A discourse, delivered at North-Coventry, July 4th, 1799, being the twenty-third anniversary of American independence. / By Abiel Abbot.

A DISCOURSE, &c.

GENESIS xii.2.

I will make of thee a great nation.

THIS joyful anniversary and the aspect of this assembly promise me a candid attention, while I endeavor to show what is necessary to con|stitute a great nation, point out some alarming signs of danger to our national greatness and glo|ry, and call upon you to avert these impending evils.

A country favorably situated and sufficiently ex|tensive is necessary to make a great nation. An equinoctial and polar situation is nearly equally un|favorable to vigor of mind and body, and yields its puny inhabitants but a scanty support. The vertical rays of the sun and an almost entire absence of his influence have nearly the same effect upon its inhabitants. They turn the one into a barren heath, and diminish and enfeeble the other. Hence, probably, we find no nations in such a situation distinguished for numbers, power, wealth, or civil and moral improvements. If we would find na|tions respectable for greatness, refinement and hap|piness, we must turn our eyes to or near the tem|perate zone. Here the mind is vigorous, man feels his strength and dignity, arts and sciences flourish, and moral obligation is known and revered. Here are found those nations, which have made the greatest figure and enjoyed the most happiness. This is the soil most favorable to civil and religious advantages, and in which the root of despotism cannot long flourish. Wherever it has pleased God to plant a great, free and happy nation, we shall find universally temperature of climate and a considerable degree of fruitfulness of soil.

To these advantages must be added a competent extent of territory. A commonwealth very con|tracted must be straitened in the number of citi|zens, and in the means of defence. Where the people depend chiefly on agriculture, the most sure and happy means of living and enjoyment, a small tract will not afford sufficient numbers nor wealth to give them commanding influence in the scale of nations. The ambitious may make their attacks with success, or the nation will be dependent on al|lies and pay tribute. A commercial situation of less extent may employ and support more people, produce more wealth, and be more easily defended; but does not commonly nourish those sons of valor who sicken the countenance of ambition, and palsy the arm of tyranny. A temperate and fruitful soil has always produced heroes, and where this has been sufficiently extensive, national greatness and glory.

Our country, my hearers, yields to none in tem|perature of climate, fruitfulness of soil, and vari|ety of productions. It is most conveniently situ|ated for raising and enjoying all the necessaries and comforts of life. Washed by the Atlantic several hundred miles, an easy exchange of the superflu|ous articles of our own country may be effected for the necessaries and luxuries of foreign growth, and commerce flourish to the profit of our citizens. Our territory is sufficiently extensive to support numbers, which will make a great and powerful nation, and furnish sufficient strength for defence against the most powerful foe, without depending on the brittle reed of foreign alliances. For tem|perature of climate, variety and fruitfulness of soil, and extent of territory, no spot on the globe could be found, for which we should exchange without loss. The lines are fallen to us in pleasant places, we have a goodly heritage.

Another important requisite for forming a great, respectable and happy nation is a good form of government. This will give complexion to na|tional character. The form of government must establish liberty with order. For what is man en|slaved?

A mere machine subservient to the pleasure and use of another. His mind is stupified, the no|blest energies of his soul are palsied, and he sinks beneath those designs and actions, which stamp hu|man nature with dignity. The countenance and deportment of the unhappy African, born in slave|ry, forcibly express this melancholy truth. The more enlightened and generous European or Amer|ican, chained to the gallies without hopes of re|demption, presents the same horrible picture. Ex|tend the idea to a community; and what is a na|tion enslaved? A mere servile herd, void of litera|ry, social and moral improvement, and more un|feeling than the beasts of the forest. This humili|ating truth may be seen in the degraded character of the present barbarous inhabitants of those celebrat|ed countries, where Thebes, Corinth, Sparta and Athens once stood; where learning, liberty and refinement were united; where the free and con|federated states of Greece withstood the arms, and rose superior to the gold of tyrants; and where was seen the powerful influence of freedom on na|tional character and happiness. But a free people need not be told the value of liberty; ye know its worth. It was purchased with millions, and sealed with the blood of thousands. Nor was it pur|chased in vain. The acquisition of freedom has raised us to national independence, greatness and glory, and blessed us with constitutions of govern|ment, which with the blessing of heaven, will pre|serve our rights inviolate.

