The history of Pennsylvania, in North America, from the original institution and settlement of that province, under the first proprietor and governor William Penn, in 1681, till after the year 1742; : with an introduction, respecting, the life of the late W. Penn, prior to the grant of the province, and the religious society of the people called Quakers; --with the first rise of the neighbouring colonies, more particularly of West-New-Jersey, and the settlement of the Dutch and Swedes on Delaware. : To which is added, a brief description of the said province, and of the general state, in which it flourished, principally between the years 1760 and 1770. : The whole including a variety of things, useful and interesting to be known, respecting that country in early time, &c. : With an appendix. / Written principally between the years 1776 and 1780, by Robert Proud. ; [Four lines of quotations in Latin] ; Volume I[-II].

A VIEW OF THE Province of Pennsylvania, AND OF THE State in which it flourished, chiefly between the years 1760 and 1770: COMPREHENDING FOUR PARTS.

I. A general description of the soil and face of the country, with the most considerable mountains and rivers, both in that and the adja|cent provinces; including something of the nature of the weather, and peculiarity of the seasons, &c.

II. Of the chorography, present produce, trade, improvements, inha|bitants, Philadelphia, other towns, and the internal police of the province.

III. Of the Indians, or Aborigines, of Pennsylvania and its vicinity, &c.

IV Of the religious state of the province.

To give a full and minute account of every particular, which might properly be ranged under these several heads, would exceed the bounds of my present intention, which is only to exhibit a short and comprehensive view of such parts thereof as truth and candour may be able to furnish from certain knowledge, and such information as may be best depended on with such brief observations as may naturally and properly arise from the subjects, in a sum|mary manner.

PART I.

The seasons and temperature of the weather.—Na|ture of the land and soil, &c.—Face of the coun|try in general; as the mountains, vallies, plains, rivers, and creeks, &c.

* 1.1THAT greater degree of siccity in the tempe|rature of the air, which prevails more on conti|nents, than islands, or smaller tracts of land, sur|rounded by water, is observable in Pennsylvania. For the weather, round the year, is much dryer here, than in Great Britain, notwithstanding the more violent changes, in this country, when they happen. The winters are longer and more severe; the summers hotter and dryer; the springs very short; the autumn long and mild; but notwith|standing the length and severity of the winters, they are generally more clear, agreeable and heal|thy, than in England; but the summers less so, by reason of their great heat and sudden changes; which cause dysenteries, lingering and putrid fe|vers, with other dangerous distempers, in the latter part of summer, &c.

* 1.2The temperature of the air, and the nature of the weather, are much governed by the particular and variable winds, which prevail most in the dif|ferent seasons: some of which have a very remark|able and sudden influence thereon, especially those in winter; which, during that part of the year, blow more from the west-northerly, than from any other quarter. These winds seldom sail to produce a clear sky, and a remarkable sharp cold, even, in every season of the year: as those from

the south-westerly are distinguished for producing haziness and warmth or heat in summer. But the eastern winds are frequent, and as much observed to bring on haziness, fogs, or clouds, and wet or falling weather, as the former are, for their re|spective cold and heat, with their peculiar dryness; and they are observed in later years to be more common and prevalent than formerly represented to have been.

Hence that temperature of the seasons,* 1.3 which is more peculiar to the insular, than to the conti|nental parts of the world, and so remarkable in Great Britain, is not experienced here, by reason of the heats and colds being more intense, and sudden, often occasioned by the quick and uncer|tain shifting of the wind; which have a surprising effect on vegetation, and even on animal life itself, both to accelerate, and sometimes increase them, as well as to shorten their duration: for, as the vegetables are drawn up in a rapid manner (like plants under glasses, or in a very warm exposure, in colder climates) by the great and sudden heats, in the beginning of summer; whereby the very ground, more especially that which is higher than the rest, and most exposed to the sun, and parch|ing dry winds, appears frequently, in a short time, to be exhausted of its virtue and goodness, or deprived of that fructifying quality, which nou|rishes plants and herbage: so they are often as suddenly cut down by the succeeding frosts, or de|stroyed by the severe cold, or want of moisture. And notwithstanding the spring commences at Philadelphia near a month later than about London, yet the harvest in Pennsylvania is a month earlier than in England; which renders that season very short in the former.

Violent gusts of thunder, wind and rain, are frequent in the warm seasons, with sudden cold

after them, and a north west wind; which more often are consequent upon the intense heats. The snows are frequently very deep, in winter, and the frosts so intense, that it has not been very un|common for the large river Delaware, even, where it is near a mile broad, to be frozen over in one night, so as to bear people walking upon the ice in the morning; which river sometimes, in the winter season, for several weeks together, even, opposite to Philadelphia, is as much frequented with loaded carriages of all sorts, bringing country produce upon the ice to the city, as any part of terra firma.* 1.4

* 1.5And experience demonstrates that the tender|ness of a texture, either of the animal or vegetable kind, formed and nourished under so great a de|gree

of heat, as predominates here in summer, is not so well able to bear these great changes, as it would otherwise be; for strangers, who remove hither from colder, or more northern latitudes, are observed generally to bear them better, at first, than the natives of the country, or such as have lived long in it; and the lives of both animals and vegetables, as they mostly arrive sooner at maturity, are generally of shorter duration, than in some of the more northern, or temperate cli|mates; hence, in winter, every green thing of the gramineous kind appears to be entirely dead; and that beautiful verdure, which, in England, remains to adorn the ground round the year, is not to be seen here, in that season; and the effect of these great and sudden changes, even, in the

human species itself, in various respects, is, in proportion, no less conspicuous, in this country.* 1.6

* 1.7In a province of so large extent as that of Penn|sylvania, the nature and quality of the land and soil must consequently be various; yet much more of a similarity, in this respect, runs through the whole of it, at least, so far as at present cultivated, than is to be found in the same extent, any where in England.

If the lands be divided into three parts, or kinds, according to the present application, use and suitableness of them, viz. grazing, arable and barren, or least useful, the first is but a very small proportion; and there is not much, that may properly be called very rich, or good grass land, in it (I mean so far as at present improved) when compared with that of some other countries, ex|cepting near rivers, creeks, and runs of water; where in the vallies, and such low places as are enriched by the floods and washing down of the soil, from the hills and uplands, and longest retain moisture, the land is the most fertile, and com|monly appropriated to grass: but then these places generally are more unhealthy, being very subject to agues, intermittent and slow fevers, while in the more elevated, poor and barren situations, which are less profitable to the cultivator, the in|habitants

mostly enjoy a clearer air, and better state of health.

The second sort of land, which is far the great|est part of what is, at present, improved, is rather of a poor, shallow, or middling kind of soil; but, as much of it is of a strong, clayey, or loamy nature, and in some places abounds with limestone, it is mostly very capable of improve|ment, even after it has been much worn out by bad management, and is, for the most part, very suitable for grain; to which use it is chiefly ap|plied, so far back in the country as improvement has hitherto advanced.

Of the third kind of land, in the province, which is of very little, or no value, it is difficult to ascertain the quantity; but, in divers places of the more remote and mountainous parts, no small proportion of the land is so broken, stony, rocky, or barren, as to be either from its present situation, not worth improving, or otherwise entirely incapa|ble of culture; some places scarcely producing any tree, or vegetable, whatever; and others, at best, only those of the most dwarfish, or shrubby kind.

Face of the country, mountains, rivers, &c.

All the land situated south-westward of Hudson's or North River,* 1.8 to the north boundary of Caro|lina, in latitude 36 ½, may be divided into diffe|rent and regular stages; in which the first object to be observed, is a remarkable rief or vein of rocks, of the talky, or isinglass kind, arising gene|rally a little higher than the adjoining land, and extending from New York city south-westerly, by the lower falls of Delaware, at Trenton; by those of Schuylkill, a little above Philadelphia; of Sus|quehanna, a few miles above the head of Chesapeak bay; and of Gunpowder and Palapseo rivers, in Maryland; of Potomack, Rapahannock, and James

River, in Virginia; and of Roanoak in North Ca|rolina.

This is supposed to have been a former mari|time boundary of this part of America, and forms a very regular curve. The land between this rief and the sea, from the Navesink hills, near Shrews|bury, in East Jersey, south westward along the whole coast,* 1.9 may be denominated the Lower Plains; which consists of soil, washed down from above, and of sand, accumulated from the ocean.

Where these plains are not penetrated by rivers, they are white sea sand, about twenty feet deep, and entirely barren. But the borders of the ri|vers, which descend from the uplands, are rendered fertile by the soil washed down by the floods, and mixed with the sand, gathered from the sea: the substratum of sea mud, shells, and other foreign subjects, are a sufficient confirmation of this suppo|sition.

Hence for forty or fifty miles inland from the sea shore, excepting as above, all the space from the Navesinks to Cape Florida, is entirely barren, where the wash, from the upland, has not enriched the borders of the rivers; or where some ponds, or defiles, have not furnished proper support for the growth of white cedars.

* 1.10There is commonly a vein of clay seaward of the Isinglass Rief, from three to four miles wide; which is a coarse fuller's earth; and, with a proper mixture of loam, is excellently well adapted for bricks: at, or near, which vein of clay, that part of Pennsylvania, which is nearest the sea, or from about Trenton, on Delaware, to the borders of Maryland, in general commences; and Philadel|phia is partly situated upon it.

From this rief of rocks, over which all the ri|vers fall, (as before mentioned) to that chain of broken hills, commonly called the South Moun|tain,

there is a space of very uneven ground, ex|tending, in different places, fifty, sixty, or seventy miles, and rising sensibly on advancing further in|land; which space may be denominated the upland.* 1.11 This consists of veins of different kinds of soil and substrata, for some scores of miles in length; and, in some places it is overlaid with little chains of hills. The declivity of the whole gives a great rapidity to the streams of water; where the vio|lent gusts of wind and rain, to which the climate, in hot seasons, is very subject, have washed, or wore, it much into gullies, and carried down the soil, to enrich the borders of the rivers, in the lower plains. These steep inequalities render much of the country not easily capable of culture; whereby it is likewise impoverished, by reason of the almost continual washing away of the richer mould, that covers the surface.

The South Mountain is not in ridges,* 1.12 like the Endless Mountains, so called, but in small, broken, steep, stony hills; nor does it run with so much regularity. In some places it gradually diminishes to nothing, not appearing again for some miles; and, in others, it spreads several miles in breadth. Between the South Mountain, and the high chain of the Endless Mountains, (often for distinction, called the North Mountain, and in some places, the Kittatinni and Pequélin) there is a valley of pretty even good land, from eight to ten or twenty miles wide, which is perhaps some of the best land, if not the most considerable quantity of it, that the English at present, (about the year 1753, when most of these observations, on the face of the country, were made and published by Lewis Evans of Philadelphia) are possessed of, or have improved; it runs through New Jersey, Pennsyl|vania, Maryland, Virginia; and is every where enriched with limestone.

The Endless Mountains,* 1.13 which is the Indian name translated, and expressive of their unknown 〈◊〉〈◊〉, are the next in order, and make the fourth stage. They are not confusedly scattered, in lofty peaks, over-topping one another, but stretch in long uniform ridges, scarce half a mile perpendi|cular, in any place, above the intermediate vallies. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ome place•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 towards the Kaats-Kill moun|tains, near the head of Delaware river, in New York government, and the head of Roanoak, in the south west part of Virginia, they appear to terminate; but, in a little space, they spread out again into new branches, apparently as extensive as before. The further chain, or Allegenny ridge of mountains, keeps mostly on a parallel with the Isinglass Rief, and terminates in a rough, stony place, at the head of Roanoak and New River, on the borders of Virginia, and Carolina. The more easterly chains, as they run further southward, trend, or spread themselves more and more wes|terly; whereby the upland and rich valley, before mentioned, are so much wider in Virginia, than further north; and which causes them to meet and intersect the Allegenny mountains.

Some chains of these mountains are single nar|row ridges; as the Kittatinni; some spread two or three miles broad, on the top; others steep on one side, and extend with a long slope, on the other; and the steeper they are, the more ••••ky; but they are every where woody, where the soil is proper and sufficient to support the trees. To|wards the further ridges, north eastward, the mountains consist of rich land; and in some places, they are only as large as broad banks, three or four miles across. In the way to Ohio, by Franks Town, in Pennsylvania, being past the Allegenny mountains, the ground is rough, in many places, and continues so to the river.* 1.14 Near this place the Lawrel Hill springs from the mountains, and con|tinues,

though not large, in a very regular chain, it is thought, to the Ouasioto mountain, or the southern branches of the Ohio. For though the Allegenny is the most westerly, on the west branch of Susquehanna river, in Pennsylvania, yet it is far from being so in Virginia. Except the further ridges, last mentioned, there is but little good land in the mountains; and not one-tenth part is capable of culture;* 1.15 but what small quantity there is, consists of extreme rich soil, in lawns on the river sides; being so much rich mud subsided there, and commonly gathered above falls, for|merly in drowned lands, and now drained, by the rivers wearing channels through the rocks.

To the north westward of the Endless Mountains is a country of vast extent, and, in a manner, as high as the mountains themselves. The abrupt termination thereof, near the sea level, as, on the west side of Hudson's, or North river, below Al|bany, appears like a very high mountain.* 1.16 For Kaats-Kills, though of more lofty stature than any other mountains, in these parts of America, are but the continuation of the plains, on the top; and the cliffs of them, in the front, they repre|sent towards Kinderhook. These upper plains con|sist of extraordinary rich land, and extend from the Mohocks river through the country of the Con|federate, or Six Nation, Indians. Their termina|tion northward is at a little distance from lake On|tario, near latitude 43°; but where it is westward is unknown; for those most extensive plains of Ohio are part of them, which continue to widen, as they extend further westward, even far beyond the Mississippi; and their boundary southward is a little chain of broken hills, about ten or fifteen miles south of the river Ohio.

The Delaware and Susquehanna,* 1.17 rivers of Penn|sylvania, at, or near their heads, approach, as is

supposed, within less than thirty or forty miles of Hudson's, or New York river: and so near to the former does the tide flow up the last menti|oned river; whereas the Delaware runs, perhaps, about one hundred ••••d fifty miles, and the Sus|quehanna, probably near two hundred miles, down their channel •• before they meet the tide; which phenomenon 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••sily explained, when it is considered, that the ••elaware and Susquehanna have their heads in these plains, and Hudson's, or North River, has the tide at the foot, or bottom of them.

The flat country, lower plains, which lies be|tween the falls and the sea, is, for the most part, well watered with beautiful bays, rivers and creeks, navigable for all sorts of vessels.* 1.18 All the creeks on Delaware bay, the verges of the sounds, which extend along the sea coast, and some creeks in Virginia, and towards the head of Chesapeak bay, on the west side, are bordered with salt marshes; some a mile or two wide.

* 1.19Those parts of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ma|ryland, and Virginia, between the Isinglass Vein, and the North Mountain, slope towards the sea with great declivity; whereby the rivers and rivu|lets have great rapidity, and are excellently well adapted for all sorts of mills, turned by water; a great advantage to some of these middle colonies, where bread and flour are the staple of commerce. In the Endless Mountains the rivers are generally stony and rapid; and, in some places, where in|terrupted with riefs of rocks, not yet worn to the level, they fall in cataracts; and above such places they are generally dead and slow, or spread in ponds, and drown the surrounding lands. In the elevated flats, which form the country of the Con|federate, or Six Nation, Indians, and on the Ohio, the rivers are generally easy in their currents; and as that country is of vast extent, they are large

and excellently accommodated for inland navi|gation.

Part of the east end of lake Erie is said to be within the bounds of Pennsylvania;* 1.20 it being sup|posed to be rather south of, or within, the 42d degree of north latitude, and between four and five degrees of longitude west from Philadelphia. It is a beautiful fresh water lake; is said to have a fine sandy shore on the north, as well as in many places on the other sides of it, especially towards the south east part, bordering on Pennsylvania. The weather and temperature of the air is ac|counted more moderate there, than at lake Ontario, (at whose east end is Oswego, in latitude 43° 17′ N.) and the other great lakes; which are all situated further north;* 1.21 it extends perhaps two hundred and fifty miles east and west, and near sixty or seventy north and south; it communicates with the lake Ontario, on the north east part of it, by the straits cataract of Niagara; and on the north west, with the lake Huron, by a strait called by the French Detroit, passable by large vessels.

The water, or straits of Niagara,* 1.22 at the place of the famous and stupendous fall, or cataract, of that name, is said to run from S. S. E. to N. N. W. where the rocks, which form the great fall, extend in a semicircle one thousand and eighty feet across it. This fall is asserted to be one hun|dred and thirty-seven feet perpendicular; and to be sometimes heard at the distance of fifteen leagues: most of the water, which runs from these large lakes, on the N. W. viz. Lake Superior,* 1.23 Lake Michigan, Lake Huron, and Lake Erie, passes this fall, in its way to Lake Ontario, and from thence to the river St. Lawrence.

Hudson's, or North River,* 1.24 at whose entrance stands the city of New York, in north latitude 40° 42′ ½, has the tide and a good depth of water, for

sloops, to Albany, near one hundred and fifty miles, into the upland, in a north direction; and opens communication with the inland parts of the continent, of very great importance; while all the rivers south-westward, as before observed, are navigable by sea vessels in the lower flats only.

* 1.25Delaware river, which divides Pennsylvania from New Jersey, from its head, in latitude about 42 ½ north, down to Trenton falls, with all its curves and windings, forms a general course nearly north and south, but a little westward, of above one hundred and fifty miles; and in that space is said to have fourteen considerable rifts, principally below Easton, in Northampton county; yet all pass|able at times, in the long flat boats, used in the navigation of these parts; some of them carrying from five to six hundred bushels of wheat. The worst rifts, or those called falls, are fourteen miles above Easton; and from thence, in different places; for the space of thirty miles, down to Trenton; yet these are all surmounted in freshes, or in floods, by the boats, as far as from the Menesinks.* 1.26

* 1.27The west branch of Delaware, called the Lehi, which goes off at Easton, and waters the county of Northampton, is but inconsiderable, compared with the north east branch, already described. From Trenton, where the river meets the tide, to Philadelphia, the Delaware runs about thirty miles, navigable for sea vessels; and from Phi|ladelphia to the sea, it is above one hundred miles, along the course of the river and bay; first, in a south west, and then in a south east direction; the river is near a mile broad at the city of Philadelphia.

* 1.28Sculkil is a fine branch of the Delaware; in|to which it falls about four miles below Philadel|phia;

and up which the tide flows about five miles above the city, to the falls; three or four miles above which falls are others; all passable with large boats, in freshes, down to the city. From these falls to Reading, in the county of Berks, for forty or fifty miles into the interior parts of the province, through the counties of Philadelphia and Berks, it forms a fine gliding stream, easily set against, or overcome, with poles; as the bot|tom is generally even; and in moderate seasons, will furnish fifteen or sixteen inches of water, at least, in the shallowest places, all the way: it is capable of much improvement, for the advantage of both town and country.* 1.29

There are besides a considerable number of na|vigable streams, or creeks, which run into the Delaware, both on the Jersey and Pennsylvania sides of it, both above and below Philadelphia; which afford an easy conveyance of country pro|duce to that, city; but, in general, they are navi|gable only with small vessels, for a short distance into the country.

Delaware bay is said to be sixty miles long,* 1.30 from the capes to the entrance of the river at Bombay Hook; and so wide in some places, that a ship, in the middle of it, cannot be seen from the land. It opens into the Atlantic Ocean south east, between cape Hinlopen on the west, and cape May, on the east; these capes are about eighteen miles distant from each other; the former in the territories of Pennsylvania, and the latter in New Jersey. Of the streams, which empty into this bay, Maurice river, in New Jersey, is accounted one of the largest; and is said to be navigable for vessels of one hundred tons fifteen miles, and for shallops, or small vessels, ten miles further.

This bay and river are said to have been named from the title of—West, Lord de la war, Governor of Virginia, about the year 1611; but the Indian name, according to an old Swedish manuscript, was Poutaxat.

* 1.31Susquahanna river rises beyond the north boun|dary of Pennsylvania, from two small lakes, in about 43° north latitude, and eastward of Phila|delphia, in the government of New York; it runs thence a considerable way southward, and then south westward, in a very crooked, or winding course, into the interior parts of Pennsylvania, then turning eastward, it continues in a south east direction, till it enters Maryland; whence, pro|ceeding a few miles, within that province, it after|wards falls into the upper part, or head, of Che|sapeak bay, after a course of, perhaps, about two hundred and fifty miles, being above a mile wide in some places near its mouth; but much of it shallow, in proportion to its breadth. It is navi|gable for canoes quite from the lakes, at the head of it, to the falls of Conewago, in York county. There are no falls in the upper part of the river, till about three miles below Wioming, in Northum|berland county; but from thence to Conewago there are several. The falls of Conewago are the worst; and below these are several others. By reason of these falls this large river has no continued inland navigation to near its mouth; nor for sea vessels above 〈◊〉〈◊〉 miles from the head of the bay.

The most considerable branches of the Susqua|hanna are Owege, Tohiccon or Cayuga, Senashe, or West Branch, Juniata, Swatara, Conewago, and Co|dorus, which waters Yorktown; and Conestogo, which runs by, or near, Lancaster. Tohiccon promises well for a good navigation with canoes, to near the head* 1.32

of Allegenny river; it being a large and gentle stream. The West Branch is said to be shallow and rapid, but has scarce any falls in it. Juniata, which runs through Cumberland county, is said to be a fine navigable stream for a great distance.

