Denmark vindicated being an answer to a late treatise called An account of Denmark, as it was in the year 1692, sent from a gentleman in the country, to his friend in London.

REMARKS UPON THE PREFACE.

BOOKS without their Author's Names, being like Bastards, who cannot claim the least Pre∣rogative from their Parentage, ought questionless to challenge no other Authority but what is derived from their own Deserts. And tho' it is not to be de∣nyed, but that sometimes the Circum∣stances of time and place may be a good Plea to some Authors, who have disgui∣sed themselves under fictitious Names; or else set none at all to their judicious Pieces. Yet it must also be owned, That whenever they have transgressed the Rules of true Sincerity and Modesty, and endeavoured rather to recommend them∣selves to the Reader by their pompous Words, than approved Truth, they have deservedly incurred the Censures of all

Judicious and Unbyassed Persons. If the Author of the Treatise, called, An Account of Denmark, had made the least Reflection (as he ought to have done) upon this, certainly he would not have been so much pre-possessed with the Va∣nity of his own Inventions, as to be∣lieve, That the same, tho' never so gau∣dily dress'd up with fine Words, and a∣dorned with fair Suppositions, could be received as a Truth among the more sen∣sible part of Mankind. But to come to the Matter it self; Health and Liberty are, without dispute, the greatest natural Blessings Mankind is capable of enjoying, says our Author at the very beginning of his Preface. That Health and Liberty, duly considered, are Two precious Jew∣els, scarce sufficiently to be valued, has never been questioned in this part of the World, But since Physicians themselves do not agree in the true nature of the First, as admitting of several Degrees, and being scarce ever to be found in its due Perfection; and the Degrees of the Second, being by all Judicious Politici∣ans, adapted to the several Constituti∣ons of those Countries, and Inhabitants where the same is to be exercised, our Author would have done very prudent∣ly

to have have given us a more clear and satisfactory Notion of the true Na∣ture of both. So do we see Phan∣tastical Ladies, tho' (according to their natural Constitution in good Health) affect sometimes to be leaner, sometimes fatter; sometimes to nauseate a small Pimple, or even their natural Colour; sometimes imagining (tho' falsely) I know not what Indisposition in their Body; and by Vomits, repelling Medicines, and other destructive Methods, bring upon themselves dangerous Diseases. And how often the mistaken Rules of Li∣berty, have proved not only troublesome, but also fatal, the Histories of all Ages do abundantly testifie. It had therefore, in my Judgment, been more suitable to the nature of an Historical Treatise, and the Circumstances also of our present Enjoy∣ment of sufficient Liberty, under the Con∣duct of a Wise and Just King, to have gi∣ven a true Scheme of moderate Liberty, than to represent to us at this time a Ro∣mantick Notion of the same, by fetch∣ing the Italian out of his own Country, and transferring of him into Greenland; for these are his Words: But as an Itali∣an that passes a Winter in Greenland, will soon be convinced how much Misery he en∣dures,

in comparison of those who dwell in his native Country; so he that knows by Experience the Trouble of a languishing Sickness, or the loss of Liberty, &c. He need not have sent him so far, since the Highlands in Scotland would have made him sensible enough of the Difference; and yet I have known Italians, who would not change their Habitations which they had in the Northern Parts, with the fruitful Champaign of the Fer∣rarese, and other the Pope's Dominions. From hence he falls abruptly upon the Two different ways of profiting, either by our own, or other Peoples Experi∣ence, and recommending the latter, (and certainly no body who has common Sense would do otherwise) returns qui∣etly to his beloved Panegyrick of Liber∣ty: Thus he says: Want of Liberty is a Disease in any Society, or Body Politick, like want of Health in any particular Per∣son. This Passage I could not forbear smiling at, when I considered with what Caution our Author had avoided to give the least Limitation of Liberty; tho' it is evident, that a proper Epithete would have taken away all occasion of a sinister Interpretation. Surely he that seems so well versed in the ancient Greek and

Roman History, cannot but remember, that it was the immoderate Liberty of Greece, the famous Nursery of his so much admired Philosophers; which was the chief Cause of the Ruin of so flourishing a Country. I speak this upon the Credit of one, who living in a free Common∣wealth, and being the greatest Admirer and Maintainer of a lawful Liberty, is an unquestionable Judge in this Case; I mean Cicero; his Words are these: Graecorum totae respublicae sedentis concionis temeritate administrantur. Ita{que} ut hanc Graeciam, quae jam diu suis consiliis perculsae & afflicta est, omittam: Ea vetus, quae quondam opibus, imperio, gloria floruit, hoc uno malo concidit, libertate immoderat•• at{que} licentia concionum. And that excess of Liberty is the same in the Body Poli∣tick, what excess of Blood (tho' else the Treasure of Life) is in a particular Person; which if not timely taken a∣way, causes Inflammations, Exulcerati∣ons, Phrensies, and other dangerous Di∣seases; besides what is befallen the Stras∣burghers, by their too much nicety of Liberty, in refusing an Imperial Garri∣son; those Civil Commotions and Inte∣stine Wars which happened in our Fa∣ther's Memory in the Kingdom of Po∣land,

have been convincing Instances, and that too much Liberty is frequently the Spring of fatal Diseases in the Go∣vernment. And when even to this Day we hear of their bloody Debates, where the Cimmetar often is the chief Argu∣ment in their Consultations at the Diet; I will scarce believe, but that this may instruct any true thinking Englishmen, how much more desirable it is to enjoy an Equitable Portion of Liberty, than gree∣dily to follow the Footsteps of such as too often transgress the Bounds of the same. Travel, says our Author, seems as necessary to one, who desires to be use∣full to his Country, as practising upon other Men's Distempers, is to make an able Phy∣sician: For, though a Man may too fre∣quently see the Misery of such, as are de∣prived of Health, without quitting his own Country; yet, (thanks to Providence) he must go out of these Kingdoms, who would know experim••ntally the Want of publick Liberty. And since next to Pro∣vidence our present happy Enjoyment of our legal Liberty, is owing to the Valour and Conduct of His Majesty; Why then all this stir for Liberty? Could not an impartial Account have been given of the Present State of Den∣mark,

without a Romantick Preface fill'd up with Chimerical Notions? Such a Piece as this would have been very ex∣cusable some Years ago, when we were in apparent Danger of losing both our Religion and Liberty; And yet at that very time it has been observed, that those very Gentlemen who generally make the greatest Clamour for Liberty, and pretend to be the true Proselytes of the Ancient Grecians and Romans, were not the most forward of maintaining, and publickly asserting it. What con∣cerns the Usefulness of Travelling, it was, I think, never denied among un∣derstanding Men: and if in representing the same, this Gentleman had avoided the nauseous Praises of this, and the un∣dervaluing of other Countries, I am certain, it would have had a much bet∣ter Influence upon unbyass'd Persons, than can be expected from such hyper∣bolical Comparisons. But let us observe his Words: And this can be done by no Nation in the World so commodiously a•• the English; The Affluence of their For∣tune, and Easiness in their private Af∣fairs are evidently greater, than those of other People of Europe, &c. And im∣mediately after; In other Countries some

Princes and Men of the first Quality may have Purses strong enough to bear the Ex∣pence, but few of the midling Sort venture upon it, &c. This is so manifestly contra∣dictory to the Experience of all Travel∣lers, that I cannot sufficiently admire how our Author could pretend to put it upon us. The Panegyrick of his Native Country, might have been interpreted as a pardonable Imitation of his so much beloved Ancient Philosophers; But cer∣tainly he, who can affirm this for a Truth, must never have travelled any where, but by a direct Sea-voyage from England to Denmark: For if he had ta∣ken the Way thither through Holland, even some of the meanest Capacities in those Countries in his Journey would have informed him to the contrary. I appeal to all in this Case, who have made any Observation iu their Travels, espe∣cially in France, and I am sure I can affirm it upon my own Experience, what a Concourse of Foreigners there used to be some Years before this War in Paris, whereof so few were in Comparison of the rest, English, that I have often been admiring at it. And I remember very well, that when my Curiosity after∣wards did lead me thither a second time,

I made as strict an Enquiry as possibly I could, about the Number of Foreigners in Paris, (besides those in the Country) where I was informed by such as in all probability were the most likely to give a true Judgment of this Matter, That they did esteem the Number of Foreigners there, to amount of late Years to betwixt sixteen and twenty Thousand; whereof one half were supposed to be Germans. I have often afterwards heard the same confirmed since, by such as came from thence: and, as I have seen my self; the most of those live up to the Port of Gen∣tlemen in a Place, where every thing is very dear to Strangers; we must either conclude, that all those were either Princes, or Men of the first Quality, or that he had his Supposition, That few of the midling Sort venture at travelling, from no Authentick Hand. And though this be more conspicuous in France, aud especially in Paris; yet the same may e∣vidently enough also be observed in other Countries, as in England, Italy, Holland, and the most Parts of Germany. I have been in the latter of those Countries con∣versant for a good many Years, and at several times; and as I always took no small delight in the Gravity of the Ger∣man

Tongue, so I was very careful in making the most exact Observations I possibly could; and I must needs ac∣knowledge, that scarce any Nation in the World bestows more Labour, and Money upon the Breeding, and tho∣roughly qualifying their Male-Children, than the Germans. Not to speak now of the first Degrees of Education (be∣cause I shall say more of that by and by) they reckon Travelling so necessary and requisite towards the accomplishing of a Gentleman, that those who have not had the Opportunity of seeing other Countries but their own, must be of Eminent Quality, if they are preferred to any Place of Moment.

They used formerly to send their Sons especially into Italy, but the Reserved∣ness of the Italians being not found so convenient towards the obtaining the Ends of Travelling, the frankness of the French, and the Necessity there was, in the most Courts of Germany, to be nearer acquainted with the French Tongue and Affairs, have drawn the Germans more into France of late Years, than into any other part of the World; though I verily believe, That if a true Ac∣count could be made of Foreigners tra∣velling

in Italy and Holland, nay, even in this Country, (not Merchants) it would be found that near one Half of them are out of that Country. I appeal to such English as have been in Holland, and especially at Leiden, whether this Assertion be not manifestly true there, and those that have duly observed, what great Numbers of Foreigners, pass only from the Northern parts (so much de∣spised by our Author) by the way of Hamborough to Amsterdam, and from thence over Brussels to Paris, will, I be∣lieve, scarce question what I said before, concerning the Number of Foreigners in France. I very well remember, that during the time of some Years, I was at Leiden, I have often with great delight observed, how they used to come thi∣ther from the most remote Parts, as Prussia, Courland, Livonia, Sweden and Denmark, (though most of those Coun∣tries have their own Universities) and with great Expence endeavour to correct the Remnants of their home-breeding so common and mischievous to most Countries. If our Author had followed their laudable Example, and made his own Observations, instead of writing by hear-say (as he needs must have done)

he would not so easily have undertaken to assert such a notorious Untruth. As that in other Countries, perhaps Princes and Men of the first Quality, but few of the midling Sort (for want of Means) venture upon it. He that will believe this, must be very little acquainted with the Affluence of the Fortunes of the Ve∣netians, Genueses and Florentines, and the Dutch are so near us, that no body, but who is purblind may see the Effects of their Wealth. And though is is not to be denied, but that the German Nobili∣ty, by that Civil War which lasted twen∣ty Years, and was not ended till with the Peace of Munster, and by other foreign Wars since, has been miserably afflicted in their Fortunes: Yet the Patricians and Inhabitants of so great a Number of large and populous Cities, as are to be found on the most famous Rivers, the Rhine, Danube, Elbe, Weser, and others, have fared much better, and the Damages su∣stained have been sooner repaired in that Country, than in most others, by the great Plenty there is of every thing. Even the Pomp and Multitude of their Courts, and numerousness of their Armies, for which the Germans have been blamed long since, are the constant Nurseries of

a great many Noble Families, who raise themselves great Estates, and put out generally their ready Money in the neighbouring great Cities, from whence the Citizens draw as great Advantage in their Trade; and the Nobility is there∣by enabled in time of Want, either to uphold or to restore the Grandeur of their Families. I know my self, that about twenty Years ago, a certain Mi∣nister of State to the Duke of Holstein Gottorp, (who is none of the most Po∣tent in those Parts) was esteemed to leave in real and personal Estate to the Value of 500000 l. viz. to three Sons, who have laid the Foundation to so many Rich and Noble Families. Not∣withstanding all this, we may without detracting from other Countries say, That the English in general enjoy as great Conveniencies for travelling, as any Na∣tion whatsoever. Our Situation in the Middle of the most flourishing and civi∣lized Nations of Europe, and the conti∣nual Correspondence we have by our Trade in those parts, is, (besides the Affluence of our Fortunes) no small Encouragement to an English Traveller. But the Goodness of our Money, which exceeds much the currant Money of a

great many other Nations, is an Advan∣tage which a great many Foreigners who live remote from us, and are ob∣liged to lose by their Bills from 20 to 30 per cent. would be very glad of.