The opportunity, providentially given us, of constituting government on the most liberal, ra|tional and equal principles, has been wholly unpar|alleled. "I confess," observed a patriotic writer in the early stage of our revolution, "I have al|ways looked upon this with a kind of enthusiastic satisfaction. The case never happened before since the world began. All governments we have read of in former ages, were settled by caprice or acci|dent, by the influence of prevailing parties or par|ticular persons, or prescribed by a conqueror. Im|portant

improvements have indeed been forced up|on some constitutions by the spirit of daring men, supported by successful insurrections. But to see a government, in large and populous countries, set|tled from its foundation by deliberate counsel, and directed immediately to the public good of the present and future generations, while the people are waiting for the decision, with full confidence in the wisdom and impartiality of those to whom they have committed the important trust, is certainly altogether new. We learn indeed from history that small tribes, and feeble new settlements, did sometimes employ one man of eminent wisdom to prepare a system of laws for them. Even this was a wise measure, and attended with happy effects. But how vast the difference! when we have the experience of all ages, the history of human soci|eties, and the well known causes of prosperity and misery of other governments to assist us in the choice." Of this propitious and unprecedented opportunity the enlightened people of this country appear to have reaped the highest advantage. The individual states have constitutions on the most lib|eral principles, which secure the most precious rights and privileges of every citizen, without any unreasonable restraint. Elections are frequent, which gives the people opportunity to displace those who are either unqualified or unfaithful, and to promote to office the wise and honest. If the people are faithful to themselves in the exercise of their privileges, their rights and liberties will re|main on an unshaken foundation.

Our rights and liberties derive a greater and higher support and security from the constitution of the United States. By the union which is for|med between the several states, each state partici|pates the power and privileges of all the others; and thus an energy is given to the separate parts, as well as to the combined whole of this great re|public. The federal government is as truly the government of our own formation, as that of this or any other state in the union. It was framed

and adopted by "the people of the United States in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, ensure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to themselves and their posterity." These patriotic and glorious de|signs have been effected in a degree beyond the calculation of its most sanguine admirers. This government effectually preserves the rights, while it secures the order and prosperity of the citizens. Where any right is given up, the individual re|ceives an hundred fold in the protection of his per|son, property, and other privileges.

Nothing then is wanted in the forms of our gov|ernment to make us a great and happy nation. "If we," says our worthy President, "compare the constitutions of other nations with those of the United States of America, we shall have no rea|son to blush for our country; on the contrary, we shall feel the strongest motives to fall upon our knees, in gratitude to heaven, for having been graciously pleased to give us birth and education in that country, and for having destined us to live under her laws."

But unavailable will prove a temperate climate, extensive and productive territory, and good forms of civil government to national greatness and hap|piness, unless accompanied with a sense of moral and religious obligation. By the greatness of a na|tion we may understand its strength, its order, and the result of these, its happiness. All this is ex|pressed in one word, religion. Religion promotes union and confidence, and thus gives strength to a nation. It attaches the people to the govern|ment, and the government to the people. This union and mutual confidence of public and private characters is the most formidable position, which a nation can take to face her enemies. A sense of moral obligation is highly conducive to success in all the operations of a good government. Men thus influenced will be faithful to their trust and dis|charge with punctuality and energy the duties of

their office. Religion will make good rulers and good citizens. Such rulers and such citizens strike terror into their enemies. There is no access to them, but through the path of honor. Religion is the strength of a people more sure than this; it secures the protection of the God of armies. That people is invulnerable, which is so protected; the fortress is impregnable, which is so defended.

An essential requisite to national greatness and glory is good order. And good order is but the po|litical name for religion. Wherever religion spreads an universal influence through society, there is noth|ing out of place; there is no crowding for the high|est seats. It teaches each one to think others better than himself, and to wait unambitious, till he is bidden to go up higher. Religion lays such saluta|ry restraints, as, if respected, there is no encroach|ment upon property, nor upon liberty. One neigh|bor seeks the good of another, and there is a lively circulation of love and kindness through the com|munity. Religion must therefore be the happiness of a people; it cannot fail of this consequence; for when there is security against enemies abroad, and order, love and harmony at home, crowned with the gracious smile of heaven nothing is wanted to complete the picture of national felicity. Right|eousness exalteth a nation. That religion sacredly regarded is essential to the prosperous existence of a nation is witnessed from the experience of all ages. The states of Greece flourished, till a sense of moral obligation was weakened, and the way open|ed for the corrupting and successful influence of the gold of Philip. Rome was powerful and pros|perous till the poison of Epicurean sentiments per|vaded the nation; and then she became a nursery of corruption and crimes, and an easy prey to her enemies. Thus religion will prove the strength, order and happiness of a people. And no religion has been so favorably calculated for the rectitude, support and comfort of the individual, or for the order, improvement and honor of society, as the

Christian. This maintained in its purity will effec|tually promote the prosperity of a nation.