The large and beautiful bay of Chesapeak may properly be called the bay of Susquahanna,* 1.33 though all the large rivers of Maryland and Virginia like|wise empty themselves into it. This bay is said to be near one hundred leagues in length, to the sea; and in some places near twenty miles broad, inter|spersed with islands, and navigable for large ships, the whole length of it.

Between this bay and that of Delaware,* 1.34 is situ|ate the peninsula, which is composed of the three lower counties on Delaware, or the territories of Pennsylvania, on the east, and part of Maryland, on the west and south, with that part of Virginia, on the most southern part of it, which is called Accomac, &c.

The length of this peninsula north and south, from the most southern point of cape Charles, in latitude about 37° 12′ to the head of Chesapeak bay, near latitude 39° 35′, is probably about one hundred and seventy miles; its breadth near Lew|istown, or cape Hinlopen, is about seventy miles; but from thence it decreases in breadth both north|ward and southward; so that opposite to Reedy Island, or near the head of Chesapeak, it is only about twenty-five miles broad.

The many navigable waters, or creeks,* 1.35 on each side of this peninsula, which run into their respec|tive bays, on the east and west, are of great ad|vantage here; some of which are described, as follows:

Large sloops may pass to Snow Hill, on Poko|moke river, or creek, which runs into the lower part of Chesapeak bay; the portage is five miles

from thence to Sinepuxen sound, on the sea, where ships may come.

Shallops may go up Nanticoke river, from the lower part of the same bay, near twenty miles into the Delaware counties; the portage from thence to Indian river, which runs into the sea be|low Lewis Town, is about thirteen miles, and to Broad Creek twelve.

Choptank, in Maryland, is navigable for shal|lops to the bridge, about six or seven miles within the Delaware counties; and the portage to Mother|kill, which runs into the middle of Delaware bay, is fifteen miles.

From Chester or Newton, river, in the same province, to Salisbury, on Duck creek, which runs into the Delaware, below Reedy Island, the port|age is thirteen miles: and from Sassafras river there is another portage to the same place, thir|teen miles also.

From Frederick town to Sassafras river, in Ma|ryland, where good ships may come, there is a portage to Cantwell's bridge, on Apoquiminy, which runs into Delaware near Reedy Island, fourteen miles.

From Bohemia river, in the same province, where large flats, or small shallops may come, the portage to Cantwell's bridge, being low ground, is only eight miles.* 1.36 All these creeks, which run into the Delaware, will receive large shallops, but no larger vessels.

* 1.37From the head of Elk river, where shallops may come from the upper part of Chesapeak bay,

in Maryland, the portage is twelve miles to Chris|teen bridge, in Newcastle county; from which place Christeen creek is navigable, by the south side of Wilmington, to Delaware river; and is capable of sea vessels of above one hundred tons burden several miles above Wilmington; a little be|low which place before it enters the Delaware, it is joined by the Brandywine; a creek, which has its course on the north side of Wilmington, distant about a mile from Christeen, and extends into the interior parts of Chester county, in Pennsylva|nia, This creek is not navigable above the rocks, or falls, two or three miles distant from its mouth, and nearly opposite to Wilmington, where it has a good bridge over it, on the road to Philadelphia, distant about twenty-seven miles; but this stream is not the less useful, in this corn country,* 1.38 for the many excellent grist mills, situated upon the sides of it, especially near Wilmington, called the Bran|dywine mills; where the tide, with convenient shipping, come up to the very doors of divers of them.

This creek and that of Wissahiccon, which runs into Sculkil, a little above Philadelphia,* 1.39 are no|ted for the best, and most numerous grist mills, either in this province, or any other part of Bri|tish America, within the same extent of country; and which, perhaps, are not inferior in quality to any in the world.

Potowmack river,* 1.40 which runs into Chesapeak bay, and divides Maryland from Virginia, is very broad, and navigable for large ships, as far as Alexandria, about perhaps one hundred miles from the bay; and is likely in future to become a very important, if not the sole water carriage from the country about the head of Ohio, to the ocean, in this part of America.

* 1.41Allegenny river takes its rise near latitude 42° northward of Pennsylvania, and about two or three degrees of longitude west from Philadelphia; afterwards it runs many miles within that pro|vince, first south-westerly to Venango, and then more southerly to Pittsburg, where being joined by the Monongahela, a very large stream, it thence takes the name of Ohio, and turning westerly pro|ceeds to the Mississippi. But both these names, Allegenny and Ohio, originally signify the same thing, in different Indian languages; Ohio in the Seneca, and Allegenny, in the Delaware Indian language,* 1.42 signifies the Fine, or Fair River; and the whole stream, from its head, to its junction with the Mississippi, was so denominated by these re|••••ective Indian nations.

When the winter snows thaw, in the sp••••n•• this river is said to rise, in some places, more than twenty feet perpendicular; but scarce ever over|flows its high banks. It keeps a great uniformity of breadth, gradually increasing from two or three furlongs, at Pittsburg, to near a mile; and still growing so much larger before it reaches the Mis|sissippi, that its breadth, depth and easy current are supposed to equal those of any river in Europe, except the Danube.* 1.43

PART II.

The chorography,—division into counties,—principal towns—produce and chief staple of the country, with its great increase and variety.—Trade and commerce.—Present inhabitants; their great in|crease, &c.—City of Philadelphia.—Other con|siderable towns, &c.—Internal police, and courts of judicature in Pennsylvania, with the public of|ficers in 1772.

HAVING thus far given a general account of the soil, face of the country, mountains, rivers, &c. besides the geographical description of the province, in respect to its situation and extent, as expressed in the royal charter, and in the dispute between Penn and Baltimore, in the preceding history, by which its real extent, north and south, appears to be no more than about one hundred and fifty-seven miles, instead of two hundred and eight, as intended by charter, and about two hundred and sixty east and west, it may be proper, in the next place, to exhibit a sketch of the di|visions, into which the settled or improved and located part of it is formed, &c.

The settled, and located part of Pennsylvania, which, perhaps, is near two-thirds of the pro|vince, is now divided into eleven counties; and each of these again is subdivided into a number of town|ships.* 1.44 The counties situated between the rivers Delaware and Susquahanna are called the counties of Philadelphia, Bucks, Chester, Lancaster, Berks, and Northampton; the counties on the west side of

Susquahanna are those of York, Cumberland, Bed|ford, and Westmoreland; which is the last esta|blished, and extends westward as far as Pittsburg, inclusive, or to the western boundary of the pro|vince; which boundary, though not yet abso|lutely fixed, is supposed to be so far west, at least, or near that place: these, with the county of Northumberland, situated on both sides of Susqua|hanna, northward, and upon the forks of that river, are all the counties, which are yet ascer|tained: but the more northern, and north west parts of Pennsylvania, being not yet taken up, or purchased from the Indians, remain still in their possession, though they are here supposed to be included in the exterior back counties.

The three first mentioned counties of Philadel|phia, Bucks and Chester, with those of Newcastle, Kent and Sussex, on Delaware (which last are al|ready described in another place) were laid out and named by the Proprietary William Penn, in conjunction with the first and early purchasers, when he was the first time in the country. The boundaries, or division lines, of the three former, are said to have been fixed according to his mind, or direction, signified to some of his friends, before he left the province, and afterwards confirmed by the provincial Council, on the first day of the second month, 1685.* 1.45

The south east boundary of these three coun|ties is the river Delaware;* 1.46 which river likewise is the north east limit of Bucks county, as the circu|lar line, drawn twelve miles distant from Newcas|tle northward and westward from the river Dela|ware, with part of the north boundary of Mary|land, is that of the county of Chester, on the south. They are now bounded on the west, and north west, by the counties of Lancaster, Berks and Northampton.

These three counties, of which Philadelphia is in the middle, Bucks on the north east, and Ches|ter on the south west of it, extend about seventy miles in length, north east,* 1.47 from the Maryland line, to the Delaware, on the upper, or north east side of Bucks county, and about forty miles in breadth, north westward from the Delaware, at Philadelphia, to their north west boundary, which has ••••••••ly a north east, and south west direction. Chester county is considerably the largest of the three; Bucks is smaller than that of Philadelphia, but there is not much difference in the size and

extent of these two counties, though the l••tter contains many more inhabitants than any other county in the province, on account of the city of Philadelphia being within its limits. The capitals of the other two counties are the old borough towns of Bristol in Bucks, and Chester in Chester county; both situated on the river Delaware; the former about twenty miles north east, and the lat|ter fifteen miles south west from Philadelphia, be|ing noted for several good inns, for the accommo|dation and entertainment of travellers; but they both have appeared in late years, to be on the decline; and the county courts, for Bucks county, have for some years past, been held at Newtown, in the said county.

* 1.48Lancaster county, which before was the north west part of Chester county, was established by law, in the year 1729; bounded by Octoraro creek, which running into Susquahanna, divides it from Chester county, and by part of the Maryland line, on the south; and on the eastward, by a line run|ning from the north branch of the said creek, north easterly, to the river Sculkil: it is now limited at about sixty miles in length north west and south east, and in breadth north east and south west, about thirty miles; having the river Susqua|hanna on the south west and north west, and the county of Berks on the north east of it. Its ca|pital is the borough of Lancaster, situated about one mile from Conestogo creek, which runs into Sus|quahanna river. It is about sixty-six miles west from Philadelphia, and consists of about seven hundred dwelling houses, besides other buildings; but this county contains several other considerable towns.

* 1.49York county, on the west side of Susquahanna, was established by law in 1749; when it was sepa|rated from Lancaster county, and bounded north|ward and westward by a line run from the river Susquahanna, along the ridge of the South Moun|tain,

till it intersects the Maryland line; south|ward by the said Maryland line; and eastward by the river Susquahanna; which divides it from Lan|caster county. This county is almost of a trian|gular form; whose longest side, next Maryland, is about sixty miles; the other two sides about fifty miles each. It now has Cumberland county on the north west. Its capital is York town, con|taining about four hundred dwelling houses, situ|ated on Codorus creek which runs into Susqua|hanna, and is about eighty-six miles westward from Philadelphia.

Cumberland county, westward of Susquahanna,* 1.50 and north-westward of the county of York, was di|vided from Lancaster county, and established by law in 1749; then bounded northward and westward by the line, or boundary, of the province, and east|ward partly by the river Susquahanna, which divides it from Lancaster county; and by the county of York, and the Maryland line, or boundary on the south; it now has Bedford county, on the west, and part of Northumberland on the north of it. It is of an irregular figure extending about seventy miles in length north and south, and in breadth east and west about fifty in the broadest, and twen|ty miles in the narrowest part. Its chief town, Carlisle, is about one hundred and twenty miles north-north-west from Philadelphia, situated near Conedogwinet creek; which runs into Susquahanna: it is a good town, but not so large as York, or Reading.

Berks county,* 1.51 which before was included in the north part of the counties of Philadelphia, Chester and Lancaster, was established by law in 1752; being then bounded and divided from these counties by a line at the distance of ten miles south west from the western bank of the river Sculkil, opposite to the mouth of a creek, called Monocacy; thence north west to the extremity of

the province; and south east, till it intersects the line of Chester county; then by a right line, cros|sing the river Sculkil, to the upper, or north west|ward, line of M'Call's manor; then along the said line to the extremity thereof; and continuing the same course to the line dividing Philadelphia and Bucks counties; then along the said line north west to the extent of the county aforesaid.

This county, at present, has that of Lancaster, on the south west, Northumberland on the north west, Northampton on the north east, and those of Philadelphia and Chester on the south east. It is about fifty miles long north west and south east, and thirty broad north east and south west. Its principal town is Reading, situated on, or near, the river Sculkil, about fifty-six miles north west from Philadelphia. "In the year 1751 it con|tained one hundred and thirty dwelling houses, besides stables and other buildings, one hundred and six families, three hundred and seventy-eight inhabitants, though about two years before it had not above one house in it." It is now near three times as large, and contains about as many houses, &c. as York.

* 1.52Northampton county, which before was included in the north west part of Bucks county, was di|vided from it, and established by law in 1752: it was then bounded and separated from the said coun|ty of Bucks, by the upper, or north westward line of Durham tract, to the upper corner thereof; then by a right line south westerly, to the line di|viding Philadelphia and Bucks counties, and then by that line to the extremity of the province. But this county, at present, has that of Northum|berland on the north west, and Berks on the south west of it; and it is bounded by the Dela|ware, on the south east and north east. It ex|tends in length, north east and south west about seventy miles, and is perhaps forty miles broad,

north west and south east. Easton is its capital town, situated in the forks of Delaware, about sixty miles north from Philadelphia.

The other three are frontier counties, in the back parts of the province, next the Indians: they were laid out but very lately, and, as yet, are but thinly inhabited, and little improved, be|ing the most remote from the capital of the pro|vince.

The natural,* 1.53 or original produce of Pennsylva|nia, in regard to animals and vegetables, or trees and fruits, as well as the original inhabitants, &c. has already, in part, been mentioned, in William Penn's account of them, in the preceding history: maize, or Indian corn, is an original; and straw|berries, with grapes, of various kinds, grow natu|ral in the woods, as well as mulberries, &c. Deer, among the quadrupeds, and wild turkeys, among the winged tribe, were formerly very plentiful, but now scarce, &c.

But most kinds of European grain and fruits, as well as domestic, or tame animals, have been naturalized here; some of the fruits have been meliorated by the change, while others degene|rate. But the principal staple of Pennsylvania and its vicinity, is wheat, flour, rye, Indian corn, &c. which will appear in the following account of exports from the port of Philadelphia, where the trade of the province principally centers.

The ground abounds with iron ore, in many places, as well as with marble and limestone, &c. in others; from the former of which, great quan|tities of pig and bar iron, castings, &c. are made both for exportation and home use. But the woods have hitherto been still more remarkable for their abundance of timber, not only for home consump|tion, and ship building, but also for the various articles, exported under the name of lumber, &c.

in which it is said there are above seventeen diffe|rent species, or varieties, of oak alone, &c.

* 1.54It is supposed that, at least, two-thirds, if not three-fourths, of the cleared, or improved lands, at this time, are arable. The soil, in general, be|ing naturally more adapted for grain, than grass; wheat, rye and Indian corn suit it well. Other grain, as barley, oats, &c. being here mostly of inferior quality to those of some other parts of the world, are more seldom raised in very considerable quantity, in this province: Indian corn and buck-wheat supplying the use of these in divers respects.

The country abounds with excellent mills, turned by water, for various purposes, but chiefly for grinding of grain; for which it is well adapted, by reason of its uneven surface, many hills, rivu|lets, or creeks, so that generally more flour and bread, in latter years, have been exported from hence, than wheat, or grain, unmanufactured: besides, the quantity of flaxseed annually raised here, and shipped to Ireland, has been very con|siderable; as well as that of barrelled pork, to the West Indies, and other markets, &c.

* 1.55The gradual increase of a part only of the prin|cipal staple of Pennsylvania, appears by the follow|ing account of the annual value of wheat, flour and flaxseed alone exported from the port of Phi|ladelphia in the years mentioned, taken from the journals of Assembly and other authentic docu|ments, viz.

In 1731, when wheat was 2ʃ6 per bushel, and flaxseed about 4ʃ8 ½

£. 62,584 0 1

In 1749, when wheat was 5ʃ3 per bushel, and flaxseed about 10ʃ8 ½

£. 148,104 4 11

In 1750, when wheat was 4ʃ per bushel, and flaxseed about 10ʃ

£. 155,174 19 6

In 1751, when wheat was 3ʃ10 per bushel, and flaxseed about 6ʃ6 ½

£. 187,457 11 1

In 1765, when wheat was 5ʃ3 per bushel, and flaxseed about 9ʃ3

£. 422,614 0 0

In 1772,* 1.56 when wheat was 5ʃ6 per bushel, and flaxseed about 8ʃ

£. 571,050 0 0

In which account it is manifest that the value of these exports was nearly trebled every twenty years.

The export from Philadelphia in 1774, in grain, flour and bread alone, was computed to be equal to about 2,170,000 bushels; of which 140,000 bushels consisted of Indian corn, the whole at five shillings per bushel, amounts to £. 542,500, in value; and if the quantity of flaxseed was equal to that of the next preceding year, it would make the whole value amount to above £. 600,000, in these par|ticular articles alone, at a very moderate compu|tation.

* 1.57The grass lands in the first settled, or old coun|ties, are but a small proportion, and are chiefly situated on the sides of rivers, creeks and rivulets, or moist places, where, at times, they are partly overflowed, being mostly very rich, and produce abundance, but of a rapid growth. Of this kind are the large quantities of fine low meadows, near and about Philadelphia; which, being secured by banks from the tides and floods of the Delaware, and the creeks which run into it (by which they were formerly overflowed, and tendered useless) are of very great and extraordinary advantage to that city.

* 1.58Large orchards of apple-trees are propagated in almost every plantation; which every where pro|duce great quantities of fine, large, well flavoured fruit; and in some places peaches are so common and plentiful, that the country people feed their hogs with them; likewise cherries, of various kinds,* 1.59 are no less abundant and good. But, though cyder is the common drink of this country, and very plentiful and easy to be procured, yet it is not made by the inhabitants to such perfection as it is capable of. Besides, Lisbon and Madeira wines, among the higher rank, and West India rum and spirits are much drank, in mixture, by the people in general. And sometimes a kind of weak beverage is used, made of a mixture of mo|lasses,

&c. which is called molasses beer. Malt liquor, which among the first settlers, was more common, is made in some of the principal towns, in small quantity. It has long been at times more or less an article of exportation from Philadelphia. And the use of tea, coffee and chocolate, &c. is very common.

But the liquors of the native growth and pro|duce of the country,* 1.60 exclusive of what are im|ported from abroad, are, in general, but mean, or scarce and inferior, compared with the provi|sions, which are good and plentiful. This seems to arise, at least, in part, from too much neglect in this particular, occasioned by getting rum and spirits at such exceeding low rates from the West Indies, which has rendered malt liquor, though more wholesome, and profitable for the country, less used than formerly, in the early time of the pro|vince, in proportion to the number of people, notwithstanding it is so great a grain country.

Besides, though grapes grow spontaneously, in great variety and abundance, almost every where in the woods, &c. being natural to the country, and laudable attempts have been made in making wine from them, yet not much has hitherto been done in it to very considerable advantage. And as mul|berry trees are no less plentiful and natural to the soil than the grape vine, so silk has already been attempted in Pennsylvania and New Jersey with much promising success.

It is not my intention, as before mentioned, to give a minute, but only a general account of the state of the province, at the time specified, so I shall observe the same conduct in regard to its trade and produce,* 1.61 &c. which as exhibited in page 265, has manifestly trebled in value every late twenty years; yet, not to mention the particulars of its surprising increase, many and great improve|ments

and manufactures, now here commenced and carrying on, especially in and about Philadel|phia, where many sugar houses have been lately erected, and large quantities of excellent loaf su|gar are made to great perfection; which before was all imported; and glass is now (about the year 1770) manufactured in its vicinity, &c. it may be proper to give, at least, some idea of them in later years, by inserting the following account and estimate,* 1.62 as it was published, in the Penn|sylvania chronicle, in March, 1767, of the parti|culars of one year's exports, from the port of Philadelphia, of the product and manufacture of the province and its neighbourhood,* 1.63 viz.

"Account of goods exported from the port of Philadelphia, between the 5th of April, 1765, and the 5th of April, 1766.

367,522	bushels of wheat,	40 bushels=1 ton=9,188 tons at 5ʃ 3 per bushel,	£ 96,474
148,887	barrels of flour,	9 barrels=1 ton=16,543 tons. at 15ʃ per Cwt.	251,246
34,736	barrels bread,	16 barrels=1 ton=2,171 tons. at 15ʃ per barrel,	32,565
609	barrels of beef,	12 barrels=1 ton=50 ¾ tons at 60ʃ per barrel,	1,827
6,647	barrels of pork,	12 barrels=1 ton=555 tons at 70ʃ per barrel,	23,257
3,912	thousand staves,	equal to 7,824 tons at 6l per thousand,	23,472
358	thousand headings,	equal to 716 tons at 8l per thousand,	2,864
2,114	thousand shingles,	equal to 200 tons at 20ʃ per thousand,	2,114
60,205	bushels Indian corn,	40 bushels=1 ton=1,505 ⅙ tons at 3ʃ per bushel,	9,030
	Bar iron,	882 tons at 26l per ton,	22,932
	Pig iron,	813 tons at 7l 10s per ton,	6,097
1,644	boxes soap,	equal to 20 ½ tons at 25ʃ per box,	2,055
1,202	boxes candles,	equal to 15 ½ tons at 25ʃ per box,	1,502
97	thousand hoops,	equal to 20 tons at 70ʃ per thousand,	339
164	cwt. tobacco,	equal to 8 ¾ tons at 20ʃ per cwt.	164
783	thousand feet boards,	equal to 1,566 tons at 76ʃ per thousand,	2,740
1,288	barrels beer,	8 barrels=1 ton=161 tons at 30ʃ per barrel,	1,932
238	kegs starch,	equal to 6 tons at 35ʃ per keg,	416
12,094	hhds. flaxseed,	4 hhds.=1 ton=3,023 tons at 70ʃ per hhd.	42,329
64	chests furs and skins,	equal to 8 tons at 100l per chest,	6,400
35	barrels bees wax,	equal to 4 ½ tons at 25l per barrel,	875
199	firkins lard,	equal to 7 tons at 20ʃ per firkin,	199
1,501	firkins butter (half Irish)	equal to 20 tons at 40ʃ per firkin,	1,400
5,430	tons new vessels, including iron work, &c.	6l 10s per ton,	35,295
		45,306 ⅔ tons.	£ 567,521

"Besides logwood, fustic, mahogany, naval-stores, rice, and sundry other articles of European, West India, and North American produce, ex|ported from hence; exclusive of cordage, for the use of new vessels, &c. provisions for ships' use, staves for dunnage, and many other small articles."

