The life and public services of Abraham Lincoln ... together with his state papers, including his speeches, addresses, messages, letters, and proclamations, and the closing scenes connected with his life and death. By Henry J. Raymond. To which are added anecdotes and personal reminiscences of President Lincoln, by Frank B. Carpenter.

STATE PAPERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 191
or the disunion the other, over their soil. This would be disunion completed. Figuratively speaking, it would be the building of an impassable
wall along the line of separation-and yet not quite an impassable one,
for, under the guise of neutrality, it would tie the hands of Union men,
and freely pass supplies from among them to the insurrectionists, which
it could not do as an open enemy. At a stroke it would take all the
trouble off the hands of secession, except only what proceeds from the
external blockade. It would do for the disunionists that which of all
things they most desire-feed them well, and give them disunion without
a struggle of their own. It recognizes no fidelity to the Constitution,
no obligation to maintain the Union; and while very many who have
favored it are doubtless loyal citizens, it is, nevertheless, very injurious
in effect.
Recurring to the action of the Government, it may be stated that at
first a call was made for seventy-five thousand militia; and rapidly following this, a proclamation was issued for closing the ports of the insurrectionary districts by proceedings in the nature of a blockade. So far
all was believed to be strictly legal. At this point the insurrectionists
announced their purpose to enter upon the practice of privateering.
Other calls were made for volunteers to serve for three years, unless
sooner discharged, and also for large additions to the regular army and
navy. These measures, whether strictly legal or not, were ventured upon
under what appeared to be a popular demand and a public necessity;
trusting then, as now, that Congress would readily ratify them. It is
believed that nothing has been done beyond the constitutional competency of Congress.
Soon after the first call for militia, it was considered a duty to authorize
the Commanding-General, in proper cases, according to his discretion,
to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpu?, or, in other words,
to arrest and detain, without resort to the ordinary processes and forms
of law, such individuals as he might deem dangerous to the public safety.
This authority has purposely been exercised but very sparingly. Nevertheless, the legaiity and propriety of what has been done under it are
questioned, and the attention of the country has been called to the
proposition, that one who has sworn to "take care that the laws be
faithfully executed," should not himself violate them. Of course, some
consideration was given to the question of power and propriety before
this matter was acted upon. The whole of the laws which were required
to be faithfully executed were being resisted, and failing of execution in
nearly one-third of the States. Must they be allowed to finally fail of
execution, even had it been perfectly clear that by the use of the means
necessary to their execution- some single law, made in such extreme
tenderness of the citizen's liberty that practically it relieves. more of the
guilty than of the innocent, should to a very limited extent be violated?
To state the question more directly: Are all the laws but one to go unex