But that we may not travel beyond out reach, let us see what he farther says concerning Travelling. The Method which has been generally followed by us, in sending young Gentlemen to travel, can hardly answer any of these Ends, &c. We send them abroad Children, and bring them home great Boys; and the Returns they make for the Expences laid out by their Pa∣rents, are suitable to their Age, &c. Bu•• the Travelling here recommended is that of Men, who set out so well stock'd with the knowledge of their own Country, as to be able to compare it with others, &c. Here Here our Author pretends to instruct us how to travel with Profit; but in such general Terms, that I am sure he that does not know it without it, will scarce∣ly ever learn it from those Rules. He would have done very well to have ex∣plained what he meant by Children, great Boys, and Men, since the first are the most improper for travelling, and very seldom either in this or other Countries sent abroad; and with the

latter, if over-grown with Home-Educa∣tion, it proves very often near as inef∣fectual as the first. But tho' I cannot well guess what he means by his great Boys; if he understands those of a middle Age, betwixt Childhood and Manhood, I think they are the most fit to answer in general the Ends of Travelling. The practice of those Countries beyond Sea, where Travelling is most in fashion, has sufficiently confirmed, That the Age of Twenty, or thereabouts, is the most suita∣ble for the first sending abroad of young People, it being the Age when young Men, first well instructed at home in the Principles of such several Professions as they intend to apply themselves to, may well prepared, and yet not too much pre-possessed with the knowledge of the Constitution and Manners of their own Country, gradually improve themselves by Travelling. This Rule I have ob∣served to be generally followed in Europe, and especially in Germany; where, as they travel most, so they may serve as a Pattern to such as intend to travel with any Benefit. After they have well instru∣cted their Children in publick Schools, (which are to be found in every City there,) in the Latin Tongue, and Prin∣ciples

of Philosophy, till coming to the Age of 18. or 19. Years, they com∣monly send them to some neighbouring University, as well to be further instru∣cted in several Sciences, and in such Profession as they intend to embrace; as also to begin to improve themselves in bodily Exercises, as Fencing, Dancing, Riding the Great Horse, and in Foreign Languages, especially the French, and Italian Tongues. Thus prepared, they leave Germany, and for the most part making some stay, either in the several Universities of the United Provinces, at Leiden, Utrecht, or Groningen; or else in the chiefest Cities, they endeavour to perfect their Knowledge of such several things as they were instructed in before. From hence the common Road used to be to France; (some taking a small Turn into England,) where having staid a considerable time, sufficient fully to ac∣complish themselves in the said Tongue, and in such Exercises as are taught there in great Perfection, they either go strait∣ways from thence; or else passing thro' Italy, return into Germany; and ta∣king in their way the chiefest Courts of the Empire, are then, if they have not wilfully neglected themselves, esteemed

duly qualified to make a true Comparison betwixt the Excellencies and Deficiencies of their own and other Countries. So that all we pretended to, says the Author, by the late Revolution, bought with so great Expences, (yet not too dearly paid for) was to be as we were, and that every one should have his own again; the effecting of which may be called a piece of good Luck; and that is the best can be said of it. That in our late happy Revolution, Providence seemed to have a particular Share, is what every body that loves his Coun∣try, and this Government, does wil∣lingly own: But that at the best, it should only be a piece of good Luck, I am to learn yet. As I am well assured that the most sensible Men agree in this Point, That Providence in our Days acts by Human Means, and not by Miracles; That what is commonly called good Luck, is generally the Product of such Counsels and Designs, as are often not so evident to vulgar Eyes: So I cannot sufficiently admire, that this Gentleman, who has taken upon him the Office of a Censor of Foreign, and a Reformer of these Nations, should either be ignorant, or so soon forgetful of the unparallelled Valour, and uncommon Wisdom of his

present Majesty, which was so apparent to all Europe, that I think he might have with Justice, and a due Respect, mentioned it here. Truly, if by his Majesty's particular Wisdom, those ex∣traordinary Preparations, as were requi∣site for such an Enterprise, had not been carried on with that Vigour and Silence, in a Country where it seemed most dif∣ficult to be effected, that even the quick-sighted French were deceived; if by his indefatigable Care, the number of such Forces as were designed for this Ex∣pedition, had not been timely supplied by the German Auxiliaries: If at last by his incomparable Valour and Con∣stancy, he had not surmounted the very Obstacles of a far advanced Season, con∣trary Winds, and Tempests, which would have with-held any Body but Him: I believe we would before now have been in despair of good Luck in that kind; and our Gentleman would have had no great Encouragement for such a Pre∣face. And it is Riddle to me, since e∣very body has his own again, and enjoys it under the Legal Government of a Wise and Brave King, with the Assistance of the great Council of the Nation, why some among us should be so busie to

vent their State-reforming Speculations, except they labour on purpose to entail upon us that Sarcasm which our Author mentions, of the most inconstant Nation in the World. These are his Words: But must frequent Blood-letting be indi∣spensibly necessary to preserve our Constitu∣tion? Is it not possible for us to render vain and untrue, that Sarcasm of Foreign∣ers, who object to us, That our English Kings have either too much Power, or too little, and that therefore we must expect no settled or lasting Peace? Shall we for ever retain the ill Character they give us, of the most mutable and inconstant Nati∣on of the World, which however we do not deserve, no more than England does that of Regnum Diabolorum, so common in unconsidering Foreigners Mouths. Me∣thinks a Method to preserve our Common∣wealth in its legal State of Freedom, with∣out the necessity of a Civil War once or twice every Age, were a benefit worth searching for, tho' we went to the furthest Corners of the World in quest of it. No Question that such a Method would not only be worth sear••hing for, but also the most desireable thing in the World•• But what Method may be the most proper to effect it is the Difficulty. This I am

sure, the Methods which some of our Tavern or Coffee-house Politicians have taken of late, will not answer the Ends of such a Settlement. As I frequently converse among Foreigners, so it has often vexed me to the Soul, to hear what Judgment they will make of our Tran∣sactions here; not but that I often have found it too true: yet it could not but grieve me, that the whole Nation should bear the blame of a certain Gang of Peo∣ple among us, who being infected with the Vanity of their own Conceits, (like to those afflicted with the Yellow Jaun∣dice, to whom Objects are represented under the same Colour as their Eyes are infected withal) spread their corrupted Opinions abroad, to the great Dishonour and Detriment of the whole Nation. The Character of Regnum Diabolorum I have very seldom heard, and never, ex∣cept from such as were very unconsider∣ing indeed; but as for that of inconstant and most mutable; I must confess, it is common among Foreigners, even of the best Sence. And for the Love of God, what milder Construction can any Body make of the Behaviour of such, as, pre∣tending to be the Champions of our Government, revive (in their Pamphlets)

the almost forgotten Names of Whig and Tory, on purpose to renew at the same time those Jealousies, which within these few Years had brought this Na∣tion to the very Brink of Destruction. How can we expect, but that not only Foreigners, but also all understanding Men among us, should look upon such as worse than inconstant, and mutable, who can so soon forget the past Dan∣gers, and neglect their present Happiness?

Lucius AEmilius, the Roman Consul, could not forbear in a publick Speech which he made to the Romans, when going to the Macedonian War against Perse••s, to reproach them with the Li∣berty they took of leading Armies into the Field, and censuring the Actions of their Generals over their Liquors at Rome; and what wonder is it, if it seems the most surprizing thing in the World to Foreigners, when they see some petty State-reformers among us in their Pamphlets to take upon them, and challenge an Authority in gross terms, and with bitter Reflections, to censure not only the Actions of Ministers of State, but also of His Majesty himself, and the Parliament also, sometimes, if every thing does not exactly agree with

their conceited Rules of governing; and that at a time when both King, and the grand Council of the Nation are mutu∣ally labouring for the Repose, and Hap∣piness of those Kingdoms. I would ask any body of common Sense, if one, who has perhaps from others only learned the Rules of Navigation, and peept a little into the Sea-cards, should pretend to instruct old Commanders of Ships (how to steer with Advantage, how to avoid such hidden Banks as lay scattered up and down near several Coasts, and how to manage a Ship in case of Tempests: would not he deservedly be laught at by every body, and whether those, who should trust a Ship to his Management, would not be esteemed to be out of their wits? Yet these C••amber-Politicians find their Admirers here, and are vain enough to imagine, that they could manage the Helm of our Government better than those to whom the same by our Laws is committed, and have given sufficient proof both of their Fidelity and Ability. And here I cannot forbear to insert what is related of that great General of the Carthaginians Hannibal, because it seems to agree in most of its Circum∣stances, with what I have said before.

Hannibal in the time of his Banishment from Carthage, came to Ephesus, where at that time was a Famous Philosopher Phormio, much admired, especially by the Ephesians. Among other diversions wherewith they entertained Hannibal, they would by all means invite him to hear their so much beloved Philosopher. Hannibal at last over-perswaded by the Ephesians, went to be entertained with his Discourse, where the Philosopher with abundance of Rhetorick, begun to make a long and tedious Sermon of Mi∣litary Affairs, and the Duty of a Gene∣ral, to the great content of the Ephesians. The Oration at last being ended, Han∣nibal was asked by them, what he thought of their Philosopher, to whom he replied very freely, that he had in his Life-time seen a great many old Dottrels, but had never met with one that was so raving-mad as this old Fellow; which Answer coming from so great a Man, it's said, put them a little out of Countenance, but not out of conceit of their Doctor. But to return to our Author•• who, ha∣ving attributed our not travelling of late Years to the management of the two last Reigns, says further thus: 'Tis not very long ago, since nothing was more generally

believed (even by Men of the best Sense) than that the Power of England was so unquestio∣nably established at Sea, that no force could possibly shake it. That the English Valour and Manner of fighting was so far beyond all others, that nothing was more desirable, than a French War. Should any one have been so regardless of his Reputation, as at that time to have represented the French an over-match for the united Forces of En∣gland, and Holland, or have said, that we should live to see our selves insulted on our own Coasts, and our Trades endangered by them; That we should be in apprehension every Year of an Invasion, and French Conquest: Such a venturesome Man must have expected to have pass'd for a very Travellour, or at least for an ill-natur'd or unthinking Person, who little considered what the irresistible Force of an English Arm was; but our late Experience has re∣claimed us from these Mistakes. It were to be wish'd, that our late Experience, though never so dearly bought, had qui••e rooted out so vulgar an Errour among us, which had almost proved fatal to these Kingdoms. But the ignorance of foreign Affairs, the fondness of our own irresistible Strength, and the want of duly comparing the same with that of

our Enemies, seems not by late Experi∣ence it self quite extinguish'd among some, who fancy themselves no small Politicians. How many are to be found to this Day, who vainly boast, that we are not so near concerned in this War, as the rest of the Allies; that the Sea is a sufficient Bulwark against any Attempts from France upon us; nay that upon all occasions we are able alone to beat the French by Sea and Land, without the Assistance of our Allies. This vain Belief of our own Strength, was the Trap which the French twenty Years ago, when first they began to bid fair for the universal Monarchy, knew how to make good use of, to catch us withall at their own time. I remember very well, that coming some time before the Peace at Nimuegen, out of France: and having had an opportunity to pass along the Rhine, and afterwards through Flan∣ders, where the Seat of the War then lay: I at my Return hither, would often re∣late to my Friends what I thought, and had as an Eye witness, observed concer∣ning the Strength of France; who, (tho' else no Favourers of the Court at that time) were so far from making any re∣flection upon that matter, that they ra∣ther

look'd upon it as a false Notion, and the vain Effect of Travelling; so deeply had this flattering Fancy taken root a∣mong the Generality of our Nation here. At those times it must be confess'd, this Opinion might be perhaps excusable, but I cannot see, under what Colour some, who have seen so formidable a French Fleet a few Years ago in our Chanel, and the Armies of France out number us almost every where last Year, can pre∣tend to scatter their Pamphlets at this time, full of vain Suppositions of this Nature. But we must return to our Au∣thor, who by the Example of the Eccle∣siasticks, encourages us to Travelling in these words. The Jesuits have brought several Maxims, as well as Summs of Mo∣ney from as far off as China, or Japan, thereby improving their Knowledge, &c. These Men, (whose firm Adherence to the most exquisite Tyranny is manifest, by their indefatigable Endeavours, in behalf of the French King's Interests, as formerly of the House of Austria, whilst it was in its Height) have by these Arts ingrossed to themselves, the Education of the Youth, in all Popish Countries. The Lutheran Priests (who have an entire Dependance on their Kings and Princes) are entrusted

with the like, in those Countries, which observe the Confession of Ausburg. They also send abroad some of their hopefullest young Students, several of which may be met with at Oxford, Cambridge and Pa∣ris: The use they make of Travel, being not only to improve their Knowledge in Sciences, but to learn fit Methods to please their Sovereigns, at the Expence of the Peoples Liberties, &c. And a little fur∣ther: But the same Travel will afford the best Antidote against this Poyson, and teach a Gentleman, who makes right use of it, by what S••eps slavery has within these last 200 Years crept upon Europe; most of the Protestant, as well as Popish Countries, having in a manner quite lost the precious Jewel, Liberty. This cannot be attributed to any more probable Cause, than the en∣slaving the Spirits of the People, as a Preparative to that of their Bodies. For since these Princes think it their Interest, that Subjects should obey without Reserve, and all Priests who depend upon the Prince, are, for their own sakes, obliged to promote what he esteems his own Interest, 'tis plain, the Education of Youth, on which is laid the very Foundation Stone of publick Li∣berty, has been of late Years committed to the sole management of such as make it

their business to undermine it; and must needs do so, unless they will be false to their Fortunes, and make the Character of Priest give place to that of true Patriot, &c. Indeed they do not forget to recommend to them frequently, what they call the Queen of all Vertues, viz. Submission to Superiors, and an entire blind Obedience to Authority, without instructing them in the due mea∣sures of it; rather teaching them, that 'tis without all Bounds. And in the Conclusion of the Treatise he hath these Words, which we will insert here, because they are of the same Stamp. It has been a great Mistake among us, That the Popish Religion is the only one of all the Christian Sects, proper to introduce and establish Slavery in a Nation; in so much that Po∣pery and Slavery have been thought insepa∣rable. Not to derogate from the Merit of the Roman Catholick Perswasion, which has been the Darling of so many Monarchs upon that Account, I shall make bold to say, That other Religions, and particularly the Lutheran, has succeeded as effectually in this Design as ever Popery did. 'Tis confess'd indeed, That Popery would certainly in∣troduce Slavery; but it is denyed, That the last cannot come in without the assistance of the former, &c. In Denmark, as well as o∣ther

Protestant Countries in the North, through the entire and sole dependance of the Clergy upon the Prince, without the in∣terfering of the Authority of any Spiritual Superiour, such as that of the Pope among the Romanists, through their Principles and Doctrines, which are those of unlimi∣ted Obedience; through the Authority they have with the common People, Slavery seems to be more absolutely established than it is in France, as in effect it is more practised; for that King's Subjects are bet∣ter treated. And a little after: But in the Countries I have spoken of, all is swallowed up in the King, Temporals and Spirituals, Soul, Body, Estate, and Con∣science: The Army and the Priests are Two sure Cards; the Prince that has one of them at his side can hardly fail; but he that has both depending on him, need fear nothing from his own Subjects, let him use them never so ill. Here is a ge∣neral Charge against the whole Body of the Clergy (except the Calvinists and their Proselytes, because the English have their Share by and by) concerning the Miseries that have befallen Europe these Two hundred Years: These (he says) by the abuse they make of Travelling, corrupt the Youth, of whom they have

sole Management; these, by their entire dependance they have from their Princes; and, by their Doctrine and Principles, sow the Seeds of Slavery among the People. Thus runs the Stream of our Author's Eloquence.