* 1.64But the annual increase of the trade and pro|duce, till about the year 1775, was so great, that it was supposed, by the best judges, they doubled, at least, during these last ten years; insomuch that all the exports of every kind to Great Britain, and other markets, were computed at near £. 1,200,000, or above £. 700,000 sterling, va|lue per annum, upon an average of three years, ending December, 1773; after which time, for the two next succeeding years, they continued still greatly to increase: and the imports from Great Britain alone, in manufactures, and other mer|chandize, into the port of Philadelphia (exclusive of those from the West Indies, &c. in rum, sugar, molasses, &c. which were very great) at above £. 600,000 sterling per annum, upon the same average, at the same time.

An account of the former of which, taking into consideration the large home consumption of* 1.65

the same and other articles, in this populous pro|vince and its vicinity, at the same time, may fur|nish a general idea of its trade and produce, &c. viz.* 1.66

* 1.67The principal part of these exports, which, by the merchants of Philadelphia, are sent to Great Britain, Ireland, the West India ••slands, New En|gland, but of late years more to Portugal, Spain, up the straits, and other places, is carried in their own shipping, built here; which is frequently sold with the cargoes: the produce of all which is sure to centre in Great Britain, in pay for the ma|nufactures and merchandize imported here from

thence; except perhaps what is returned higher in wines of Lisbon, Madeira, Canary, or Western Islands, West India produce, with salt and other necessaries, for the use of the country, and con|sumed in the province and its neighbourhood.

The present inhabitants of Pennsylvania,* 1.68 exclu|sive of the few Indians, still remaining in the re|mote, or back parts, of it, consist mostly of such people as have removed thither from Europe, and of their descendants; and still many of them have connections there; hence they are generally in the practice of the customs and manners of the different countries, from which they originally came, according to their rank in life. Of those which constitute the different religious societies, such as appear to be least known, and most re|markable, either have been already, or will here|after, be mentioned in the proper place.

Besides the great numbers of the first and early colonists, as well as since, from Great Britain, and the large importations of people from Ireland into this province, both in early and latter times, those from Germany have been so great,* 1.69 that it is supposed near one-third, at least, of the inhabi|tants, at this time, consists of the last, and their descendants: the counties of Lancaster, York, Berks, and Northampton being principally settled by them, and they are very numerous, even, in the city and county of Philadelphia, as well as in the others.

In the summer of the year 1749, twenty-five sail of large ships arrived with German passengers alone: which brought about twelve thousand souls, some of the ships about six hundred each; and in several other years near the same number of these people arrived annually; and in some years near as many annually from Ireland. By an exact ac|count of all the ships and passengers annually,

which have arrived at Philadelphia, with Germans alone, nearly from the first settlement of the pro|vince, till about the year 1776, when their im|portation ceased, the number of the latter appears to be about thirty-nine thousand; and their inter|nal increase has been very great. Cumberland county is mostly settled by the Irish, who abound through the whole province. The Germans seem more adapted for agriculture, and the improvement of a wilderness, and the Irish for trade, &c. The former soon get estates in this country, where in|dustry and parsimony are the chief requisites to procure them, &c.

* 1.70The Negroes, or black people, it is supposed, are less numerous in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, than in most of the other colonies, in proportion to the number of other inhabitants; the Legisla|ture, at different times, having used the best en|deavours in their power, to discourage and pre|vent the impolitic and inhuman practice of the introduction or importation, of them; a practice, which has long prevailed in this part of the world, both in its nature and manner, not only the great opprobrium of Christianity, but even the shameful disgrace of human nature itself!

But there is another class of people, whose numbers here,* 1.71 in latter years, have annually so much increased as apparently to portend conse|quences no less dangerous and unhappy to the public good, in some respects, than those last mentioned, as they are more capable of it, and those very consequences manifestly a present ad|vantage to them; I mean such as flee from justice, in other countries, and convicts from Great Bri|tain and Ireland; who frequently find the way hither, after they are landed in other places, to the no small detriment of the honest part of the community; besides the dangerous consequences,

which may justly be dreaded from so large, and long continued collection of such kind of people together; which at present seems to demand the public attention more than it has done.

About the year 1759, or sometime before,* 1.72 the number of families in the province was computed at twenty thousand, by a very moderate computa|tion;* 1.73 and considering the very great increase, di|vers ways, since that time, the whole number of people in Pennsylvania, about the year 1770, may probably be near two hundred thousand, at least, or somewhere between two and three hundred thousand.

For the number of taxables, from time to time,* 1.74 in the province, as appears by the tax books, and journals of Assembly, may be pretty nearly ascer|tained: and it is probable, by these accounts, that, in the year 1731, they did not exceed nine or ten thousand at most; in 1751, they were about twenty-one thousand; and in 1771, be|tween thirty-nine and forty thousand; nearly doubling every twenty years; so computing the

increase of the whole twenty thousand families, with the fresh immigrants, which were very numer|ous, in the same proportion, and allowing seven persons to a family, they would, in 1770, amount to about two hundred and fifty thousand; the tax|ables being, by this computation, nearly one in six, rendered so numerous by reason of the poll-tax, &c. And the three lower counties of New|castle, Kent and Sussex on Delaware might probably contain between twenty and thirty thousand more.

* 1.75The city of Philadelphia, which has been so much, and deservedly admired for its excellent plan, the regularity of its streets, and its great and rapid increase and improvement, it is sup|posed,

for several years last past, has been aug|mented with above two hundred new dwelling houses annually, including the suburbs north and south of it, along the side of the river Delaware; where its buildings now extend about two miles in length; but it is not built, perhaps, much above half a mile westward from the river, along High-street, in the middle, or broadest part of it.

The houses are mostly built of brick, and co|vered with shingles of cedar, very uniform, plain and neat; though both good marble, and other stone, are procured, within fifteen miles from the city, by water carriage, and by land near the same distance. They are mostly three stories high, besides the garrets and cellars, more espe|cially in the interior parts of the town; and for the most part it is well paved, watered, lighted, and cleaned; and the general fuel is wood. But too much of a similarity is said, by some, to pre|vail in the structure of this city; and the eye is not delighted with that variety here, which some|times is observable in smaller places.

The number of houses erected upon the plan of the city, exclusive of public buildings, stores,* 1.76 work-houses, &c. in December, 1769, were three thousand three hundred and eighteen; those of the northern suburbs, five hundred and fifty-three; and in the southern suburbs, six hundred and three; in all four thousand four hundred and se|venty-four dwelling houses; which, at the most moderate computation, being multiplied by six, gives twenty-six thousand eight hundred and forty-four inhabitants; but they were supposed to ave|rage nearer seven to a family, which makes thirty-one thousand three hundred and eighteen, in the city and suburbs of Philadelphia at that time, when it was not above eighty-seven years old; and for the next

following four or five years, it continued to in|crease with still greater augmentation.* 1.77

As to the original plan of the city, which has already been described in another place, though most of it is still retained in the late improvements, yet, in some parts of it, the intention of the great Founder is said to be departed from; and it is too much cut up into small and confined spaces, by narrow lanes and alleys,* 1.78 not suitable for the heat of the climate, nor proper for the health of the in|habitants; for the benefit of whom, in crowded ci|ties, as much free and open air is requisite as can possibly be obtained. Besides, along the water side, where there ought to be a wide public street, or quay, continued the whole front of the city, for the free and uninterrupted use of the citizens; be|sides wharves, extending further into the water, and other convenient space, for shipping and landing of merchandize, and properly accomodating the general trade, &c. private persons are permitted to build and place obstructions close to the ri|ver. Add to these, the principal street in the city is shamefully obstructed by a court-house in the middle of the most crowded part of it, and by other buildings erected for butchers shambles, and holding a market; now long experienced to be the most inconvenient and improper place that could be appropriated for that purpose in such a crowded and increasing city, as well as contrary

to the original intention, which designed all the pub|lic streets for high ways without obstruction, or in|terruption; though in early time, it might have been otherwise, in regard to conveniency, when the place was small, and the people few. These in|conveniences, and abuses, not to say public nui|sances, and impediments to the salubrity of the city, with their growing consequences, if it con|tinues to increase as it has done, and they not re|moved, and better provision made, future time will indoubtedly be more sensible of.* 1.79

The public buildings in this city, at this time,* 1.80 are mostly plain, yet some of them elegant; but, in general, they are adapted more for real use and conveniency, than ornament. The state-house, where the General Assembly, and Supreme Court, of the province, are held, is a plain, but elegant and spacious edifice, for the time in which it was built, about the year 1732: it stands on the south side of Chesnut-street; and with its wings and ap|pendages, on each side of it, occupies the whole extent of a square of near four hundred feet, be|tween Fifth and Sixth-streets from Delaware. The prison and work house, at the corner of High-street and Third-street, are strong and spacious buildings, but have nothing very remarkable in their archi|tecture.

Of houses for worship, that of the Episcopalians,* 1.81 or Church of England, in Second-street, called Christ's Church, is looked upon as the most ele|gant;

the rest are generally more adapted for use and conveniency, than shew. The Quakers have four houses for public worship in the city; of which they constantly, at the appointed times for worship, occupy three; the fourth is used on par|ticular occasions. The Episcopalians have three; the Presbyterians, four; the Baptists, one; the Moravians, one; the Roman Catholics, two; the Methodists, one; the German Lutherans, two; and the German Calvinists, one; likewise the Swedish Lutherans, one, in the lower suburbs, at Wicocoa.

* 1.82Besides the numerous private schools, for the education of youth, in this city, there are two public seminaries of learning, incorporated by char|ter, and provided with funds; the first, in order of time, is that of the Quakers, already mentioned in another place; incorporated by the first Pro|prietor, William Penn; the corporation consists of fifteen persons, chosen by themselves; they have their monthly meetings, for the care and management of the institution; and their regular visitations of the various schools, under their di|rection and notice.* 1.83

Besides the schools in other parts of the city and county of Philadelphia, under their care, they have a convenient and handsome building, ele|gantly situated, in the east side of Fourth-street, near Chesnut-street; where, besides reading and writing, are taught grammar and the languages, with the most useful parts of mathematical learning, in different apartments, under their proper masters; where also is kept a library, for the use of the institution: but this seminary, in some respects, has not been improved, or advanced, according to the original intention, or to as great utility as it is capable of.

The second is the College and Academy of Phila|delphia, of a much later standing,* 1.84 and not existing as such, before the year 1749; but greatly im|proved of late years; and is likely, if its present prudent management be continued, to become hereafter, the most considerable of the kind, per|haps, in British America: the corporation consists of twenty-four members, called Trustees; they have a large commodious building, on the west side of Fourth-street, near Mulberry-street, where the different branches of learning and science are taught, in the various parts of the institution.

In this city are erected two large and elegant edifices, for charitable uses,* 1.85 but not yet compleat|ed; the Pennsylvania Hospital, and the House of Employment for the poor of Philadelphia; it is sup|posed there are not other two institutions of the kind equal to them, in any of the British colonies in America, for the number of persons annually relieved, the spacious, convenient and healthy accommodations, and general good management, in every department; in the former, which had its first rise so late as in the year 1751, there have been cured and relieved above four hundred per|sons annually;* 1.86 and in the latter, which is of

still later standing,* 1.87 about four hundred indigent people, and helpless objects of charity have been constantly provided with suitable employment, or comfortable living and accommodations. The ma|nagers of these institutions are annually chosen by the contributors, according to acts of Assembly, by which they are incorporated: both of them were first promoted chiefly by the Quakers, and still continue under the management principally of the same people.

* 1.88There are other institutions and companies, in this city, formed either for the good order and security of it, or other patriotic purposes; as, that for the insurance of houses from loss by fire; with a number of fire companies, or associations, to prevent and extinguish fire in it: the society for the relief of poor and distressed masters of ships, their widows and children; the American philosophical society, &c. for promoting useful knowledge; the library company of Philadelphia; the society for promoting the cul|ture of silk, &c.

* 1.89The corporation of the city itself, for its inter|nal government and police, has been already mentioned, in the account of its original institu|tion by the first Proprietor William Penn, in 1701. It consists of a Mayor, Recorder, Aldermen, and Common Council, by the name of, "The Mayor and Commonalty of the city of Philadelphia," &c. They are chosen by the corporation; and the number of Aldermen and Common Council-men is not limited: the nature, constitution, power, and office of the corporation are described in the city charter in the appendix.

Besides the city of Philadelphia, there are se|veral considerable towns in the province, exclusive of the capitals of the counties, already mentioned; some of which have their stated market days, and regular markets for provisions, &c.

Germantown, in Philadelphia county, about six miles north of the city, with which it is nearly coeval, and noted for its manufacture of stockings, by the German settlers and their descendants, who principally inhabit it, consists chiefly of one street, several miles in length, different parts of it ha|ving different names, irregularly built of stone, dug out of the ground where the houses stand; in a high and healthy situation, with distances, or vacant spaces, in some places, between the houses; it affords a pleasant retreat in summer to divers inhabitants of Philadelphia; and contains more houses and people than any other town in the province, Philadelphia and Lancaster excepted.

Wilmington, in Newcastle county,* 1.90 which ap|pears to be no older than about thirty or forty years (anno 1772) is now next to Philadelphia, in trade and populousness, on or near the Dela|ware; and in late years, has far exceeded New|castle, which has long seemingly been on the de|cline,* 1.91

though the courts, &c. are still held at the latter place; from which it is only six miles dis|tant, northward, and about twenty-eight south west from Philadelphia. It is situated on an ele|vated and hilly declivity, descending to Christeen creek; which so far, at least, is navigable for ves|sels of two hundred tons burden, and runs into the Delaware at a small distance; from whence, to a spectator, passing on the said river, this town, by reason of its particular and elevated situation, exhibits a pleasant appearance.

Of the internal Police, and Courts of Judicature in Pennsylvania.

The nature and manner of the government, by a Governor and provincial Assembly, as expressed in the last charter of privileges, given in the year 1701, with the powers granted to the Proprietary, William Penn, in the royal charter of 1681, upon which the former is founded, have already been mentioned, in the preceding history; and, there|fore, in this place, need no repetition. Accord|ing to which charter of privileges, there are two negatives in the Legislature; that of the Governor, and that of the Assembly, or Representatives of the people.

* 1.92The Council, as before observed, are no part of the Legislature, otherwise than by advising the Governor, in his negative, &c. they are chosen by the Proprietary, or Governor, and are properly called the Governor's Council. The acts of legisla|ture run thus, in the presidency of a Deputy Go|vernor, who is appointed by the Proprietary, with the royal approbation, viz. "Be it enacted by the honourable—Esquire, Lieutenant Governor of the province of Pennsylvania, and of the counties of Newcastle, Kent and Sussex, on Delaware river; by and with the consent of the Representatives of the

freemen of said province, in General Assembly met." The Governor's salary, which is a free gift, or in the power of the people, was never permanently fixed by law; but of late years, has generally been about £. 1,000 currency per annum, besides the perquisites, which amounted to a considera|ble sum.

The Assembly, by charter, is elected on the first day of October annually, by the freeholders,* 1.93 in each county. The qualifications, by law, for an elector and elected, is a freeman, resident in the county, for two years, at least, having fifty acres of land, well seated, or otherways worth, in real or personal estate, or both jointly, the value of fifty pounds currency; which, if required, must be declared on oath or affirmation. But the num|ber of the members, and mode of elections, are fixed, altered and regulated by act of Assembly, pursuant to the powers granted by the said charter. They have for many years, before the last frontier counties were added, or till about the year 1771, consisted of about thirty-six; of which number, the city of Philadelphia returned two; each of the oldest counties, of Philadelphia, Bucks and Chester, eight; that of Lancaster four; and the later (and in those times, much thinner inhabited) counties of York, Cumberland, Berks and North|ampton, returned the rest.

The Sheriffs and Coroners are usually elected at the same time with the Representatives,* 1.94 by county elections; the people elect two for each office; out of which the Governor chuses one; who, in the same manner, may be re-elected for three years running; but after three years, cannot be re-elected, unless after the intervention of three years out of office; and then he is capa|ble of a new election.

* 1.95The County Commissioners, for managing of the public affairs of their respective counties, are three, and the Assessors are six, in and for each county; of the latter the whole number is annu|ally chosen, at the same time, with the Assembly, Sheriffs and Coroners, according to act of Assem|bly; the former, or the Commissioners, continue in office for three years; of whom, one, or the oldest Commissioner, is changed, or goes out, and ano|ther is elected in his place every year, in each county.

* 1.96Juries are all returned by the Sheriff, excepting in particular cases, but not often; there may be a struck jury, by consent of parties; and that must be in the presence of the Judges, the Sheriff and the parties.

* 1.97Justices of the Peace are all of the Governor's appointing, and sit in Quarter Sessions, conforma|ble to the laws and institutions of England.

* 1.98The Register General is appointed and commissi|oned by the Governor, according to act of Assem|bly, for the probate of wills, and granting letters of administration. His authority extends all over the province; but is executed by a Deputy, in each respective county, except at Philadelphia; where he is obliged to reside himself.

* 1.99The power of establishing all the Courts of Judi|cature, in Pennsylvania, was granted, by the royal charter, to the Proprietary. They were accord|ingly, for some time, erected and held by ordi|nances of the Governor and Council; but they were afterwards established by laws of the province.

The Courts of Judicature, for the administration of justice, as established by law, within the pro|vince, consist of,

* 1.1001. The Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, held in Philadelphia, twice every year, by any two of the

three Justices, or Judges, of the said court. Of these Judges, who are commissioned by the Go|vernor severally, by distinct patents, one is distin|guished, in his commission, by the name of Chief Justice; the others, by that of second and third Judge, or Justice; and none of them can sit judi|cially in any inferior court: every of which Jus|tices having full power to issue forth writs of ha|beas corpus, certiorari and writs of error, &c.

This court is empowered to hear and determine all causes, by writ of the same court,* 1.101 removed from the courts of Quarter Sessions, and Common Pleas, in the several counties, and from the city court: to reverse, or affirm, the judgments of the inferior courts: to examine and punish all officers of courts, for default, &c. to award pro|cess for levying fines: and if occasion require, to go the circuit twice every year, to try the issues in fact, in the counties, from whence the cause was removed: the Judges of this court have power to deliver the jails of persons, committed for treason, murder, and other felonies of death; and to hear and determine all such felonies, committed in the out parts of the province, by a jury of the city of Philadelphia; especially felonies committed by In|dians, &c. But from the final sentence of this court, as well as from that of the Courts of Ad|miralty, and all other courts, within the province, is reserved the right of appeal to Great Britain.

2. The Court of General Quarter Sessions of the Peace and Gaol Delivery, held in each county,* 1.102 four times in a year, by any three, or more, of the Justices, nominated and authorized by the Governor; and special, or private, sessions, as often as occasion requires, pursuant to their commissions, &c. any of which Justices has power in or out of sessions, to take all manner of recognizances, &c.

* 1.1033. The County Court of Common Pleas, held four times annually, at the same places, in each county where the Quarter Sessions are kept, by at least, three of the justices thereof, commissioned by the Governor; who are empowered to hear and determine all pleas, suits and causes, civil, personal, real and mixt, &c.

The Judges of the Common Pleas are the Justices of the Peace in each respective county: when the Quarter Sessions are finished, they continue to sit (in most of the counties) in quality of the Judges of Common Pleas, by commission from the Go|vernor.

* 1.1044. The Orphans' Court, held by the Justices of the Quarter Sessions, in each county, in the same week, in which the sessions are held; or, at any other time as they see occasion.

* 1.105They are empowered to call to account any person, who is entrusted with, or any wise account|able for, any estate, belonging to any orphan, or person under age; (and even administrators of intestate estates) to oblige the Register General, or his Deputies, to transmit to their court, copies of such writings, as relate to estates of orphans, or minors; to oblige administrators to give better security; and upon neglect thereof, or if the ad|ministrator has imbezzled the decedant's estate, by their sentence to revoke his letter of admini|stration; to oblige as well an executrix, that is married to another husband, without securing the minors' portions, as also all other executors, to give security for the payment, or delivery, of the le|gacies, or shares of estates belonging to minors, and for their maintenance and education: to ad|mit minors to chuse guardians, and to appoint guardians for such as, by the common law, are un|capable of chusing; to direct the putting out mi|nors apprentices: to send their attachments, for

contempt, and force obedience to their orders, by imprisonment, or sequestration of lands and goods: finally, to settle the accounts of admini|strators, and to make distribution of the surplus|age of the estate; and to settle and discharge the accounts of bonds of guardians, and other per|sons, entrusted with minors' estates.

5. The Mayor's Court, held in Philadelphia,* 1.106 by the Mayor, Recorder, and, at least, two Alder|men of the city, quarterly, by charter, for hear|ing and determining all crimes and offences, com|mitted in the said city: but the power of hearing and determining all felonies of death is, by law, vested in the Judges of the Supreme Court.

Besides these are the Court of Admiralty,* 1.107 for the province of Pennsylvania, and the counties of Newcastle, Kent and Sussex, on Delaware; and the Court of Admiralty, in case of appeals, for the provinces of New York, New Jersey, Penn|sylvania, Maryland, and Virginia; held in Phi|ladelphia only, agreeable to the direction in the Judges' commission.

