a considerable Revenue allow'd him, and has the choosing of all the Officers, both Civil and Mili∣tary; but the Great Officers, especi∣ally those who by their Places are Members of the Senate of the King∣dom, as also all the Senators, have their Offices granted them ad Vitam; so that when once put in Possession of the same, they have not any Depen∣dance further from the King. The two Archbishops, and other Bishops, as they owe their Promotion chiefly to the Pope, (though they are nominated by the King) and are exempted from the King's Jurisdiction; so they ha∣ving vast Possessions, which depend on∣ly from them, have therefore a great, if not the greatest Sway in the Senate of the Kingdom. But both the Spiri∣tual Lords, as also the rest of the No∣bles who compose the Senate, having the Places of the best Profit in their Possession, and maintaining in their Palaces a great many of the poorer

sort of Nobility, become thereby so powerful, that it may justly be said, that these are the chief Governours of the Realm, since the King cannot do any Publick Matter of Moment with∣out them, as being by their Constitu∣tion his constant Advisers and Dire∣ctors; the Deputies of the Provinces (who are chosen by the Nobility) being only called together when Mat∣ters of the highest Moment are to be consulted, or concluded. These were, in former Times, never to meet, but in case of agreeing to a new Tax, re∣solved before-hand in the Senate; but within these Hundred Years, or there∣abouts, their Power is so much in∣creased, that they claim a Right to be consulted with in all Publick Matters of great Moment.

The Senate of the Kingdom, which is the constant Council of the King, the Members whereof, as I have said, are constituted by the King ad Vitam, consists first of the two Archbishops of the Kingdom, of whom the Archbishop of Guiesen is Primate of Poland, having the Power of Administring the King∣dom in Absence or in case of the Death of the King: After these are the

Bishops, and some Abbots, Thirty Four Governours of Provinces called Palatines, Eighty Three Governours of Castles, or Deputy-Lieutenants of the Palatines called Castellans, and Ten of the Great Officers of State, who are in all computed to amount to near an Hundred and Fifty in Number. And are always chosen out of the Nobility; The Clergy among these, though the least in Number, yet having more Possessions than both the King and Nobility, and in no ways depending on them, has the greatest Sway; and the two Chancellors and Vicechancellors also a great Power of Signing and Dispatching Things with∣out the King's consent, and refusing also his Orders, if they do not think conveni∣ent to obey them, Three of these Four being generally Ecclesiasticks. When with their Advice, the King has re∣solved to call together the Dyet, he orders a Convention of all the Nobi∣lity to be had in every particular Dio∣cese or Government, at a certain Time and customary Place; where being convened, the Palatine, Castellans, and other Senators, having explained to them the Reasons why the King in∣tended

to call a Dyet, and what Time the same was to be held, the Nobility of each Diocese, after Prayers finish'd, choose their Deputies; to whom they give Instructions concerning the Pro∣positions made to them by the Sena∣tors, though sometimes they also allow them a larger Authority, which how∣ever expires with one and the same Dyet, which is not to last above Six Weeks, and seldom continued much longer. These particular Conventions being over, there are two more Con∣ventions to be held, which they call General Conventions, one whereof is always in Great Poland, the other in Little Poland; in which two Places, all the Deputies, and such of the No∣bility as are pleased to come, being again Convened at a certain Time, they there confer together concerning the Propositions made by the King, and what Instructions they have received thereupon from their several Provinces. Thus prepared they come to the Dyet, where the Senate being seated in a Theatre, the Deputies and Clerks standing by, the Chancellor or Vice-Chancellor proposes in the Name of

the King such Matters as they are to consult upon. This done, the Arch∣bishops and Bishops, and so all the rest of the Senate, having given their Votes, the Deputies ask Leave from the King to withdraw, and to consult concern∣ing the Propositions made to them. Their Consultation being over, they repair again to the Senate; and having given their Opinion concerning the Bu∣siness in Agitation, they also propose such Matters as they think fit to be consulted about: Which Matters be∣ing agreed unto by common Consent of the Senate and Deputies, the King gives his Consent last of all; which done, it has the Force of a Decree of the Dyet. But if one of the Deputies makes his Protestation against any Thing, as done in Prejudice of the Li∣berties and Prerogatives of the Nobi∣lity, or the Constitutions of the King∣dom, the whole Proceeding becomes thereby void, and of no Force.

From hence may be collected, what Difference there is betwixt the Dyets in Poland and our Meeting of Parlia∣ments, as well in their Fundamental Constitutions, as Manner of Proceed∣ings.

And if we consider how all the Cities and Commons in Poland (ex∣cept the City of Cracaw, and a few more in Prussia) are excluded not only from the Dyet, but also all Places of Note, nay that even in the most of them the Magistracy and whole Cor∣porations are depending on either the Clergy or Nobility; and what pro∣digious Prerogatives•• they have acqui∣red to themselves; as by Example, That a Noble-man Killing a Commo∣ner, shall pay but a small Fine; but if a Commoner Kills a Noble-man, it shall be Capital: That a Malefactor being a Noble-man, and taken in the Fact, shall not be judged by the Ma∣gistrates of that City or Corporation where he is taken: That the Bishops, as well as other Noble-men, have their Strong Castles, Garrison'd by them∣selves; and a great many the like, of dangerous Consequence: These, I say, duely considered by an English-man, will, I am apt to believe, put him ve∣ry much out of Conceit of Polish Parliaments; and both the King, as also the Cities, Corporations, and Com∣mons of England, will have but little

Reason to thank this Gentleman for his comparing the same with ours; especially since he might have found out other Countries, and that nearer at hand, where the Meeting of the Estates come a great deal nearer to our Parliaments.

But leaving to our Author the Ad∣vantages of his Ancient Gothick and New Polish Parliaments, we must go on, to see what he says in this same Chapter concerning the Form of Go∣vernment in Denmark in particular. These are his Words: Denmark there∣fore was, till within these Thirty Two Years, govern'd by a King chosen by the People of all sorts, (even the Boors had their Voices;) which King Waldemar the Third acknowledged in that memo∣rable Answer of his to the Pope's Nuncio, who pretended to a great Power over him: Naturam habemus à Deo, regnum à sub∣ditis, Divitias à parentibus, Religionem à Romana Ecclesia; quam si nobis in∣vides, renuntiamus per praesentes. The Estates of the Realm being convened to that Intent, were to Elect for their Prince such a Person as to them appeared Perso∣nable, Valiant, Just, Merciful, Affable,

a Maintainer of the Laws, a Lover of the People, Prudent, and adorn'd with all other Vertues fit for Government, and requisite for the great Trust reposed in him; yet with due Regard had to the Fa∣mily of the preceding Kings. If within that Line they found a Person thus qua∣lified, or esteem'd to be so, they thought it but a piece of just Gratitude to prefer him before any other to this high Dignity, and were pleased, when they had reason to choose the Eldest Son of their former King, rather than any of the Younger; as well, because they had regard to Prio∣rity of Birth, when all other Vertues were equal, as because the Greatness of his Pa∣ternal Estate might put him above the Reach of Temptations to be Covetous or Dishonest, and enable him, in some de∣gree, to support the Dignity of his Office. But, after such a Choice, if they found themselves mistaken, and that they had advanced a Cruel, Vicious, Tyrannical, Covetous, or Wasteful Person, they fre∣quently Deposed him, oftentimes Banish∣ed, sometimes Destroyed him, and this either Formally, by making him Answer before the Representative Body of the Peo∣ple; Or if by ill Practices, such as making

of Parties, Levying of Souldiers, con∣tracting of Alliances to support himself in Opposition to the Peoples Rights, he was grown too Powerful to be legally Contended with, they dispatched him without any more Ceremony the best way they could, and Elected presently a better Man in his Room; sometimes the next of Kin to him, sometimes the Valiant Man that had ex∣posed himself so far as to undertake the Expulsion, or the Killing of the Tyrant; at other times a Private Person of Good Reputation, who possibly least dream't of such an Advancement. Frequent meet∣ings of the Estates, was a part of the very Fundamental Constitution: In those meet∣ings all matters relating to Good Govern∣ment were Transacted: Good Laws were Enacted, all Affairs belonging to Peace or War, Alliances, disposal of great Offices, Contracts of Marriages for the Royal Family, &c. were debated, &c. This was the Ancient Form of Goverment in this Kingdom, which continued with very little variation (excepting that the Power of the Nobles encreased too much) till about 32 years ago, when at one instant the whole Face of Affairs was changed, &c. It is easie for any considering Person to

guess the Consequences of this, which are Frequent and Arbitrary Taxes, and com∣monly very Excessive ones, even in times of Peace; little regard being had to the occasion of them: So that the value of E∣states in most parts of the Kingdom is fallen three fourths. And it is worse near the Capital City, under the Eye and Hand of the Government, than in Re∣moter Provinces; Poverty in the Gentry, which ••ecessarily causes extremities of mi∣sery in the Peasants, Partiality in the distribution of Justice, when Favorites are concerned, with many other mischiefs, which shall be hereafter more particularly mentioned; being the constant Effects of Arbitrary Rule in this and all other Coun∣tries wherein it has prevailed.