But what if we should endeavour to stop the Current? What if the Doctrine of the Roman Catholicks, and especially the Principles of the Jesuites, should prove rather dangerous than advantage∣ous to absolute Monarchy? If we should prove, that the entire and sole dependance of the Lutheran Priests from their Prin∣ces, is a Chimera of his own? That they neither have in general, the Education of their Youth; neither that their Principles and Doctrine are for a blind unlimited Obedience: That as it is against the Inte∣rest of the Ecclesiasticks in those Parts where that Religion flourishes, to sup∣press the Liberties, and undermine the Welfare of the People, so it is absolute∣ly false, That Spirituals and Temporals are swallowed up by their Help or Con∣nivence: And if this Foundation falls, will not his Doctrine seem to be built upon a very slippery or sandy Ground? This Gentleman must surely have been very little acquainted with the History

of the Reformation in those Parts, and the Constitutions of the Empire; as also how often the Protestant Religion there, together with the Government, hath been asserted by Arms against the Emperor, and all other Aggressors, with the Appro∣bation of the Lutherans, both Priests and Lawyers. If this had not been convincing enough to our Author, he would have done well to have look'd a little into their and Writings before he undertook to put Books such Falsities upon the world. But since this Gentleman has taken upon him the Authority of a Judge, let us see by what Laws he hath condemned the poor Lutherans. And since it is certain that he ought to condemn them by none but their own, we must look a little back into their Monuments, to see how they do agree with our Author's Assertion. It is evident, that at the beginning of the Reformation, Luther and his Associates, had all the Reason in the World to be cautious in the Doctrine of Obedience, as well to avoid the Slanders and Re∣proaches of the Roman Catholicks; but espeeially not to open a Gare to the Li∣centiousness of some, who they foresaw would take an opportunity to abolish, to∣gether with their Religion, the very Con∣stitution

and Order of Government. And the several Sects of Fanaticks, but more e∣specially that cruel Rebellion in Germany, (commonly called, The Peasants War) were evident Proofs, that their fore-sight had not been ill grounded. But let us but cast but one Eye upon some of their Wri∣tings, and we may easily see, that they sa∣vour not so much of blind and unlimited Obedience, as our Author would make us believe. And to begin with the Senti∣ments of those very Divines who lived partly at the same time, partly succeeded in the same place where Luther had be∣gun the Reformation, and ever since have been very strictly adhering to his Doctrine. The Councils of the Divines at Wirtemberg, from the time of the Re∣formation, till the Year 1664. (when they were reprinted) and dedicated to the present King of Denmark's Father, after that Crown was become Heredita∣ry,) and also to the then Electoral Prince of Saxony, will doubtless be accepted of by all unbyass'd Persons, as a Rule whereby to judge of the Limits the Lu∣therans have set to Obedience. I have therefore thought convenient to translate some Passages relating to this Point, out of the High German Tongue, and to in∣sert

them as a Pattern of the Lutherans Doctrine of Obedience.

Upon a Question put, Whether Ma∣gistrates are obliged to defend them∣selves and their Subjects against an unlawful Force, against Princes of an equal Degree, and against the Empe∣rour, especially in point of Religion; Martin Luther, Justus Jonas, Martin Bucer, and Philip Melancthon, with joint Consent, did answer: That it was an unquestionable Truth, which ought to be confess'd at the last Mi∣nute, even till Death; that it is not only permitted, but also truly and strictly commanded, that all in Au∣thority owe to God Almighty this Service, to repel all Violence from themselves, and defend their Subjects against such, as either intended to im∣pose Idolatry, or a false Religion upon them, or pretended to exercise an ille∣gal Power over them. And, as the Gospel doth confirm (say they) the Authority of Magistrates; so it does no less confirm the Laws of Nature, and Constitutions of Governments. There is no question, every Father is obliged to the utmost of his Power to preserve his Wife, and Children from

publick Murther, and there is no diffe∣rence betwixt a common Murtherer and the Emperour, if he, out of the way of his Office, notoriously exerci∣ses an illegal Power; because open violence takes away all obligation be∣twixt the Subject, and the superiour Magistrate, jure naturae

So it is the same case if a Superiour Magistrate forces his Subjects to Blas∣phemy, and Idolatry: so did Constan∣tine wage War with Licinius, because he would not desist from his Tyranny, though he exercised the same in his own Territories, All this, as we have said, is without question just, and ac∣cording to the Rules of Christianity, which we ought to profess at all times of Danger, and Death it self. Yet is this not to be understood, but in the defensive Part.

And immediately after, in the Con∣siderations and Instructions concern∣ing what resistance is permitted; Mar∣tin Luther, Justus Jonas, John Bugen∣hagen, Nicolas Ambsdorff, and Philip Melancthon, say thus: Concerning this Article, there have been frequent and hard Disputes among us, but this day we are agreed; That, the Gospel be∣ing

a Doctrine of the Eternal Spiritual Kingdom which is in the Heart, does not reject the outward Form of Go∣vernment, but rather confirms, and praises the same: From whence does follow, That the Gospel does not for∣bid any natural and just Defence, such as is suitable either to the Laws of Nature, or Constitutions of a Govern∣ment, &c. From whence it is evident, that every Magistrate is obliged to defend his Subjects against others of the same Degree, or any private Per∣son. But here arises another question, Viz. What is the Duty of a Prince a∣gainst his Superiour Lord, as the Em∣perour, in such a Case? To which we give the same Answer: Because the Gospel confirms Temporal Govern∣ments; therefore every Prince ought to behave himself towards his Superi∣our Lord, or the Emperour, according to the natural Right, and temporal Constitutions of the Government. If the Emperour is not a proper Judge, and yet will, as pendente appellatione, undertake to punish; such his violent Attempt is, injuria notoria. Now is by a natural Constitution of Governments, Self-defence, and Resistance against

injuriam notoriam is allowable. Where∣fore if the Emperor should act violently, pendente appellatione, concerning Mat∣ters of Religion, or the Peace promised; he is to be esteemed as a private Person, and the injuria undertaken against the Right of the Appeal, and the pro∣mised Peace, is a publick and notoria in∣juria. But what if the Appeal is pass'd the Council? What if Judgment is given according to the imperial Laws, and we are cast? Can we then with a safe Conscience openly resist our Su∣preme Lord? Answer, After we have in a decent, and Christian like manner declared, that we are willing this Mat∣ter should be examined and adjusted, and have clearly proved the Foundati∣ons upon which we have built our Doctrine; and yet the Council goes on in its illegal way of proceeding, contrary to the very Foundation of na∣tural Equity, and the Ordinances set down in the Scripture, viz. That not the contrary Side, but the whole Chri∣stian Church is the sole Judge, all the Proceedings are void; and as it is not to be esteemed a Council, so the Appeal remains in its due Force. And whatsoever is violently undertaken,

by virtue of such Proceedings, is in truth a publick Violence, and notoria injuria. And suppose, the Pope should seem not to be so violent in his Pro∣ceedings, yet by virtue of his Senten∣ces, endeavour to establish Idolatry, and commit publick Injuries; we be∣lieve that it is the Prince's Right to oppose, and defend themselves against the same.

And to clear this point the better, it will, I think, not be amiss to insert here also the Answer, which was given by Martin Luther, Justus Jonas, Philip Melanc thon, George Spalatin, and other Divines, to the Instructions of the Law∣yers at Wittenbergh, concerning Resi∣stance. These are their words:

A Paper has been delivered to us, out of which we see, what the Opini∣on is of the Doctors in the Law con∣cerning the question: In what cases it is allowable to resist the Magistracy. Now because these cases are determin'd by the Doctors, and others skill'd in the Laws; and we certainly are at this time under such Circumstances, as will allow us (as they prove) to resist our Superiour Powers; and we having always taught, that temporal

Rights should remain in their due Force and Vigour, we cannot contra∣dict it out of the Scripture, but that we may defend our selves, if it were against the Emperour's own Person or whoever else should act under his Authority. And because we are a•• present in great danger, which seem•• to encrease every Day, whereby may happen a sudden Necessity of Resi∣stance; it will not be amiss not only for our Laws, but also for Conscience sake, to prepare and arm our selves a∣gainst any Attempts, which may be made upon us; as it seems very likely that according to all Circumstances the like may easily befall us. For what we have hitherto taught concer∣ning not resisting the higher Powers; we were not sufficiently instructed, that the Laws did allow it, to whom we also have always taught, that Obe∣dience ought to be given.

And when afterwards the Protestant Princes clearly apprehended an Invasion from the Roman Catholick Party, and espe∣cially from the Emperour Charles the V•• Martin Luther, John Bugenhagen, Caspa•• Cruciges, George Major, and Philip M••∣lancthon, did not only approve the Pro∣testant

League made at Smalkald, but also the four last, Anno 1546, gave con∣cerning the War against the Emperour, this following Answer:

When we are once certain that the Emperour intends to attack the States, by reason of their Religion, there is no doubt, the States have a Right to de∣fend themselves, and their Adherents, &c. Such a Defence is the same, as if you defended your self against so many Murtherers, whether they be headed by the Emperour or any body else; because the Act is a publick Tyranny, and no∣toria violentia. And what we may ex∣pect from the Spaniards, Italians, and Burgundians; the Country of Juliers, can and may serve us as an Example. Wherefore every Inhabitant ought to venture his Life to resist such Tyranny. And in this case it is also true, that the Prevention it self is just and allowable, provided we are certain, the Emperor has resolved to invade the States.

I could have translated a great many more the like Cases; but as the rest have all follow'd the Footsteps of those above∣named Divines, who were the first and chiefest in the Work of Reformation; so I thought these sufficient to show, how far

different the Principles and Doctrine of the Lutherans, were from a blind and unlimi∣ted Obedience, wherewith our Author so boldly charges them. But that it may not be objected that our Age has perhaps altered the Opinion of the Lutheran Di∣vines; I will, (besides what may be seen in the above-mentioned Book) give you the Opinion of one of the most famous Lutheran Divines of our Age, Dr. John Gerhard, in his own Words:

Distinguunt, says he, Politici Scripto∣res (1) inter Principes Majestatis integrae & potestatis absolutae, qui absolutum Imperium in subditos obtinent, nec te∣nentur certis quibusdam pactis, conven∣tis vel legibus regni fundamentalibus, expressa promissione obstricti; & inter Principes potestatis limitatae, & pactis, conventis inter ipsos & proceres regni initis circumscriptae, cui distinctioni respondet ea, quae statuitur inter sub∣ditos meros & mixtos, (2) inter offen∣sionem & defensionem. Principibus, quorum potestas est limitata, ab illis, qui non sunt mere subditi, ab ordini∣bus scilicet regni, resisti, ac violentiam eorum armata manu repelli posse dis∣putant,

id quod sequentibus confirmari posset argumentis. 1. A Magistratus officio: Magistratui incumbit, subdi∣tos contra injustam oppressionem tueri, ut superius fuit demonstratum. Jam vero ordines regni in regno electivo, ad quod non nisi certis conditionibus caput est evectum, sunt loco Magistra∣tus. Non enim sunt mere subditi, sed partem potestatis in electione summi capitis sibi reservarunt. 2. A Juris na∣turalis praescripto. Defensio sui omni jure Divino, scilicet naturali & civili est concessa; Ergo licet ordinibus regni contra injustam oppressionem se & subditos defendere. 3. Ex mutuae obligationis modo. Ex contractibus nascitur mutua & reciproca obligatio. Jam vero inter Principem potestatis re∣strictae, & Ordines regni electivi talis contractus fuit initus, ut Princeps in leges regni fundamentales prius jurave∣rit, antequam Ordines, regni nomine, omnium subditorum fidem ipsi darent. Quod si ergo Princeps ab hoc contractu discedit, Ordines regni ab obedientiae promissione ipso jure absolvuntur. 4. Ex axiomate Theologico, quod Evan∣gelium non aboleat politias. Jam vero ad statuta & jura politica hoc ipsum

pertinet, quod Ordines regni vi contra∣ctus initi, Magistratui libere electo, & contra promissionem & sidem datam agenti resistere possint. Vid. Lutherum Tom. 7. Germanic. Jenensi. Fol. 389. 5. A paritatis judicio. Sicut principes ab∣errantes ministri Ecclesiae verbo possunt arguere, consiliarii sanis consiliis in viam eos revocare: Sic ordines Regni, quibus datus est à Deo gladius, vi armata ipsi∣us conatibus possunt resistere. 6. Ex probatorum exemplorum testimonio, 2 Reg. 11. Jojadas deponit Athaliam, 1 Maccab. 2. & seqq. Judas & reliqui Maccabaei resistunt Antiocho. Constan∣tinus oppugnavit Licinium, collegam in imperic, Christianos•• persequentem. B. Lutherus in Scripto ad pastorem Tom. 7. Germ. Jnenesi, fol. 386. addit duo alia exempla, quod populus re∣stiterit Sauli Jonathanem interficere cu∣pienti, I Sam. 14. quod{que} Ahicam & alii principes Israelitici restiterint Re∣gi Jojakim Jeremiam ad internecio∣nem quaerenti. 7. Ex consequente ab∣surdo. Si ordinibus Regni denegare∣tur potestas contra injustam violenti∣am se ac suos desendendi, consequens foret, non esse discrimen inter Princi∣pes, qui absolutam & integram obti∣tinent

potestatem, & inter eos, quo∣rum potestas est limitata & circum∣scripta, nec esse discrimen inter mere subditos, & eos, qui sunt in partem po∣testatis recepti, ac quibus cura boni publici ex parte adhuc incumbit, pro∣missionem illam quam Princeps ante evectionem ad Regnum Ordinibus praestet nullius esse momenti, cum pro arbitrio ab ea discedere, nec ad im∣pletionem ejusdem cogi possit, electi∣onem boni principis intuitu boni pub∣lici susceptam, in extremum Regni detrimentum vergere, cum libidini ejus nemo possit resistere. 8. Ex Theologorum & Jurisconsultorum suffragio. Lutherus, Bugenhagius, Ju∣stus Jonas, Nicolaus Ambsdorfius, Geor∣gius Spalatinus, Philippus Melancthon, Casparus Cruciger, Georgius Major, Justus Menius, Christophorus Hoff∣mannus, &••alii Theologi. Juriscon∣sulti Wittebergenses, Anno 31. Basi∣lius Monnerus & alii ex Politicis, de∣fensionem sui ordinibus Regni licitam & concessam esse censuerunt, ut con∣stat ex Scriptis à Dom. Hortledero collectis Tom. 2. lib. 2. de causis belli Germanici. Sed gravissimae hujus quae∣stionis decisionem Theologorum &

Jurisconsultorem Collegiis commit| tendam, ne{que} quidquam temere pro∣nunciandum esse dicimus.

Thus far concerning a limited Power: And though he seems afterwards not al∣together to agree with the Opinion of such as allow Resistance in an absolute Government; yet it is apparent enough, that his Arguments are rather intended a∣gainst the Jesuitical Principles, and such as makes every body a fit Judge of the Limits of Obedience and Princely Office, than against all manner of necessary self-defence, which, among others, may be seen out of these Words:

Cum satius sit à subditis hic peccari in defectu quam excessu, ac durissima quaevis ab illis tolerari, quam praetextu defensionis principem, de quo emenda∣tionis spes est de solio dejici, ideo Theo∣logus rectius fecerit, si populum Christi∣anum subjugo tyrannico laborantem ad poenitentiam ac patientiam hortetur, quam si vim armatam contra vindicis Dei flagella adhibendam esse doceat. Non existimo negandum, (scribit Brentius in comment. in 1 Sam. 24.) quin Davi∣di in regem divinitus electo Saulem ty∣rannidem exercentem tam opportune in spelunca oblatum interficere licue∣rit;

sed David maluit fequi, quod aedificaret, quam quod liceret impune, &c. Et postea: Quod David perpercit Sauli, magna laude dignum est, & docet, multo honestius esse & utilius, ut ad evitanda offendicula de jure nostro ali∣quid remittamus, quam summum jus prosequamur, &c.

I could not avoid inserting those Pas∣sages here, that thereby the Judicious Reader might the better be able to judge of the Doctrine of the Lutherans con∣cerning Obedience; and how much the same differs from what our Author has laid to their Charge; That both their Principles and Doctrine are for a blind and unlimited Obedience, without instruct∣ing their Auditors in the due Measures of it: And that they send some of their hopefullest young Students abroad, to learn fit Methods to please their Sovereigns at the Expence of the Peoples Liberty. It may perhaps be objected, That some of the Lutherans have tied the Subjects to a much stricter sort of Obedience towards their Sovereigns. But to this may be answered, That it is very unjust to charge a whole Body with the Opinions of a few; besides, to those who have perused the Writings of the most zealous Luthe∣ran

Champions for Obedience to Sove∣reigns, it will be evident enough, that even these have put Bounds to the same, and always submitted their Judgment in this Case to the Laws and Constitutions of the Government. I could give a great many Instances of this kind; but not to be too tedious in a matter already sufficiently proved, I will only add a few Passages out of an Author, who living at this Day in the very Resident's place of the King of Denmark;and having dedi∣cated his Treatise to that King himself, is generally thought to have strained this point of Obedience as high as ever any Lutheran Divine did; from whence it may appear, whether in the North it self, Spirituals and Temporals, Soul and Body (as our Author says) are swallowed up in their Princes, and the Lutheran Priests have their sole and entire depen∣dance from them. These are his Words in his Dedication to the King.

Nam ut reliqua taceam, quantis lau∣dibus efferendum illud est, quod cum non ita pridem sanctissimis, aequissimis{que} legibus Jus Daniae nostrae auctum esse volueris, primo loco, velut fundamentum juris & felicitatis civium Augustanam. Confessionem ponas, à qua vel latum

unguem recedere nec parentibus fas sit, nec Imperanti. Facile enim, quae tua est prudentia, animadvertis; ita Maje∣statis tuae causam cum gloria Dei con∣junctam esse, ut, nisi salva Religione, salva at{que} tuta esse non possit. And p. 66. Quare nec Magistratui quidem com∣petit illud exterius jurisdictionis Eccle∣siasticae, ut vocant, exercitium: Exami∣nare, consecrare, ordinare futuros Ec∣clesiae ministros. Et falsum est, per Transactionem Passaviensem vel Pacem Religionis, inter Status Romani Impe∣rii sancitam, in Magistratum Civilem translata haec esse, aut transferri potuisse, ut nonnulli putant. Distincta sunt or∣dinis Ecclesiastici & politici munia, jura, officia; & quemadmodum Sacerdotibus nihil in politicis, ita & Principibus nullum in Spiritualibus jus competit. p. 67. Quamvis enim vocare & constitu∣ere Doctores ac Ministros Ecclesiae non minus etiam ad summos imperantes spe∣ctet, quam ad reliqua Ecclesiae mem∣bra, imo potius cum quadam 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ad eos pertinere videatur, qui praecipuum Ec∣clesiae membrum constituunt ac utrius{que} tabulae legis custodes & nutritii audiun••, nihilominus tamen nec solius Magistratus est vocare Ecclesiae Ministros, exclusis

reliquis statibus, neque ipsa illa vocatio divinae potestati docendi & administrandi Sacramenta, quid quam humani admis∣cet, ut superiorum autoritate suffulta tantum videri debeat Doctorum Eccle∣siae Autoritas. And in his Animadversi∣ons (a) he says thus: 'De vocatione ministrorum Ecclesiae duo extrema sunt, inter quae medium tenet Orthodoxia Lutheranorum, nequid vel ambitioni clericali, vel libidini Principum indul∣geatur, sed omnia ordine, decenter & juxta primitivae Ecclesiae ritum proce∣dant. Caeterum quod jus vocandi Ec∣clesiae ministros attinet, divisum illud esse inter tres status, & ad totam Eccle∣siam spectare, toties probarunt nostrates Theologi, ut ea opera nunc quidem supersedere possim. Disceptari etiam illud solet, anne status Ecclesiasticus, aut Oeconomicus renunciare juri suo possit, at{que} illud tacito quodam consensu dele∣gare Senatui aut Magistratui Seculari. Cujus quaestionis negativam partem tu∣etur B. Hulsemannus.

And p. 69. he gives us the Opinion of the famous Puffendorf, in his Book De habitu Re∣ligionis Christianae ad vitam civilem; who says thus:

Sed Doctores Ecclesiae ut 'tales, non sunt propriè officiales Regis

sed sunt servi Christi ac ministri Eccle∣siae, non Civitatis.

And p. 73. he goes thus on:

Male alias apud pontificios audit ministerium Lutheranorum; eo potissimum nomine, quod omnia Jura sua ac Privilegia divina & humana Magistratui politico resignet, ab ejus nu∣tu, imperio & voluntate totum pendeat, adeo ut nulla ipsi nisi parendi gloria relicta sit, sive in doctrina ipsa sive in legibus quicquam mutari, consultum imperantibus videatur. In quem finem exprobrare etiam nobis solent illud in Germania tritum dicterium: Cujus est Regio, illius & est Religio; quasi ex hypothesi Lutheranae Religionis inte∣grum sit Principi de rebus fidei pro lu∣bitu decernere, quidquid pro varia temporum & utilitatis publicae ratione visum placitum{que} fuerit. Sed calum∣nia haec est curiae Romanae, eo{que} a••rocior, quod in nostris principiis, ne quidem suspicionis locum invenit. Scilicet di∣dicere Evangelici aequa lance metiri Principum & Ecclesiae jura, nec divel∣lere ea, quae Christus conjuncta esse vo∣luit: Date Caesari, quae sunt Caesaris, & Deo quae Dei. Quod si forte contingat nonnunquam Magistratum jure suo in praejudicium ordinis Ecclesiastici abuti, id non magis doctri∣nae

nostrae imputandum est, quam omnes alii abusus, scandala & vitia Protestanti∣um, quae toto ore at{que} pectore detestatu Ecclesia nostra. Caeteroquin fore putan∣dum non est, ut illisplaceat alienaeservitu| tis jugum, quia tyrannide cleri in liberta∣tem tam fortiter sese asseruerunt, vel ut aequis oculis aspiciant 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 qui 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 quondam ferre non potue runt.

But in his 6. Chap. p. 166. he says plainly, That the Augsburg Confession is the Foundation of the Danish Monar∣chy.

Hac occasione non possum satis depraedicare Juris Danici sanctimoni∣am, & cum vera religione inti∣mam connexionem, quam vel primum caput statim in limine prodit his verbis. Kongen haver og eene hoyeste Magt o∣ver ald Clerisiet fra den hoyeste til den laveste, at beskikke oc anordne ald Kirke og Guds Tieniste, Moder, Som∣menkomst og Forsamlinger om Religi∣ons-Sager effter Guds Ordog den Augs∣burgiske Confession, &c. Non potest igitur jus Daniae nostrae nisi cum vera religione perennare, & si illam tollas, Augusti diadematis gloriam potentiam{que} imminui necessum est. Pio igitur & prudenti consilio factum est, ut Au∣gustana Confessio legum nostrarum constitutionem ingrederetur tanquam

certissimum medium & valorem legibus conciliandi, & legislatoris summam & absolutam Majestatem sarram tectam{que} conservandi. Numae Pompilii tem∣pestate ancile quoddam de coelo de∣cidisse, Romana antiquitas fabulatur, una{que} vocem editam omnium poten∣tissimam: Erit civitas, quamdiu illud manserit. Nec dissimile responsum Trojanis de Palladio ex Oraculo Del∣phico datum ferunt: Ejus Civitatis futurum esse exitium; si Palladis simu∣lacrum, extra moenia portaretur; quo effectum, ut cives summa cura & sol∣licitudine rem tanti momenti custo∣dirent. Non hic fabulas vel oracula memoramus, sed vocem seriam om∣nium{que} prudentum confessione ve∣ram repetimus: Erit in Dania, summa & absoluta Majestas, quam diu Lu∣rana Religio manserit.