The courts for the respective counties are held,* 1.108 1, at Philadelphia, for the county of Philadelphia; 2, at Newtown, for that of Bucks; 3, at Chester, for the county of Chester; 4, at Lancaster, for that of Lancaster; 5, at Yorktown, for the county of York; 6, at Carlisle, for the county of Cum|berland; 7, at Reading, for the county of Berks; 8, at Easton for the county of Northampton; 9, at Bedford, for Bedford county; 10, at Sunbury, for Northumberland county; and 11, at Pitsburg, for Westmoreland.

In the year 1772, in the administration of Rich|ard Penn, Governor under the Proprietaries Tho|mas and John Penn, the principal offices, in the province of Pennsylvania, were held, as follows:

* 1.109Members of the Proprietaries' and Governor's Council.

• James Hamilton,
• Joseph Turner,
• William Logan,
• Richard Peters,
• Lynford Lardner,
• Benjamin Chew,
• Thomas Cadwallader,
• James Tilghman,
• Andrew Allen,
• Edward Shippen, junior.

• Provincial Secretary, and Clerk of the Council, Joseph Shippen, junr.
• Speaker of the House of Assembly, Joseph Galloway,
• Clerk of the Assembly, Charles Moore,
• Treasurer of the province, Owen Jones,
• Agent for the province, in Great Britain, Benjamin Franklin.

Judges of the Supreme Court.

• William Allen, Chief Justice,
• John Lawrence, Second Judge,
• Thomas Willing, Third Judge.

• Prothonotary of the Supreme Court, &c. Edward Shippen, junr.
• Attorney General, Andrew Allen,
• Register General, &c. Benjamin Chew,
• Master of the rolls, &c. William Parr.

Proprietaries' officers for land affairs, &c.

• Secretary of the land office, James Tilghman,
• Receiver General and keep|er of the great seal, Edmund Physick,
• Auditor General, Richard Hockley,
• Surveyor General, John Lukens.

Principal officers for the customs, for the port of Phi|ladelphia.

• Collector, John Patterson,
• Comptroller, Zachariah Hood,
• Naval officer, Richard Hockley,
• Surveyor and searcher, David Drummond, &c.

Court of Admiralty for the province of Pennsyl|vania, and counties of Newcastle, Kent and Sussex, upon Delaware.

• Judge, Edward Shippen, junior,
• Register, Richard Peters, junior,
• Marshal, Judah Foulke.

Court of Admiralty, in case of appeals, for the provinces of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylva|nia, Maryland, and Virginia.

• Commissary, Honourable Jared Ingersol,
• Deputy Commissary, James Biddle,
• Register, Philip How,
• Deputy Register, John Smith,
• Marshal and Serjeant at Mace, Arodi Thayer.

About this time the number of Aldermen, for the city of Philadelphia, consisted of twenty per|sons, and the Common Council of thirty six.

PART III.

The Indians.—Uncertainty of their origin.—Boun|daries of the Six Nations, with their dependen|cies, and the Indians on Ohio, &c.—Account of the Six Nations, their customs and properties, &c. —Of those of Pennsylvania; their general turn of mind, propensities, customs and habits.— Speech of an Indian chief in answer to a Swedish missionary.—Their religious sense of the Deity.— Conrad Weiser's letter on the subject.—Account of some religious Indians in 1760, &c.—Infraction of the peace between the Indians and the people of Pennsylvania, about the year 1754.—Massacre of the Conestogoe Indians, &c.—Causes of the In|dian war.—Means of the ensuing peace in 1764,

* 1.110AS to the origin of the Indians, or aboriginal inhabitants of America, in general, there is no|thing on record, but mere modern conjecture; which varies according to the different opinions and fancies of those, who have thought and writ on the subject, and endeavoured to account for the first peopling of that continent. It is, per|haps, as improbable for a people, who have not the knowledge of letters, to derive their original from those, who were possessed of that useful and necessary science, and not to retain it among them|selves afterwards, as it would be nugatory to pre|tend to give an account thereof, without the means, absolutely necessary for that purpose? Therefore, without saying any thing of their ori|ginal,

or troubling the reader with conjectures, how this country first began to be inhabited by mankind, let it suffice here to observe, in general,* 1.111 that these people appear to form a distinct species of the human race, as well as the Negroes, and some other kinds of people, in the world: this is so manifestly visible, from an entire uniformity, among them, of certain marks and characters, peculiar to their persons and features, that they are thereby as sufficiently distinguished from all the rest of mankind, into a different, or distinct species, or variety, of rational beings, as the va|rious species of some of the particular genera of the irrational animals and plants are characterized by their respective and peculiar properties and phenomena.* 1.112

The Indians, called the Six Nations,* 1.113 have held sovereignty over all the Indians, both in this and the neighbouring provinces, for a long series of years; and as a similarity of their customs pre|vails much among those, who are subject to them, so previous to an account of the Indians of Penn|sylvania and New Jersey, as they were found and observed by the first and early European or English settlers among them, whose description or obser|vation, may be most depended on, as nearest the truth, it may be proper to say something further respecting these nations, though they have not, at present, their residence within the limits of these provinces.

The Six Nations first entered into an alliance with the English, on the capture of New York from the Dutch, in 1664; which has remarkably continued ever since. The limits of their lands, or country, included all the nations and tribes,

which were subject to them, either by conquest, of otherwise; they extended from the south part of lake Champlain,* 1.114 in latitude 44°, on the north of New York government, to the borders of Carolina, in latitude 36°, comprehending all Pennsylvania, and the adjacent countries. The Six Nations themselves are seated between the 42d and 43d degree of north latitude, north eastward of Penn|sylvania, within the bounds of New York govern|ment, and on the rivers which run into lake On|tario.

* 1.115The Indians generally bound their countries, or territories, by large wide spaces of land, not by lines, or marks. Their numbers are small, in pro|portion to the land they possess. They fix their towns commonly on the borders of great rivers, on account of the rich lawns, for planting their corn: the intermediate ground they reserve for hunting; which equally serves them for that pur|pose and a frontier.

* 1.116Their nations and tribes are generally distin|guished and denominated by the names of the ri|vers and creeks, or other noted places, of their residence; which original names they commonly still continue to retain after their removal to other places. The tribes, which composed their nations, were frequently in proportion to the number and importance of the creeks, that ran into the rivers which bore their nations. The Delawares so cal|led from the river Delaware, by the English, but by themselves in their own language, Lenelenoppes, or the original people, consisted of the Assunpink (Stony creek) Indians; Rankokas, (Lamikas, or Chichequaas) Mingoes, Andastakas; (Christeen creek, near Wilmington) Neshaminics, in Bucks county; Shackamaxons, about Kensington, near Philadelphia; Mantas, or Frog Indians, about Burlington, and a creek of that name, in Gloucester

county, which runs out of Jersey into the Dela|ware, a little below Philadelphia, &c.

Since the conquest and subjection of divers of the Indian nations and tribes, by the Six Nations,* 1.117 particularly after the Europeans became acquainted with them, (during which time they appear to have been continually decreasing in number) many of their places of residence have been changed for others, by the direction and order of their con|querors, or superiors; especially to make room for the settlement of the Europeans, &c. Hence, after the Susquahannocks were exterminated, the upper parts of the river Susquahanna were allotted to the Nanticokes, from the eastern shore of Ma|ryland; to the Tuteloes, from Meherin river, in the south of Virginia; and to the Delawares, among which last are included the Menesinks, from above the forks of Delaware, and the Man|des, or Salem Indians, &c. and as the country be|comes more inhabited by Europeans and their de|scendants, the Indians move still further back into the wilderness, &c.

Among the most noted nations,* 1.118 which some|times formerly inhabited New Jersey, and the first, or most early settled parts of Pennsylvania, are said to have been the Narraticongs, on the north side of Rariton river, the Capitinasses, the Gacheos, the Munseys, the Pomptons, and some of the Five Nations, before the sixth was added; which was that of the Tuscororas, on account of a similarity in their language to that of the Five Nations, indicating them to have been originally of the same stock, &c.

The Indians on Ohio chiefly consist of the hun|ters of the several nations round,* 1.119 under the pro|tection or subjection of the Six Nations, as, the

Delawares, Sha••anesse, W••••••••is (called by the French, Ilionois) and their own several nations,* 1.120 &c.

* 1.122The Six Nations, sometimes called Mingos, and Confederates, as their name denotes, called by the Dutch, Maquaas, or Mahakuase, and by the French, Iroquois, were so greatly diminished in the the year 1757, that they were then supposed to consist only of about twelve hundred fighting men. "They consist (says Colden in his history of them) of so many tribes, or nations, joined together by league,* 1.123 or confederacy, like the Uni|ted Provinces, and without any superiority of one over the other. This union has continued so long, that the Christians know nothing of the original of

it. The people in it are known by the names 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mohawks, Oneydoes, Onondagoes, Cayugas, Senekas, and Tuscaroras.* 1.124

"Each of these nations is again divided into three tribes, or families,* 1.125 who distinguish them|selves by three different arms, or ensigns, viz.

the tortoise, the bear, and the wolf; and the sachems, or old men, of these families, put this ensign, or mark, of their family, to every public paper, when they sign it.

* 1.126"Each of these nations is an absolute republic, and is governed, in all public affairs, by its own sachems, or old men; the authority of these rulers is gained by, and consists wholly in, the opinion the rest of the natives have of their wisdom and integrity. They never execute their resolutions by force, upon any of their people. Honour and esteem are their principal rewards; as shame, and being despised, their punishments. They have cer|tain customs, which they observe, in their public transactions, with other nations, and in their pri|vate affairs among themselves; which it is scanda|lous for any among them not to observe; and these always draw after them either public or private resentment, whenever they are broken.

"Their leaders and captains, in like manner, obtain their authority by the general opinion of their courage and conduct, and lose it by a failure in these virtues.

"Their great men, both sachems and captains, are generally poorer than the common people; for they affect to give away and distribute all the presents and plunder, they get in their treaties, and in war, so as to leave nothing to themselves. There is not a man in the ministry of the Five Nations,* 1.127 who has gained his office otherwise, than by merit; there is not the least salary, or any sort of profit, annexed to any office, to tempt the covetous or sordid; but, on the contrary, every unworthy action is unavoidably attended with the forfeiture of their commission; for their authority is only the esteem of the people, and ceases the moment that esteem is lost. Here we see the natural origin of all power and authority,

among a free people; and whatever artificial pow|er, or sovereignty, any man may have acquired, by the laws and constitution of a country, his real power will be ever much greater, or less, in pro|portion to the esteem the people have of him.* 1.128

"The Five Nations think themselves, by nature,* 1.129 superior to the rest of mankind, and call them|selves Ongue-honwe, that is, men surpassing all others. This opinion, which they take care to inculcate into their children, gives them that courage, which has been so terrible to all the nations of North America; and they have taken such care to impress the same opinion of their people on all their neighbours, that, on all occasions, they yield the most submissive obedience to them." "The Tuscaroras, after the war they had with the people of Carolina, fled to the Five Nations, and are now incorporated with them; so that they now pro|perly indeed consist of Six Nations.

"There is one vice,* 1.130 which all the Indians have fallen into, since their acquaintance with the Chris|tians; of which they could not be guilty before that time, that is, drunkenness. It is strange how all the Indian nations, and almost every person among them, male and female, are infatuated with the love of strong drink; they know no bounds to their desire, while they can swallow it down; and then indeed, the greatest man among them scarcely deserves the name of a brute.

"They never have been taught to conquer any passion, but by some contrary passion; and the traders, with whom they chiefly converse, are so far from giving them any abhorrence of this vice, that they encourage it all they can, not only for

the profit of the liquor they sell, but that they may have an opportunity to impose upon them. And this, as they chiefly drink spirits, has de|stroyed greater numbers, than all their wars and diseases put together.

* 1.131"As to the history of the Five Nations," (says Smith, in his history of New-York) "before their acquaintance with the Europeans, it is wrapt up in the darkness of antiquity. It is said that their first residence was in the country about Mont-real;* 1.132 and that the superior strength of the Adi|rondacks, whom the French call Algonquins, drove them into their present possessions, lying on the south side of the Mohawks river, and the great lake Ontario. Towards the close of those disputes, which continued for a great series of years, the Confederates gained advantages over the Adiron|dacks, and struck a general terror into all the In|dians. The Hurons, on the north side of lake Erie, and the Cat Indians, on the south side were totally conquered and dispersed. The French, who settled in Canada, in 1603, took umbrage at this success, and began a war with them, which had well nigh ruined their new colony.

* 1.133"As to the language of these people (says the same author) except the Tuscaroras, all the Six Na|tions speak a language radically the same. It is ve|ry masculine and sonorous, abounding with guttu|rals, and strong aspirations, but without labials.† 1.134

Its solemn, grave tone is owing to the generosity of its feet, as may be observed in the following trans|lation of the Lord's Prayer; in which is distin|guished the time of every syllable, by the com|mon marks, used in prosody.

The Lord's Prayer, in the language of the Six Nation Indians.

Soūngwăūnchă, cāurŏunkȳāugă, tēhsēētăroān,* 2.1 sāulwŏnĕyōūstă, ēs ă, săwănēyŏu, ŏkĕttāūhsĕlă, ēhnĕāūwoūng, nā, cāurounkȳāūgă, nūgh, wōn|shāūgă, nēăttĕwĕhnĕsălāūgă, taūgwăunăutōrŏnŏ|antōūghsick, tōantāngwĕlēēwhĕyoustaŭng, chĕ|nēēyeŭt, chāquătaūtălēywhĕyŏustāūnnă, toūgh|său, taūgwăussărēnăh, tāwantŏttĕnăugăloūgh|tōūnggă, nāsāwnĕ, sāchĕăutāugwāss, cŏntēhsă|lōhāūnzāīkăw, ēsă, săwaŭnēyŏu, ēsă, săshaūtztă, ēsă, soūngwāsōūng, chĕnnĕăuhāūngwā, āuwĕn.

"The extraordinary length of Indian words, and the guttural aspirations necessary in pronounc|ing them, render the speech extremely rough and difficult. The verbs never change in their termi|nations, as in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew; but all their variations are prefixed. A strange trans|position of syllables of different words, Euphonia gratiâ, is very common in the Indian tongue: of which I will give an instance: ōgillă, signifies fire, and căwāūnnā, great, but instead of joining the adjective and substantive, to say great fire, că|wāūnnă ōgillă, both words would be blended into this one, cŏ-gīllă-wāūnnă.

"The dialect of the Oneydos is softer than that of the other nations, and the reason is, because they have more vowels, and often supply the place

of harsh letters with liquids. Instead of R, they always use L. Rebecca would be pronounced Le|quecca.

* 2.2"The art of public speaking is in high esteem among the Indians, and much studied. They are extremely fond of method, and displeased with an irregular harrangue, because it is difficult to be remembered. When they answer, they repeat the whole, reducing it into strict order. Their speeches are short, and the sense conveyed in strong metaphors. In conversation they are sprightly, but solemn and serious in their mes|sages relating to public affairs. Their speakers deliver themselves with surprising force, and great propriety of gesture. The fierceness of their countenances, the flowing blanket, elevated tone, naked arm, and erect stature, with a half circle of auditors seated on the ground, cannot but im|press on the mind a lively idea of the ancient orators of Greece and Rome.

* 2.3"At the clause of every important part of a speech, ratifying an old covenant, or creating a new one, a belt is generally given, to perpetuate the remembrance of the transaction. These belts are about four inches wide, and thirty in length. They consist of strings of conque-shell beads fast|ened together.* 2.4

Of the Indians of Pennsylvania and New Jersey.

* 2.5THE Indians of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, like the Six Nations, observed the greatest deco|rum in their councils and public transactions, and

in all their discourses and conversation; their lan|guage, like theirs, being lofty and sententious: very seldom, or never,* 2.6 more than two held a dis|course at one and the same time, in any one com|pany, though never so large; in which they never interrupted or contradicted each other, while speaking, but always waited in silence till he, that was speaking, had finished what he had to say, before an answer was returned, or any other speech attempted; all the rest remaining in pro|found silence till their turn, without either mur|mur or whisper.

As to their persons,* 2.7 they are generally more upright and strait, in their limbs, than Europeans are; their bodies strong, but more adapted to endure hardships than to sustain labour: they are very rarely crooked or deformed. Their features are regular; their countenances sometimes fierce, in common rather resembling Jews than Christi|ans; the colour of their skin, a tawney, reddish brown, or copper colour: they all have long, strait, black hair on their heads, which they grease, and make it shine, with bear's fat, espe|cially the women, who tie it behind in a large knot, and sometimes in a bag. They are hardy, lean, and squalid, and the whole manner of their lives uniform. They sometimes paint, or streak, their faces with black, when in mourning; but with red, when their affairs go well. It is said, they have no beards, but whether it be so univer|sally or not, among them, it is certain they have an aversion to hairs growing on their faces; for they always pull them out by the roots, when any appear, &c.

Though they are much given to mirth,* 2.8 yet they are sometimes grave, even to sadness, upon com|mon, and more so upon serious occasions. They are very generous and liberal of what they have; not easily provoked to anger; nor soon appeased

when incensed. But liberty, in the fullest extent, is their ruling passion; to this every other consider|ation is subservient. Their children are so trained up, as to cherish this disposition to the utmost; they are very much indulged, seldom chastised with blows, and but rarely reproved, or checked. They leave their children's faults for their own reason to correct, when they are grown up; which, they say, cannot be very great, before it arrives at some degree of maturity. They abhor what appears to have a slavish motive to action, as inconsistent with their notion of freedom and independency; even strong and importunate persuasion is industriously avoided by them, as bordering too much on depen|dency, and a kind of violence offered to the will; they dread flavery more than death. They never liked to be asked their judgment twice upon the same thing.

* 2.9Their property was little, and their anxiety to increase it was less;* 2.10 their intercourse naturally free and unfettered with ceremony. No ideas of state and grandeur; no homage of wealth, office, birth, or learning; no pride of house, habit, or furniture; very little emulation of any kind, to interrupt; these common causes of the violation and preventions of friendships had no place with them. They were constant and steady in their at|tachments to each other, and, in many instances, far exceeded what might be expected. Their chief employment was hunting, fishing and fowl|ing; making canoes, bowls, and other earthen ware; in all which they were ingenious, consider|ing the means used. Their women's business principally consisted of planting Indian corn, parch|ing, or roasting it, pounding it to meal, in mor|tars, or breaking it between stones, making bread,

and dressing victuals. They also made mats, ropes, hats, and baskets (some very ingeniously) of wild hemp, and roots, or splits of trees. Besides these and their toil of hunting, they had but few exercises to fatigue them; and this they sweetened with frequently meeting in companies, to feast, dance, and make merry; in short, a life of dissi|pation and ease, of uncertainty and want, of ap|petite, satiety, indolence, and sleep, seemed to be the sum of their character, and the summit, to which their wishes aspired."

In their customs and employments, they were very loving to one another, taking great care of each other in sickness, while hopes of life remained, but afterwards sometimes remiss. If a company of them came to a Christian's house, and the mas|ter of it gave victuals to one of them, and none to the rest, that one divided what was given him into equal shares among his companions. If Chris|tians visited them, they served them first, with the best of their victuals. Their times of eating were commonly the morning and evening; their seats and tables, the ground. They lived much on maize, or Indian corn, roasted in the ashes, sometimes beaten and boiled with water, called homine: they also made an agreeable cake of the ground corn, and raised beans and peas; but the woods and rivers afforded them the chief part of their provisions.

They were great observers of the weather, by the moon; they delighted in fine clothes; and were uneasy and impatient, in sickness, for a re|medy: for which they commonly drank a decoc|tion of roots, in spring water; forbearing flesh meat, excepting of the female only, when in such case they used any. They were naturally reserved, apt to resent, to conceal their resentments, and retain them long; but they were liberal and ge|••••rous,

kind and affable to the English. They were punctual in their bargains; and observed this so much in others, that it was very difficult for a person, who had once failed in this particu|lar, to get any dealings with them afterwards; they were strict observers of property; yet, to the last degree, thoughtless and inactive in ac|quiring or keeping it. They did justice to one an••••her, for crimes among themselves, in a man|•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 peculiar to them; even murder might be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by feasts, and presents of wampum: the price of a woman killed was twice as much as that of a man; because, said they, she bred chil|dren, which men could not do. When sober, they rarely quarrelled among themselves. They lived to sixty, seventy, and eighty years, and more, be|fore rum was introduced among them, but seldom so long afterwards.

* 2.11Their houses, or wigwams, were sometimes many together, in towns; but mostly moveable, and occasionally fixed near springs, or other wa|ters, for conveniency of hunting, fishing, basket-making, &c. built of poles, laid on forked sticks fixed in the ground, with bark, flags, or bushes, on the top and sides; having an opening to the south, and their fire in the middle. In the night they slept on the ground, with their feet towards the fire. Their cloathing was a coarse blanket, or skin, thrown over their shoulders, which covered to the knee, and a piece of the same tied round their legs; with part of a deer skin sewed round their feet, for shoes. When a company travelled together,* 2.12 they generally followed each other, in a row singly, and in silence; scarcely ever two being seen abreast, or by the side of each other: the man went before with his bow and arrow; the woman followed after, not uncommonly with a child on her back, and other burdens besides; the woman generally carrying the luggage.

