The life and public services of Abraham Lincoln ... together with his state papers, including his speeches, addresses, messages, letters, and proclamations, and the closing scenes connected with his life and death. By Henry J. Raymond. To which are added anecdotes and personal reminiscences of President Lincoln, by Frank B. Carpenter.

456 THE LIFE, PUBLIC SERVICES, AND
shall I return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any of the acts of Congress.
For these and other reasons, it is thought best that support of these
measures slhall be included in the oath, and it is believed that the Executive may lawfully clain it in return for pardon and restoration of forfeited rights, which he has a clear constitutional power to withhold altogether or grant upon the terms which he shall deem wisest for the
public interest. It should be observed, also, that this part of the oath is
subject to the modifying and abrogating power of legislation and supreme
judicial decision.
The proposed acquiescence of the National Executive in any reasonable
temporary State arrangement for the freed people, is made with the view
of possibly modifying the confusion and destitution which must at best
attend all classes by a total revolution of labor throughout whole States.
It is hoped that the already deeply afflicted people in those States may
be somewhat more ready to give up the cause of their affliction, if, to this
extent, this vital matter be left to themselves, while no power of the National Executive to prevent an abuse is abridged by the proposition.
Tlhe slggestion in the proclamation as to maintaining the political framework of the States on what is called reconstruction, is made in the hope
that it may do good, without danger of harm. It will save labor, and
avoid g:reat confusion. But why any proclamation now upon this subject?
This question is beset with the conflicting views that the step might be
delayed too long, or be taken too soon. In some States the elements for
resumption seem ready for action, but remain inactive, apparently for want
of a rallying-point-a plan of action. Why shall A adopt the plan of B,
rather than B that of A? And if A and B should agree, how can they
know but that the Gencral Government here will reject their plan? By
the proclamation a plan is presented which may be accepted by them as a
rallying point-and which they are assured in advance will not be rejected here. This may bring them to act sooner than they otherwise would.
The objection to a premature presentation of a plan by the National
Executive consists in the danger of committals on points which could be
more safely left to further developments. Care has been taken to so
shape the document as to avoid embarrassments from this source. Saying
that on certain terms certain classes will be pardoned with rights restored,
it is not said that other classes or other terms will never be included.
Saying that reconstruction will be accepted if presented in a specified way,
it is not said it will never be accepted in any other way. The movements by State action for emancipation in several of the States not included in the Emancipation Proclamation are matters of profound gratulation.
And while I do not repeat in detail what I have heretofore so earnestly
urged upon this subject, my general views and feelings remain unchanged;
and I trust that Congress will omit no fair opportunity of aiding these important steps to the great consummation.
In the midst of other cares, however important, we must not lose siglit