I am not ignorant that these latter words may bear a double Interpretation; yet he that will duly compare the former Passages with the last, will easily find out the Author's meaning to be, That the Lu∣theran Priests, as Priests, have no entire dependance from their Magistrates, but that in Denmark the Welfare of the Monarchy is inseparable from the maintaining of

Augsburgh Confession. And I admire how our Author, during his stay in Denmark, could be so overseen, as no•• to enquire more strictly into this Point, before he undertook to assert a thing of that nature with so much Confidence. As for the Lutheran Priests in Germany, where that Religion chiefly flourishes, it is certain, they have in the most places, much less dependance from their Princes; since in the most Cities and Corporations there the Rights of Patronage are either in the Magistrates, or else in the Congre∣gation; sometimes joyntly in the Magi∣strates and Elders of the Parishes. In the Country some of them perhaps be∣long to the Nobility, some to the Prince; and so do some Cathedrals; tho' a great many Ministers in these latter are chosen by the Canons; and all their yearly Sa∣laries, Houses, and other Benefices, are ascertained to them out of such Reve∣nues or Lands as do properly belong and depend, not from the Prince, but the several Cathedrals and Parish-Churches. Their Perquisites, which especially in the Cities, commonly amount to more than their Salaries, and in some places are very considerable, come from Buryings, Bap∣tizing,

Confessions, Prayers in the Churches, and with the sick at their Houses, Marrying and New-years-Gifts; all which as in those Parts they most absolutely depend on the Peoples Liberality and Inclination, being rather established by Custom than any Laws, I cannot see what Colour our Author could have for his Assertion, that, ex∣cept they will resign the Character of Priest to that of true Patriot, and be false to their Fortunes, they are obliged to assist their Princes in their Arbitrary way of go∣verning; it being manifest, that their Vocation (generally speaking) and their Subsistence as Priests, depend from the People, rather than their Princes; and they having also their Consistories where Ecclesiastical Affairs are determined ac∣cording to the Constitutions of the seve∣ral Countries; and in a great many Places Prelates, as Abbots, Priors, and Deans, who are among the States in their several Countries, it is evident, that our Author's supposed dependance, without the interfering of a Superiour, such as the Pope among the Romanists, betwixt the Lutheran Clergy and their Princes, is no•• so dangerous either to the Priests or People, as our Author would fain p••r∣swade

us, on purpose to lay all the blame upon the Clergy. To ef∣fect this the better, he tells us with a singular Confidence, That also the sole Management of the Youth is com∣mitted to the care of the Lutheran Priests in those Countries, which observe the Confession of Augsburgh; tho, most cer∣tainly nothing is more contrary to the Truth. I will appeal to those who, as well as I, have made an enquiry into this Matter, Whether in the publick Schools of the Lutherans they have not found Schoolmasters of other Professions as well as Divines; and tho' they are not exclu∣ded from that Function, whether they ever were preferred before others, as being Professors or Students of Divinity? The Nobility in the Country, and Patri∣tians in the Cities, generally have their Tutors or Domestick Preceptors, for the Education of their Children (Boarding-Schools being rarely to be found there;) in the choice of whom they are general∣ly so far from preferring Divines before others, that they seldom admit of them in that Station. And when their Chil∣dren come to the Age of Travelling, or going to the Universities, it is a gene∣ral Maxime among them, not to put the

Tuition of their young Men into the Hands of Divines, whose Profession obliging them to a sedentary Life, and least of all others being accustomed to travel, they do not reckon these so proper Instruments for the perfecting their Sons, and obtaining the full ends of Travelling, as those of other Professions, who more frequently apply themselves to it in those Parts. I am apt to believe that our Au∣thor may be fallen partly into this Mi∣stake, from the necessity and custom which formerly had obtained in Den∣mark, when the Nobility having in their Hands all Places of Profit and Trust; and their Constitution not re∣quiring many Lawyers, Divinity was the only Profession, out of which they were obliged to choose persons for the Education of their Youth. But besides that Matters are much altered since in Denmark, as to this Particular, it would have been but prudence to have enquir'd more strictly into this Point, as to the Customs of other Lutheran Countries, be∣fore he made it the Foundation Stone of his Doctrine of Slavery.

If this Gentleman would have taken into due Consideration the Protestant League made immediately after the Re∣formation

at Smalkald; the ensuing War with Charles the V. the Transactions at Passaw; That long and most cruel War which was for 30 Years together carried on in Germany, betwixt the Protestants and the Roman Catholick Party, and the Peace thereupon concluded at Munster, and Osnabrugge; besides what not so ma∣ny Years ago happened in Hungary, un∣der the Conduct of the Counts Serini, Nadasti and Franquepani, and is to this Day continued by Teckely, (the Heads of which League were chiefly Lutherans, and their Pretensions both for Religion and Liberty) he could not have commit∣ted so gross an Error, as to impute an un∣limited blind Obedience both in their Prin∣ciples and Practices to the Lutherans.

And to clear this Point the better, I cannot but relate some Passages which happened in our Memory, in the Electo∣rate of Brandenburgh, betwixt his Electo∣ral Highness, and some Lutheran Mini∣sters, out of which it will easily be under∣stood, whether the Northern parts of Germany are so much infected with blind Obedience, as this Gentleman ima∣gines. The Business happened thus: Frederick William the present Elector of Brandenburgh's Father, being of the re∣formed

Religion, which they call com∣monly the Calvinian, was for establish∣ing an Agreement betwixt the Lutherans and Calvinists. There were at that time two Factions among the Lutherans; The first of such, as were strictly, and with some austerity adhering to the first Rules of the Reformation, were called the Wit∣tenburgh Faction, or sometimes Calovians, from one Dr. Calow in the said Universi∣ty, Professor of Divinity, who was a fierce and implacable Enemy to the Do∣ctrines of one Dr. Calixtus, and others in the University of Helmstadt, who were for moderating and reconciling the religi∣ous differences in Germany. The former had for a considerable time, both in their Sermons and Writings, been very vehe∣ment against the Calvinists; the later had dealt with them more mildly, for which reason they also had undergone the rigid Censures of the Wittenburgh Divines in the Country of Brandenburgh. The Ca∣lixtines therefore, and Calvinists, with the Assistance of some of the States of Brandenburgh were very desirous to bring the former to a more pliable Temper; and the Elector being willing to esta∣blish a better Understanding, took an opportunity by his several Proclamations

to order, that both Parties should abstain from injurious Words: Such as Zwingli∣ans, Sacramentarians, Ubiquitists, Mar∣cionites, and the like; That they should not put any Consequences deduced out of their several Hypotheses upon one another, which either Party did deny; And thirdly, that all Priests should be obliged to baptize the Children of such Parents, as were averse to the Exorcism, (which the most Lutherans, together with the Sign of the Cross, use in the Baptism) without the same. And find∣ding some of the Lutherans in no ways complying with his Mandates; he order∣ed certain Formulars to be subscribed by them, and commanded his confistorial Judges, to see that every thing were du∣ly performed according to his Mandates. It would be too long to dispute here concerning the Merit of the Cause upon either Side; it will be sufficient to shew, how the Lutherans behav'd themselves in this Case, which I think will fully clear them as to the Point of blind Obedience. They were then so far from obeying the Electoral Proclamations, and subscribing the Formulars, that they on the contra∣ry, together with such of their Audi∣tors as adhered to them, did by several

Petitions under the Name of the true and pure Lutheran Churches, and their Confessors, tell the Elector,That he had quite surrendred himself like a Prisoner to his Privy Counsellors, who pretended to a religious Peace, by suppressing that of Os∣nabrugge, and quite abolishing their na∣tive Constitutions and Agreements. And whenever they objected to the Courtiers, that their proceedings were against the Rights of Patronage, and Contracts; the common Answer was, that these were out of date; Because the Eighth Commandment was not to be found in the States Cate∣chism, but in lieu of the same, was introdu∣ced, that Principle of Machiavell, Prin∣cipi licet, facere, quidquid lubet. That at the Peace made at Osnabrugge it was agreed, that no body should be permitted to alter the free Exercise of Religion, or the Laws and Constitutions that were established. Neither that under pretext of Rights of Patronage, Episcopal or Territorialor any other Pre∣tence, Ministers should be forced upon the Subjects of a∣nother Religion, or any thing

to be either directly or indirectly done, which might prove prejudicial to another Religion. They say further: That these Rules were taken out of the States Cate∣chism, to perswade Magistrates, that as in Temporal, so in Ecclesiastical Affairs, they have alone absolute Power to determine and punish, which is an unheard of Doctrine in both Religions. That some Examples out of the Old Testament and Christian Em∣perors ill applied, the Prerogative of Ma∣gistrates and Rights of Patronages, were political Pretences, from whence it might be evident, that the former Proclamati∣ons were nothing else than the Tokens of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or the political Antichrist; since in setting Magistrates above all what belongs to God, viz. his Word, Sacraments, Denominations, Church-Ceremonies, and Ministers; the Design was to invade the Throne of Christ. And in another Peti∣tion they object to the Elector a Coin which was coined 1548, by George Duke of Anhalt, which had on one Side this In∣scription: Plus odi Conciliatores istos, quam apertos Religionis Hostes. And further say: That the Elector's Proclamations were against the Peace of the Empire, Constitu∣tions of the Land, and Contracts made Anno 1653, where it was concluded, that

no Proclamations should be issued forth re∣pugnant to that Contract, or contrary to both Religions. I could have inserted more of this kind, but I will only add so much, that these Petitions having been delivered to the Elector, after he had upon the Request of the Representatives of the Prelates, Earls, Nobility and Ci∣ties, abrogated the Formular proposed to the Clergy before, and explained himself very favourably as to the point of arguing in their Sermons, may serve as lively Instances, that the Lutheran Priests, though they represent Obedi∣ence as the Queen of all Vertues, en∣dowed rather with Modesty, than armed with Dagger and Poyson, yet they have neither blinded, neither tongue-tied her. The Disturbances arisen some time ago, & continuing to this Day in a Northern Lutheran Commonwealth, betwixt two Clergymen, who have drawn not only the rest of the Clergy, but also all the Inhabitants (notwithstanding the Se∣nates Authority and Endeavours to the contrary) into two Parties, are so notori∣ous, that those alone sufficiently contradict our Author's Assertion concerning their blind Obedience. But it is time to leave the Lutherans, and to see why the Roman

Catholick Religion has been the darling of Princes upon the Account of blind Obedience, according to this Gentleman's Opinion. Truly those that will a little consider, that pernicious Doctrine of the Roman Catholicks, of deposing, nay even murthering of Princes; the many Instan∣ces of this kind, which have veri∣fied their Principles in this point; the Bulls of Bonifacius VIII, Innocent III, Clement V, and other Popes, who have asserted the same as a legal Power, will, I believe, easily be convinced that an Arbitrary Prince, who understands his own Interest, has but little reason to make those his darlings, who think it not only lawful, but also meritorious to cut his Throat, when not submitting himself to their Rules. And how can any Prince who affects an Arbitrary Power, suppose himself absolute Master of his Subjects, as long as there are in his Dominions those, and that in great Numbers, who being potent both by their vast Possessions, and the Influence they have over the rest, acknowledge another Head, besides himself, and profess open∣ly that both in Spirituals and Temporals they owe more Obedience to the Pope than the Prince? It would be superva∣cuous

to prove this, it being, besides the Bulls of Gregory IX, Innocent IV, Gre∣gory VII, and a great many others, so a∣bundantly certified by Histories, and their practices in all Ages; that no body who has any insight in History, can be ignorant of it. I know some will object to this, that these have been the Pra∣ctices in former Ages among the Roman Catholicks, when Simplicity was more predominant; but that since the Refor∣mation the Jesuits have known so to mi∣tigate this point, as that nothing is to be fear'd from thence, which seems to be also our Author's Opinion; when he says, that the firm Adherency to Tyranny is manifest in the Jesuits, by their adhe∣ring now to the French interest, as they did formerly to the House of Austria. That the Jesuits who are the Supporters of the above-mentioned Doctrine so destructive to all Governments, should have in the least receded from the same, is as vain to imagine, as that the same do now less adhere to the House of Austria, than for∣merly. It is not to be denied, some of that Gang have had cunning enough to insinuate themselves into the most secret Affairs of the French King; but what is that towards their having shaken off

off their old Principles of Self-Interest, and maintaining the Pope's Prerogative; or their adhering now more to France. than the House of Austria? Their seeming Compliance, is by all un∣derstanding People in France it self, look'd upon as an effect of their Fear, rather than good Inclination towards that Kingdom: For they having seen, that the French Kings have maintained their Authority with a high Hand a∣gainst the Pope, and the restless Endea∣vors of their Fraternity, they have of late according to their wonted Custom, chan∣ged their Tune for fear of losing all. That famous Inscription of Lewis XII, that notable Advice of Cardinal Richlieu, of setting up a Patriarch in France, and the vigorous Opposition Innocent XI. found in the present French King against all his Attempts, has frightned these Fathers into a Complacency, which nothing but the Consideration of their own Interest could have extorted from them; to pur∣sue which they will at any time adhere, either to France, or to the House of Austria, to Monarchy, Aristocracy, or De∣mocracy. And this may be evident e∣nough to any body who will recol∣lect their Behaviour in our Age as

well as the former. Not to speak of the Villanies of Castell, Clement, and Ravaillack, who are so abominable, that they ought not to be mentioned a∣mong the Race of Mankind, and are lively Instances, how far the Roman Ca∣tholicks have laid aside their ancient King-killing Principle. The Jesuite, Santarel, in his Book which was burnt by the Hangman in France, has shewn suffici∣ently, That they have not changed much their former Opinion as to the Pope's Prerogative over Magistrates. And it is remarkable what is related of the Jesuites in France; who being then asked, What their Opinion was of this Book? whether they would oppose it? or whether they did intend to conform themselves according to the Approbation of the same by their General at Rome? after a great many Tergiversations, be∣ing put to give a Categorical Answer, they could not forbear saying, If they were at Rome, they should be of their General's Opinion. And the threat∣ning Letter from Innocent XI. to Lewis XIV. as that also to the Clergy, evidences sufficiently, that it is rather want of Power than good Will, when they seem not to act according to their former ut∣most

Severity. That the Jesuites follow no other Dictates but such as agree with their own Interest, (whether in a Free or Arbitrary Government) so many of the Roman Catholicks have testified them∣selves that I wonder how any body can fansie them adhering to any. Was it not justly objected to Father Parsons and Campian in Queen Elizabeth's time, from the other Roman Catholicks, that the several Disturbances, and especially the Disputes about frequenting the En∣glish Churches were raised on purpose by them only for the Benefit of their So∣ciety; and that the rest had been considera∣ble Losers by it? Were not, by Father Parson's Means, Seminaries for English Jesuites erected as well in France as Spain, Portugal, and the Netherlands? Did he not treat with the Spaniards, French, Queen of Scots, the Pope, Duke of Guise, Prince Farnese, and the Earl of Derby, about the Crown of England? so indif∣ferent was he in the Point, that it mat∣ter'd him not who had it, provided the Jesuites might obtain their Ends. Has not a certain moderate Roman Catholick, not many Years ago, attributed the bloody Wars in Ireland, and a great many other mischievous Devices against

this Government, to the Excommunicati∣ons of John Baptist Rinuccini, the Pope's Nuncio, then in Ireland, and to the great Aversion the Jesuit••s and their Adherents always have shewed against the Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy? And have we not in our Memory seen the Jesuites have an equal Interest and Adherency both to the House of Austria and France, by raising Persecutions in Hungary and France against the Protestants? And was not the Emperour, by their Advices, brought to the very Brink of Ruin? and do the most judicious presage any good to the French King, from having followed their Methods? So that I am apt to believe, the most sensible Princes, though never so Arbitrary, will not be so fond of them, as to make them their Darlings upon that score. And if some Commonwealths have been cautious enough to clip a lit∣tle their Wings in their Dominions: yet as the great decay of that once flourish∣ing City and Commonwealth of Cologne on the Rhine, caused by their Devices, is an instance, that where ever they get footing, it will be prejudicial to the Government: So the Switzers can testi∣fie, that it is next to an impossibili••y to keep them even out of Commonwealths.