Their young men married at sixteen or seven|teen years of age,* 2.13 if before that time they had given a sufficient proof of their manhood, by a large return of skins. The girls married at about thirteen or fourteen, but resided with their mo|thers, for some years after marriage, to hoe the ground, bear burdens, &c. The young women were originally▪ very modest, but distinguished themselves, when at a marriageable state, or age, with a kind of worked mats, or red, or blue bays, interspersed with small rows of white and black wampum, put round the head, down to near the middle of the forehead. Both the young and old women were highly offended at indecent expres|sions, unless corrupted with strong liquor. Their marriage ceremony was sometimes thus:—the re|lations and friends being present, the bridegroom delivered a bone to the bride, and she gave him an ear of Indian corn; meaning, that he was to pro|vide flesh meat, and she, bread. It was not unu|sual, notwithstanding, to change their mates upon disagreement; the children went with the party that loved them most, the expence being of no moment to either; but in case of difference, or disagreement, on this head, the man was allowed the first choice, when the children were divided, or when there was but one; but, for the most part, agreeable to the Indian rule, in such cases, partus sequitur ventrem, the children, or young, go with the mother; which is as reasonable among them, as among cattle, since the whole burden of bringing up falls on her. They commonly washed their children in cold water,* 2.14 as soon as born; and to make their limbs strait, they tied them to a board, and hung them on their backs, when they travelled. Their children usually walked alone at nine months old. From their infancy they were formed with care to endure hardships,

to bear derision, and even blows, patiently—at least, with a composed countenance.

Their small knowledge of numbers appeared in their manner of counting, which was by tens, that is,* 2.15 two tens, three tens, four tens, &c. but when the number was above their comprehension, they pointed to the stars, to the hairs of their head, &c. and they kept reckoning of time by moons. Their ingenuity appeared in several of their mechanic inventions and performance; as, in their manner of pointing their arrows, with a sharp, flinty stone; and in their making of their axes, of the same materials, for cutting their wood; which are often found, and dug up in the fields, with other kinds of their implements. They got fire by rubbing certain pieces of wood together of different sorts, turning the end of a hard piece upon the side of one which was soft and dry. By the means of fire and their stone axes, they felled large trees, and afterwards scooped them into bowls and other utensils. They were very studious in observing the virtues of roots and herbs, by which they usually cured themselves of diseases, both by outward and inward applications; besides which they frequently used sweating and the cold bath.* 2.16

* 2.17Their government, in these parts, was monar|chical and successive, or hereditary; but mostly on the mother's side, to prevent a spurious issue; that is, the children of him who reigns will not succeed, but his brother by the mother, or the

children of his sister; whose sons were to reign; and after them, the male children of her daugh|ters; for no women inherited.

Notwithstanding this mode of succession of their kings, yet, for extraordinary reasons, it was some|times altered; of which appears an instance in S. Smith's history of New Jersey, in the case of the old king Ockanickon, who died at Burlington, in that province, about the year 1681: before his death he altered the succession; and instead of Sheoppy and Swampis, who, in regular order, were to have succeeded him, he, for reasons in his speech there given, appointed his brother's son, Jahku•••••••• to succeed him, giving him some ex|cellent advice on the occasion. This king, as there related, soon after this, made a good and pious exit; and his remains were interred in the Quakers' burying ground, at that place, being at|tended to the grave with solemnity by the Indians, in their manner, and with great respect by many of the English settlers; to whom he had been a true friend.

That formality, which, in the European style,* 2.18 or acceptation of the term, constitutes what is commonly called religion, seems to have made but little appearance among them, though probably they had some customs no less irrational and ridi|culous, in the eye of reason; but they were ac|quainted with the principle of justice and truth; which, by their conduct, they demonstrated, in a high degree, so far as the most judicious among the first and early English settlers observed, and inform us. And it were to be wished that what notions they had of a Deity, and their actions relative to their duty to him, had not, in part, been misre|presented by any; who, by attempting to give an account of what they did not, or could not, fully understand, have supplied that deficiency with

conjectures, perhaps without design of misrepre|sentation, and thereby, in some things, disguised, or obscured, what was really known respecting some of them, in this case.

* 2.19It is well known they were very much averse to European religion and customs, unless in such things as they could comprehend, and clearly un|derstand were for their real benefit; yet, in this, sometimes their passions prevailed over their better understanding; instance, their drunkenness, &c. But though the hoped and desired success did not so fully attend the labours bestowed on them, and the means used, both by William Penn himself, in person, and by divers others of the more pious and early settlers, whose good example was very remarkable, with the later endeavours since con|tinued, to inform the judgment of the Indians, in these provinces, in religious affairs, to acquaint them with the principles and advantage of Chris|tianity, to restrain them from some things, ac|knowledged by themselves to be manifestly perni|cious, particularly from abusing themselves with strong liquor, by law, as well as advice, &c. so much as might reasonably have been wished, or expected; yet these very labours and means were far from being useless, or entirely without good effect; for the consequence declared that the In|dians, in general, were sensible of the kind regard paid them, and of the good intended thereby; which they shewed and proved by their future conduct, and steady friendship; as appears in the preceding history, though they generally refused, in a formal manner, to embrace European manners, religion and opinions: "For, governed by their own customs,* 2.20 and not by laws, creeds, &c. they greatly revered those of their ancestors, and fol|lowed them so implicitly, that a new thought, or action, seldom took place among them."

They are thought (says William Penn) to have believed in a God and immortality;* 2.21 and seemed to aim at a public worship: in performing this, they sometimes sat in several circles, one within ano|ther; the action consisted of singing, jumping, shouting, and dancing; which they are said to have used, mostly as a tradition from their ances|tors, rather than from any knowledge, or enquiry of their own into the serious parts of its origin.

They said the great King, who made them, dwelt in a glorious country to the southward; and that the spirits of the best should go thither, and live again. Their most solemn worship was a sacrifice of the first fruits; in which they burned the first and fattest buck, and feasted together upon what else they had collected. In this sacri|fice they broke no bones of any creature, which they ate; but after they had done, they gathered upon together, and burned them very carefully. They distinguished between a good and evil Manetta, or Spirit; worshipping the former for the good, they hoped; and, it is said, some of them, the latter, that they might not be afflicted with the evil, which they feared; so slavishly dark are some of them represented to have been in their understandings! But whether this last be true, in a general sense, or peculiar only to some parts, it was certainly not the case at all among the Indians within the limits of these provinces, or, at least, very much concealed from the first and early settlers of them.

But in late years it is less to be admired that the Indians, in these provinces, and their vicinity,* 2.22 have shewn so little regard to the Christian religion but rather treated it, as well as its professors, with contempt and abhorrence, when it is duly con|sidered what kind of Christians those generally are, with whom they mostly deal and converse;

as, the Indian traders, and most of the inhabitants of the back counties of this and the neighbouring provinces, who have chiefly represented the pro|fessors of Christianity among them, for many years!* 2.23 viz. such of the lowest rank, and least informed, of mankind, who have flowed in from Germany, Ireland, and the jails of Great Britain, and settled next them, as well as those, who flee from justice in the settled, or better inhabited parts of the country, and retire among them, that they might be out of the reach of the laws, &c. the least qualified to exhibit favourable ideas of this kind; but it is most certain they have done the contrary; insomuch that, it were to be wished the cause of the late unhappy Indian war within the limits of these provinces, did not take its rise, in no small degree, from the want of common justice, in the conduct of too many of these peo|ple towards them: for notwithstanding the general ignorance of the Indians in many things, especi|ally of European arts and inventions, yet in things

of this kind they rely more on experience, than theory; and they mostly formed their judgment of the English, or Europeans, and of their religion and customs, not from the words, but from the actions and manners of those, with whom they most conversed and transacted business.* 2.24

* 2.25For, however ignorant and averse to European refinement, and ways of thinking, on religious subjects, the Indians, in general, might appear to have been, yet, as in all other nations of man|kind, it is most certain there were some among them of a more exalted way of thinking, and en|lightened

lightened understandings, who, notwithstanding the great absurdities, among the generality, were not without some degree of a just sense and ac|knowledgment of the providential care and regard of the Almighty Creator over the human race, both in a general and particular capacity, and, even, of divine grace and influence on the human mind, and that independent of foreign information, or instruction: of this their immediate sense and understanding of mental objects, which, is most manifest, many of them possessed, even of the highest nature, are very demonstrative; besides, part, at least, of their traditions, from their an|cestors, whose prime original, so far as it is founded in truth, must necessarily have first arisen from the divine Intelligence, though communicated in dif|ferent degree to different parts of the human race,

and though much of such tradition may be mixt with imagination and absurdity.

* 2.26The following letter of Conrad Weiser to a friend, respecting the Indians, on this subject, is inform|ing. The author was born in Germany, and was many years Indian interpreter for the province; and consequently was well acquainted with these people: he was highly esteemed by both the En|glish and Indians, as a person of integrity, skill and ability, i•• the discharge of divers important trusts, which had been committed to him by both parties, for a long series of years: the letter trans|lated from the German language, is thus expressed, viz.

Esteemed Friend,

* 3.1I write this, in compliance with thy request, to give thee an account of what I have observed among the Indians, in relation to their belief and confidence in a Divine Being, according to the observations I have made, from 1714, in the time of my youth, to this day, (about the year 1746).

If, by the word religion, people mean an as|sent to certain creeds, or the observance of a set of religious duties; as, appointed prayers, singings, preaching, baptism, &c. or, even, Heathenish worship, then it may be said, the Five Nations, and their neighbours, have no religion. But, if, by religion, we mean an attraction of the soul to God, whence proceeds a confidence in, and hunger af|ter, the knowledge of him, then this people must be allowed to have some religion among them, not|withstanding their sometimes savage deportment. For we find among them some tracts of a confi|dence in God alone; and, even, sometimes, though but seldom, a vocal calling upon him: I shall give one or two instances of this, that fell under my own observation.

In the year 1737, I was sent, the first time, to Onondago, at the desire of the Governor of Virginia. I departed in the latter end of February, very unexpectedly, for a journey of five hundred English miles, through a wilderness, where there was neither road nor path, and at such a time of the year, when creatures (animals) could not be met with, for food. There were with me a Dutch|man and three Indians. After we had gone one hundred and fifty miles on our journey, we came to a narrow valley, about half a mile broad, and thirty long; both sides of which were encompas|sed with high mountains; on which the snow laid about three feet deep: in it ran a stream of water, also about three feet deep; which was so crooked, that it kept a continued winding course from one side of the valley to the other. In order to avoid wading so often through the water, we endea|voured to pass along on the slope of the moun|tain; the snow being three feet deep, and so hard frozen, on the top, that we could walk upon it: but we were obliged to make holes in the snow with our hatchets, that our feet might not slip down the mountain; and thus we crept on. It happened that the old Indian's foot slipt; and the root of a tree, by which he held, breaking, he slid down the mountain, as from the roof of a house; but happily he was stopped in his fall, by the string, which fastened his pack, hitching on the stump of a small tree. The other two Indians could not go to his aid, but our Dutch fellow-tra|veller did; yet not without visible danger of his own life. I also could not put a foot forward, till I was helped; after this we took the first oppor|tunity to descend into the valley; which was not till after we had laboured hard for half an hour with hands and feet. Having observed a tree ly|ing directly off, from where the Indian fell, when we were got into the valley again, we went back

about one hundred paces, where we saw, that if the Indian had slipt four or five paces further, he would have fallen over a rock, one hundred feet perpendicular, upon craggy pieces of rocks below. The Indian was astonished, and turned quite pale; then with out-stretched arms, and great earnest|ness he spoke these words: "I thank the great Lord and Governor of this world, in that he has had mercy upon me, and has been willing that I should live longer." Which words I, at that time, put down in my journal: this happened on the 25th of March, 1737.

In the 9th of April following, while we were yet on our journey, I found myself extremely weak, through the fatigue of so long a journey, with the cold and hunger, which I had suffered; there having fallen a fresh snow about twenty inches deep, and we being yet three days journey from Onondago, in a frightful wilderness; my spirit failed, my bo|dy trembled and shook; I thought I should fall down and die; I stept aside, and sat down under a tree, expecting there to die. My companions soon missed me; the Indians came back, and found me sitting there. They remained awhile silent; at last, the old Indian said, "My dear companion, thou hast hitherto encouraged us, wilt thou now quite give up? remember that evil days are better than good days: for when we suffer much, we do not sin; sin will be driven out of us by suffering: but good days cause men to sin; and God cannot extend his mercy to them; but contrarywise, when it goeth evil with us, God hath compassion upon us." These words made me ashamed; I rose up, and travelled as well as I could.

The next year I went another journey to Onondago, in company with Joseph Spanhenberg and two others. It happened that an Indian came to us in the evening, who had neither shoes, stock|ings,

shirt, gun, knife, nor hatchet; in a word, he had nothing but an old torn blanket, and some rags. Upon enquiring whither he was going, he answered to Onondago. I knew him, and asked him how he could undertake a journey of three hundred miles so naked and unprovided, having no provisions, nor any arms, to kill creatures, for his sustenance? He answered, he had been among enemies, and had been obliged to save himself by flight; and so had lost all. This was true, in part; for he had disposed of some of his things among the Irish, for strong liquors. Upon fur|ther talk, he told me very chearfully; "That God fed every thing, which had life, even, the rattle snake itself, though it was a bad creature; and that God would also provide, in such a man|ner, that he should get alive to Onondago; he knew for certain that he should go thither; that it was visible God was with the Indians, in the wilderness; because they always cast their care upon him; but that, contrary to this, the Euro|peans always carried bread with them." He was an Onondago Indian; his name was Onontagketa; the next day we travelled in company; and the day following I provided him with a knife, hatchet, flint, and tinder, also shoes and stockings, and sent him before me, to give notice to the council, at Onondago, that I was coming; which he truly performed, being got thither three days before us.

Two years ago I was sent by the Governor to Shamokin, on account of the unhappy death of John Armstrong, the Indian trader, (about 1744). After I had performed my errand, there was a feast pre|pared; to which the Governor's messengers were invited: there were about one hundred persons pre|sent, to whom, after we had, in great silence, devour|ed a fat bear, the eldest of the chiefs made a speech, in which he said, "That, by a great misfortune, three of their brethren, the white men, had been

killed by an Indian; that nevertheless the sun was not set, (meaning there was no war); it had only been somewhat darkened by a small cloud, which was now done away; he that had done evil was like to be punished, and the land to remain in peace: therefore he exhorted his people to thank|fulness to God; and thereupon he began to sing with an awful solemnity, but without expressing any words; the others accompanied him with their voices: after they had done, the same Indian, with great earnestness, or fervour, spoke these words; "Thanks, thanks, be to thee, thou great Lord of the world, in that thou hast again caused the sun to shine, and hast dispersed the dark cloud; —the Indians are thine.

* 3.2One more instance may be mentioned on this subject, which has come under my own observa|tion and personal knowledge. In the summer of the year 1760, a number of religious Indians paid a visit to the Quakers in Philadelphia, on a religi|ous account. They were mostly of the Minusing tribe, and came from a town called Mahackloosing, or Wyalusing, on, or near the east branch of Sus|quahanna river, in Pennsylvania, about two hun|dred miles north westward from the city. Their chief man, whom the rest of the company styled their minister, was named Papunehung, or Papou|nan; and their interpreter, Job Chillaway, an In|dian.

On their arrival, they waited on Governor Ha|milton, to pay him their respects, and to deliver three prisoners, whom they had redeemed; hav|ing themselves absolutely refused to join with the other Indians, in the savage war, which raged about that time; though their visit was principally on a different account.

They had a public conference with the Govern|or, in the state-house, on the occasion, in the

presence of many citizens; wherein Papounan ex|pressed the design of their visit was principally to the Quakers, on a religious account; that they desired to do justice, to love God, and to live in peace; requesting, at the same time, that none of his company should be permitted to have any spirituous liquors, &c. He refused the presents, offer|ed by the Governor, and gave him the reasons; further saying: "I think on God, who made us; I want to be instructed in his worship and service; I am a great lover of peace, and have never been concerned in war affairs; I have a sincere remem|brance of the old friendship between the Indians and your forefathers, and shall ever observe it." After mentioning some other things, and expressing himself further on the view, or design, of their vi|sit, on a religious account, he said, "Though what he had mentioned respecting religious affairs might appear trivial to some, who thought differ|ent from him, yet he was fixed in his mind re|specting them; that their young men agreed with him, and wanted to love God, and to desist from their former bad course of life;" further declaring, "I am glad I have an opportunity of mentioning these several affairs in the presence of such a large auditory of young and old people; the great God observes all that passes in our hearts, and hears all that we say one to another," &c. The notes, &c. on the occasion, were taken from the ••nter|preter by Secretary Peters.

He then finished with a solemn act of public thanksgiving and prayer to God, with great devo|tion and energy, in the Indian language (not being able to speak nor understand English). The un|usualness, force and sound of the Indian language, on such an occasion, with the manifest great sin|cerity, fervour and concern of the speaker, seemed to strike the whole auditory in an uncommon manner, as well as the Indians themselves; who,

all the while, behaved with a gravity and deport|ment becoming the occasion, and appeared to unite heartily with him, in his devotion.

They were kindly treated by the Governor, and remained in town afterwards several days, visiting and conferring with divers of the Friends, or Qua|kers, and attending their religious meetings, while they staid; who behaved towards them in a kind, hospitable and friendly manner. They repeatedly expressed their great dislike and abhorrence of war, as arising from a bad spirit, admiring that the Christians were such great warriors, rather than lovers and cultivators of peace, &c. They kept themselves entirely from strong liquor, and uniformly observed a sober, orderly and commend|able behaviour, often expressing their satisfaction with what they heard from the Friends.

From the account, they gave of themselves, they had been of this mind for several years be|fore this time; and, as far as appeared, and was understood by those they visited, principally from an immediate sense of divine goodness, manifested in their minds, without any instrumental means, preaching, or information from other persons; yet, it was but lately, that in a more especial manner they had been thus disposed, and that Pa|pounan had been induced to preach among them; in which service he was afterwards joined by two or three other Indians. They appeared very earnest and sincere in promoting true piety; which they re|presented, according to their apprehension of it, to be the effect of an internal operation of the di|vine influence on the mind; whereby it became changed from a bad to a good state: this they em|phatically expressed by the heart becoming soft, and filled with good, &c.

The interpreter gave the following a count of Papunehung's change, or conversion, viz. "He

was formerly a drunken man; but the death of his father bringing sorrow over his mind, he fell into a thoughtful, melancholic state; in which his eyes were turned to behold the earth, and consider the things which are thereon; from seeing the folly and wickedness, which prevailed, his sorrow increased; and it was given him to believe, there was a great power, which had created all these things. Upon which his mind was turned from beholding this lower world, to look towards him, who had created it; and strong desires were raised in his heart after the further knowledge of his Creator: nevertheless the Almighty was not yet pleased to be found, or known, by him. But his desires increasing, he forsook the town, and went into the woods, in great bitterness of spirit. He was missed by the other Indians, who feared some casualty might have happened to him, but after searching for him, he was not found. At the end of five days it pleased God to appear to him, to his comfort; and to give him a sight not only of his own inward state, but also an acquaint|ance, or knowledge, into the works of nature: so that he apprehended a sense was given him of the virtues and natures of several herbs, roots, plants, trees, with the different relation they had one to another; and he was made sensible that man stood in the nearest relation to God, of any part of the creation. It was at this time that he was more particularly made sensible of his duty to God. He came home rejoicing, and endeavoured to put in practice what he apprehended was required of him," &c.

These Indians made a second visit to the Qua|kers in the next following summer, on the same account, and behaved in the same regular and be|coming manner as before. They maintained an orderly public worship, in their way, at stated times: at some of which they were visited by several

of the Friends. Papunehung, their chief preacher, in his discourses, at such times, principally ad|vised and exhorted them to circumspection, and brotherly love, in their conduct; that it might be manifest they retained a true sense of their Crea|tor's goodness and favour continued to them; and in his public prayers and addresses to his Maker, he acknowledged, and returned thanks for, his mercy, in still affording them a sense of his com|passion and loving kindness, requesting a continu|ance and increase thereof; that they might jointly know, in the end, a place of rest, where love would prevail and have the dominion. When they were not dispersed, as in their hunting season, it appeared, they constantly met in this manner, in the morning, before sun-rise, and in the even|ing, after sun-set.

The purport of more of Papunehung's expres|sions was, "That it was an affair of much sor|row to him, that men should make so bad use of the breath of life, which God had breathed into them; and which ought continually to be im|proved to his honour, and the mutual benefit of mankind; that it was not well to speak of things, which related to the Almighty, only from the root of the tongue; (meaning, in a superfi|cial, or insensible, manner) but, in order that such words should be good, they must proceed from the good principle in the heart; that he had, for many years, felt the good spirit in his heart; but, wanting to try and prove it, in order to come to some certainty, he remained in an unsettled state, till about four years ago, when he received an assurance, that this love was good, and that he needed no further enquiry about it; and being past all doubt, that this was the right way, he had endeavoured to walk steadily therein since that time; this spirit was a spirit of love; and that it was his daily prayer, that it might continu|ally

abide with him. That when he felt it preva|lent in his heart, he was so directed, as to speak what was right, and prevented from saying any wrong thing; that by reason of men not keeping to this love, which their Maker hath given them, in their hearts, the evil spirit gets possession there, and destroys all that is good in them; and this is the cause why men dislike one another, grow an|gry with, and endeavour to kill, one another; but when we follow the leadings of the good spi|rit, it causes our hearts to be tender, to love one another, to look upon all mankind as one, and so to become as one family," &c.