This Description or Form of Govern∣ment it is likely the Author has given us in imitation of some old Fashion Ro∣mance or other, for I am sure out of Hi∣story he can bring none that were ever like it; I must confess that I could scarce Read without some Indignation, how he had abused in a most unanswer∣able manner, the Laudable Ancient Constitutions of the Danes, not only, but also by so doing had taken an Op∣portunity

to put his Fictitious Supposi∣tions; the conceits of his own Brains or some States Mountebanks Chimeri∣cal Notions for Truth upon the Eng∣lish Nation. What he says concern∣ing the Election of their Princes, How the Eldest were preferred before the Young∣er out of Courtesie, if they were equal in Vertues, as also their Adhering to a Line being at pleasure, might be taken for a vulgar mistake, such as does arise from the neglect of true History: The Qualifications, which he says, were required in their Princes, might be look'd upon, as an Effect of a Poetical fancy; But what he tells of frequently Deposing and Banishing, nay even Destroy∣ing their Kings, either Formally or with∣out Ceremony, by some Valiant Hand, who for his Meritorious Act of Killing or Expelling the Tyrant, used to Succeed in the Kingdom: Is so much against the Practice of the Ancient Danes describ∣ed in True History, that these Extra∣vagancies cannot be look'd upon by Judicious Persons, otherwise than self∣invented Notions, fitted to the Humour of some self-conceited Politicians; but always esteemed by the more Under∣standing

sort, as most pernicious to Human Society. To make this appear the better, what if we should endeavour to show that the Ancient Government of the Danes was so far from Adhering to such Barbarous Practices, or choosing their Kings by Courtesie, that the Laws of Succession were so Sacred with them, that that Kingdom ought rather to be called Hereditary (if any one ever was, in this Gentleman's Opi∣nion, to be esteemed as such in Europe) than Elective. Not to mention here the times before Charles the Great, the History of those Countries before that time being infected with many Fabu∣lous Relations, we will begin with the Year 804 P. C. N. When Gotricus Bro∣ther to his Predecessor, Sigifrid being declared King of Denmark, left that Crown to his Son Olaus, from whom it always descended in the same Line to the next Heir, till after the Death of Margaret Queen of Denmark, Sweden and Norway, which was about the Year 1414. Thus the Crown of Denmark having been in a perpetual Lineal Suc∣cession of one Family for above 600 Years, and the said Margaret having

no Issue, she had in her Life time Crowned Eric VIII. her Sisters Son, who having left Denmark, and resign∣ed the Crown, after an Anarchy of Six Years, in his Place, was Constitu∣ted Christopher III. Eric's Sister's Son, who's Mother was also Niece to the a∣bove named Queen Margaret. This Christopher dying without Heirs, as did also his Sister before him; the most Ancient Race of the Danish Kings was then extinguished about the Year 1448. Only that there was left Adolph VIII. Duke of Sleswick, and Count of Hol∣stein, being Son to a Nephew of Wol∣demar IV. to whom the Crown of Den∣mark being offered by the States, he refused the same as having no Children. The Crown being thus fallen into the Hands of the States, yet were they so Religious in observing their Ancient Right of Succession, that they chose Christian Count of Oldenburg for their King, as being Son of Hedwig Sister of Adolph, Duke of Sleswick, and conse∣quently being Related to the Family of the Ancient Danish Kings; his Son John Succeeding him, Constituted with consent of the States, his Son Christian

II. King of Denmark, who was after∣wards Declared by the States, (who had now acquired a greater power) in∣capable of the Crown, as having Reigned very Tyrannically over them; and in his stead Frederick I. Brother of John King of Denmark, and Uncle to Christiern, was made their King. And I think it is a remarkable Instance, that even at that time the States of Den∣mark did not esteem it belonging to themselves to alter the Succession of the Crown, when they did not only choose Frederick I. who was Son of John King of Denmark, but also afterwards, in a publick Convention of the said Estates, they did promise to John, Son to the banished King Christiern, the Restitu∣tion of his Fathers Kingdoms, not on∣ly, but also the immediate Succession after the Death of Frederick I. But John the Son of Christiern II. dying about the same time, when Frederick I. dyed, the Crown came to his Son Christiern III. whom in a direct Line have Succeed∣ed Frederick II. Christiern IV. Frederick III. and Christiern V. the present King of Denmark. Out of these Heads, which I have thought fit to mention here, it

may be evident, whether the Succession of Denmark was precarious, as this Au∣thor has taken a great deal of pains to perswade us. And whether this long and constant Succession in one Family, were Anciently depending from a free choice or not, will be worth our en∣quiring into.a Canute Surnamed the Hardy, 1044. having no Issue, had by Compact Resigned the Crown of Den∣mark, after his death, to Magnus King of Norwegan, who by force of Arms taking Possession of the same, was opposed by Sueno, Canute's Sister Son, till Magnus after a Reign of Eight Years, coming to dye of a fall from his Horse: He was declared King of Denmark, tho' in no ways beloved of the Danish Nobili∣ty, as having Waged continually War against them in the time of Magnus; yet being the only one that was left of the Ancient Race of the Danish Kings, was

received as King of Denmark.b After∣wards when in the Year 1250. Abel had caused his Brother Eric V. King of Denmark to be murthered, tho' the States abominated the Fact, yet Eric having left no Children, and he being the Eldest among the Brothers that were left, was made King of Denmark, being Preferred before his Younger

Brother Christopher, who Reigned af∣ter him. How the States did promise the Crown to John the deposed Chri∣stiern II's. Son, after the death of Fre∣derick I. has been said before: and how in our Age the States of this Kingdom, set Frederick III. the present King of Denmark, Father upon the Throne in spite of a Faction that were for Advan∣cing his Younger Brother, begotten of another Mother and the Second Wife of Christiern the IV. to the Royal Dig∣nity, cannot be out of the Memory of such as are acquainted with the Trans∣actions of these Countries. Besides, these undeniable Examples there are also obvious amongst the Historians Testi∣monies sufficient to convince any Body that is not prepossess'd with a vain con∣ceit of his own opinion, That the Suc∣cession was not Anciently depending from the will of the States, but that their Kings had, and did claim a Right to the same for themselves and their Heirs, both Males and Females. When after the death of Waldemar, the States declared Olaus Haquin and Margarets, (King and Queen of Norway) Son King

of Denmarkc the Danish Historiogra∣pher gives this among others for a Rea∣son, because he was from his Mothers side the next to the Kingdom. And in the same Book he has given us an Ex∣tract d out of the Records, wherein the said Margaret Mother to this Olaus, and Daughter of King Waldemar is cal∣led Queen of Norway and Sweden, and the true Heiress of Denmark. That noted Historian Crantius speaks much to the same purpose, both of Olaus and his Mother Margaret. He says, that the two Kingdoms of Denmark are Hereditary to Olaus, and that after the Decease of him, there being no Male Heirs left, all was fall'n to Queen Margaret.d The same Au∣thor calls Siwald the First, Heir and Successor to his Father King Ungrin, in the Kingdom of Denmark; and speaks much to the same purpose of Broderick, Son of Yarmerick King of Denmark,

And truly the Name of Heir of Den∣mark is so frequent in the ancient Hi∣stories of Denmark, especially before the Times of Charles the Great, that it would be infinite to mention them here, since even in latter Times the same has not been out of date there. Meursius does not only call Christiern Son to Christiern Heir of that Kingdom, but also bestows the same Title upon John the Son of the deposed Christiern the II. And here I cannot but insert the Reasons, which were alledged by the States of Denmark, among others in their Proclamation, for the decla∣ring Frederick I. King of Denmark, after they had renounced all Obedience to Christiern II.; Their Reasons are these, Because he was the Heir of Norway, and had his Off-spring out of the most glorious Family of the Danish Kings; That He was born a Kings (Christiern I's) Son, and that therefore this Honour did belong to him in his own Right before any other Prince, and that he ought to have a Por∣tion or Patrimonial Share out of his Fa∣therly Kingdom. From hence I think may be easily understood, that the

States of Denmark, even in latter Times, (did not assume to themselves the free disposal of the Crown, and that the Succession was not precarious, and as our Author would have it, according to good Behaviour. This will appear more clear to us if we consider, that the same Right of Succession has not only in former, but also latter Times, ever since the Olden∣burg Family has sway'd the Scepter in that Kingdom, been deprived, not only to the next Male Heirs, though Minors,

but also to the Females and their Off-spring. Of the Female Successi∣on we have Two Instances since the Oldenburg Family came to the Crown. The first is, That it was agreed by Marriage Contract betwixt Christiern II. and Isabel, Sister to the Emperor Charles V. That if they should leave no Male-Heirs behind them, the eldest Daugh∣ter should suceed in the Throne of Denmark. And when afterwards the same Isabella followed her Husband in his Exile, after he was deposed, the States did not only recall her, but also promis'd her Obedi∣ence; nay, they did declare by a pub∣lick Proclamation, That if she would return to the Kingdom, they would ac∣knowledge her for their Queen and Sove∣reign Lady. Which Proffer however, though never so advantageous, she refu∣sed to accept of.