We, my friends, enjoy the privileges of this re|ligion, and may derive unspeakable advantages from complying with its duties. The pure streams of truth may flow to us from this fountain, and purify our hearts and refresh us in the journey of life. No religious privileges for the promotion of individual or national rectitude, improvement, glory and happiness, can be found on the globe su|perior to what we enjoy.

Thus we are favored by God with a healthful climate, a various and fruitful soil, and an exten|sive and well situated territory; the most liberal and best constitutions of government; and the most valuable means of the best religion; all which advantages wisely improved will, by the pro|pitious smiles of heaven, effectually secure and pro|mote our national greatness, glory and happiness.

But all these advantages will prove insufficient to secure our national greatness and happiness unim|proved. The fabric of our glory may be under|mined, and every thing valuable rifled from us. Though this be a gloomy part of our subject, I cannot but mention some alarming signs of danger to our happy republic. Do not esteem them words of course; if I mention topics often urged; I wish there may not be increased necessity of urging them.

Here I may mention growing impiety; I say growing impiety; though it does not become me to compare the present with former times. It is certain that impiety has become very bold; it vaunts itself in fashionable oaths and curses, and sometimes in a profane ridicule of things most sa|cred. While this is the case, religion must be at a low ebb. For even granting that comparatively few are thus openly profane, the rest by their si|lence seem to lend them their countenance. But were there a vital spirit of piety prevailing among us, every species of profaneness would be the re|proach of a man.

There is scarcely a stronger proof of impiety, than a profanation of the sabbath. This is the principal fence about religion. Break down but this, and the ark will be taken. There is too much reason to apprehend that this species of impiety is growing upon us. A few years since there were seen few travellers, except such as were going to the house of God; and little business but that of necessity and mercy. There is confessedly a great change for the worse in this respect.

Neglect of the institutions of religion evidently indicates that its obligations are not duly felt, nor its duties performed. It shows a coldness to the gospel and its glorious Author, and leads to a gen|eral neglect of moral obligations. It is too mani|fest that neglect of religious institutions is too prev|alent, and is truly alarming.

Growing laxness of sentiments and morals may be mentioned as a subject of alarm. Innovation and reform, a prostituted word, are the order of the day; and people are as desirous of licentious|ness in religion, as in government. They will have a religion all reward and no punishment, as well as a government all protection, and no energy or expense. Indeed the religion of the present day is made to appear much like its politics. A party uncandid spirit is mixed with both of them; and thus is waxen cold brotherly love, that ce|ment which binds in a sweet and safe union both citi|zens and Christians. This laxness of sentiments, this breach of love, and spirit of party and intrigue carry a threatning aspect to the greatness and glory of our country.

I have mentioned causes enough for the decline and fall of our country, if they be not checked; but I have yet to mention what fills many thought|ful and judicious people with the deepest apprehen|sion. These vices of profaneness, this breach of the sabbath, this neglect of religious institutions, this defect of love and charity, are apt enough to thrive in any society, and at any time. But to what height will they grow, when fostered by the hand

of revolutionary and atheistical men? This I firmly believe is the danger, is the fate of our country at this moment. I would spare party and politics, till I see the ark of God, and my country in danger; then to be silent would be infidelity to my trust, especially on this occasion. The moment is come, when in our country, and in every Christian one, politics and religion are blended. The dagger is aimed at our government through our religion. I make no apology then, while with an honest heart I speak my apprehensions, and endeavor to raise yours. It is as plain as the noonday sun from a thousand proofs, above all from the corruption and savage sacrifice of the freest and happiest govern|ments of Europe, that the French Republic, shall I call it! have fixed as their object, the thraldom of the world, and as their means, universal corruption and force. The first of these means, corruption, has hith|erto been at work amongst us; and force, unless where it has fallen on our defenceless commerce, has been only brandishing its sword at a distance. Corruption in her very nature comes masked; she stalks not in public view; she fishes out in darkness her first objects and her proper instruments; and you see her publicly only by the effects she has pro|duced. But that this fiend has been amongst us, we have had demonstrative proof. One public of|ficer, it was ascertained to public satisfaction, was corrupted with French livres. And Fauchet, the grand almoner of the Directory, lamented in his intercepted dispatches the deficiency of roleaus, which prevented his extending his charity to other hopeful friends of his government.