That strict amity between the Indians and the first and early English settlers of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and their successors, for above seventy years, with the means of fixing and preserving that friend|ship, have already been occasionally mentioned in the course of the preceding history. It was about the year 1754, when a very different conduct be|gan to exhibit itself, in some of the Indians,* 3.3 situ|ated north westward of the settled parts of Penn|sylvania, very contrary to what before had been the uniform practice of that people, in this pro|vince.

Hostilities commenced; and many of the fron|tier inhabitants suffered, in consequence of a sa|vage war. The affair was considered as very ex|traordinary, and caused much speculation in such persons, as were but little acquainted with the na|ture and management of Indian affairs, about that time, in the province; that these people, who had ever shewed themselves kind and steady friends* 3.4

to the English, for such a long series of years, as ever since their first arrival in the country, should now become their enemies, and join with the French against them: and many, who had been continually flocking into the province, in later years, having from their inexperience and igno|rance, too despicable an opinion of that people, and treating them accordingly, were by this con|duct foolishly enraged against the whole species indiscriminately; insomuch that, in the latter part of the year 1763, calling to their aid the madness of the wildest enthusiasm, with which, under pretence of religion, certain most furious zealots, among the preachers of a numerous sect, in the province, could inspire their hearers, to cover their barbarity, a number of, not improperly nam|ed, armed demi-savages, inhabitants of Lancaster county, principally from the townships of Pax|tang and Donnegal, and their neighbourhood, committed the most horrible massacre, that ever was heard of in this, or perhaps, any other pro|vince, with impunity!* 3.5 and under the notion of

extirpating the Heathen from the earth,* 3.6 as Joshua did of old, that these saints might possess the land alone, they murdered the remains of a whole tribe of peaceable, inoffensive, helpless Indians, who were British subjects, young and old, men, wo|men and children, situated on Conestogoe manor,

in the same county; where they had been placed by the government, in former time; and had ever since continued in strict and inviolable friend|ship with the English; being then far within the set|tled parts of the province, and entirely innocent, as to the war: of whom mention has already been made, in the preceding history, respecting their

last compact with William Penn, in the year 1701; and in the treaties held with them since by Go|vernor Keith, &c.

"The bloody scene was compleated in the town of Lancaster itself; where the remainder of the tribe, which had escaped the first slaughter, taking refuge, declaring their innocence, and cry|ing for mercy and protection, were through the connivance, if not the encouragement, of the Christian-professing Magistrates, and other princi|pal persons of that town, all inhumanly butchered, in cold blood, even infants at the breast, by the same party of armed ruffians, at mid-day, without opposition, or the least molestation!—to the last|ing infamy of the inhabitants of that place, who had power sufficient to prevent it!"

With hands imbrued in innocent blood, and taking courage from their unopposed success and cruelty, the insurgents now greatly increased in number, and proceeded towards Philadelphia, with avowed intention to cut off a party of inno|cent and friendly Indians there; consisting of those of Wyalusing, before mentioned, and some others; who had thrown themselves under the protection of the government, to the number of about one hundred and forty. By their conduct, they ap|peared to depend on the secret assistance of a num|ber of their brethren, the same kind of saints, in that city; who, afterwards, by many of them advocating their cause and proceedings, with other strong symptoms, appeared to have been, either, in some manner, privately connected with them, or concerted and directed the whole tragical and bloody insurrection.

This lawless banditti advanced, in many hun|dreds, armed, as far as Germantown, within about six miles of the city, threatening death and slaugh|ter to all, who should dare to oppose them; and,

in all probability, they would have effected their bloody purpose, had they not met with such a pro|per and vigorous opposition from the government, and the inhabitants of Philadelphia, as they seem|ed not to expect; which put a stop to their career. But so far was the contagion spread, and so deeply had the spirit of faction infected the minds of ma|ny, that the weakness of the government was not able to punish these murderers, nor to chastise the insurgents! a sorrowful presage of an approaching change in that happy constitution, which had so long afforded a peaceable asylum to the unjustly oppressed and distressed, by means of the great influx and increase of such kind of people into it, of later years, as experience has abundantly demonstrated a rod of iron is more proper to rule, than such a mild establishment, as is better adapted to promote the prosperity of the virtuous and good, than properly to chastise the most pro|fligate of mankind; more calculated to make men happy, than to punish the wicked and ungoverna|ble, according to their demerits.

But there were many in the province, who very well knew the cause of this revolt of the Indians, and of the sorrowful consequences of it; which, it was not in their power, at that time, to prevent. The management of Indian affairs was put into new hands; and after the death of James Logan,* 3.7 if not some time before, a very different conduct was too much practised towards that people, from that which formerly had never failed to gain and preserve their friendship and alliance.

The Quakers, whom the Indians regarded from the beginning, above any other people in the pro|vince, were excluded from the Proprietary agency, to which the management of their affairs was

chiefly committed; though they were, for the above reason, of all persons the most proper to be concerned, or to act, in it.

But there were several causes, which admini|stered to the unhappy rupture, which may be seen,* 3.8 as mentioned in a treatise, published in London, in 1759, written in Pennsylvania, entitled, "An en|quiry into the causes of the alienation of the Delaware and Shawanese Indians, from the British interest," &c. And, in the whole, it is certain they had been too much neglected; of which the French, then at war with the English, made their advantage.

The principal causes of the quarrel and aliena|tion of these Indians were asserted to be,

First, The abuses committed in the Indian trade; which had been, more or less, of long continuance, and very difficult to be properly regu|lated, or redressed; though doubtless a great part of them might have been better guarded against, and prevented, than they really were.* 3.9

Secondly, Their being, as they insisted in later years, unjustly deprived, or dispossessed, of part of their lands.* 4.1

Thirdly, The death of Weekweely, or Wekahe|lah, the Delaware chief, who was hanged in New Jersey, many years ago, which they could not forget, and say, it was only for accidentally killing a man.* 4.2

Fourthly, The imprisonment of some Shawanese warriors, in Carolina, in time of peace; where the chief man of the party died.

Fifthly, The instigations of the French; who made an artful use of their complaints, or discon|tents, &c. to incite them against the English in the late war, &c.

These were the chief causes, though there were others, alledged both by the Delawares, the Shaw|anese, and the Six Nations, in the divers treaties, held with them, by the government of Pennsylva|nia, in different parts of the province, between the years 1755 and 1763: wherein, as they are printed, may be seen, in part, as well as in the definitive treaty of Colonel Bradstreet with them,* 4.3 near lake Erie, in 1764, how a reconciliation was effected: I say, in part; for the Quakers, who, as before observed, had the least share in these public transactions, as to appearance, being, con|trary to ancient custom, excluded from the Pro|prietary agency, by which all treaties and public transactions with them, in the province, were di|rected and managed, more especially respecting land affairs; which appeared to be the principal cause of the quarrel, were nevertheless, in fact, the prime movers of the peace, and the first and chief promoters of redressing the Indians' wrongs, or complaints, so far as in them lay, in their re|stricted capacity: they formed a society among themselves, particularly for that good purpose, called The friendly association, for gaining and pre|serving peace with the Indians, by pacific measures;* 4.4 constituted trustees, and had a treasurer; and by a voluntary contribution among themselves, of

many thousand pounds, to which divers well disposed persons, among the more religious Germans, liberally contributed (an expense, which ought to have been, either from a different quarter, or, at least, of a more general, and public nature) which, with the Governor's consent, or approbation, first had, they applied in such prudent manner, by presents, and redressing their grievances, together with their way of friendly behaviour and sincerity, which the Indians had long experienced, they dis|posed them to hearken to terms of peace and re|conciliation, made way for the succeeding treaties, with their recovery and return from the French interest, &c. which afterwards ensued; as, in part, appears in the aforesaid treatise, or enquiry, &c. as well as in the printed Indian treaties; and in the journals of Christian Frederick Post; which last, as they are somewhat curious and informing in the nature of Indian affairs, are, therefore, inserted in the appendix.* 4.5

For, to pretend to conquer those savages, when united in opposition, by a regular army, in the woods, without something of this nature, would be as absurd as the attempt of the giants, in the fable, to effect, by mere strength, what would more properly and only be attainable by the means of wisdom and good policy; according to the speech of the Scythian Ambassador to Alexander the Great; and the truth of the Roman adage, "parum fit bellum foris, nisi sit consilium domi,"‡ 4.6 in its fullest extent, is no less applicable, in dealing with this people, than it was formerly experienced to be, by the greatest conquerors and rulers of the world, in their management of other nations.

PART IV.

Religious state Pennsylvania.—Variety and har|mony of the religious sects in the province.—Their proportion in Philadelphia.—Mennonists,—Dunk|ards,—Swenckfelders,—Moravians.—Conclusion. —Thomas Makin's account of Pennsylvania, in a Latin Poem, in 1729, addressed to J. Logan.

IT has already been observed that the civil con|stitution of Pennsylvania was originally founded on such a generous plan of liberty, that the freedom allowed by it, of thinking on religious subjects,* 4.7 and of worshipping the Almighty, according to the best of men's understandings, without being deprived either of their natural rights, as men, or of their civil liberties, as subjects of government, on that account, has not a little contributed to the great and rapid increase and prosperity of the province, above any other of the British colonies in Ameri|ca; and, in proportion to its age, and other cir|cumstances, rendered it far superior, in real worth and importance; so, in giving an account of its general state, after the conclusion of the war, in 1761, some representation, at least, of the various religious societies, or sects, of which its inhabitants mostly consist, becomes proper and necessary.

There is a greater number of different religious societies in this province, than, perhaps,* 4.8 in any other, throughout the British dominions besides; and in regard to disputes, on religious subjects, and the consequences of an universal toleration of all the varieties of opinion, in religion, though so widely different, and so contrary and opposite to

one another, elsewhere much dreaded, it is appre|hended there is not more real harmony any where known, in this respect, even, under the most des|potic hierarchies, than in Pennsylvania. Here are the Quakers,* 4.9 who were principally the first settlers, and, in effect, the makers of the province; and who, in general, are already described, in the Introduction:* 4.10 The Episcopalians, according to the manner of the Church of England; and the Ger|man and Swedish Lutherans: The Presbyterians and Independants, of various kinds, or sects; and the German Calvinists: The Church of Rome and the Jews: The Baptists of different kinds; with those among the Germans, called Mennonists, and Dunk|ards, or Dumplers; the Moravians and Swencksel|ders; besides the Aborigines of America, &c.

* 4.11All these, for a considerable series of years, have, in general, from the example of the Qua|kers, who were providentially the cause of that liberty, which they all there enjoy, and who ap|pear never to have persecuted any other people, for religion, maintained such harmony and con|cord among themselves, as approaches nearer to that universal love and charity, which Christianity teaches, and which its votaries, in general, profess, at least, in theory, than has ever been known to arise from any contrary conduct, or intolerant au|thority, so predominant in many other countries.

For, notwithstanding their seeming so extremely to differ one from another, in religious sentiments and customs; and that some of their opinions and practices doubtless are very absurd, and probably more or less so under every profession, or form;

in which an absolute uniformity is not to be ex|pected, in the human race;* 4.12 neither is it more rea|sonable to be so, than that men should all be of one and the same size, age, understanding and ca|pacity; yet by the constitution of the civil govern|ment, as they are not here permitted to oppress one another, on that account, so, in general, among the more thinking and intelligent, in every sect, or society, a firm persuasion seems to prevail, that they all have one and the same thing, happiness, in view; and that their difference arises from opinion and custom only, respecting the mode of obtaining it; which notion has such a tendency to moderate and temper their way of thinking on religious matters, as, in great measure to occasion that for|bearance and charity, which appears in their con|duct to each other; a surer characteristic of true Christianity, and best Philosophy, than the practice of many, who make great profession of superior attainments of science and knowledge, and who shew much greater zeal for what they esteem to be truth, and place more stress on opinion, creeds, or beliefs, than in practice and charity, than is to be found in Pennsylvania.

The Quakers, in the city of Philadelphia,* 4.13 com|pose, probably, about one seventh part of its inha|bitants. The rest of that society at present have their residence principally in the first, or older counties of Philadelphia, Bucks, Chester, New|castle, &c. and in the year 1770, they had between sixty and seventy meeting houses, for divine wor|ship, in the province, and lower counties on Dela|ware. But of late they have been much exceeded in number by other societies, complexly taken, though they generally are esteemed among the wealthiest, and most substantial of the inhabitants.

The Church of England has several places of worship in the city, as before mentioned, in the

description of it and its public edifices;* 4.14 (page 279) and also in divers other parts of the province; and the German Lutherans have large congregati|ons in Philadelphia, Lancaster, &c. but the Pres|byterians and Independants are supposed, by far, to be more numerous than any other particular religious society, taking in the Dutch, or German Calvinists; several of the back counties being principally peopled by them; they have flowed in, of late years, from the north of Ireland, in very large numbers, besides their great internal increase and still greater industry, than that of many others, to make proselytes.* 4.15

The Roman Catholics have a chapel in Philadel|phia, and another at Lancaster; a number among the Germans are also of that community. The Jews are but few, and those chiefly in the city. The English Baptists are not very numerous in Pennsylvania; they have a meeting house in the

city, and some others in different parts of the country: they appear, in general, especially of late years, to differ very little, both in principle and practice, from the Presbyterians, save in those of baptism only.* 4.16

It has already been mentioned that some Ger|mans very early settled in Pennsylvania;* 4.17 but that afterwards they flocked into it, in much greater numbers; insomuch that, of late years, it is sup|posed near one-third part of the inhabitants of the province consisted of these people, and of their descendants. They have mostly been of the lower rank, but very industrious, useful, and well adapt|ed for the improvement of a wilderness, under proper government and restriction.

There are several different professions of religion among them, in the province; some of which ap|pear more remarkable than others, for a simplicity of manners, and less known to many; of such, therefore, I shall more particularly give such brief account, as partly I find of them, and partly ac|cording to my own observation: first,

Of the Mennonists.

THE Mennonists of Pennsylvania take their name from Menno Simon, of the Netherlands,* 4.18 one of the leaders of that society or sect of the Bap|tists, in the sixteenth century; who took their rise in Germany soon after, or about, the time of the reformation. But, it is said, they themselves derive the origin of their religious profession and

practice from that of the Christian Church, in Thessalonia, in the time of the Apostles, &c.

Among the articles of their faith, in which they appear to be very rigid, using great plainness in speech and dress, are, in substance, the follow|ing, viz.

* 4.191. Of God. They confess one only God, Father, Son and Holy Ghost.

2. Of Baptism. They confess baptism into faith; but no infant baptism.

3. They confess an eucharist, to be kept with common bread and wine, in remembrance of the sufferings and death of Christ.

4. Of Marriage. They confess a wedlock, of two believing persons; and no external marriage ceremony, by punishment of excommunication, &c.

5. Of taking Oaths. They confess that no Chris|tian may take an oath; or, in his evidence go be|yond yea and nay, though he have the truth on his side; but must rather chuse to die.

6. Of bearing Arms. No Christian must, in any wise, withstand with arms, or take the sword, &c.

* 4.20They say their church has always from the be|ginning (though under almost continual oppression and persecution) insisted on the above confession, with many other articles, even, from the time of the Apostles; from which the violence of persecu|tion and death, which at different times they en|dured, never could compel them to depart; in|stancing the ten persecutions, till 310 years after Christ; and afterwards till the year 1210, &c. when great numbers of them suffered death, chiefly in Europe, for not admitting infant baptism▪ but only a baptism into their faith, in their own mode, and likewise for refusing to take an oath and bear arms; and for adhering to other articles of

their faith; for which they suffered such heavy persecutions, that they were reduced to a small number, till the time of the reformation, when, from the year 1520 to 1530, they began to flou|rish again, to the no small mortification of the Romish clergy; who gave them the name of Ana|baptists; and used their endeavours, first, by per|suasion, to draw them over, and then by a terri|ble persecution, throughout all the emperor's do|minions, by banishments, prisons, torture,* 4.21 and death, in various modes; all which they encoun|tered, and suffered with inflexible fortitude, ra|ther than depart from their tenets. That this persecution began in 1524, and continued about one hundred years. Of which they give many cruel instances, particularly in Austria, at Hem|b••rn, and in the Palatinate about Alsom; where, in the year 1529, several hundreds of them were, in a short time, by the count Palatine,* 4.22 executed by fire and sword. And after this they suffered in Switzerland; particularly at Inrich and Bern; where several of their teachers were beheaded; of whom one Haslebacker is mentioned thus to have suffered at the latter place; and many of them are said to have been starved to death by hunger.

Though these Mennonists of Pennsylvania appear to be a species or sect,* 4.23 of those who went under the general name of Baptists, or Anabaptists for|merly in Germany and the Netherlands, yet, in both their writings and practice, they seem highly to disapprove or reprobate and condemn, the wild actions and extravagances, done at Munster, &c. by these people in 1533, in opposition to the ma|gistracy and government; in consequence of which many thousands of persons lost their lives, in dif|ferent parts of Germany.

They moreover say, that in the seventeenth centu|ry, they suffered severe persecution in Switzerland,

and some other places;* 4.24 and that in the year 1670, some of their society were chained together, and sent to the gallies, on account of their religion; others shipped and banished their country, being branded with the mark of a bear (the arms of the canton): that, in the year 1710, a barge, full of these prisoners, was carried down the Rhine, to be transported beyond the sea; but when they came to Holland, the government of that republic declared, they would have no such prisoners in their country; and they set them all at liberty.

Many of these people, who were dispersed in divers parts of the German provinces, especially in the Palatinate, and places adjacent, having met together, entered into conditions, and, by paying a great tribute,* 4.25 they obtained an exemption from taking oaths, from bearing arms, and from having their children baptised; and gained the liberty of upholding public worship, in their own way: but notwithstanding this, they were grossly imposed upon and abused, for the exercise of their consci|ences; being, in time of war, obliged to have their houses filled with wicked crews of soldiers, and to endure many other grievances and distresses. These things caused their looking out for another country; and, in time, a way was opened for their removal to Pennsylvania.

* 4.26William Penn, both in person and writing, pub|lished in Germany, first gave them information that there was liberty of conscience in Pennsylvania; and that every one might live there without mo|lestation. Some of them about the year 1698, others in 1706, 1709 and 1711, partly for consci|ence sake, and partly for their temporal interest, re|moved thither; where they say, they found their expectation fully answered, enjoying liberty of conscience, according to their desire, with the be|nefits of a plentiful country. With this they ac|quainted

their friends in Germany; in consequence of which many of them, in the year 1717, &c. removed to Pennsylvania.

The Mennonists are settled chiefly near Lancaster, and in some parts of the neighbouring counties.* 4.27 They are sober, industrious people, of good eco|nomy, sound morals, and very useful members of the general community; and are supposed to consist of several thousand persons, within the province.* 4.28 Their articles of faith, respecting oaths and war, are founded on the same principles, as those of the Quakers, in these points, viz. the plain and absolute prohibition thereof, as under|stood by them, in the New Testament.

Of the Dunkards, or Dumplers.

THOSE people, in Pennsylvania, called Dun|kards, Tunkers, or Dumplers, are another species of German Baptists.* 4.29 They are singular in some of their opinions and customs; and perhaps more so in their manner of living, and personal appearance, than any others of that name in the province, particularly those who reside at a place, called by them, Ephrata, in Lancaster county.

They also hold it not becoming a follower of Jesus Christ to bear arms, or fight; because,* 4.30 say they, their true master has forbid his disciples to resist evil; and because he also told them, not to swear at all, they will by no means take an oath; but adhere close to his advice, in the affirmation of yea and nay.

* 4.31As to their origin, they allow of no other, than that, which was made by Jesus himself, when he was baptised by John in Jordan. They have a great esteem for the New Testament, valuing it higher than the other books; and when they are asked about the articles of their faith, they say, they know of no others but what are contained in this book; and therefore can give none.

* 4.32The rise, or collection of their present society they s••en•• to date about the year 1705; many of them were educated among the German Calvanists, but lest them, and, on account of their religious way of thinking and practice, several being ba|nished from their homes, and otherwise persecuted, they resorted to Swarzenan, in the county of Witgensteen and Creyfield, in the dutchy of Cleves, belonging to the king of Prussia; where they had liberty of meeting, without being disturbed. To these places they collected from several parts; as from Switzerland, Strasburg, the Palatinate, Sile|sia, &c,

* 4.33They agreed on their exterior form of religion at Swarzenan aforesaid; the manner of their bap|tism of immersion, or plunging into water (from whence the name Dumpler, in their language) instead of the vulgar method of sprinkling, was established among them; as being not only more consistent with that, which Christ himself suffered from John the Baptist, but also more agreeable to the practice of many of the primitive Christians.

* 4.34They hold what is called the Eucharist, in com|memoration of the sufferings of Christ, at night, as, they say, Christ himself kept it; washing, at the same time one another's feet, agreeable to his example and command. They meet together to worship on the first day of the week, in confi|dence of his promise, who said, "Where two or three are gathered together, in my name, there am I

in the midst of them:" but those at Ephrata keep the seventh day of the week, for sabbath: they pro|fess a spiritual worship; and they have been re|markable, at the place last mentioned, for their f••••e singing at their devotion. They say, they have suffered great persecution in Europe;* 4.35 of which they give particular accounts; and as ap|pears in a manuscript, from which part of this ac|count of them is taken.

They removed from the places before menti|oned into Pennsylvania,* 4.36 chiefly between the years 1718 and 1734; a few of them still remaining at Creyfield in Friezland.

They are a quiet, inoffensive people,* 4.37 not nu|merous,* 4.38 and seemingly, at present, on the de|cline, especially at Ephrata before mentioned▪ where they have a kind of a monastry, about fif|teen miles distant from Lancaster, and sixty miles west north west from Philadelphia.