Of the Female Succession the Danish ancient History furnishes us with a re∣markable Example in Margaret, Daugh∣ter to King Waldemar IV. who being married to Haquin King of Norway, af∣ter the Decease of her Husband and Son Olaus, succeeded them in both the King∣doms of Denmark and Norway, and reign∣ed for about Thirty Years, about the

Year 1400. And of several Kings of Denmark, who came to that Crown by Right of the Female Succession, there are several Examples in their Histories. Sueno III. about the Year 1155 succeeded Canute IV. he being born from Marga∣ret, the Sister of Canute, surnamed The Great, and not much beloved by the Danes, as having to his Father one Ulpho, an Englishman; yet being the only One that was left of the Royal Family, was there∣fore declared King of Denmark: So was Olaus, Son to Haqui••••, and Margaret, King and Queen of Norway, declared King of Denmark; because from his Mo∣ther's side, he came from the Race of the Danish Kings, she being Daughter to Waldemar IV. King of Denmark. This was about the Year 1340. And not long after, viz. about the Year 1417. Eric, the same Margaret's Sister's Son, succeed∣ed here in the Kingdom upon the same Pretensions, having been by her recieved as a Consort in the Danish Empire before. As for the Succession of the next Heirs of the Royal Family in their Minority, several Instances also may be found in the ancient Histories of Denmark, as well as these of latter times. Eric, a∣bout the Year 855. succeeded his Fa∣ther

Siward in the Kingdom of Denmark, being a very Child; from whence he was surnamed Barn; which in the Danish Tongue signifies a Child. Waldemar I. being constituted King of Denmark about the Year 1157. when he was scarce nine Years of Age, is another instance in this kind. Eric VII. also Son of King Chri∣stopher I. and Olaus Son of Queen Mar∣garet, were both declared and crowned Kings of Denmark, before they were come to the Age of Eleven; the first a∣bout the Year 1260. the second about the Year 1340. And Eric, Queen Mar∣garet's Sister's Son, was by her made Consort in the Government, when he was a Child. Neither has the Successi∣on and Declaration of the next Heirs, though Minors, ceased since the Olden∣burg Family had the Government of this Kingdom. Christiern I. had his Son John declared King in his Life time, when he was about the Age of Twelve: Likewise had King John his Son Chri∣stiern declared his Successor when he was not above Six Years of Age. And Chri∣stiern IV. was at the Age of Seven de∣clared Successor to his Father, King Fre∣derick, then living; and having received Homage from the States, actually succeed∣ed

him after his Death before he was quite Eleven. Out of the History of the continual Succession of the next Heirs, belonging to the Royal Family of Denmark, both Males and Females, and that also in their Minority, it will be no difficult matter to judge, how great the Rights were of the Danish Royal Family in the Succession of the Crown; but when I shall have demon∣strated that they also had a right of a∣dopting not only, but also by Testament to appoint their Successor, and even divi∣ding the Kingdom among their Heirs, it will then, I think, be evident, that scarce ever any Kings in these very Kingdoms, which have been esteemed ways hereditt∣ry, could pretend to a greater prerogative.

An Example of Adoption for the Da∣nish Crown, we have in the often before mentioned Queen Margaret; who after the Death of her Son Olaus, being with∣out Heirs, did not only constitute Eric her Sisters Son her Consort and Suc∣cessor in the Danish Empire; but also to make his Title the more firm, did a∣dopt him; and he was as such, receive•• after her Death by the Estates of Den∣mark. An Example of disposing of th•• Crown, by Testament, Albert Krant••

that Ancient and Celebrated Histo∣rian has given us in the Danish King Haldan, who left by his last Will the Kingdom to Unguin, which being con∣firmed by the Estates, is mentioned by this Author as an Act without a Prece∣dent in Denmark at that time. As for the Division of the Kingdom of Den∣mark, there are several Examples extant in their Histories. Canute I. sirnamed the great, being King of England, Den∣mark and Norway, divided in his Life∣time, about the Year 1030, the three Kingdoms, without consulting the E∣states, between his three Sons, giving to the Eldest Harald, England; to Canute, Denmark; and Norway to Sueno. And having the two Crowns of England and Norway in his Possession by right of Conquest; yet he used the same Power in appointing his Successor in the Kingdom of Denmark.

The second Instance of dividing the Kingdom, is in the Reign of Waldemar, about the Year 1170, Who having cal∣led together the Estates at Samso••, he had his Son Waldemar crowned King of Denmark. After which another Son being born to him, who's Name was Eric. he declared him Duke of Sleswick, and to Canute another Son of his he as∣signed

Laland. But Waldemar the youn∣ger, not long after his Coronation hap∣pening to die by a Mischance which he got in Hunting; King Waldemar made a new Division among the rest of his Sons, and before he died exhorted them to Unity; alledging that to the best of his Power, he had equitably divided the Kingdom among them. And the seve∣ral Provinces so, assigned by King Walde∣mar, to his Son, were afterwards devol∣ved to their Children, and Grandchildren before they were reunited into one King∣dom. There is one remarkable Instance more in the Danish History of this King∣dom being divided into three Parts, be∣twixt Waldemar, Canute, and Sueno. For af∣tere the Death of Eric sirnamed the Lamb, during the Minority of Waldemar I. who was declared King before, contend∣ed for the Crown of Denmark Sueno and Canute, the first having on his side the Zealanders, and Inhabitants of Scho∣nen, the latter the Jutlanders; being at last tired by the Wars, the Decision was referred to Waldemar I. who dividing the Kingdom into three Parts, assigned to himself Jutland, to Canute Zealand and Funen, and to Sueno, Schonen, Hal∣land and Blekingen, and that all three should be called Kings. And even since

that time that the Family of Oldenburg has ruled in Denmark, Christiern I, dying Anno 1482. at Copenhagen, divided the Kingdom, and that by Testament, be∣twixt his two Sons John and Frederick; giving to the Eldest the Kingdoms, and to the Youngest the Dukedoms. And it is remarkable, that when afterwards both Frederick and the Holsteiners urged the Execution of Christiern I's Will, it was alledged for a reason by them, that since John the Eldest had for his share two Kingdoms, it was no more than reason that the Dukedom should come to Frederick, in recompensation of what John had obtained. Truly, if the Suc∣cession of Denmark had been precarious, Sweedland being then already faln off from Denmark, this would have been a foolish reason, since, the Dukedoms being hereditary, and very considerable in themselves, the Younger would have had much the better share. And that the said Christiern I, had a right of dis∣posing the same among his Children, the States afterwards did confess them∣selves in their Proclamation, wherein having published their reasons for refu∣sing to obey Christiern II, and receiving Frederick I. for their King, they alledged

as one main reason for Frederick, that there was due unto him his patrimoni∣al share out of his Father's Kingdom. As out of what I have related here, it will easily appear, how ill grounded our Author's Assertions are concerning the Danish Government; so, he that will be so curious as to make a thorough search into the Danish History will be the bet∣ter convinced, that the Ancient Kings enjoyed, and exercised the same Prero∣gatives, which are acknowledged to ap∣pertain to other hereditary Kingdoms in Europe. It is not to be denied, that in this as well as other Kingdoms, either during the Minority of some Kings, or else by the Division of the Kingdom be∣twixt several Heirs, and other Accidents, many Irregularities, Contests, Wars and Slaughters have happened; but to draw these into Consequence, and to attribute the villanous Acts of exasperated Parties to the whole Government, is to over∣turn the whole frame of History, and at once to charge all Governments with the blackest Villanies that can be imagined, since none have been free of them: And I verily believe, if a due Comparison were made, there would be as few to be found of this Kind in the Danish Hi∣story

as in any in Christendom. Let but any Body, who is not byass'd by his own Opinions, look into the Reign of Wol∣demar I. and consider with what severi∣ty he did punish those who had laid hands on Canute his Predecessor; How afterwards Eric VII, in his Minority, with consent of the Estates of Denmark, pursued the Murtherers of his Father, and their Adherents, and when fled into Norway, waged War with that King, partly upon that Score; With how much reluctancy the Estates received Abel for their King, who had caused his Brother to be murthered! and I say, let but any Body consider the Succession of these Kings, and what severities have been used in that Kingdom against such as did at∣tempt the like; he will questionless be convinced how little their Histories do agree with what our Author has been pleased to tell us of the Ancient Form of Government of the Danes, viz. That if they found themselves mistaken in their choice, they used sometimes to destroy him (meaning their King) either formally, or if he was grown too powerful, by dispatch∣ing him without any more Ceremony, the best way they could; And to elect presently a better Man in his room, sometimes the next of Kin to him, sometimes the vali∣ant

Man that had undertaken the killing of the Tyrant, at other times a private Per∣son, who least dreamt of it, &c.