For though Switzerland has shewed as little Inclination to them as any Go∣vernment whatsoever; yet they ha∣ving possessed themselves of one of the best places in Friburgh, they have a most noble Colledge and Chapel there. And though the Canton of Soloturn would not admit of them till within these few years, and that not but under hard Conditions; yet out of 1000 Livres Revenue per Annum for ten of them, they are grown so rich that they are erecting a most magnificent Church and College, the building whereof is rec∣koned, Will amount to 50000 l. Sterl. which may convince all unbyass'd Per∣sons, that it is not any form of Govern∣ment they adhere to, but that they will flatter either Arbitrary Power or Licenti∣ousness, according as it turns best to their own Account. But we must go further and hear what our Author has to say con∣cerning the English Clergy. I do not hereby mean, says he, to reflect on the Or∣der, which generally has the government of our Youth; we have had the experience of many among them, who have given proof of a freer Education and Learning: And without question the chief posts of the Gown of both kinds were never better filled than

at present. I only lament the ill contrivance of their Constitution; for while Interest draws one way, and Honesty another, when a Man may make his Fortune by forgetting his Duty to his Country, but shall always stick at mark while he serves it; 'tis scarce∣ly to be hoped Men should hold out against such temptations, unless they be generally gifted with more Honesty than the generali∣ty of Mankind are. And since they conti∣nue still upon the same bottom, it must be expected the same, or other as mischievous Doctrines will be broached; whereas if they were once set upon the same foot, the Philosophers of old were, if honesty and the duty to their Country, were made their private interest, and the way to thrive, we should soon see them shift hands, and the Spirit of those Philosophers revive in them again. The Constitution of our Universities as to Learning, seems as unfortunately re∣gulated, as it is to Politicks, &c. It seems as ridiculous to take patterns for the gentile Learning of this Age, from the old fashion∣ed Learning of the Times, wherein the University-Statutes were compiled, as it would be for one, who would appear well dress'd at Court, to make his Cloaths after the Mode in Henry the VIII's Days, &c.

Here is an Harangue upon the English Clergy, which if you explain, it is no∣thing else to say, but according to their Institution, if they will be honest they cannot thrive; and that therefore no good is to be expected from them. I must confess, that among all Books that ever I saw, I never met with one, which asserted more with an excessive Confi∣dence, and proved less. If this Gentle∣man's Resolution was to take upon him the Office of a Church, and State-Refor∣mer General, it would have been but suitable to so great a Character, to have been a little more particular, as well in this as other points, and to have shewed us the true Faults of such Constitutions, with their proper Remedies; that from thence we might have judged, whether by his Suppositions, those Rules could be introduced into the Government, which the best Head-pieces hitherto have not been able to find out. But to tell us a random Story of Interest drawing one, and Honesty another way, without explaining the point, is nothing else than audacter loqui (not to speak worse) and can scarce be taken by any sensible Man to have been done with a true Intention of serving the Publick; Since it is cer∣tain

that by such vain Rhetorick, neither the true Nature of the Matter will be understood, nor proper Remedies be found out. Neither can any one con∣ceive what he means by saying, if Hone∣sty and the Duty to their Country were made their private Interest, since it is apparent enough to all judicious Persons in that kind, that the Constitutions of the Clergy, is in all well-constituted Govern∣ments, so link'd with that of the Foun∣dation of the whole, and in this King∣dom so inseparately annexed to our true and fundamental form of Government, that without great Danger of Ruin, both Interests cannot be separated; We have learned this Truth by woful Experience, within some of our Memory, that as to us, it needs no further Proof. I remem∣ber, that in my Travels I did once in a certain Commonwealth see the follow∣ing Inscription upon a Door of a great Church, Felix Respublica, ubi Moses & Aaronmanent Fratres; by which as they seem'd to admire the Wisdom of the great Legislator, who put the Spiritual and Temporal Government of the Jews, into the Hands of two Brothers; so they intimated that from the Union and Con∣cord of both, depended in a great Mea∣sure,

the Felicity of the Commonwealth. Surely, our Author, who is altogether for Antiquity, has forgot, that in the most Ancient, and so wisely regulated Government of the AEgyptians, the Priests (who also were Philosophers) had the chief Rank of esteem together with the Soldiers, both by the Prince and People. That besides others, his beloved Greeks and Romans followed the same Me∣thods. The Athenians admitted their Priests, whom they called Manteis, to all their publick Counsels. The Lacede∣monians gave to their Kings as a constant Assistant and Counsellour, an Augur; and among their Elders, (who were the Counsellours of the State) they had like∣wise placed an Augur. In what respect the Colledge of Augurs were at Rome, and how it was decreed in the Senate, that constantly six of the principal Ci∣tizens Children should be sent into He∣truria; that by learning that Sort of Divi∣nity it might not be communicated to the common People, is so notorious, that few who have read Histories, are ignorant of it. I have not related these latter, with an Intention to put the Heathens religious Contrivances in an equal Bal∣lance with the Jews, and Christians

Church-Government; but only to shew that even the wiser•• sort of the Ancient Heathens, whom our Au∣••hor prefers much before us, did lay the very Founda∣••ion of their Government upon the Union betwixt Ecclesiastical and Temporal Governours; and that after God Almighty had com∣mitted the Management of both to two Brothers; he afterwards to make this Tye the more inseparable, insti∣tuted but one Temple at Jerusalem, which the whole Jewish Nation being obliged to visit, they could not alter their Go∣vernment, without at the same time re∣nouncing their Religion. What this Gentleman is pleased to tell us concer∣ning the old Philosophers, and their Preference, is as vain as the rest, since he proves nothing of their Foundation, and will (when we by and by treat of that point) be as ridiculous as most of his former whimsical Assertions: He would have done well, when he compa∣red the Old Fashion'd Learning of the Times, wherein the University-Statutes were compiled, with the Clothes made af∣ter

the Mode, which was in Henry the VII•• Days; to have also remembred, ho•• much that bigotted sort of Philosop•••• of the Pythagoreans, who gave no other reasons for their Opinions, than •••••• dixit, and which our Author has imit∣ted to a Hair, is out of fashion among the most sensible part of Mankind. •••• ought to have considered how little •••• table it would be both to our Times a•••• Constitutions, if, according to the ••••••stom of the Ancient Academians, •••• should be obliged to hear them prat•••• and contradict every Body withou•• proving, or as much as asserting circum∣stantially their Opinions; in which a•••••• this Gentleman takes a more than ordi∣nary Pride. And I would ask him Diogenes the Cynick should come in h•• Wine-pipe rolling to Whitehall, whe∣ther he would not appear as ridiculo•••• there, as one dress'd up after the Fashion which was usual in King Henry the VIII Days. And yet these are some of hi•• admired Philosophers, these his inge••••∣ous Comparisons: is not that taking pain•• for nothing? It is not to be denied, bu•• that from some foreign Universities, seve∣ral matters might be taken, which would much improve ours; as also that a gre••••

deal might be added as to Universities in general; but as I always have had a natu∣ral Aversion against that Office of Cen∣sor, so troublesome to all lovers of Li∣berty, and that I have received particu∣lar Obligations from one of our two Universities: I will rather leave that Province to more able Men, than be too busie and forward in mentioning the same. What also this Gentleman says, That the Lawyers have been in most places favourers of Liberty, I will not contradict positively; because, to prove the contrary would exceed the Limits of Animadversions: though, I believe, if a proportionable Computation were made betwixt the Gown of both Kinds; it would be found that the Lawyers, even in our latter Times, have in no ways been behind hand with the Clergy in that point. But since it would be unrea∣sonable, that the whole Body of either kind should be charged with the opini∣ons of a few; and a great many of these also, partly have altered, partly laid a∣side the same; I reckon it better to bu∣ry it in oblivion, than by exasperating to revive the old Animosities. But we must return to our Author, who after he has long discoursed concerning the

Diseafes in the Body politick, now be∣gins to come to his Remedies. So have seen your half-learned Youngsters in Phy∣sick, who having got together a few Aphorisms and other sayings out of Hip∣pocrates and Galen, apply them with a very comely Countenance to all sorts of Sicknesses, and with no less Confidence promise Cure, speedy and easie, by help of their Universal never-failing Restaurative of the whole Body: which though they generally pretend to be as ancient as Her∣mes Trismegist; yet is upon due enquiry commonly found to be taken out of some bragging Chymist or other of our times: But let us look upon our Author's Receipt. The Greeks and Romans, says he, instituted their Academies to quite ano∣ther purpose; the whole Education of their Youth tended to make them as useful to the Society they lived in, as possible; There they were train'd up to Exercise and La∣bour; to accustom them to an active Life: No Vice was more infamous than Sloth, nor any Man more contemptible, than him, that was too lazy to do all the good he could. The Lectures of their Philosophers served to quicken them up to this. They recommended above all things the Duty to their Country, the Preservation of their

Laws and the publick Liberty; subservi∣ent to which, they preached up Moral Ver∣tues, such as Fortitude, Temperance, Ju∣stice, and Contempt of Death, &c. Some∣times they made use of pious Cheats, as Elysian Fields, and an Assurance of future Happiness, if they died in the Cause of their Country; And even deceived their Hearers into Greatness; hence proceeded all those noble Characters, wherewith their Histories are so stock'd, &c. The Mana∣gers of our modern Education, have not been quite so publick-spirited; for it has been for the most part in the hands of Men, who have a distinct Interest from the pub∣lick, &c. Good Learning as well as Tra∣vell, is a great Antidote against the plague of Tyranny. The Books that are left us of the Ancients (from whence, as from Foun∣tains we draw all that we are now Ma∣sters of,) are full of Doctrines, Sentences, and Examples, exhorting to the Conserva∣tion or Recovery of the publick Liberty, which was once valued above Life. The Hero's there celebrated are, for the most part, such as had destroyed or expelled Ty∣rants; and though Brutus be generally de∣claimed against by modern School-boys, He was then esteemed the true Pattern and Model of exact Vertue. Such was Ca∣to

of Utica, with others of like Stamp, &c. 'Twas not to learn Foreign Languages that the Greecian and Roman Youths went for so long together to the Academics and Lectures of their Philosophers; 'twas not then, as now with us, when the Character of a Scho∣lar is, to be skill'd in Words, &c. This manner of Education produced Men of ano∣ther Stamp than appears now upon the The∣atre of the World, such as we are scarc•• worthy to mention, and must never hope to imitate, till the like manner of Institution grows again into Reputation; which in e••∣slaved Countries 'tis never likely. to do, as long as the Ecclesiasticks, who have an opposite Interest, keep not only the Educa∣tion of the Youth, but the Consciences of old Men in their Hands, &c.

Here is such a Panegyrick upon the ancient Greeks and Romans, that I much question whether Demosthenes and Cicero both have said so much of them. But, since our Author seems to nause∣ate so much all that is new, and on∣ly to admire Antiquity, it is a great wonder to me, why he did not go to the most ancient Fountain it self, from whence the Greeks, and consequently the Romans, had their best Laws and Constitutions; I mean the Egyptians:

What the Historians have related of them, as having first of all understood the Rules of governing, and kept their Laws the longest and best in ure of any other Nation, as having implanted them into their very Infants by degrees, and taken effectual care to instruct them afterwards in Philosophy and Divinity, deserves credit by all who have had any insight into those most ancient times. Besides their most admirable Institutions, the Invention of Astro∣nomy, Arithmetick, Geometry and Phy∣sick, are unquestionably attributed to them; their Magnificent Tombs, stu∣pendious Obelisks, and Pyramids, their Sculptures, and whole Architecture, their Labyrinth, and prodigious Chanels, derived out of the River Nile, together with their stupendious Lake of Myris, were much surpassing any thing the Greeks or Romans ever did afterwards. Their bo∣dily Exercises, as Horse and Foot-Races, besides those with Chariots, were sur∣prizing things; and, to say all, the Greeks had all from them, but they almost all from themselves. And since it is abso∣lutely certain, that Pythagoras, Plato, Lycurgus, Solon, and the most solid Gre∣cian Philosophers did fetch their best

Knowledge from thence; and it is even spoken to the praise of Moses himself, that he was instructed in all sorts of Wisdom of the Egyptians; I cannot well devise what induced our Author not so much as to mention them; except the Reason is, That their way of having Hereditary Princes, to whom they did pay (though no Slaves) a most profound Respect, did not agree with our Author's Romantick Opinion of the transcendent Vertues of Brutus. And since he pretends to teach us the true Education of our Youth, the Persians would have furnish'd him with as good Patterns in their Princes Sons, as any are to be found among the Romans or Greeks, but that I suppose these were less for his purpose. We must there∣fore look a little into the ancient Monu∣ments, and see whether they are the only People that, being to be preferred before all others, ought to prescribe Rules for Education and Policy. I suppose it will not be thought a new Objection to say, That the Greeks have not been so Re∣ligious in describing their own Affairs as the Romans; wherefore we ought not to wonder, if these latter do not speak in so high Terms of them as our Author.