Here more particularly they dress in a kind of uniform, consisting of a triangular, or round,* 4.39 white, and sometimes grey cloth, or linen cap, on the head, a little similar to a bonnet; with a loose garment of the same stuff and colour, hanging over them; in imitation of the fashion of the eastern Christians formerly. They wear their beards, and have a solemn steady pace, when they walk, keeping right forward with their eyes fixed on the ground, and do not usually turn to give an answer, when asked a question. Their burying place here they call the Valley of Achor; and here it has been their custom to live on a common stock, composed of the fruits of all their labours, and we gifts of such as join them. They eat no flesh, drink no wine, use no tobacco, nor sleep on beds,

in this place, as other people do; and the men and women live in different apartments, or, in separate large houses, containing many distinct apartments; and it has been their practice, for those of each house, to meet every two hours, both day and night, to join in prayer; but, it is said, they have lately abated of this rigour.

Their whole method in this place seems to be a kind of monastic life, much according to its ori|ginal simplicity; and if any of them marry, after they come hither, such are not permitted to live longer here, but still remain members of the soci|ety; and, in general, another of their customs it, to receive no interest for money lent, on pain of excommunication, &c.

Of the Swenckfelders.

* 4.40THE people, who bear the name of Swenck|felders, in Pennsylvania, are so called from Caspar Swenckfeld, of Ossing; who, at the time of the reformation, in the sixteenth century, was a teach|er of note. He was born in Silesia, and of noble birth.* 4.41 The sect, which he gathered, was from the beginning tolerated, under several of the Ger|man emperors, in their arch-dukedom of Silesia, espe|cially the principalities of Taur and Lignitz, for about two hundred years successively, and in seve|ral other places, though not without envy of the Romish clergy, who instigated some of the inferior Magistrates so much to distress them about the years 1590 and 1650, as to cause what they thought a pretty severe persecution. After this they en|joyed peace till the reign of the emperor Charles the Sixth. But about the year 1725, through the instigation of the clergy, they were again molested; wherefore, despairing of obtaining the continua|tion of their former tranquillity, in that country, for which they had endeavoured in vain, most of

〈◊〉〈◊〉, a••ter frequent ••••••••ions,* 4.42 appearing before the clergy, arrests and imprisonments, heavy fines, and penalties, threats and menaces, taking away their children to catechise, and instruct them in the Roman Catholic doctrine, constituting Roman Ca|tholic executors, for the widows, and guardians for orphans, and many other hard proceedings, which they endured, found themselves obliged to leave their real estates and habitations behind them, and emigrate to some other country.

They found a place of shelter in Upper Lusatia, in Saxony, under the Senate of Gorlitz: as also unexpectedly under Count Zinzindorf, which they enjoyed about eight years; after which this tolera|tion was discontinued.

They then enquired for another place of safety, under some of the Protestant princes of Germany, but upon considering the great uncertainty of the long continuance of any toleration there, and hav|ing got intelligence of the province of Pennsylva|nia, and of the privileges there enjoyed, &c. they resolved to remove thither. Some of them came over in the year 1733, but the greatest part in 1734, and some families afterwards.* 4.43

* 5.1In regard to oaths and war, they agree with the Mennonists, and give the same reasons, as they and the Quakers, in these respects: they say, they have been much misrepresented, and charged with ne|glecting the use of the sacred scriptures, and those religious ceremonies, called sacraments. The first of which charges they deny, as entirely untrue; their disuse of the second, they say, hath not, nor doth happen from contempt, but merely from con+scientious motives. They, and their 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Schwenckfeldius, are charged with sundry other things, which, they say, will appear entirely un|true to any, who will be at the trouble of searching the theological works, left by him.

* 5.2These people are not numerous in the province, they are settled chiefly in the county of Berks, and are an industrious, frugal people, of exemplary morals, and a general good character.

Of the Unitas Fratrum, or United Brethren, com|monly called Moravians.

IT is said, the first emigration of the Moravi|ans, from Moravia,* 5.3 a country adjacent to Bohe|mia, from which they were named, was with a view of going to Pennsylvania, for the sake of an uninterrupted enjoyment of civil and religious pri|vileges; but, having found a place of retreat, in Upper Lusatia, which they thought would be agreeable to their minds, they, for a time, fixed their residence there.

After this, in the year 1733, the colony of Georgia was talked of in Holland; which induced their ordinary, Count Zinzindorf, to correspond with the English resident, at Copenhagen, upon that subject; in consequence of which the Brethren concluded to send some of their people thither; and agreed with the trustees, among other things, that they should be exempted from taking an oath, and bearing arms. But afterwards, perceiving that this gave umbrage to some persons, from whom they did not expect it, they resolved to pursue their former intention, and to go to Pennsylvania, which they accordingly performed,* 5.4 in the years 1739 and 1740; where, applying themselves to agriculture, they have since made considerable settlements, especially on the western branch of Delaware river, called Lehi, in Northampton county, at a place named by them, Bethlehem, with the circumjacent villages and farms of Nazareth, Guadenthal, Friedenshal, and elsewhere.

Their settlements about Bethlehem, though so lately begun, are superior, in some respects,* 5.5 to any in the province. Here their excellent skill, industry, regular management and economy have been very conspicuous and remarkable. The town itself, is pleasantly situated upon a hill, or

elevated ground, on the north side of the Lehi, with a fine descent to the river. It consists of private houses, improved and ornamented by di|vers large and spacious buildings, of a more pub|lic, or general kind, for the use of the society, which are called quoir houses: these are distinctly appropriated for the use of the different pa•••• of their community, at that place; as, for the chil|dren, single men, single women, widows, and widowers, &c. separated in these large houses; be|sides the congregational inn, which has been reputed one of the best in Pennsylvania, for the entertain|ment of strangers, &c.

* 5.6They are very methodical in their customs, and exhibit great skill and perseverance in what they undertake; aiming in common life, to make them|selves agreeable, to avoid singularity, and to ap|prove themselves honest, in the hearts of all peo|ple; though in part of their dress, especially the female sex, in these places, they appear to use a particular, plain uniform; and their mode of language, or discourse, seems to be somewhat affected, or peculiar to themselves.

They have, from time to time, received suc|cours from Europe, and are now increased to a considerable number. Besides these settlements, they have a meeting house in Philadelphia, and another at Lancaster, besides their fine settlement at Litz,* 5.7 in Lancaster county. They have likewise made settlements in the government of New York and New Jersey, and on the river Dan, which runs into the Roanoake, in North Carolina.

In Pennsylvania, at present, the Moravians, or United Brethren, consist of a mixture of some English, and other people, from different coun|tries, besides Germans and aborigines of America; for they likewise have a number of the Indians, in the province, under their care and tuition.

They use great variety of music, at their devo|tion; and have strong picturesque representations of Christ's passion, &c. in their place of worship, at Bethlehem; and, as a remarkable policy seems to run through their whole system,* 5.8 whereby it ap|pears, in some cases, adapted to operate, in the strongest manner, on the human passions; so, in the more civil part of their constitution and trans|actions, in this province, an admirable order and economy, to more than common perfection, has been very conspicuous.

But their method of educating their children and youth, to answer the end designed,* 5.9 has been more so; and perhaps, exceeded by no other peo|ple in the province: an affair of very great im|portance, in whatever view we take it: the low|est, or most ignorant and uninformed part of the rational creation, perhaps, doth not excel the most knowing and sagacious of the brutal kind, so much as one part of the human species exceeds the other, in superior knowledge, wisdom and fe|licity, by means of an early and good education, a wise and virtuous institution of youth, in its most extensive acceptation? For, though God has given talents to men, yet it is in their power to improve or debase them, and to apply them to proper or improper objects, by the means which God has given; and how much this depends on education, information and early habit, is suffici|ently manifest to such as are enough acquainted with the subject, and with mankind.

As to the religious tenets, or creed,* 5.10 of the Moravians, they acknowledge the Bible to be their only rule,* 5.11 "In the most simple sense, and in every respect; and that so perfectly, that while disputants are solicitous to seek and find, or make, that to be sense there, which they have heard, the Brethren receive all, according to the letter; nay,

all that is written therein is truth to them, even, that part, which is looked upon by others, as contradictory, without being first explained."

Their bishops, teachers, &c. by an established rule, at stated times, every week, wash the feet of all, they call to the Lord's Supper; in per|forming which they are methodical, and use a particular ceremony,* 5.12 &c. But their zeal and in|dustry for propagating the gospel in foreign na|tions, which never heard it before, has been very remarkable and extraordinary for these latter times, &c.

* 5.13They date their religion, as most religious soci|eties do, from the first establishment of true reli|gion in the world, in general terms. They do not pretend to any warrantable account of their origin; having, as they imagine, the fate of most other institutions; that is, to be lost in uncertainty; but, that their congregation flourished in the 15th century, at Litz, i. e. fifty years before the refor|mation, and was then a Sclavonian congregation, which sprung from the old Bulgarian Christians; that George Podebrad, regent of Bohemia, who, as they say, partly from his own motion and love, and partly at the intercession of the arch-bishop of Prague, being in the like circumstances with him, established at Litz, on the borders of Bohemia, a congregation, to serve God in quietness and peace, without being so easy a prey to the Roman Catho|lics; to whom the king and primate of the realm were outwardly gone over. This they did so much the rather, as those Brethren differed from the Taborites, in the principle of defending reli|gion by the force of arms; professing prayer, in spiritual things, to be the best weapon of Chris|tians, against their enemies.

* 5.14They are said originally to have consisted of scattered Bohemians and Moravians; but the Wal|denses,

as they imagine, taking refuge among ••••••m, lea••ned their language, and, in a while, be|came loft in their nation; that gaining ground, they became a people, considerable enough to be denominated a national, or more properly, a gene|ral church; for it consisted of subjects, under se|veral different princes; that they sought protec|tion, and gained settlements, in Poland, England, Prussia, Wertemburg, and Saxony; that Poland, by degrees, became their chief residence; that, in England, the Walloons, Germans, nay, all fo|reign Protestants, were disposed by Edward the Sixth, under their bishop, John a Lasco, as su|perintendant of all foreign Protestants; that in time, it becoming too tedious to distinguish them by the different names of the countries, to which they belonged, they assumed the general name of Unitas Fratrum, or United Brethren, compre|hending all their different divisions, under that denomination.

By this name they were acknowledged by Great Britain in the year 1737 and 1739; and by seve|ral other nations and states about the same time. In the latter of which years they received a general toleration, by an act of the British parliament,* 5.15 en|couraging them to settle in the American planta|tions, &c. by allowing them to take a solemn af|firmation, instead of an oath, and dispensing with their not being concerned in military affairs, on payment of a rate assessed, &c.

CONCLUSION.

* 5.16AS it is not my intention to say any thing fur|ther, respecting the more generally well known forms of the other religious societies, in the pro|vince, which, at different times, have resulted from a variety of opinion, on the subject of reli|gion, I shall, therefore, only observe, that, so long as different degrees of light and knowledge are communicated to men, while custom and edu|cation vary among them, and while the capacity and opportunity to receive instruction are unequal and various in individuals, according to their dif|ferent abilities and situations in the world, so long it cannot reasonably be expected that all people should see or think exactly alike, or possess an uni|formity of understanding, in objects merely intel|lectual, more especially such as are only known to exist in opinion, or belief: for as our bodies dif|fer in shape, size and capacity, and vary in their properties and qualities, so is it in respect to the minds of men▪ which are as various as the flowers of the field; and, when duly considered, have no less real beauty, in their variety: it is as un|reasonable to expect, or attempt, an absolute uni|formity of the one as of the other; and compul|sion, in such case, would be no less tyrannical and absurd, than the use of Procrustes's bed; for the nature of all sects, in religion, is to keep up the difference.

But, as wisdom is better than strength, and the cause above the effect, so the power of reason and persuasion alone, on the intelligent and rational mind, is the most adequate and proper to rectify the erroneous, or less informed understanding, in objects entirely of a mental or intellectual na|ture; in which a difference of thinking may not be inconsistent with reason and truth; for perhaps,

as light and knowledge increase and advance among mankind, the greater will be the variety of sentiment? Which, so long as it is free, may have the more effectual tendency to discuss and discriminate truth from error, and that not incom|patible with an unity of principle, even, in reli|gious subjects; provided that men, instead of wickedly making religion an engine of power, for one part of the community to oppress the other, would keep within the bounds of mental pursuits only, in their pretensions to things of this kind, and clear of all selfish and ambitious news, artifice, and party-design; this has ever been instanced in the wisest and most civilized na|tions, and in the progress of arts and sciences. For, though the first principles of things are but few, and these all ultimately terminate in unity, yet like the rays of light, from the solar luminary, which reflect an infinite variety of appearances, and so much the more, the less they are obscured and ob|structed, so the greater the diversity of effect from these principles, the more is the eternal wisdom displayed, in any one part of the creation.

In regard to the final issue of the various opini|ons of a religious nature, among mankind, with their Creator, and of the many different customs arising from them, (than the lowest and most absurd of which, as well as the most rational and sublime, perhaps, nothing shews more the weakness of the human race, and its absolute dependance on a Superior Being) why may we not conclude, that, as a person of superior wisdom and sagacity, or of better information than others, sometimes observes and considers the disagreements and dis|putes, between persons of different judgment, or education, and inferior knowledge, but of sin|cere mind and intention, whether in the low and common affairs of life, or on things of a superior

and mental nature, on which they seem so widely to differ in opinion, that, by their manner of ma|naging their arguments, or disputes, they would probably never agree; nay, instead of uniting▪ sometimes their opposition of sentiment may render them so much the more positive and tenacious of their different opinions, as to become highly in|censed against each other (which is often the case with the more ignorant) because they do not un|derstand the subjects of dispute all alike; yet, by his greater penetration and understanding of the affair in dispute, he plainly perceives they all mean, or in|tend, the same thing, in the main; and their views all center to one point, or what appears to them right, (though if left to themselves they would probably never agree) that they all are proportionably right; and, when properly understood, differ only either in circumstantials, or on account of their various degrees of understanding and conception, or ac|cording to such information as each is possessed of, or by reason of the different mediums of edu|cation and custom, through which they see; whence he may pity their ignorance, and perhaps blame their animosity, which arises from it; but cannot justly censure them for any thing, that is providenti|ally out of their power: so, who will deny that the great Creator of mankind, who sees and knows all things, looks down upon his creatures, whom he has proportionably endowed with reason, and the proper means of answering the end of their existence, and, in his great wisdom, beholds how zealous they are to please him, and obtain felicity; which they all aim at, according to the different degrees of knowledge, capacity and ability afford|ed them? I say, who will venture to deny, not|withstanding their great disparity, disagreement, seeming inconsistency and the many contrary cus|toms, used by men, for that purpose (divers of which to one another, and not without reason,

may appear very absurd and improper for the end designed thereby); that in his wisdom and mercy, which are over all his works, he commiserates all, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the most wise, affectionate and true parent of his offspring? For, according to the divine model above, it is in degree here below; as wisdom (which is the real sent of the Almighty) prevails, ignorance vanishes; and as that superior happiness, and true Christian charity, which are the conse|quences of the former, gain ground, among men, in the same proportion must mankind necessarily approach to, or partake of, the supreme love and perfection; which ever take place of all vio|lence, cruelty and wrath, the infernal dregs, and genuine offspring of the latter; whose habitation is only in the regions of darkness and sorrow, the reward of false conception and error; which ne|ver can be the situation of the perfectly happy, the end of all true religion.

Extract from two short Latin poems, inscribed to James Logan, Esquire, by Thomas Makin; one of which is dated 1728, the other 1729; the former is intitled, "Encomium Pennsylvaniae;" the latter, which is here principally retained, "In laudes Pensilvaniae poema, seu, descriptio Pensilvaniae:" found among James Logan's pa|pers, many years after his disease: they seem to have been written chiefly for amusement in his old age, &c.

DESCRIPTIO PENNSYLVANIAE, ANNO 1729.

Haec habet, & regio memorabile nomen, habebit Auctior auctoris tempus in omne sui; Qui fuit illustri proavorum stemmate natus, Sed virtute magis nobilis ipse suâ. Praecipuè illustrem sua se sapientia fecit; Vixit apud claros dignus honore viros: Qui quamvis obiit, tamen usque memoria vivet; Nomini•• atque sui fama perennis erit. Semer honos nomenque suum laudesque manebunt, Hujus, qui terrae nobilis auctor erat. Haec sua Proprietas; hinc Pennsylvania primùm, Haec fuit ex domini nomine dicta sui. Rege sibi Carolo concessa suisque Secundo, Pro claris meritis officioque patris.

Zonae terra subest alternae, ubi veris & aestûs, Autumni gelidae sunt hiemisque vices. Hîc ter quinque dies numerat longissimus horas, Cum sol in cancro sidere transit iter. Hîc tamen interdum glacialis frigora brumae Et calor aestivus vix toleranda premunt. Saepe sed immodicum boreale refrigerat aestum Flamen, & australis mitigat aura gelu. Hîc adeo inconstans est, & variabile caelum, Una ut non rarò est aestus hiemsque die. Saepe prior quamvis nitido sit sole serena, Postera sit multis imbribus atra dies. Vis adeo interdum venti violenta ruentis, Ut multa in sylvis sternitur arbor humi.

Hanc sera gens Indi terram tenuere coloni; Moribus at nunc est mitior usque bonis; Pacis amans, Anglis concordi faedere juncti; Cura quibus pactam non violare fidem. Hi fugiunt rixas, & noxia semina litis, Et leges ultro justitiamque colunt. Hi spernunt artes, durum fugiuntque laborem; Hos vacuos curis libera vita juvat. Hi venatores sylvas & tesqua frequentant, Quaerentes ubi sit praeda reperta ferae; Unde sibi pelles, epulaeque parantur inemptae; Utile sunt pelles, merx pretiosa bonum. Devia rura diu longè latèque pererrant, Et bene nota sibi semper ubique via est.

Durior interea exercet vigilantia nuptas; Officium quibus est farra parare domi. Hae bajulant fa••••es graves humerisque pusillis, Et longum faciunt nunc patienter iter; Nunc findunt lignum, fissoque ex vimine corbes Texunt; has urget sedulus usque labor: Nunc hae corna legunt, & humi nascentia fragra; Nunc pisces capiunt insidiis & aves. Indorum juvenes ullum gustare liquorem Non licet (exemplar nobile) praeter aquam. Mollibus in lectis Indi requiescere nolunt, Nunc humus est lectus, nunc sibi nuda teges. Pellibus antiquo, qui more fuere ferinis Induti, nunc est gausape vestis iis. Semper & incedunt capitis velamine nudi, Sed sutae pelles crura pedesque tegunt, Et quamvis cutis est fuscae color omnibus idem, Forma decora tamen corporis estque vigor. Hi lenocinium sugiunt & scorta pudici; Faedera conjugii non violare solent. Hos docet ore loqui facilis natura diserto; Linguae grande loquens est idioma suae. O gens Indorum, vos terque quaterque beati! Nulla quibus requiem sollicitudo vetat!

Non regio haec Indos armis subigendo tenetur; Sed certa emptori conditione data est, Vivitur hîc igitur tuto sine militis usu; Et sibi securus propria quisque tenet. Hîc locus est multis felix, ubi sedibus aptis, Sors optata dedit, non sine pace frui.

Dira sed infelix, heu! bella N••v' Anglia sensit, Indis quie semper gens malifida fuit.

Sed semel hîc rumor mendax clamavit, ad arma, Incola cui nimium credulus omnis erat. Haec malesana die fuit acta, tragaedia quâdam, Cum convenerunt undique turba frequens▪ Scilicet ut major fieret commotus in urbe, Notior & multis rumor ubique foret; Usque adeo fuit hâc confusus in urbe tumultus, Ut neque tunc leges, ordo nec ullus erat, Hîc removere sua instanti properabat ab hoste, Ille nihil contra jussit ab urbe vehi. Sed quodcunque sibi voluit dementia talis Haec damno multis est memoranda dies: Vespere sed tandem fuit hoc stratagema retectum; Fabula tunc istam finiit acta diem.

Fertilis hîc frugum tellus, optataque rerum Usibus humanis copia semper adest. Hîc bene cultus ager laetis ornatur aristis, Et solito messis tempore fervet opus. Quaevis sylva feris, &c piscibus amnis abundat; Fertque suum fructûs quaelibet arbor onus. Hîc oviumque greges errant, armenta b••umque, Errat & hîc proles multiplicata suûm. Hîc saliunt damae, lepores, celeresque s••iuri, (Quae sunt immunis praeda cüique ferae) Hîc latet in sylvis ursus, panthera, lupusque, Qui pecus innocuum saepe vorare solent. Hîc habitat latebras furto notissima vulpes; Callida quae praedam nocte dieque capit, Rarior at nunc haec proles inimica futura est, Quae segetive nocent, lanigerove gregi. Lex fuit hic etenem tales bene cauta necandi, Erret ut in sylvis tutius omne pecus. Amphibia hîc & non desunt animalia quaedam, Terra quibus vitam praebet & unda parem; Merx quorum pelles tantum venalis habetur; Utile non aliquod turpe cadaver habet. Hîc avis est quaedam dulci celeberrima voce, Quae variare sonos usque canendo solet. Hîc avis est quaedam minima & pulcherrima plumis, Sugere quae flores usque volando solet. Unde fugam muscae in morem properare videtur, Ta••quam non oculis aspicienda diu.