If these were not his own Inventions, he would have much obliged the Publick in only naming his Authors, out of whom he had his secret History of Denmark since the same has been never known before to the World. What he says, That all Affairs belonging to Peace or War, Alliances, Disposals of great Offices, Contracts of Marriages, &c. were debated in the Meet∣ing of the Estates: I will not absolutely deny, but that the like instances may be given in the Danish History; but I could also easily shew, That the most of these have been frequently debated without them; as also that the ancient Form of Government was very much altered be∣fore the whole Face of Affairs (as he says) was changed about 32 Years ago: But that the first would be too long for these Animadversions; and of the second we shall be obliged to say something here∣after upon the Chapter, How the King∣dom of Denmark became Hereditary and Absolute. In the mean time we must not let quite pass by in silence, what he tells of the Consequence of this Change, and their Effects, viz. frequent and arbi∣trary Taxes, and commonly very excessive

ones, even in times of Peace; little regard being had to the occasion of them: The fal∣••ng of the value of Estates, Poverty in the Gentry, extremity of Misery in the Pea∣sants, &c. That the Taxes are now more frequent in Denmark than they used to be formerly in times of Peace, is what scarce any body of Sense will deny; but that the same should be the Conse∣quences of the late Change in Denmark, is not so easie to guess for a considering Person, as this Gentleman fancies: and I am apt to think, that those who are thoroughly acquainted with the State of Denmark will rather say, That the Au∣thor has laid the Saddle upon the wrong Horse, as the Saying is, since these Taxes are the Consequences and Effects of that so unprosperous War betwixt Denmark•• and Sweden, which did end in the Year 1660. The chief Calamities of which were partly occasioned by the mismanage∣ment and miscarriages of these Times, which preceded this Change. For who, that is not ignorant in Foreign Affairs, but knows how considerable a Loser Denmark was by this War, as Swedeland got most prodigiously, not only in Den∣mark but also in Germany. It is then to this encrease of the Swedes, and other neighbouring Princes, whose Territories

surround Denmark, that these more fre∣quent Taxes are to be attributed; since he that will duly consider the antient Contest betwixt the Northern Crowns; what great Power and Strength Swede∣land has acquired to it self within these Fifty Years; and how the Swe∣dish Territories joyn to the King of Denmark's in Norway; how they are on∣ly parted in Denmark by that narrow Streight, called the Sound; as the Duke∣doms of Bremen and Verden are only separated from Holstein by the River Elbe, may easily be convinced, That the King of Denmark, though his Ter∣ritories are considerably diminished, yet is obliged to keep a much greater Army constantly on Foot than formerly, if he will not run the hazard of being supri∣zed and put to the utmost Extremity, as his Father was in the War with the Swedes. Besides this, the House of Lu∣nenburgh, being grown more Potent, and keeping greater Forces on Foot than they used to do formerly; as also the Duke of Holstein Gottorp, whose Ter∣ritories in a great many places are inter∣mingled with those of Denmark, having of late Years been in the Interest of Swe∣den, puts the King of Demark to a vast charge, of keeping a considerable Force

constantly on that side. 'Tis then from the circumstances of the Affairs of Denmark, and their Neighbours that the effects of these Taxes (now usual in Denmark) do proceed; which in a Kingdom less power∣ful than formerly, and yet forced to maintain a much greater Force both by Sea and Land, must needs now much exceed those in former Times. If the Author had not forgot what he himself had remark'd at the end of his first Chapter, concerning the Danish Domi∣nions; That they had this Inconveniency, that they were disjoyned and separated from each other, and therefore exposed to many dangers, and requiring a more than ordi∣nary expence to preserve them entire, he might from thence alone, considering the State of Affairs now in Europe, have reasonably concluded, That the•• Taxes levied in the Kingdom of Denmark, were rather the Consequences of their Situation now, than the Effects of the late Change; and that therefore it could with no Ju∣stice be asserted, what he has told us here, That in imposing the same upon the Subjects, little regard was commonly had (in Denmark now) to the occasion of them. The Author also ought to have taken in∣to Consideration, when he made this

malicious Assertion, how this would agree with what he has endeavoured to perswade us in several Passages in this Treatise, about the Meanness of the Da∣nish Court, and the continual want of Mo∣ney there; as also, what a great number of Fortresses he gives us an Account of; all which being necessarily to be main∣tained by Garrisons, and otherwise, he might easily have found out, that these things contradict one another; since, if it be true, that the Court has so small a share for its Use in these Taxes that are paid in Denmark, it is from thence evi∣dent, that a necessity of maintaining so considerable Forces and Fortresses, but not an Arbitrary Will, without having a re∣gard to the Occasion, enforces the paying of greater Taxes now in Denmark than formerly. As to what he says of the Value of the Land being fallen, of the Poverty of the Gentry, and Misery of the Peasants, every body can easily guess, That in this, as in all other Matters of that Nature some Grains of Allowance must be given to this Gentleman's Romantick Expressions, wherewith he has all along endeavoured to en∣snare the ignorant sort of People into a belief of his own Suppositions. Yet is

it not to be wondred at, that the value of the Estates should be less now, when so considerable Taxes are paid out of them. than they were formerly, when the Gen∣try, being the sole Possessors of Lands, and having the chief Sway in the King∣dom, used to be sure to exempt them∣selves as much as was possible. The same Reason may be given why the Gentry or Nobility in Denmark in general, do not live up to that Splendor as they did in former times; since having in those Days all pla∣ecs of Profit and Trust in their Hands, and paying very small Taxes, it is evident, that at this time, when to these Places others are admitted as well as they, and are also obliged to bear a proportionable share in all Taxes, their Revenues cannot be so great now as they were formerly. Of the Peasants we shall be obliged to say something hereafter: wherefore we will go to the next Chapter, which de∣scribes the manner how the Kingdom of Denmark became Hereditary and absolute. After the Conclusion of the Peace, saysthe Author, between the Two Northern Crowns, Anno 1660, Some considerable care and time was necessary to redress the Disorders oc∣casioned by so terrible a War. Denmark had been most violently shaken; and al∣though

the Fury of the Tempest was over•• the Agitation caused by it still continued: The Army was not yet disbanded, nor could be, for want of Money to discharge Arrears: This caused frequent Insolencies in the Soldiers, with a further Oppression of the Burghers and poor Country Peo∣ple, who had been in a manner already ruined by the Miseries attendingthe War, the Nobility, and Gentry, tho' Lords and Masters were full of Discontents, and the Clergy not in the condition they wish¦ed, &c. Here the Author gives us some hints rather than reasons, which indu∣ced the Estates of Denmark to make so remarkable a Change in the Govern∣ment.

But, since from hence does depend the understanding of the true nature of this Change, he ought, I think, to have been a little more circumstantial in this Point, if he intended to prove to us what he said in the conclusion of the last Chapter; That it was astonishing to consider how a free and rich People should be perswaded intirely to part with their Liberties. Astonishing indeed; But if this Gentleman, by the People does under∣stand all the Estates of the Kingdom, as he ought to do, and has done so in other

places, when he alledged that famous Law of the Romans, Salus populi supremae Lex esto, he has not hit the mark right in this assertion, since, by his own words it may be proved, that the Nobility mere Lords and Masters, and all the rest de∣pending on them. It will not be a very difficult task, to find out by what steps the Nobility in Denmark, did acquire this Power over all the rest; if we con∣sider how the Nobility first clipt the Royal Prerogatives, after that Crown was transferred to the Oldenburg Fami∣ly; and more especially, after the depo∣sing of Christiern the II. How after the Reformation the Power of the Bishops and Prelates, (who were, chosen com∣monly out of the Citizens) being fall'n together with their Revenues, the No∣bility made thereby the greatest step, that could be, towards the advancing their own Power above the Citizens and Peasants not only, but also the Cler∣gy; who now were no more in a capa∣city to keep up the ballance, as they used to do formerly. The King's Prero∣gatives being thus brought into narrow bounds, and the Clergy's Authority and Power quite abolished, the Citizens a∣lone were not able to resist long against

those, who, sitting at the Helm, had the chief management of all affairs of mo∣ment; and the Peasants, being most of them depending from the Nobility, by being partly their Tenants, partly their Vassals, were not in a condition of ma∣king, so much as a shew, of resistance, against the Power of their Lords and Ma∣sters. Thus the name of the four anci∣ent Estates of Denmark, viz. the Nobility, Clergy, Citizens and Peasants remaining, the Power was effectually lodged in the first, which from time to time did en∣crease to that degree, that not only the whole Senate of the Kingdom, and all the great Offices of the Court were in their possession, but also they did claim a right to all the rest of any moment, and a pri∣viledge to be consulted withall in the disposing of any Office of moment, even to be given to a Nobleman. They did claim a Prerogative, and actually exer∣cised the same of nominating the Magi∣strates in the Cities, and had so eneroach∣ed upon the rest of the Estates that nei∣ther Clergyman, Citizen or Peasant could purchase any Lands; and if by Mortgaging or other wise any Lands hap∣pened to fall into their hands, they were obliged by a yearly, publick Proclama∣tion

to proffer the same to sale to the Nobility, upon the same condition as they were possessed of it. From hence came the dependancy of the Citizens from them, and the entire subjection of the Peasants to their Will, and by pos∣sessing most all the Lands in the King∣dom, and thereby having the Rights of Patronages, in a great measure, in their own hands; the Clergy was also, for the most part, fain to dance after their Pipe. It is easie, I think, to imagine, the natural consequence of this to have been, That they exempting themselves, as much as could be done, from Taxes, and other burdens, the same did fall more heavy upon the rest; and these not being able alone, to provide suffici∣ently for the security of the Kingdom, this was one main reason, why the King∣dom was so surprized by the Swedes, and did contribute as much as any thing to∣wards the Miseries, which these Coun∣tries endured in this War. There was another great reason yet, which, as it contributed greatly to the miseries and misfortunes this Kingdom was fain to undergo in this War; so questionless was it partly the Occasion of the great Change afterwards made by the States.

