hearkning to his young Cavalliers about him, rather then to his ancient grave counsel; the Prophets did not rebuke the ten Tribes for what they did, but rather seemed to take their parts. 1 Kings 12. 24. ••eturn every man to his house, for this thing is from mee.
Now the D. comes to his great place again, Rom. 13. which he sayes be will free from all exceptions.
Nay, bare me an Ace of that. The truth is, he vever so much as mentions, nor thinks of the great exception, which duly considered, will clear the Text to be nothing to his purpose.
First he supposes that the King is the supream, as Peter calls him, or the higher pow∣er, as here.
1. It is true, Peter cals the King Supreame, but in the same place he is made an or∣dinance of man, and therefore to be limited by man. He may be the chiefe man in au∣thority, and yet limited in that authority; he is supreame, but not absolute; We grant that the Houses of Parliament, and we all, are his Subjects, but not Subjects to his will, but to that power of his that Law gives him.
2. He takes for granted the King is the higher power. Here observe his mistake. Let it be granted that the King hath the highest power, yet what propriety of speech is it to say that he is the highest power? It is proper to God to say that he is Power in the abstract.
Well, The King hath the highest power, and we must be subject to this power of his, and not resist it. Who denies all this? When all this is granted, the D. hath got nothing at all; for if we resist not that power which Law hath given him, we do not resist the higher power, although we do not do nor suffer what hee would have us to do or suffer.
Then he reasons from the person, whosoever, every soule. There was then sayes he, the Senate, &c.
But what power the Senate had for the present upon agreement, or how much of their power was now given up to the Emperour by agreement, he shews not; and if he shews not this, he sayes nothing.
Then he tels us of the cause Christians had to resist, because their Emperours were e∣nemies to Religion, and had over thrown Laws and liberties.
To the first we acknowledge we must not resist for Religion; if the Laws of the Land be against it, we must either suffer, or seek to enjoy our Religion in the uttermost ••arts of the earth, rather then resist.
For the Emperors subverting Laws and Liberties, he must prove that the people & ••enate had not given absolute power to them for the present, for the preventing further wils they feared, or else it reacheth not our case, for we know our people and Senate ••ave not given any such absolute power. We must not be put to prove, they had, for it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his argument; therefore if he wil make it good, he must prove they had not. And yet ••ppose they had not, if we should gratifie the D. in that thing, yet the Argument would ••e but weak: for the Apostle requires them not to resist their power, their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: hee ••oth not charge them not to resist their tyrannie. Certainly they could have no power at that which was given them by some agreement; if they challenged further, it was no ••uthority at all: such kind of tyrannie as they would assume to themselves, the Apostle ••••rbids not the resistance of in that place.
As for that he sayes, that some affirm that prohibition was temporary, let them main∣••••in it that affirm it: I am ful of the D. mind in that, this prohibition is a standing rule.
As for that distinction which he sayes, some make that they resist not the power, but ••e abuse of the power.
We answer, it is not resisting abused power, for it is resisting no power at all. Abused