The life and public services of Abraham Lincoln ... together with his state papers, including his speeches, addresses, messages, letters, and proclamations, and the closing scenes connected with his life and death. By Henry J. Raymond. To which are added anecdotes and personal reminiscences of President Lincoln, by Frank B. Carpenter.

STATE PAPERS OF ABRA IIAM LINCOLN.

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with the most opposite opinions and advice, and that by religious men,
who are equally certain that they represent the Divine will. I am sure
that either the one or the other class is mist:aken in that belief, and perhaps in some respects both. I hope it will not be irreverent for me to
Eay that if it is probable that God would reveal his will to others, on a
point so connected with my duty, it might be supposed lie would reveal
it directly to me; for, unless I am more deceived in myself than I often
am, it is my earnest desire to know the will of Providence in this matter.
And if I can learn what it is I will do it! These are not, however, the
days of miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that I am not to expect
a direct revelation. I must study the plain physical facts of the case,
ascertain wh:t is possible, and learn what appears to be wise and right.
The subject is difficult, and good men do not agree. For instance, the
other day, four gentlemen of standing and intelligence from New York
called as a delegation on business connected with the war; but before
leaving two of them earnestly besought me to proclaim general emnancipation, upon which the other two at once attacked them. You know
also that the last session of Congress had a decided majority of antislavery men, yet they could not unite on this policy. And the sanme is
true of the religious people. Why, the rebel soldiers are praying with
a great deal nlore earnestness, I fear, than our own troops, and expecting God to favor their side: for one of our soldiers who had been taken
prisoner told Senator Wilson a few days since that he met nothing so
discouraging as the evident sincerity of those he was among in their
prayers. But we will talk over the merits of the case.
What good would a proclamation of emancipation from me do, especially as we are now situated? I do not want to issue a document that
the whole world will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's
bull against the comet! Would my word free the slaves, when I cannot
even enforce the Constitution in the rebel States? Is there a single
court, or magistrate, or individual that would be influenced by it there?
And what reason is there to think it would lhave any greater effect upon
the slaves than the late law of Congress, which I approved, and which
offers protection and freedom to the slaves of rebel masters who come
within our lines? Yet I cannot learn that that law has caused a single
slave to come over to us. And suppose they could be induced by a proclation of freedom from me to throw themselves upon us, what should
we do with them? How can we feed and care for such a multitude?
General Butler wrote me a few days since that he was issuing more
rations to the slaves who have rushed to him than to all the white
troops under his coinmmand. They eat, and that is all; though it is true
General Butler is feeding the whites also by the thousand; for it nearly
amounts to a famine there. If, now. the pressure of the war should call
off our forces from New Orleans to defend some other p,;:t t, what is to
prevent the masters from reducing she blacks to slavery again? for I