That the Greeks made no great Account of their Faith, Cicero, who knew them, I think, at least as well as this Gentleman, has left as a most notable Remark upon them;a nay he did not stick to say pub∣li••kly, That they did not know truly what belonged to it; tho' for Eloquence, Ingenuity, and other Stu∣dies, they were sufficiently to be recommended:b Their Democratical and unskilful way of governing, he reflects upon as most pernicious and destructive: c Their Laws and Consti∣tutions he thought so much inferiour to those of the Romans, that there was no Comparison to be made betwixt them. As to their Philosophers, he calls them a Company of Pratlersd who talk'd much, and

apply'd themselves to no∣thing.e And it is remark∣able that the Philosophy of that great man, Plato, im∣mediately after his death, was divided first into the Academians and Peripateticks; and not long after, in∣to as many Sects as there were little prat∣ling School-masters or Teachers. From whence it may easily be conjectured, how useful they were to, and what Interest they had in the publick Good.f Gellius, who was sent as Pro-Con∣sul into Greece, by calling them together at Athens, would fain have endeavou∣red, by his Authority and Perswasion, to put an end to their vain Disputes; but could effect nothing; Such great Lovers were they of the publick Good, that they did not think it worth their while to hearken to his wholsome Counsel•• And if we reflect seriously upon their Transactions, it will easily be found that•• what our Author tells us, of their love of Liberty and Country, Fortitude, Tem∣perance and Justice, has abundance more

Pomp than real Truth in it, That ancient Law of their drunken Meetings at Athens, aut bibe aut abi, does not shew so much Temperance; and if the Lacedaemonians exceeded the Athenians in Sobriety, Avarice was a general Vice among them. Philip of Macedon's, (who understood the Greeks and their Policies very well) Saying is famous: That no Fort was strong enough to hold out a∣gainst an Attack, if there were but an Opportunity to let an Ass loaden with Gold enter the same. Their continual Strifes are so well known, that it would be superfluous to pretend to enumerate them; and though they con∣tinually did exclaim against Tyranny, yet their main endeavour was to tyrannize over one another, and effectually did it by turns, till at last Philip, and after∣terwards Alexander, took away from them the means to devour one another; and under pretenee of publick Liberty, by their cursed Ostracism, to ruin such of their Countrymen as had deserved best of them. I have not related this to dero∣gate any thing from the Merits of a great many among them, eminent for their Doctrine, and brave Atchievements. Py∣thagoras, Democritus, and Plato are que∣stionless

among the Greecians, highly to be recommended for their great Indu∣stry in searching for their Doctrine•• among the Egyptians, and other far di∣stant Countries; and their Doctrines ha∣ving from thence been transferred into Italy, and afterwards into these Parts of the World, we ought to pay a due ac∣knowledgment to those who have shewn us the way how to improve our Know∣ledge. But my only aim is to demon∣strate the Vanity of our Romantick Au∣thor, who pretends to set them so fat above our Age, both in their Doctrine and great Deeds, that we must not as much as hope to imitate them; and, that, if Pythagoras and Democritus were great Men, yet the Arrogancy of the first, and the latters blinding himself, thereby to divert himself from all outward Objects, and the better to speculate, savour more of a Phantastical Conceit, than Usefulness to the Publick.

And what has been said of their Philo∣sophers may also be applied to all others•• who have been eminent among them; If the Athenians, had their Aristides, Cimon, Thrasibulus, Conon, and others, famous for Justice, Military Atchievements, and love to their fatherly Country; there were also

to be found among them a Miltiades, who affected to domineer over them; a Themistocles, who made a League with Artaxerxes against them; an Alcibiades, who was as excellent in Vices, as celebrated in Vertues, by whose Advice the Lace∣demonians straitned the Athenians. If the Lacedaemonians had their Agesilaus and Leonidas, the Thebans their Epaminondas, never sufficiently to be praised for their extraordinary Vertues; had not the La∣cedemonians also a Pausanias, famous for his Pride, Levity and Treachery? Was not among them also a Lysander so justly accused of Crudelity, and other enormous Crimes? Callicratidas their General, if he was celebrated for Military Vertue; his Ambition was almost the undoing of the Lacedaemonians, and the Ruin of one of the best Fleets they ever set out. And since our Author has magnified their Philosophers so much above ours, I cannot but put him in mind of the greatest of Philosophers, who, being come forth in our Age, has in so much out-done all the Ancients, both in Me∣taphysical and Natural Principles, and is in no ways behind them in his E∣thicks; but especially in his incompa∣rable Method of Reasoning, that I am

to believe, if he had perused and duly considered his Philosophy, he would per∣haps have been cured of his vain Con∣ceits of the old ones. It is not my busi∣ness here to determine whether he has taken some light as to his natural Princi∣ples, out of Epicurus, as some say he has•• as to his Metaphysicks out of St. Augu∣stine, and other Fathers; this is most certain, that since his publishing the same, there has been a more solid Foundation laid towards the true under∣standing and advancing the most useful Sciences, than all the Golden Ages of his so much admired Philosophers have been able to produce. But let us not insist farther upon the Greeks, since we must also take a short view of the Ro∣mans: That the same have much exceed∣ed the former in true greatness of Mind, Constancy, Love to their Country, and, before all, in Martial Discipline, Know∣ledge of the Laws, nay even in Eloquence (that most beloved Art of the Greeks,) have been equal to them, is what scarce any body, who has had a right insight into both their Histories, will deny: but that they should have com∣mitted the Education of their Youth, generally speaking, to the chief ma∣nagement

of such Philosophers as were frequent in Greece, I am to learn yet. As the Foundation of the Roman Go∣vernment was their Military Discipline, and excellent Laws and Customs; so the same were implanted into their Youth, by the Instructions and Examples rather of their Parents, than any publick Phi∣losophers: And though in Process of time Eloquence begun to bear a great Sway with the Romans; ayet was it a great while before they took the pains to go and hear the Greecian Orators, but were content∣ed with such as their Geni∣us and Home-education fur∣nish'd them withal.b And it is observeable that most of the Romans did excell in the same kind, wherein their Fathers or Ancestors had been remarkable:c And such as had not the

Advantage of such Parentage, commonly used to chuse some great Man or another, from whom they took Directions, and whom they strove to imitate. From hence came that Custom of taking their Youths into the Senate•• House, that by continu∣al Observations of the Gravity, Constan∣cy and Secrecy of that great Assembly, they might be instructed, not only in State-Affairs, but also excited to imitate the Examples of their several Parents. To these Methods, and not the hear∣ing of pratling Philosophers was chiefly owing that prodigious Off-spring of so many Valiant, Wise, and Eloquent Men, who were educated by the Care of their Wise Parents, and by timely applying themselves to Business under their Tuition, became the Terrour of their Enemies.

And this was doubtless one Reason why by their Annal Laws no body was admitted to the highest de∣gree of Honour, till at a cer∣tain age, that also, as by steps, they might ascend to the same, suffici∣ently prepared with the Knowledge not only, but also the Practice and Manage∣ment of State and Military Affairs. From

this Paternal Care, and timely applying themselves to the Knowledge of their Affairs, and Martial Discipline, came these so renowned Men among them; and these Philosophers, whom our Author would fain make us believe to be the principal Men of their Education, were on∣ly employed to teach them the Precepts, of Oratory, and such like; d and as by the most understanding Greeks they were not much valued, so they proved very mischie∣vous to the Romans, as they had done to the Greeks before, and will do so to all Governments, where the Art of Rhetorick is prefer∣red before true Sense. The Roman Com∣monwealth thus instructed with excel∣lent Laws, and stock'd with Great and Wise Men, yet was so over-run with all sorts of Vices, and entangled at last in the Snares of its own Citizens, that I cannot for my Life see why this Gentle∣man should so much prefer it before our times, since it is evident enough, that Vi∣ceswere as predominant there as they are among us; and that if they have had Men famous for Military Atchievements, Tem∣perance,

Constancy, and other Vertues, our Age is not destitute of them. Was not Avarice as enormous among the Ro∣mans as it is among us? The Saying of Jugurtha, who had tryed them in that kind, sufficiently verifies it. And he that doubts, whether all sorts of Vices were as much in vogue at Rome formerly, as they are in our Age, let him (besides what their Poets and other Historians have left us) but cast one Eye upon that Catalogue which Cicero gives us of such as were the Associates of Catiline, and belonged to his Army, and he will quickly be of the same Opinion with me.e Did not Cicero tell them publickly to their Faces, That through the Licen∣tiousness and Avarice of the Roman Ge∣nerals,

more Cities were spoiled by their own Soldiers, than by the Enemies? Had not they among them as well their Tar∣quin, Sulla, Catiline, Antony, and o∣thers, as their Scipio's, Regulus, Marcel∣lus, and such like.

Truly even Cicero himself, who could give such good Doctrines to others, who pretended to be behind-hand with no body for Love to his Country, Greatness of Mind, and other Vertues, who was certainly as great a Philosopher as ever the Romans had, and writ as pathetical∣ly, as any body in his Philosophical Trea∣tises, was, without Contradiction, guil∣ty of vain Ambition, Flattery, Dissimu∣lation, and other Extravagancies. And though he exclaims most egregiously a∣gainst the latter, especial∣lya in his Philosophical Works; yet those that will take the pains to compare his Orations, pro Rege De∣jotaro & pro Marcello, with his Philippicks, will easily be convinced, that he had studied that Art as well, and made himself as great a Master of it as any body. Now if we look upon the Religious Institutions of the Romans, How ridiculous were

they! And though they served sometimes for a State's Turn, yet proved they often as mischievous; since for all the outward Pomp,b the most judici∣ous, as well of the Romans, as also others, were sensible of the Vanity of them, and would ridicule them also upon occasion. How Ca∣to the Elder represented the Vanity of the Augurs, and Hannibal's witty Re∣ply to Prusias, who would not fight, because the Entrails of the Beasts did not prove favourable, is well known to those who are vers'd in Histo∣ries. Their Constitutions, Laws, and Policy, it's true, were extraordinary; their Counsels grave, and deeply laid; their Constancy admirable, from whence they seldom receded; their Military Dis∣cipline and Order of their Legions, with∣out Comparison, much above any thing that was to be found in those times. Ne∣vertheless the perpetual Contests betwixt the Patricians and Plebeians, and after∣wards betwixt the Senate and People, caused a great many Convulsions in the State, and was at last the cause of its Alteration. After Valerius had once gi∣ven

an Inch to the Plebeians, in allow∣ing the Appeal to the People, they would not be contented, till by their shameful Tumultuous Assembly in the Mount Aventine, they forced the Senate to allow them their Tribunes, who so well knew how to play their Cards, that in a little time the Plebeians were admitted to all Dignities, and by continual Strifes against the Patricians, were the occasi∣on of the abolishing the Power of both. For when Sylla had once tryed what the Romans could bear, Pompey his Scho∣lar was for following his Foot-steps; but being prevented by Caesar, left that Work to be perfected by him and his Successors. Their Gravity also and Con∣stancy was not a little shaken, when they were forced to make that shameful Peace with Porscnna, so little spoken of by the Roman Historians, and to re∣deem themselves from the Gauls, called the Senones, with Money. How also their Military Discipline did, by de∣grees, decay, and at last degenerate into such a licentiousness, that the Souldiers and Generals of their setting up became Masters of the Empire, the Histories of these Times do abundantly testify. It is then in vain for our Author to seek for

his Golden Age among the Greeks and the Romans. If he had perused the 97 a Epistle of Seneca's, who questionless had an extraor∣dinary insight into those Times, he would have lost his Appetite of railing against our Age, since it is evident to all considering Men, that if our Times be over-run with Vices; ne∣vertheless we are not de∣stitute of Examples of Contempt of Death, Love to their Country, Con∣stancy, Valour, and other most eminent Vertues.