But it is not the single virtue of political integri|ty, which has been assailed. This were too narrow a field for corruption to traverse, and, with our present administration, too difficult to effect the de|sign. A bolder and more fatal blow has been aimed at the religious principles of the nation. Corrupt the mass of people, and the corruption of the gov|ernment follows of course. There is not a surer policy to ruin a nation, than this. The French

have abolished the Bible with every mark of insult that could be invented. But there are a few choice political examples in it, which they reserve for imi|tation. Such are the counsel of Balaam and the policy of Balak. The unwilling prophet could ut|ter nothing but blessing upon the Israelites before corruption had spread her poison, and then they be|came weak and vulnerable like other nations. This is the counsel and policy of the French. The dev|elopement of Robison and Barruel is book proof of this. They have unfolded a "scheme the most extensive, flagitious, and diabolical, that human art and malice have ever invented. Its object is the total destruction of religion and civil order. If ac|complished, the earth can be nothing better than a sink of impurities, a theatre of violence and mur|der, and a hell of miseries." It was originated by Voltaire, matured by Weishaupt; its hot bed now is Paris; its nursing fathers are the French government; its missionaries are their generals and armies. Its first fruits have been seen in France; Christianity expelled; its priesthood seized and murdered; its temples plundered; and its govern|ment a military despotism.

"The principles of the French are the pioneers of their arms; wherever those have corrupted, these have conquered and enslaved. This may be seen in all the countries they have overrun." But living at a distance have we not escaped the poison of these teachers of atheism? No; they flock in the streets of principal towns, and, as they find opportunity, infuse the venom. Every convert be|comes a teacher. From the town the sentiments creep into the country; from being whispered in a corner, they begin to be proclaimed upon the house top.

The immoralizing plan of the French is as sys|tematic as their politics; it is a department of their politics. These French atheists in the country are not a few chance renegadoes, whom adventure or curiosity has brought to our shores. That many of them are commissioned from the five apostles of

atheism at Paris, who can doubt, if you consider their abilities and indefatigable industry and zeal? They have not sent men alone, but books to cor|rupt us. Books insinuate themselves, where men could find no access. By his book a bad man mul|tiplies himself into a million of evil counsellors; he lights down upon a society like a swarm of lo|custs, and neither the market nor the farm, the town nor the country, can escape him. In this manner has the faith of the United States been op|pugned by that infamous production entitled "the age of reason." From what country did this issue? From France. Who wrote it? A jacobin Amer|ican. Under whose auspices? Those of the Ex|ecutive Directory. Thousands of copies were in|stantly exported to this country, and hawked about from Georgia to Maine at half the sterling cost of the impression. Was its author an Eastern Nabob▪ that he had wealth to defray the expense of this abominable assault upon the religion of the country which had the misfortune to give him birth? No; he was a poor retainer to the men in power at Paris. Judge then whence the "roleaus" came to defray the expense of a publication, which was to "un|hinge the faith of thousands" in England and the United States.

I have mentioned the influence and intrigue of the French as employed chiefly against our reli|gion; to mention them as employed against our government more directly, would make a volume. But which way soever employed, if successful, they are alike fatal to our government and our religion. It is time to tremble when we hear a word in de|fence of their principles, or in gratulation of their success. We once gloried in their prosperity, be|cause we foolishly thought theirs the cause of lib|erty; we should now glory in their defeat; for theirs is now the cause of universal subjugation and ruin. Can such a cause have advocates among the lovers of our country and religion? I fear it has even among these. It is not the political dema|gogue alone, who, in pleading the cause of France,