After the Death of Christiern IV. a cer∣tain Party of the Nobility were for ex∣cluding Frederick III. second Son of the said King Christiern IV. after the death of Christiern his elder brother, and for set∣ting up Wolmar his younger Son by a se∣cond Wife, whose Sisters were married to several noble Men, which, though they could not effect, yet were (before Frederick III. this present King of Den∣mark's Father was received by them as King) the royal prerogatives more streightned than ever, and thereby the power of some of the Nobility mightily increased; which did give occasion to a great many Dissensions in that Kingdom afterwards: And it is very remarkable, that when Charles the King of Sweden surprised the Kingdom of Denmark the second time, viz. Anno 1658. He used it for a Pretence, that he came to com∣pose the Differences arisen betwixt the King and the Nobility. Besides this, the Commons did lay their Calamities, su∣stained in the late Wars, in a great measure, at the door of the Nobility; for, that, by having excluded all the the rest even from military Employ∣ments (so that it was a rarity to find a Commoner above the station of a

Captain) and a great many of these not having done their Duty in defen∣ding some Places of the greatest moment, they had been the cheif Occasion of these great Progresses which were made at that time by the Swedes in Denmark. There was a manifest Instance of this in the Siege of that almost impregnable Castle of Cronenburg, the most consi∣derable Fortress of all Denmark; as being built with incredible Charges, upon Oaken Piles fastend in the very bottom of the Sea; which being de∣fended by a sufficient Garrison, and abounding in ammunition and provision, under the Conduct and Command of three Governours, was surrendred to Wrangel the Swedish General meerly out of Fear; he having, by discharging of his Cannon and other Demonstrations of Joy, deceived the Governours into a belief that Copenhagen was taken by the Swedes. The woful Experience then the Danes had had of these and such like Miscarriages were the true Cause of finding a Necessity of Changing the Constitution of their Government. With out which, they saw it was impossible to avoid the same Dangers and Calamities which they had so lately undergone. It

would be too tedious to insert here other Reasons that might be alledg'd for this Change; as also the whole Narrative of our Authors concerning the manner of this Change, wherein he has been more taken up with the Formalities than the true Causes; yet, out of what he has said, it may appear, that he contrdicts here, what he had said before, that they were a free People; wherefore we must insert some of them to make the Case the plainer out of the Treatise it self. Thus he says; After some few days Session, speaking of that Session when the Change was made in Denmark, during which the Nobility, according to their usual pra∣ctice, debated, how the sums of Money re∣quisite might with greatest ease and con∣veniency be levied upon the Commons without the least Intention ef bearing any proportionable Share themselves, several Disputes arose, and many sharp Expres∣sions passed between them and the Com∣mons. The Nobility were for maintai∣ning their ancient Prerogative of paying nothing by way of Tax, but only by volun∣tary Contribution; and shewing themselves too stiff at a time when the Country was exhausted, and most of the remaining Riches lodged in their hands: They

seemed to make use of this Occasion, not only to vindicate, but even to widen and en∣large their Privileges above the other two Estates, by laying Impositions on them at pleasure, which Weight they themselves woold not touch with one of their Fingers any further than as they thought fitting, On the other hand, the Clergy for their late adherence to the Interest of their Country, and the Burghers for the vigo∣rous defence of their City thought they might justly pretend to new merit, and be considered at least as good Subjects in a State, which they themselves had so valiantly defended. They remembred the great Promises made to them when dangerous Enterprises were to be taken in hand, and how successfully they had executed them, thereby saving from a foreign Yoke not on∣ly the City of Copenhagen, but the whole Kingdom, the Royal Family, nay those very Nobles that now dealt so hardly with them: They judged it therefore reasonable that the sums of money necessary should be levied proportionably, and that the Nobility who enjoyed all the Land, should at least pay their share of the Taxes, since they had suffered less in the common Calamity as well as done less to prevent the Pro∣gress of it. These Words, I think, do

not want any further Observations, since they are sufficiently explained by what I have said before concerning the Causes of this Change of Government, and mayrather serve as a Confirmation of what has been alledged there concerning this point. I wil only add, that passage (also related by the Author) between Otto Craeg one of the chief Senators then, and Nan∣son the then President of the City of Copenhagen and Speaker of the Commons. For Otto Craeg did not stick to tell the President, That the Commons neither un∣derstood nor considered the Priviledges of the Nobility, who at all times had been exempted from Taxes, nor the true Con∣dition of themselves who were no other than Slaves, (the Word in the Danish is Unfree) so that their best way was to keep within their Bounds, &c. To which the President replied, That the Commons were no Slaves, nor would from thence forth called so by the Nobility, which they should soon prove to their Cost. These passages alone are convincing Argu∣ments how Free a People the Danes were at that time, and that it is more like a Romance than a Truth, what he says, in the Conclusion of this Chapter, That the Commons have since experienced, that

the little Finger of an absolute Prince can be heavier than the Loins of many Nobles. It being apparent enough, out of what has been said upon this Subject, that the Estates of Denmark were not only treated by the Nobles as Slaves, but that they also esteemed them as such; and that things were come to that pass, that they must either be in continual Slavery to the Nobility at home, and in fear of a foreign Yoak from their Neigh∣bours, or else strive, by a Change in the Government, to meliorate in some mea∣sure their Condition. What he says concerning the Citizens of Copenhagen; that they have only obtained the insignifi∣cant Privilege of wearing Swords, in this his, grav•• and sensible men have grossly abused him.

For not to mention here, that this as well as other Priviledges were granted to them before the change of Government, to encourage them to a vigorous Defence at the time of the Siege of Copenhagen, the some were not so insignificant: For besides a great many Privileges for the benefit of Trade, a Vote was allowed them in all publick Consultations; a Pri∣vilege was given them to purchase any Lands and Lordships whatsoever,

and to enjoy them with the same Right as the Nobles: They were not to be burthened with any Impositions, but such as the Nobles did bear; and not that, but by publick Consent: They were to be free from all Contributions or Inquarterings whatsoever in times of Peace; and their Children were to be admitted to all Honours and publick Offices equally with Noble-Mens Chil∣dren.

These were no insignificant Privileges at that time, when most of the same were only challenged by the Nobility; and since the purchasing and enjoying of Lands, as also their being capable of publick Offices and Honours, have also after the Change of the Government been communicated to the rest of the Subjects in Denmark; and that the No∣bles bear their proportionable Share in such Taxes as the Necessity of their Af∣fairs obliges them to pay. it is evident that the Nobility have been the chief Loosers by that Change, and that the o∣ther Estates, by being very near made equal to them in a great many Respects, are Gainers and not Losers by it. I might take here an Opportunity to en∣large my self upon some Rules of Policy

which were mentioned by our Authour upon this Subject in his Preface, viz. That no People in their right Wits can be supposed to confer an absolute Do∣minion; That such a Donation ought to be esteemed of no greater Validity than the Gift made by a Mad-man, or a Child, from his lawful Successours. That nothing which even the representative Body of the People does, which shall afterward tend to the detriment of the Universa∣lity, can then be obligatory, &c. But that these are Matters of too nice a Nature to be transitorily treated of; as also what might be said considering the manner of the Proceedings of the Commons of Denmark (related by the Authour at large) when they obliged the Nobility to concurr with them in the Change of the Government. But thus much may be said according to this Gentleman's own Suppositions, that if even some Matters, which the representative Body of the People does, may be invalid, I see no Reason why it should not be justifiable in the Commons of Denmark to have taken an Opportunity to free themselves of these Incroachments, which were made upon them by the Nobility; and the Matter duely weighed, will, I be∣lieve,

to the most Judicious, appear not so much to be transacted like Children or Madmen, but like People in their right Wits. What he has added, That the Clergy were the only Gainers, in the Point, is, I am sure, what no man that knows Denmark can comprehend, they having not gained any thing by it, what they had not before, but what all the rest also have obtained at the same time. As to his Passive Obedience-Principle riding Triumphant, there has been so much said of it in the Preface, that it would be superfluous to repeat it here.