Contempt of Death is so common to our Age, that even our Miscreants shew it frequently in their Journey to Tiburn. And if this Gentleman's Eyes had not been quite dazled with his Ancients vanity, he might at Copenhagen, when he was there, have seen the Remnants of Valour, Bravery and Constancy, which the Citizens of that place, when redu∣ced to the utmost, shewed under the Conduct of so brave a King in our Age. Hath our Author forgot what one single Person, whose Name was Hasselaer, did in our memory at Amsterdam; who saved

that City from falling into the hands of the French, who were much stronger and nearer to that City, than ever Han∣nibal was to Rome, after the defeat of Cannas? Can our Author have forgot that successive Off-spring of Heroes, of that illustrious Family, from whence his present Majesty is descended? Has he forgot what his Ancestors not only, but more particularly he in Person has done for the Delive∣rance of his Native Country, first, and again for us, against a more potent Ene∣my, than the Carthaginians were in com∣parison of Rome? If I should but hint the particulars of these great actions, certainly it would make him asham'd of his vain Conceits. But since these great and unparallell'd Actions will never be forgot by all good Men, and my Pen is in no ways able to find words proportio∣nable to so extraordinary Merits, I will only say, that I will defie our Author to shew me out of all his worm-eaten Anti∣quities, (whether Greeks or Romans,) a Family by a continual Succession of time so abounding with Champions for their Country, as his Majesty's, or any one of the Ancient Hero's surpassing his Maje∣sty in Valour, Prudence and Justice. It

is therefore to be admired, why among so many Romans eminent for their Vertues, he could not pick out any others to put as Examples, besides Cato and Brutus; Cato was always censured by all understan∣ding Politicians, for ha∣ving more surliness in him than was useful to the State. And Bru∣tus committed the blackest Villany a∣gainst his Friend, and murthered him, to whom he ow'd more than to his Pa∣rents. Neither is the matter much men∣ded, by excusing his Villany with the pretence of publick Liberty; for not to mention, that he and Cassius took upon themselves the same Title of Imperator, as Caesar had done: it is evident enough to all sensible Men, that they intended to play the same Game, if not a worse, since they were far behind him in every respect. And if a pretence of Liberty is sufficient to warrant the blackest Crimes, I see no reason why Ravaillac, and others of that stamp, should not claim the same Priviledge; since questionless the pre∣tence of their Principles of Religion are as specious as those of Liberty. Methinks our Author shews in this point especi∣ally

a little too much inclination to such, as rail with great violence against the Jesuits; yet have not laid aside their Doctrine of Sacrificing either King, Friend, Relations or Kindred, when ever they are possessed with the Fren∣sical humour, that any thing is done in prejudice of their pretended Rights, which they know how to deduce with as many florid Speeches, as ever the whimsicalb Greeks and some of the bc Romans did, when they intended to impose upon the People under the pre∣text of publick Liberty. And here I should say something concerning our Author's new broach'd Rules of Poli∣cy, as also the Digression he makes upon the most Antient Constitutions of Government in Europe: but because these Remarks are grown almost as monstrous in bigness as the Preface it self, and we shall be obliged to treat of these Points hereafter, when he in the Treatise re∣presents the form of Government in Denmark and other Countries, we will supersede it here, as also, what he says according to his Romantick way, That

in Spain, Italy, and France, Slavery is not so conspicuous, but in the Northern parts it appears in its true shape; since something of that will be said in the Conclusion of the Treatise, where he speaks to the same purpose. But what he says, That it is now or never seasona∣ble to assert both the Peoples Right and his Majesty's Title, is like all the rest of his Vanity, since God knows he has not said one word farther of it; and it would have been but common Wis∣dom not to have inserted things of that high moment in a transitory way among his fantastical Conceits, especially at a time when the People enjoy their legal Liberties under the Reign of a Wise, Just, and Brave King, whose Title is so generally approved by the Practice of all, and especially our Age, and more particularly by the general approbation of all Europe, and all good Men in these Kingdoms, I conclude with the great Roman Politician and Philosopher.

Nihil est temeritate turpius, nec quid∣quam tam indignum sapientis gravitate & constantia, quam aut falsum sentire, aut quod non satis exploratè perceptum aut cognitum sit, sine ulla dubitatione defendere. (ic. lib. 1. de natur. Deor.

Notes

• Symb. CAROLI IV. Imp, Optimum est alienâ insaniâ frui.
• Liv. Hist Rom. lib. 44. c. 22.
• Dialogue betwixt Whigg and Tory.
• p. 258, 260, 261, 262.
• Concilia Theologi∣ca Witten∣••errica Francofurt ad Moe∣num.
• Pag. 94
• Vid. Geor∣gii Dede∣kennii The∣saurum con∣silior. The∣ol. & ju∣rid. Edit. per Job. Ernest. Gerhard. Jen. 1671.
• Hector. Gothofred. Masii The∣ol. D. & Prof. P. in acad. Hafn. In∣teresse Prin∣cipum cir∣ca religio∣nem Evan∣gelicam ad sereniss. ac potentiss Daniae Re∣gem. Haf∣niae. 1687
• Formal, Exorcism, Leave this Child, thou unclean Spirit, and give place to the Holy Ghost!
• 1674. 2. Supplicat.
• Fas non est vel publicum religionis exercitium, lege••, aut constitutiones Ecclesi∣asticas hactenus ibi recep∣tas, templa, scholas, hospi∣talia aut eo per••inentes re∣ditus, pensione, stipendia prioribus adimere, suorum∣que Sacrorum hominibus applicare, vel juris territo∣rialis. Episcopalis, patrona∣tus, aliove quocunque prae∣textu subditis ministros al∣terins confessionis obtrude∣re, ullumve aliud impedi∣mentum aut praejudicium directe•• vel indirecte alteri∣us sacris afferre. Pac.Osna∣brug. Instrument. §. 7.
• Ham∣burgh.
• Perdam Babylonis homen.
• Grammon •• Hist. Ga••, lib. xv.
• An. 167••.
• Important Conside∣rations writien by the Secu∣lar Priests, p. 4 Vertumnus Romanus. Jesuites Reasons unreaso∣nable. Letters Card. d'••f∣s••. p. 2. lib. 7. 8. n. 162.
• Letter of Father Pe∣ter Walsh of the Or∣der of St. Francis 1674.
• Hambor∣rough.
• Dicd. l. 1. sect 2.
• Cic. l. 1. Divinat.
• Puffendorff. de habit. re∣lig. ad vit. civil
• Quam ob causam populus Judaicas salva sua religio∣ne cum alia civitate plene coalescere non potuit, unde si∣cut religio Judaica statue fuit coaeva, codem tempore ac volumine sancitis legibus, cir∣ca sacra & civilia. Ita & religio Judaica implicita fuit, ut illa huic superstes esse non posset. Sicut destru∣ctio templi & eversio Reip•• certissimum indicium sit abo∣litae religionis Judaicae.
• Cic. de O∣rator. l. 1.
• Magno conatu magnas nugas age∣re.
• Diod. lib. 1. ••. 2. Hero∣dot. lib. 2. Plat. in Tim.
• a

  Cic. pro L. Flacc. Tribuo Graecis literas, do multarum artium disciplinam, non adimo sermonis leporem, ingenio∣rum acumen, dicendi copiam: denique etiam, si quae alia si∣bi sumunt, non repugno: testi∣moniorum religionem & fi∣dem nunquam ista natio colu∣it: to••ius{que} bujus rei, quae sit vis, quae auctoritas, quod pon∣dus, ignorant. Ibid
• b

  Qu••m in the atro imperiti komines re∣rum ••••nnium rudes ignarique consederant, tum bella inuti∣lia suscipiebant, tum seditic∣sos homines Reip. praeficie∣bant, tum optime meritos ci∣ves è civitate ejiciebant.
• c

  Cic. de Orator. lib. 1. Quantum praestiterint majores nostri prudentia caeteris gen∣tibus, tumfacillime quisque in∣telliget, si cum Graecoruni Ly∣curgo & Dracone & Solone nostras leges conferre volu∣erit. Incredibile est enim, quam sit omne jus civile, praeter nostrum, inconditum ac pene ridiculum.

  Cic. Tuscul. quaest. l. 1. Omnia Romani aut invenere per se sa∣pientius, quam Graeci, aut accepta ab iliis fecere meliora, quae quidem digna statuissent, in quibus elaborarent. Remp. nostri majores certe me∣lioribus tempera••verunt & institutis & legibus quam Graect.
• d

  De orat. l. 2. Seculis multis ante Gymnasia inven••a sunt, quam in his Philosophi garrire ••••perunt.
• e

  De orat. lib. 3. Grae∣ci aliqui doctores pervulgata praecepta decantant, quum ip∣si nunquam forum, nunquam ullum judicium aspexerint.
• f

  Cic, de legib. lib. 1. Gellius, quum proconsul, ex¦praetura in Graeciam venis∣set, Athenis Philosophos, qui tum erant, in locum unum con∣vocaevit, ipsisque magnopere author fuit, ut aliquando con∣troversiarum aliquem facerent modum; quod si essent co-ani∣mo ut nollent aetatem in liti∣bus conter••re, posse rem con∣venire, &. simul operam su∣am illis est pollicitus, si pos∣set, inter eos, aliquid conve∣nire.
• Cic. de si∣ni••. l. 5.
• Cic. l. of∣fic. 1.
• Lacedaemo∣nios, classe ill•• a rissa, aliam ptra∣re posse, se fugere sine de••ocere non posse.
• Des Cartes.
• a

  Cic. lib. 1. de Orat. Romae profecto nulla unquam vehementius, quam eloquen∣tiae studia viguerunt. Nam posteaquam imperio omnium gentium constituto, diutur∣nitas pacis otium confirmavi••: nemo fere laudis cupidus a∣dolescens, non sibi ad dicen∣dum studio omni enitendum putavit. Ac primo quidem totius rei ignari, qui neque exercitationis ullam viam, neque aliquod praeceptum artis esse arbitrarentur, tantum, quantum ingenio & cogina∣tione poterant, consequeban∣tur. Post autem audicis ora∣toribus Graecis, cognitisque torum literis adhibitis{que} doctoribus, incredibili quodam dicendi studio, ••ostri homines flagraverunt.
• b

  lib. 1. offic. Quorum patres aut majores aliqua gloria praestive∣runt, corum plerique in eo genere laudis student excellere; Ut Q. De∣cius Publii silius, in jure civili: Pauli filius Africanus in re militari.
• c

  Pro P. Sext. Imitemur nostros Brutos, Camillos, Decios, Curios, F••∣bilcios, Maximos, Scipiones, Lentulos, AEmilios, innumerabilesq ali∣os, qu: Romanam Remp. Stabiliverunt.
• •••••••• Philip. p. 5. Legibus ••••••••••••, cum grandiorem •••••••••••• ad consulatum Rom••∣••••••••uebant, adolescentiae ••••••••••••rem verebantur.
• d

  Cic. lib. 1. Offic. Car∣neades dicebat, eos qui Rhe∣tores nominarentur, & qui di∣cendi praecepta traderent, nihil•• plane tenere. Mnesarchus hos, quos nos oratores votaremas, nihil esse dicebat, nisi quos∣dam operarios, lingua celeri & exercitata, oratorem au∣tem, nisi qui sapiens esset, esse neminem.
• O Urbem venalen.•••• si modo em∣ptorem in∣venisset.
• Cic. Cati∣linar. 2.
• e

  Cic. pro leg. Manil. Quemenim poss••mus imperatorem aliquo in numero putare, cujus inexe••rcitu veneant centuri∣atus, atque venierint? Quid hunc hominem magnum aut amplum cogi∣tare de rep. qui pecuniam ex aerario deprompt••m ad bellum admini∣strandum, a••t propter cupiditatem provinciae magistratibus diviserit, a••t propter avaritiam Romae in quaestu reliquerit? Vestra admurmuratio facit, Quirites, ut agnoscere videamini qui haec fecerint. Ego autem neminem nomino. Quare mihi irasci nemo poterit, nisi qui ante de se voluerit confiteri. Itaque propter hanc avaritiam imperatorum quan∣tas calamitates, quocunque ventum sit, nostri exercitus ferant, quis ig∣norat? Itinera quae per hosce annos in Italia per agros atque oppida civium Romanorum imperatores fecerunt, recordamini: tum facilius statuetis, quid apud exteras nationes fieri existimetis. Utinam plures arbitramini per hosces annos militum vestrorum armis hostium urbe, an hibernis, sociorum civitates esse deletas? Negue enim exercitum po∣test is continere imperator, qui seipsum non continet; neque severus esse in judicando, qui alios in se severos esse judices non vult.
• a

  Lib. 3. dooffic. Py∣thius, & omnes aliud agen∣tes, aliud simulantos, persidi∣improbi, molitiosi sunt. Nul∣lum igitur eorum factum po∣test esse utile, cu •• sit tot vi∣tiis inquinatum.
• b

  Cic. lib. 2. Divinat. Vetus illud Catonis admodum scitum est, qui mirari se aie∣bat, quod non rideret arus∣pex, aruspicem cum vi diss. Rex Prusias cum apud eum Annibali exulanti pugnore placeret, negaba•• se audere, quod exta prohiberent. An tu, inquit, •••• unculae vituli∣nae mavis quam veteri Im∣peratori credere?
• a

  Err••s, mi Lucili, si existima; nostri seculi esse vi∣tium luxuriam & negligenti∣am boni moris & alia quae objicit suis quis{que} temporibus. Hominum suns ista non tem∣por••m: Nulla aetas v••cavit à culpa; Et si aestimare li∣centiam cujus{que} seculi incipi∣••s, pudet dicere, nunquam ••pertius, quam coram Ca∣tione peccatum est.
• Cic. ad Attic. l. Ep. 1. Cato optimo animo utens & summa side, nocet incerdum Reip. Dicit enim ••anquam in Platonis politia, non tan∣quam in Romuli faece, senten∣ti••••••.
• b

  Cic, lib. 2. de inven••. Dex Graecorum: Qui tyra∣num occiderit, Olympionico∣rum praemium capito, & quam voldt sibi rem à mag••∣stratu deposcito, & magistra∣tus ei concedito.
• b

  Cic, lib. 2. de inven••. Dex Graecorum: Qui tyra∣num occiderit, Olympionico∣rum praemium capito, & quam voldt sibi rem à mag••∣stratu deposcito, & magistra∣tus ei concedito.
• c

  Senec. Hercul Fur. Vi∣ctima haud ulla amplior po∣test magisque opima mact••ri Jovi, quam R••n iniquus.