The life and public services of Abraham Lincoln ... together with his state papers, including his speeches, addresses, messages, letters, and proclamations, and the closing scenes connected with his life and death. By Henry J. Raymond. To which are added anecdotes and personal reminiscences of President Lincoln, by Frank B. Carpenter.

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THE LIFE, PUBLIC SERVICES, AND

affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to thenm.
To those, however, who really love the Union, may I not speak?
Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our
National fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it
not be wise to ascertain precisely wliy we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you
fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly
to are greater than all the real bnes you fly fromn-will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?
All profess to be content in the Union, if all constitutional rights can
be maintained. Is it true, tlien, that any right, plainly written in the
Constitution, has been denied? I think not. Happily the human mind
is so constituted that no, party can reach to the audacity of doing this.
Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision
of the Constitution 11as ever been denied. If, by the mere force of numbers, a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify revolutioncertainly would if such righlt were a vital one. But such is not our case.
All the vital riirgts of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured
to them by affirlmations and negations, guarantees and prohibitions in the
Constitution, that controversies never arise concerning them. But no
organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to
every question lwhichl may occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length contain, express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be
surrendered by National or by State authority? The Constitution does
not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The
Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in
the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.
From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies,
and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority
will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease.
There is no other alternative; for continuing the Government is acquiescence on one side or the other. If a minority in such case will secede
rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which, in turn, will divide
and ruin them; for a mIinority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority. For instance,
why may not any portion of a new Confederacy, a year or two hence,
arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now
claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now
being educated to the exact temper of doing this.
Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new Union, as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed
secession?
Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A