In the next Chapter being the VIII. where he speaks concerning the Condi∣tion, Customs, and Temper of the Peo∣ple, he talks of such appearances of Slavery, Laziness, and idle despondency, of carelessness and insensibility, all which he has interwoven with his own Tragi∣cal Inventions, that one would rather believe the whole to be fitted for a piece of Tragedy, than History; it would be ridiculous therefore to answer every particular Whimsical Conceit, of which this Chapter is almost as full as Hudibras; it will suffice to hint at two or three passages, from whence may be guessed, with what candor he has re∣lated

to us the rest. One instance of this is what he relates, That there is no buy∣ing or selling of Lands here, and tells it as a Miracle, That some Lands were sold to one Monsieur Taxera a rich Jew, at Hamburg, and one Monsieur Marseilles a Dutch Merchant, but that they were fain to take these Lands for Money owing to them from the King: As what concerns the first, I am apt to believe, I have it from as Grave and Sensible Men as his could be, and besides of such as were very understanding and not ignorant in this matter, who have assured me, that this Money was not owing to Texera from the King, neither had he his Lands from him, but being a very considerable Debt due to him from particulor persons in Denmark, (whom I could name if I thought it convenient) he took these Lands for the Payment of the same. The second, it is true, had his Lands from the King in lieu of Money owing to him, but it is also to be observed, that he having been Danish Factor at Am∣sterdam, and having left a very great Estate behind him, it is supposed he had got the greatest part of it by his Factor∣ship; so, that if he paid somewhat extra∣ordinary for those Lands, he had question∣less

got so considerably by the King, that he might afford to buy it at a better rate than another would do. And truly a great many the like instances might be given in other Countries also, and if they were represented so maliciously as these have been, they would perhaps appear worse than these; since in most Countries, there are without doubt to be found, who would take Lands, tho' at an extraordinary rate, where Money is not to be had. But, what he says in this Chapter concerning the Prodigality not only of the Gentry, but also of the Burgers and Peasants, of their expensive∣ness in Coaches, Retinue, Cloathes, &c. we must take a little notice of, and put him in mind of what he said before, That they lived very miserably; but these contradictions are with him so common, that it was impossible to remember them all; I will only add, that it is to their too free and expensive way of living, and the Sumptuousness especially of their Weddings, Christnings and Burials, that ought to be ascribed to what has been observed; That the People in general, are not so rich here as in some other places. A great many more Observations might be made upon his malicious way of re∣presenting

matters in this Chapter, of which scarce any one is related without Passion; but we will add but one more upon what he says concerning the Pea∣sants: In Zealand, says he, they are all as absolute Slaves as the Negroes are in Barbadoes; neither they, nor their Po∣sterity, to all Generations, can leave the Land, to which they belong. There is no computing there by number of Acres, but by number of Boors, who with all that be∣long to them, appertain to the Proprietors of the Land. Yeamontry, which is the strength of England, is a state not known or heard of in Denmark. If any of these Wretches prove to be of a diligent and improving temper, who endeavours to live a little better than his Fellows, and to that end has repaired his Farm-House, making it convenient, neat, or pleasant, it is for∣ty to one, but he is presently transplanted from thence to a naked and uncomfortable habitation, &c. Here is the full and true ac∣count of the Peasantry in Denmark where∣in he has again been most miserably de∣ceived by his grave and sensible men, that instructed him. For that they are as abo∣luute slaves as the Negroes, in this as well as in the rest, he has been strangely misinfor∣med: The Vassals then in the Islands of Zealand, Laland, Falster, and Moenen,

(for in the other parts of Denmark few of them are to be found) are such as ei∣ther they themselves, or their Fore-Fathers, have by paying a certain Fine to Landlords, purchased to themselves certain Farm-Houses and Grounds there∣unto belonging, under Conditions of paying certain yearly proportions of the Product of the Land, and doing some other petty Services to the Land∣lord. Now it being sufficiently known to all that understand the Rights of Vassalage in this and some other Coun∣tries, that these yearly Contributions out of the Product of the Lands, and Ser∣vices to be done to the Landlords, are determined by most antient Laws; I will give any Man leave to judge, with what sincerity the Author has described to us the State of the Peasantry: He might as well say, that these in England and all their Posterities, who possess Copy∣holds, cannot leave the Land which be∣longs to them; since it is all the same Case, only that here we have power to sell, and transfer our Right to another, which cannot be done there, without the con∣sent of the Landlord; but for the rest it is rather esteemed among them a Pri∣viledge, That they cannot be put out of

a Farm at pleasure, which Tye is by the Laws of these Countries made reciprocal, betwixt the Landlord and Vassal. And this Tye is so insigni∣ficant in this Country, that you meet with fre∣quent Examples, not only of such as for the value of three pound Sterling, buy their freedom from their Landlords, but also a great many Peasants out of Jutland, Funen and other Islands, where they are not Vassals, transplant themselves into the other parts, and by paying a Fine make them∣selves Vassals; they finding it more commodious to live in that State, than with the Title of Free∣man to be incontinual fear of being ruin'd by their Landlords, if they do not pay their yearly Rent. And since all these Peasants are possess'd of some Lands, less or more; nothing can be more more vain than what he endeavours to perswade us, that there is no computing there by Acres, but by Boors. And as it is not in the Power of any Land∣lord to remove a Peasant from his Farm-house, without his consent, so he has no propriety in his Goods; and a Peasant now, that has got any thing by his Industry, may purchase Lands as well as the best Nobleman. What he says, that no Yeomantry is there, is also of the same Stamp with the rest; since in those parts of Denmark, where the Peasants are not Vassals (as it is not in the most part of that Kingdom) there are to this day Peasants who possess Lands by right of Inheri∣tance, and the rest are Tenants by paying yearly Rents, as we do here in England.

Another Grievance he tells us of Quartering of Souldiers; but, if in a Country where Necessity obliges to keep a Standing Army, Souldiers should not be quartered in the houses of the Subjects, the Souldiers would be in a very bad Case; and since no body is exempted from that burthen in

Denmark, and that by paying a small matter you may keep the Inmate from your Door, and House, this is not esteemed so burthensom as it doth ap∣pear at first Sight. He says that the Tables of the better sort are well furnished with Dishes, but he does not like the Cheer: Truly it is no new thing that People used to their own Country Diet, do not like that of other Countries: Like the Kentish E∣squire, who being treated in France with such Dainties as are frequent there, could not be per∣swaded to stay above three days, because he long'd for such Apple-Dumplings as he used to eat at his Father's House; and yet the Cheer may be nothing the worse for it. But I perceive the chief want was in Denmark, that they had no cramm'd Capons: to this may be answer'd, that in Denmark where Corn is extraordinary cheap, the same are rather fed in the Houses out of hand as they call it; and it is also notorious, that the same, as well in other, as this Countrey, are preferred before cramm'd Fowl, ex∣cept by some that are particularly fond of a large fat London Rump. In the mean time, the Danes, to my Knowledge, loving a dainty Bit as well as any body, would have been very much obliged to this Gentleman if he would have vouehsafed to have set his Name to this Treatise, that, sometimes o∣ver a Glass of Wine and fat Capon, they might have celebrated in after Ages (as they do with their Geese on Martin's Eve) the Memory of him in whose days the Mystery of Cramming tame Fowl was first reveal'd and establish'd at Copenha∣gen. The next relation he makes of a Country woman that would not sell him Green-Geese to his Com∣pany, he gives us as an instance of their simplici∣ty and superstition; for a Week after she brought four to them, saying, That she had had no luck with them, since the Kite had eat Eight of them. A most

remarkable History to prove the simplicity of a whole, or at least the greatest part of a Nation; it being evident that in the most civilized Nations, some Country People are soon surprized at any thing that is new to them, and generally addicted to their little superstitious Fancies.

And yet, I can affirm it, that I have eat about the beginning of June, in the King of Denmark•• Territories (though not in Copenhagen) as deli∣cious Green Geese at a Gentleman's Seat, as ever I eat any where else. And I remember a certain Frenchman living in these parts, who having a particular way of feeding Capons, used to sell them at 10s. Sterling a piece. But leaving these Tri••les; we must return to other more serious Matters. The two next following Chapters con∣taining a particular Recital of the King's Revenue, and of the Army, Fleet and Fortresses; little can be added to it of any Moment, but only to put the Reader in mind, that if an equitable Ballance be made betwixt the said Revenue, and the Num∣ber of Land and Sea-forces; as also of the For∣tresses and their Charge: It will from thence be evident, how unjustly the Author has dealt with us, when he endeavoured to perswade us, that the Taxes in Denmark were the Effects of an absolute Government, and that little regard was had there in the occasion of them. The eleventh Chapter treat, of the Court, wherein you may meet with so ma∣ny Extravagancies, that it would be endless to pretend to refute them. He make bold with the King and Royal Family; he pretends to tell you what is commendable or not in them: As for the Ministers of State, he describes their H••mors, Ca∣pacities•• and other Qualifications to a hair; as if he (like the Turkish-Spy) had dived into the most obstruse Secrets of them. I know, that boldness

(like action in an Orator) takes often-times much more with the vulgar Sort of People, than true Sense; but when it transcends all the Rules of Decency, and Reason it self, it cannot but be odious to all, who are lovers of Moderation and Truth.