has his views of interest; there are doubtless some who are friends to piety and their country, who imagine the cause of France the cause of human|ity. But let them read the history of Holland, Geneva, Venice, and Switzerland of recent date; it is written in letters of blood; the tears of the reader fall on every page. Let us all read. And when we come to Switzerland; when we have fol|lowed the historian through the mazes of French influence; when we have seen those States, once combined like our own in one powerful union; those states, long esteemed the happiest community in the habitable world; those states, free, enlight|ened, contented, loving their government to en|thusiasm, preserved from change for centuries; those states, always inoffensive to other nations, and therefore seldom at war; when, I say, we have seen those states, till now firm as the Alps on which they lived, at length tottering with French influence, and then plunged headlong into remedi|less ruin by French perfidy and power; let us pause a moment and listen to the admonition issuing from the tomb of Swiss liberty and happiness. Do you not hear the expostulation in language like this;— "Art thou enlightened, America? So were these cantons. Are your states united? So were these. Is your government beloved? So was ours. Have you heroes and statesmen revered through the world? So had we. Are your altars of religion standing? So were ours. Do you court peace? So did we with sincerity, with sacrifice. Happy A|merica, learn wisdom from wretched Switzerland. We trusted France; we listened to her protestations of friendship; we suffered her influence; we learn|ed to endure her insults through hope they would not be repeated. Steady to her purpose, she cor|rupted our knowledge, dissolved our union, weak|ened our attachment to our government, calumni|ated our heroes and statesmen and destroyed their influence, cast contempt upon our religion; and when all was ready, in violation of a sacred treaty, let loose her savage army to finish the work of nine

years intrigue." To this admonition may our country listen in season. The same arts one by one are practising upon these too unsuspicious states. The plan progresses. Virginia and Kentucky have sounded the horn of sedition. And it is unques|tionable that emissaries are with astonishing address spread through the states. If our principles are corrupted and delusion is effected, some other na|tion may listen to the admonition, which shall shortly issue from the tomb of American ruins. But may Almighty God turn the counsel of Ahith|ophel into foolishness.

These are some of the signs of danger to the greatness and glory of our nation. Then permit me to call upon you to exert yourselves against these illboding signs of the times. You see the several sources of our danger; guard against them all. But be most watchful, where danger is most fatal, on the side of religion. Here we are vital, if the dagger reach us. And let us not think the ark is safe, because our meeting-houses are stand|ing, if they are thinly resorted to. Let us not think that the sabbath, that sacred fence round our religion, is reverenced, merely because, unlike the French, we have not yet displaced it from our ca|lendar. We must in truth reverence it, not doing our own pleasure on that day; but call it a delight, the holy of the Lord, honorable. Let us not think that the name of atheism will startle Ameri|can ears with horror, while profaneness, that prac|tical atheism prevails among us. Let us not ex|pect that the spirit of religion will dwell among us, if we cast off the forms of it; or that we shall long feel the influence of the moral precepts of the gospel, if we neglect its positive institutions. In short, let us profess and practise religion from per|sonal, national and evangelical considerations. It is the happiness of the individual; it is the safe|guard and glory of the community. Nothing but this can save us from the storms of impending dan|gers. Religion will shut the door against an evil influence, which is usurping such power in the

country. It will teach us to say—O my soul, come not thou into their secret; unto their assembly mine honor be not thou united.

The President of the United States, whose duty it is to watch for our safety, hath recently told us, "that we are in circumstances of great urgency; —that this is a season of imminent danger;—that the most precious interests of the people of the U|nited States are still held in jeopardy by the hostile designs and insidious arts of a foreign nation, as well as by the dissemination among them of those principles subversive of the foundations of all reli|gious, moral and social obligations, that have pro|duced incalculable mischief and misery in other countries." When we thus hear the alarm from authority, it becomes us to be watchful, and with united zeal endeavor to avert the impending evils. Let us exert ourselves in season. The foe is more easily prevented, than expelled. There is still hope for us, if we are faithful to ourselves. Our altars, though threatened and assaulted, are yet in their place. Our armies are yet vigorous with youth and numbers; our generals are experienced; our navy, though small, is increasing, valiant and successful. The pillars of our government, tho' assailed with every engine of intrigue and malice, are still firm in their sockets. For these blessings let us be thankful and praise God; and in obedi|ence to his laws trust in him that he will still be our shield and salvation.

Let the celebration of this anniversary remind us of the worth of our independence and national privileges, and impress our minds with the import|ance of using all means and of grudging no expense to preserve them. Though we love peace, let us be prepared for war, and at the call of our country gird on the harness, and manfully defend our altars and our government. May God disperse the clouds, which now obscure our political horizon, and cause our national greatness, glory and happiness to be|come as clear and resplendent as the noonday.