This Gentleman must have a very mean Opinion of the Capacity of the English (though question∣less he has a very calm ordinary one of his own) to perswade himself, that his vain and confident Assertions could ensnare the more judicious Sort into a belief, that a nameless Romantick Politici∣an, who has committed so many Errors, (and some of them very obvio••s, even to Men of indif∣ferent parts and knowledge) in this Treatise, ought to be taken for a proper Judge of the Qualifica∣tions and Conditions of a whole Court. What he lays concerning his Majesty, the present King of Denmark, that he neither loves, nor has a Genius for business, must needs seem the oddest Assertion that can be to those, who have seen and known, with what Activity that King appears everywhere, how seldom he is absent from his Council, when any matter of Moment is in debate, and how he in Person assists frequently in the highest Court of Justice, and there takes particular notice of the matters in Controversie. Of his Excellency Gul∣dinlieu, he speaks much to the same purpose, as that he loves his Divertisements rather than to em∣bark himself deep in the publick Affairs, when it is known to all who understand the Danish Court; that, as it cannot be denied, but that this great Per∣son understands the enjoyment of pleasures, so he never addicts himself to them, so much as to neglect the publick Business; What he has also said of his having burnt his Fingers en•• some oc∣currences, and that King Frederick his Father thought

once of making him King of Norway, cannot be look'd upon by unbiass'd Persons, who are acquain∣ted with the Affairs of Denmark, otherwise than an unanswerable Slander forged by his grave and sensible Men. If we should take notice of all par∣ticulars of this kind, which according to his whimsical fancies he has related of the Mini∣sters of State, it would exceed the compass of these Remarks. One thing I cannot but hint at, which is the too much reservedness of Mons: Ehren∣shild, so much ridiculed by this Gentleman, in calling him patrem difficultatum and alledging his celapeut estre, as a great Infirmity, when by all refined Politicians reservedness has been always look'd upon in a States Man, much preferable before a forward Confidence; the first being com∣monly the product of a far seeing prudence with the latter, the effect of a conceited Vanity. There is another pretty Notion in this Chapter, which we must not pass by in silence, viz. That he com∣pares the Court of Denmark rather to some of our Noblemen's in England than White-Hall; and, that upon a Sunday an hour before Dinner (being the right∣est Court Time) the number of such as appear in the Antichambre and Bedchambre seldom amount to above 20 or 30. I will put it to the Judgmnnt of any sen∣sible Body, that will compute only these Officers of the Court by him named; (besides others, as Lords of the Bed-Chamber, Gentlemen of the Privy-Chamber; The Queens Attendance, and others not mentioned) the considerable Number of Superiour Officers in the Army and Fleet; And more especially. if any one will take the pains so peruse the Proclamation of the King of Den∣mark, inserted by the Author, concerning Prece∣dency of the several Officers both Civil and Mili∣tary, as also what this Author ha•• said before, con∣cerning

their Sumptuousness of Apparel and Equipage; and compare all this with what he says now concerning the Court, whether it have as much as a Probability of Truth in it. Much the same Allowance must be given to what he says, concer∣ning that most sumptuous and magnificent Palace of the K. of Denmark, called Fredericksburg, which being computed to have cost at least a Million Sterl. he says, falls short of many Noblemens Country Houses in England. It is hard, that, to verifie his Assertion, he would not name one of them; since all that ever I could meet with, who knew Fre∣dericksburg, and have also been in a great many Noblemen's Seats in England, do unanimously take this for a most unaccountable Rodomontado. But these Remarks having increased in bulk beyond our Intention, we will not insist upon what he says in the 12th and 14th Chapters, concerning the Inclinations of the King of Denmark towards his Neighbours, as also of his Interests in relation to other Princes, since a great deal may easily be said, but scarce any thing be determined, in matters of this nature: But in Chap. 13th, where he treats of the Differences which some years ago were betwixt Den∣mark and the Duke of Holstein Gottorp; he has shown himself very partial in not mentioning the true Cause of these proceedings. One of the chie∣fest was (not to mention others) that the Duke of Holstein Gottorp, holding that part of Sleswick which he possesses as a Feef of Denmark; notwith∣standing this, having been assisting to the Swedes in the subduing of the greatest part of Denmark, at the Treaty at Roschild, 1658. had forced the K. of Denmark to declare him independent of that Crown, to maintain which he had ever since been in the Interest of Swedeland.

I do not therefore see, how the King of Den∣mark, with Justice could be blamed to recover his Just Right. And when he saw a fair Prospect of being even with Swedeland, for what they taken from his Crown, to begin with drawing out first that Thorn which stuck so close to him, that with∣out being freed from it, he could not have promi∣sed to himself the same Success as he afterwards had against the Swedes.

In the Fifteenth Chapt. treating of the Laws and Courts of Justice, as things are indifferently well re∣lated; so we will go on to the Sixteenth Chapter, where the State of Religion, of the Clergy, and Learning is represented; the greatest part of this being taken up with railing against the Clergy; upon which Point we have said enough in the Pre∣face; we only will only put him in mind, That Learning is not at so low an Ebb, but that lately Denmark has had its Puffendorf, a Man to be compared to the best of our Age; and that if I had a mind to speak of the Living, I could name him some, who would be able to give other Proofs of their Learning, than our Author has done in this Treatise, though he pretends to be much beyond the common Sort: I will add but a few Words concerning what he says, That a Popish Chappel, per∣mitted to be built at Gluckstadt, has been the first there since the Reformation; that to my Knowledge at least twenty Years ago, not only Popish Chapels, but also of most other Religions; as of Calvinists, Independents, Anabaptists, &c. have been erected at Altena, a place near Hamburgh, where these seve∣ral Sorts of Religions are tolerated; but no re∣ligious service allow'd them. At Fredericia also a free Exercise of Religion has been allowed a great many Years ago, which are two convincing In∣stances; that this Gentleman having been decei∣ved

by his grave and sensible Men, has given us a great many things for a confessed Truth, which he had not sufficiently been instructed in.

But to come to the Conclusion: The Author in this whole Book having been so abounding every where with his own Fancies, and new Model'd Opinions has been the Occasion, that these Re∣marks are increased beyond intention; if eve∣ry thing should have been but touched upon, there would have been matter sufficient for a very large Book; But to have examined in particular, all his speculative Assertions, would have required whole Volumes. 'Tis for this reason that I have been obliged to let a great many of less moment slip by untouched; and as to these of more consequence, I have treated of them with as much brevity as the nature matter would permit: Since by hinting only the Heads, and referring my Reader to the true Ancient History it self. I did not question but the more curious would take an opportunity to compare the same, both with the Author's Sup∣positions, and the historical Account it self. What he has related of such matters as are not extant in Histories; wherein the sacred Laws of History have obliged me to contradict his ill-grounded Relation, I will only say thus much: That as the Kingdom of Denmark is very well known to me, so I am sure I have related nothing, but what I not only very well know, but also can easily prove, by unquestionable Witnesses who are not ashamed to own their Names. And if this Gentleman's Friends, who instructed him had had a little less Gravity, but somewhat more Knowledge in these Affairs, which they pretended to understand, we might questionless have expected a more fair Ac∣count of Denmark.

FINIS.

Notes

• a

  Caesar. lib. 4. De Bello Galico Sueviorum Gens bellico sissima Germano•••• omnium; Iri centum pagos baber dicuntur: Ex qui∣bus quotannis singuli miliae armatorum bellandi causae, suis ex finibus educunt. e∣liqui domi manent. Pro se at∣que illis Colunt. sed privati & separati agri apud eos ni∣hil est: Neque longius an••o remanere uno in loco incole••∣dicausa, licet. Neque mul∣tum frumento, sed maxim•••• partem lacte atque pecore vi∣vunt multumque sunt in v••∣nationnibus. Que res & ci∣bi genere & quotidiana exer∣citatione & libertate visa•• (quod a pueris nullo officio •••••• disciplina assue facti nihil o•••• nino contra voluntatem faci∣ant) & vires alit & imma∣ni corporum magnitudine ef∣ficit.
• b

  Corn Tacit. de morib. Germ. De minori∣busrebus principes consultant, de majoribus omnes, ita ta∣men ut ea quoque, quorum penes plebem arbitrium est, apud principes pertractentur. Illud ex libertate vitium, quod non semel nec just conveniunt, sed & alter & tertius dies cunctatione coeuntium absumitur. Ut turba placuit, considunt armati. Mox Rex vel Princeps, prout aetas cuique, prout no∣bilitas, ••prout decus bettorum, prout facundia est, audiuntur austoritate seadenda magis, quamjubendi potestate. Si displicuit sententia, fremit•• aspernatur, sin placuit frame as asconcutiunt. Licet apud concilium accu∣sare quoque & discrimen capitis intendere.
• c

  Ibid. (c.) Reges ex nobilitate, duces ex virtute sumunt. Et duces exemplo quotius, quam imperio, si prompti sint, si comspicui, si ant••∣aciem agant, admiratione praesunt. Caeterum neque animadvertere, ne∣que vincire, neque verberare quidem, nisi Sacerdotibus, permissum.
• d

  ibid. Nullus Germanorum populis urbes habitari, satis notum est, ne pati quidem inter se junctas sedes. Colunt discreti ac divers•• ut fons, nt campus, ut nemus, placuit. Vicos locant non in nostrum morem, connexis & cobaerentibus aedificiis. Suam qnifque domum spatiocirsumdat.
• Liv. Hists Rom. lib. 21. 24, 28. Caes. lib. do bell. Hisp.
• Liv. Hist. Rom. Lib. 27. C. 19.
• Cricum∣fusa inde multitudo Hispano∣rum & an∣te dedito∣rum & pridie captorum Regem eum ingenti consensu appellavi•• Tum Scipo, silent to per praeconem facto, sibi maximum nomen Im∣peratoris esse, dixit, quo se milites sui appellassent. Regium nomen alibi magnum, Ramae intolerabile ad esse. Regalem animum in seesse; si id in hominis ingenio amplissimum ducerent, tacitè judicarent; Vocisusurpatione abstinerent. Sensere etiam barbari magnitudinem animi: Cujus miraculo nominis alii mortaleos stuperent, tam alto fast igio aspernantis. Dona inde Regulis principibus{que} Hispanor•••• divisa, & ex magna copia captorum equorum trecentos. equos el••∣gere judibilem jussit.
• Caes. de bell. Gall. Lib. 1. 2. 3.
• Caes. bell, Gall. lib. 1. 2.
• a

  Caes. bell. Gall. lib. 1. In castris Hel∣vetiorum tabule re∣pertae sunt liter is Grae∣eis confectae & ad Cae∣sarem per∣latae, quibus in tabulis nominatim ratio confecta erat, qui nu∣merus domo exisset eorum, qui arma ferre possent, & item separatim pueri, senes, mulieresque, &c.
• b

  Caes. lib. 2. bell. Gall.
• De numero corum om∣niase ha∣bere explo∣rata Rhemi dicebant, propter••à quod pro∣pinquita∣tibus affi∣nitatibus∣que con∣juncti, quantam, quisque multitudi∣nem in Belgarum communi concilio ad id bellum, pollicitus sit, cognoverint. Suessones suos esse finitimos latissimos; feracissimos{que} agros possidere. Apud eos fuisse regem nostra etiam memoria Di∣vitiacum totius Galli••e Potentissimum, qui qu•••• magnae parti•• harum Region••m, tum etiam Britanniae Imperium obtinuer••t•• nune esse Regem Galbam: Ad hunc proter justitiam prudentiam que summani totius ••e••i•• 〈7 letters〉〈7 letters〉 voluntate doferri.
• c

  Caesar. lib. 1. bell•• Gall. Orat. ad Ario∣vist•• Mul∣ta à Caesa∣re in cam sententiam dicta sunt, quare negotio desistere non posset, & ne{que} suam ne{que} Populi Rom. consuetudinem pati, ut optime meritos socios desereret; ne{que} se putare Galliam esse potius Ariouisti quam Populi Rom. bello superatos esse Arvernos & Rutenos à Q•• Fabio Maximo, quibus Populus Rom. ignovisset, neque in provinciam redegisset, neque stipendium imposuisset. Quod si antiquissimum quodque tempus spectare oporteret, Populi Rom. justissimum esse in Gallia Imperium; si judicium Senatus ser••ari aporteret, liberam esse debere Galliam, quam bello victam suis legibus uti vol••isset.
• d

  Caes. lib. 5. bell, Gall. Concilio Gallorum Sambrigiae peracto quod eo anno fru∣mentum in Gallia, pro∣pter sic••i∣tates an∣gustius pro∣venerat, coactus est aliter acsu∣perioribus annis, ex∣crcitum in hybernis collocare, legionesque in plures Civitates distribuere, &c. Unam legionem, quam proximè trans Padum conscripserat, & Cohortes V. in E∣burones, quorum pars maxima est inter Mosam & Rhenum, qui suo Imperio. Ambiorigis & Catavulci erant, misit.
• e

  Tacitus de moribus Germanor.(e) Ubii transgressi olim & experi∣mento fidei super ipsam Rheni ripam collocati, ut arcerent, non ut custodir••ntur. Omnium harum gentium praecipue Bata•••• non multum ex ripa, sed insulam Rheni amnis colunt. Manet ho∣nos & antiquae societatis insigne; Nam nec tributis contemnun∣tur, nec publicanus atterit, &c.
• a

  Meurs. hist. Dan. part 1. lib. 3. Factus igitur Rex Sueno, quem Ca∣nuti M. ne∣potem Dant non amore aliquo ducti, sed necessitate coacti, quià è pro∣sapia Re∣gia nemo alius su∣peresset, Regem sibi elege∣runt.

  Pontan Rer. Dan. Hist. Lib. 5. sed Sueno ex sorore, ut indicavimus, Canuti M. genitus, solus se Magni conatibus ob∣jecit, fretus non tam amicorum praesidiis, quam sua virtute & natalibus, quibus id quod poscebat, omni ratione deberi existi∣nabat.
• b

  Pont. Rer. Dan. lib. 7. Abelem qui parri∣cidio me∣ruerat ab omni non modo suc∣cessionis, sed haeredii quoque ••ure exclu∣di, Re∣gem creant. (1.) Quod nimirum frater ejus Ericus filios sibi superstites nullos reliquisset. (2.) Et Abel inter fratres, qui superstites erant, natus esset maximus. (3.) Quod metus alias foret, ne Slesvicensem Ducatum, quo potiebatur, a Regno separa∣ret.

  Meurs. Hist. Dan. Part. 2. Lib. 2. Abelus igitur, fratre Erico per infandum scelus caeso, Regnum occupat; quippe ille nullos liberos reliquerat: Et hic fratrum natu maximus Regno proximus censebatur, &c. Ille datis ad Senatum literis causam suam agere, & de multis fratrem accusare, tum testari, illum nullo suo scelere, verum casu, pluribus in scapham defili∣entibus, periisse. Haec cum reputarent proceres, Regem sibi necessarium potius quam dignum creant ipsis Kalend. No∣vembris.
• c

  Pon∣tan. Rer. Dan. Hi∣stor. Libr. VIII. Olaum Hacquini Norvagiae & Marga∣retae filium Regem de∣clarant, ut∣pote qui matris aspectu non modo regni proximus esset, &c. Pont. Lib. 9. Rer. Dan. Pag. 516. Albert. Crantzius Histor. Norvag. Lib. VII.
• d

  Crantz. hist. Dan. 2. cap. XVII. Broderus filius Jarmerici quem ille destinatum suppli∣cio priusquam interi∣ret morte jussit revo∣care. Ne omnino Reg∣num haerede careret.
• d

  Crantz. hist. Dan. 2. cap. XVII. Broderus filius Jarmerici quem ille destinatum suppli∣cio priusquam interi∣ret morte jussit revo∣care. Ne omnino Reg∣num haerede careret.
• Meurs. Lib. 1.
• Chytr. Saxon.
• Chytr. in Saxon, ad an. 1522••
• Meurs. hist Dan. Part 1. lib. 3. Pontan. Rer. Dan. ••ist. lib 5.
• Crantz. Chron. Dan lib. 3.
• Pontan. Rer. Dan, Hist. lib. 1.
• Meurs. hist. Dan. lib. 3.
• Pontan. hist. Dan. lib. 5••
• Meurs. lib. 1. de gest. Christian II
• Meurs. lib. 2. de g••••. Joh.
• Crantz. Chron. Dan. l. 8. Pontan. lib. 9. Meurs. Hist. Dan. lib. 5.
• Lib. 2. c. 4. Chron. Dan.
• Meurs. Hist. Dan. lib. 3.
• Meurs. Hist. Dan. C••nt. l. 1.
• Pontan. l. 6, 7, 8.
• Meurs. Hist. Dan. lib. 5••
• Meurs de gest. Joh. Reg. l•• ••.
• Chytr. Sax∣on. lib. 10.
• Pontan. lib. 6.
• Pontan. lib. 7.