Hîc avis est quaedam rubro formosa colore, Gutture quae plumis est maculata nigris. Hîc avis est repetens, Whip, Whip, Will, voce jocosâ; Quae tota verno tempore nocte canit Hîc & aves aliae, quotquot generantur ab ovis, Scribere jam quarum nomina inane foret. Innumerae volitare solent hîc saepe columbae; Unde frequens multis obvia praeda datur.

Hîc aestate solet tanquam äere gaudeat alto, Tollere se ex summis saepe acipenser aquis. Qui salit ac resilit toties, (mirabile visu) In cymbas ingens praeda aliquando cadit. Regius hic piscis minimè pretious habetur; Rarior est at ubi, carior est & ibi.

Fossores varias hîc invenere fodinas; Unde metalla patent, quae latuere diu. Floribus hîc sylvae variis ornantur & herbis; In quibus & virtus & medicina latet. Hîc muscae quaedam tanquam lampyrades alis, Aestiva nitidis undeque nocte volant. Hîc lapis est (Magnes) quo non pretiosior ullus, Per latum nautis, qui mare monstrat iter. Hîc lapides linum* 5.17 pars assimilare videtur, Quae non exusta est, nec fit in igne minor

Sed merx praecipuè, regio quam praebet emendam, Est venale quidem semper ubique bonum: Scilicet omne bonum Cereris quod copia praebet; Quodque onus hîc multis navibus esse solet. Hujus fama loci multos alicunde vocavit, Libertas quibus est dulcis amorque lucri. Hue alienigenae veniunt, venientque quotannis, Omnibus usque adeo libera terra placet.

Censibus hîc nemo nimium vexatur iniquis; Unusquisque rei pro ratione licet. Hîc venatori sylvas licet ire per omnes; Quamque capit praedam vendicat esse suam. Omnibus hîc etiam capiendi copia pisces, Retibus aut hamis quolibet amne datur. Qualis in Europa concessa licentia non est, Commoda ubi curat quisque tenere sua.

Per maris huc primum venere perîcla Britanni; Deinde ahi patriam deseruere suam. Adveniunt multi, Germuna & Hibernica proles, Quos huc saepe nimis navis onusta vehit, Hanc terram sibi non acquisivere Britanni; Si licet externis omnibus esse locum. Sed quanto fit agri major cultura quotannis, Hinc tanto rerum copia major erit. Arboribus scissis tellurem scindit arator; Nascitur hinc sparso semine laeta seges. Dulcis aquae per rura fluunt hîc undique fontes, Unde pecus gaudet pingue levare sitim. Florida limosae fiunt hîc prata paludes; Terra ferax est, quae nuper eremus erat.

Legislatores, electi ad jura quotannis, Conveniunt quoties constituenda libet. Publica nostra salus aequo moderamine legum Servatur; leges dant que cüique suum. Quisque suo meritas hîc dat pro crimine paenas; Lex parcit nullis intemerata reis; Atque Magistratus justè recteque gerendi Quique potestatem jusque minister habet.

Sed licet imprimis ideo lex ipsa statuta est, Puniat ut vitium, justitiamque colat; Heu! quoties virtus legis corrumpitur auro, Pauperis &, quovis judice, causa perit! Eloquar, an sileam? si quando pecunia desit, Lex perit, & nihili justus habetur inops! Si tibi lis fuerit cum quovis aurea dante Plurima (crede mihi) munera, victus eris! Aerea cum Danaen inclusam turris haberet, Semper ut infelix innuba virgo foret; Quàm facilè tegulas prorumperet aureus imber! Quid non vis▪ auri vincit, amorque Jovis? Non ergo mirum est hominum si vendere leges Auri non aequus pectora cogat amor.

Cum fera saevit hiems glacie, fluvialis & unda, Atque latet tellus undique tecta nive; Circumclusa ratis, si non foret anchora, fixa est, Dum rigidum solvat mitior aura gelu. Et quamvis Boreas gelido bacchatur ab arcto, Inturbata tamen fluminis unda silet. Ludere jam cessat summis acipenser ab undis, Atque alii pisces ima profunda petunt.

Sed glacie ruptâ* 5.18 lino piscator & hamo, Ex alto pisces gurgite saepe capit. Usque adeo interdum fuit hîc durabile frigus, Trans fluvium vidi plaustra onerata vehï. Hìc tamen interdum totius tempore brumae Navibus haec amnis pervia praebet iter: Cymbaque remigio velox, veloque frequenter Advehit & revehit quâ via ducit onus. Usque adeo incerta est hiâc & variabilis aura, Alternasque vices frigus & aestus habet.

Pulchra duos inter sita stat Philadelphia rivos; Inter quos duo sunt millia longa viae. Delawar hic major, Sculkil minor ille vocatur; Indis & Suevis notus uterque diu. Aedibus ornatur multis urbs limite longo, Quae parva emicuit tempore magna brevi. Hîc plateas mensor spatiis delineat aequis, Et domui recto est ordine juncta domus. Quinque sacrae hâc aedes una numerantur in urbe, Altera non etiam distat ab urbe procul. Ex quibus una alias est quae supereminet omnes; Cujus nondum ingens perficiatur opus. Praecinit hîc sacros divina melodia psalmos: Et vox totius succinit inde chori. Elevet hoc hominum mentes, & mulceat aures, Sed cor devotum psallit in aure Dei. Basis huic posita est excelsae firma futurae Turris, ubi dicunt aera sonora fore. Hîc in gymnasiis linguae docentur & artes Ingenuae; multis doctor & ipse fui. Una schola hîc alias etiam supereminet omnes Romano & Graeco quae docet ore loqui. Hîc spatiosa* 5.19 domus tantae bene convenit urbi, In quâ quotidie venditur omne penus. Hujus & e summis majori voce quotannis Electus praetor regulus urbis adest.

Hîc portus multis statio est bene nota carinis, Curvo ubi dente tenax anchora mordet humum. Hîc mercaturae faciunt plerique perîclum; Quisque sibi lucrum quaerit ubique suum. Artisices adsunt etiam, quos exigit usus, Qui sese excercent qualibet arte suâ. Multa per hos pendent omnes insignia vicos, Quod venale domum monstrat habere merum.

Nunc sub nave canunt hilares encomia vini Nautae; nunc tutos anchora fixa tenet: Nunc sub sole sitim gaudent restinguere siccam, Nectoreum rorem, siccus ut ipse bibit. Nunc & fonte libet puros haurire liquores, Qui pretio nullo nocte dieque fluunt. Vinea cum patinâ laetis florente corymbis, Indicat hospitium semper adesse bonum. Scribere sed nimis est insignia nomina cuncta, Quae jam descripsi sint meminisse satis.

Providus in morem formicae alimenta reponit Rusticus hiberni frigoris usque memor. Aestivo reputans quodumque labore lucratur, Quae mox insequitur, longa vorabit hyems. Stramine tecta replet Cerealibus horrea donis Impiger, & curat condere quicquid habet: Despicit exoticas que dapes, vestesque superbas, Contentus modicis vivere pace suis. Esuriens dulces epulas depromit inemptas, Et proprio vestis vellere texta placet. Parva humilisque domus, latos quae prospicit agros, Parta vel empta, sibi sufficit atque suis. Utilis est illi, si non opulenta supella; Res sapiens omnes utilitate probat. O! mihi si liceat sylvas habitare beatas, Et modico victu, non sine pace, frui.

THOMAS MAKIN,

1729.

Note, Thomas Makin appears to have been one of the most early settlers in the province of Pennsylvania from —for, in the year 1689, he was second master (George Keith being the first) of the Friends' public grammar school, in Philadelphia; which was the first of the kind in the province, and instituted about that time. He was some|times clerk of the Provincial Assembly; which, in early time, was long held in the Friends' meeting house. The English version is made by the transcriber, R. P.

A DESCRIPTION OF PENNSYLVANIA, ANNO 1729.

First, Pennsylvania's memorable name, From Penn, the Founder of the country, came; Sprung from a worthy and illustrious race, But more en••••bled by his virtuous ways. High in esteem among the great he stood; His wisdom made him lovely, great and good. Tho' he be said to die, he will survive; Thro' future time his memory shall live: This wise Proprietor, in love and praise, Shall grow and flourish to the end of days. With just propriety, to future fame, Fair Pennsylvania shall record his name. This, Charles the Second did, at first command, And for his father's merits gave the land: But his high virtue did its value raise To future glory, and to lasting praise.

Beneath the temp'rate zone the country lies, And heat and cold with grateful change supplies. To fifteen hours extends the longest day, When sol in cancer points his fervid ray: Yet here the winter season is severe; And summer's heat is difficult to bear. But western winds oft cool the scorching ray, And southern breezes warm the winter's day. Yet oft, tho' warm and fair the day begun, Cold storms arise before the setting sun: Nay, oft so quick the change, so great its pow'r, As summer's heat, and winter, in an hour! So violent the wind, that oft the ground With rooted trees is cover'd wide and round.

A savage Indian race here first was known; But milder now, in life and manners, grown. To friendship's laws they faithfully adhere; And love the English with a mind sincere. Of jars and baneful strife they shun the cause; And practise justice uncompell'd by laws. A life of ease, and void of care, they chuse; But labour, and the toilsome arts, refuse. Thro' woods and forests wide, they hunting stray, In search of beasts, their much beloved prey. Their skins, for cloaths, their flesh, for food is sought; Warm raiment, and delicious food, unbought. Thro' devious wilds, and woody deserts, they Oft wander far, but never lose their way.

But more laborious in domestic care, The female sex their corn and bread prepare; Long journeys these, in patience, persevere; And heavy loads upon their bodies bear. With unremitted labor, too, the same Their wooden vessels make, and baskets frame. Wild fruits and strawberries by them are sought; And fish and fowl by various methods caught, All stronger drink than water from the lake, The Indian youth forbidden are to take. No feather bed, nor easy couch they keep; Upon the ground, or shaggy skin they sleep. For cloathing, first warm skins they did possess; But now coarse linen hides their nakedness. Where'er they go their heads are always bare; But skins upon their feet and legs they wear. Tho' brown, or copper colour, marks them all, Yet are their bodies proper, strait and tall. Chaste in their lives, unlawful lusts they fly; Scarce ever known to break the marriage tie. With native eloquence their speech abounds, Untaught, with figures grand, and lofty sounds. O happy Indians! bless'd with joy and peace; No future cares of life disturb your ease!

On just and equal terms the land was gain'd, No force of arms has any right obtain'd: 'Tis here without the use of arms, alone, The bless'd inhabitant enjoys his own; Here many, to their wish, in peace enjoy Their happy lots, and nothing doth annoy.

But sad New England's diff'rent conduct show'd What dire effects from injur'd Indians flow'd!

Yet once to arms false rumor called here; To which the vulgar most inclined were. 'Twas on a certain day the plot began; Deluded crowds together madly ran: By artful means the stratagem was laid, And great commotion thro' the city made; So wild the tumult and so great the fear, No law nor order was observed there: While from th' approaching foe to haste away, One urg'd, another orders gave, to stay. This strange affair, whatever was design'd, For loss to many, will be kept in mind. The ev'ning did the plot's design betray; The farce was ended with the closing day.

This fruitful land all plenty doth produce; And never fails to answer human use. Here yellow Ceres loads the joyful fields; And golden crops the happy harvest yields. With beasts the woods, with fish the streams abound; The bending trees with plenteous fruits are crown'd. Here flocks and herds in flow'ry pastures stray; Their num'rous young around them feed and play. The squirrels, rabbits, and the timid deer To beasts of prey are yet exposed here: The bear, the panther, and the wolf devour Th' innocuous flocks, which seldom are secure. Here dwells the crafty fox, which, night and day, Invents his wiles, to catch th' unwary prey. But now these noxious beasts, which much annoy The growing grain, and tender flocks destroy, Are by a law diminish'd, with their breed, And in the woods more safe the cattle feed. Amphibious animals here too are found; Which both in water live, and on the ground; These for their skins alone are ever priz'd, And lose their lives; their carcase is despis'd. 'Tis here the mocking bird extends his throat, And imitates the birds of ev'ry note; 'Tis here the smallest of the feather'd train, The humming bird, frequents the flow'ry plain. Its motion quick seems to elude the eye; It now a bird appears, and now a fly.

The various woodpeckers here charm the sight; Of mingled red, of beauteous black and white. Here's whip-per-will; a bird, whose fanci'd name From its nocturnal note imagin'd, came. Here, in the fall, large flocks of pigeons fly, So num'rous, that they darken all the sky. Here other birds of ev'ry kind appear, Whose names would be too long to mention here.

Large sturgeons num'rous crowd the Delaware; Which, in warm weather, leap into the air; So high, that (strange to tell!) they often fly Into the boats, which on the river ply! That royal fish is little valu'd here; But where more scarce, 'tis more esteem'd and dear.

Here num'rous mines of many kinds are found, And precious metals, treasured in the ground. The verdant woods, roots, herbs, and flow'rs produce, For many virtues fam'd for human use. Here insects are, which many much admire, Whose plumes in summer ev'nings shine like fire. Here too the magnet's found, whose wond'rous pow'r Directs the seamen to each distant shore. Here is the stone-like flax* 5.20 of wond'rous fame, For not consuming in the burning flame!

But the chief produce of this happy land Is always good, and ever in demand: And bounteous Ceres' rich redundant stores Are shipp'd abroad to many distant shores. Its fame to distant regions far has spread, And some for peace, and some for profit, led; Born in remotest climes, to settle here, They leave their native soil, and all that's dear; And still will flock from far, here to be free; Such pow'rful charms has lovely liberty!

Here high unequal taxes have no place; A just proportion ev'ry person pays. Th' extensive woods abound with various game, Where all may freely take, and use the same. In ev'ry flowing stream, all persons may Take plenteous fish, and freely use the prey. Such privilege in Europe is unknown; Where ev'ry man is bounded with his own.

'Twas hither first the British cross'd the main; Thence many others left their native plain: Hibernia's sons forsake their native home; And from Germania crowded vessels come. Not for themselves alone the British care; Since ev'ry stranger may partake a share. Hence still more culture shall the soil receive; And ev'ry year increasing plenty give. Clear'd from the woods, more fruitful lands they gain; And yellow Ceres loads the extended plain. Here bubbling fountains flow thro' ev'ry mead; Where flocks and herds delight to drink and feed. The marshy grounds improv'd rich meadows yield; The wilderness is made a fruitful field.

The Legislators, chosen ev'ry year, Proceed to act, as shall to them appear. Here just administration of the laws Make public good, and private right one cause. All crimes are punish'd, as their natures are; The laws unwrested no offenders spare. All civil magistrates have pow'r and trust, To act, in office, what is right and just.

Tho' first it was th' intention of the laws To punish vice, and favour virtue's cause; Yet, by the pow'r of gold how oft is lost The poor man's cause, and sacred justice crost! Nay, may it not be said, for cursed gold, Both law and justice oft are to be sold! If with the rich, to law a poor man go, Believe me, he shall have an overthrow! For Danae fair had still remain'd a maid, And in the brazen tow'r securely staid, Had not the pow'r of gold unbarr'd the chain; What cannot gold and pow'rful love* 5.21 obtain! What wonder then, if love of gold compel The minds of men the right of law to sell?

When stormy winter whitens all below, When woods and plains are clad in ice and snow, The ships with icy chains are anchor'd fast, Till the dissolving spring return at last; Tho' boreas rage, and stormy tempests blow, The streams are silent, and not seen to flow; The fish then near the surface cease to play, And to the bottom safely make their way.

But yet thro' holes, which in the ice are made, With hook and line goes on the fisher's trade. Sometimes the ice so strong and firm we know, That loaded waggons on the rivers go! But yet so temp'rate are some winters here, That in the streams no bars of ice appear; And all the season boats and shipping may, With oar and sail divide the liquid way; So various and uncertain is the clime, For heat and cold extreme, in little time!

Fair Philadelphia next is rising seen, Between two rivers plac'd, two miles between; The Delaware and Sculkil, new to fame, Both ancient streams, yet of a modern name. The city, form'd upon a beauteous plan, Has many houses built, tho' late began; Rectangular the streets, direct and fair; And rectilinear all the ranges are. Five houses here for sacred use are known, Another stands not far without the town. Of these appears one in a grander style; But yet unfinish'd is the lofty pile. Here psalms divine melodious accents raise, And choral symphony sweet-songs of praise; To raise the mind, and sooth the pious ear; But God devoted minds doth always hear. A lofty tow'r is founded on this ground, For future bells to make a distant sound. Here schools, for learning, and for arts, are seen, In which to many I've a teacher been: But one, in teaching, doth the rest excel, To know and speak the Greek and Latin well. Here too, one spacious building we behold, Where all provisions brought are daily sold; From whose high steps too, loudly is proclaim'd The annual Magistrate, the Mayor nam'd.

Here, in safe harbour, num'rous vessels moor, At anchor some, and some along the shore. In commerce many cross the stormy main, To distant countries, in pursuit of gain. All necessary trades here get employ, And useful arts, which large rewards enjoy. Here signs, thro' all the streets, are hung in view, Where entertainment may be had, ••o ••hew.

The merry sailors, while they land their wares, The praise of Bacchus sing, and ease their cares; Yet often from the spring the draught is sought, Which here to all doth freely flow unbought; But where fair ivy crowns the flowing bowl, There dwells the large, the hospitable soul. More things, at present, I forbear to name; Because too long;—these are enough for fame. Except the country swains' distinguish'd praise Demand the notice of my closing lays).

The farmer, provident, amidst his cares, For winter, like the prudent ant, prepares; Foreknowing, all that summer doth produce, Is only for consuming winter's use. He fills his barns and cellars with good cheer, Against that dreary season of the year. He scorns exotic foods, and gaudy dress, Content to live on homely fare, in peace; Sweet to his taste his unbought dainties are; And his own home-spun he delights to wear. His lowly dwelling views his large domain, Improv'd in part, where peace and plenty reign. Plain furniture, but useful, he doth chuse; And wisely values ev'ry thing for use. In these blest shades may I delight to be; Here little is enough, with peace, for me.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Seasons and weather in Pennsylva|nia.
• * 1.2

  Tempera|ture of the air, &c.
• * 1.3

  Extremes of heat and cold, with their cons|equences, &c.
• * 1.4

  Thomas Makin, before mentioned, in his Descriptio Pensilvania, anno 1729, speaks in the following manner, on the situation and tem|perature of Pennsylvania, viz.

  "Zonae terra subest alternae, ubi veris & aestûs Autumni gelidae sunt hyemisque vices. Hîc ter quinque dies numerat longissimus horas, Cum sol in cancro sidere transit iter. Hîc tamen interdum glacialis frigora brumae Et calor aestivus vix toleranda premunt. Saepe sed immodicum boreale refrigerat aestum. Flamen, & australis mitigat aura gelu. Hîc adeo inconstans est, & variabile caelum, Una ut non rarò est aestus hyemsque oie Saepe prior quamvis nitido sit sole serena Postera sit multis imbribus atra dies. Vis adeo interdum venti violenta ruentis, Ut multa in sylvis sternitur arbor humi." "Cum fera saevit hienis glacie fluviaiis & unda Atque latet tellus undeque tecta nive; Circumelusa ratis, si non foret a••chora, fixa est, Dum rigidum solvat mitior aura gelu, Et quamvis boreas gelido ha••••hatur ab arcto, Inturbata tamen ••umi••is unda silet Usque adeo interdum suit hîc durable frigus, Trans fluvium vidi plaustra onerata vehi. Hîc tamen interdum totius tempore brumae Navibus haec am••is pervia proebet iter: Cymbaque remigio velox, veloque frequenter Advehit & revehit quà via ducit onus. Usque adeo incerta est, hìc & variabilis aura Alternasque vice•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & censius 〈◊〉〈◊〉."

  "Beneath the temp'rate zone the land doth lie, Where heat and cold a grateful change supply. To fifteen hours extends the longest day, When sol in cancer points his fervid ray. Yet here the winter season is severe; And summer's heat is difficult to bear: But western winds oft cool the scorching ray, And southern breezes warm the winter's day. Yet oft tho' warm and fair the day begun, Cold storms arise before the setting sun: Nay, oft so quick the change, so great its pow'r, As summer's heat, and winter, in an hour! So violent the wind, that oft the ground With rooted trees is cover'd wide and round!" "When stormy winter whitens all below, When woods and plains are hid in ice and snow, The ships with icy chains are anchor'd fast, Till the dissolving spring return at last; Tho' boreas rage, and stormy tempests blow, The streams are silent and not seen to flow; Sometimes the ice so strong and firm is sound, That waggons pass as on the solid ground. But yet so temp'rate are some winters here, That in the streams no icy chains appear; And all the season boats and shipping may With oar and sail divide the liquid way; So various and uncertain is the clime For heat and cold extreme, in little time," &c.
• * 1.5

  Duration of animal and vegetable life in Penn|sylvania, &c.
• * 1.6

  Dr. Douglas, in his summary historical and political, &c. of the British settlements in America, before mentioned, observes,

  "As New England lies in the leeward of the westerly extended con|tinent of North America, the winds (being generally westerly) glading continually along this vast tract of land, much heated in summer, and much cooled, or frozen, in winter, occasion the country to be much hot|ter in summer, and much cooler in winter, than in Great Britain: reci|procations, but not to extremes, are salutary to the constitution, where the transitions are gradual; thus we may observe in nature, that for the benefit of the earth's produce, there is a reciprocation of summer and winter, day and night, &c In countries where the seasons are upon the extremes, in summer and winter, as in New England, constitutions do not wear well, analogous to the timber and plank of a ship between wind and water. Longevity appears mostly in island countries, where, with a small latitude, or variation, the temperature of the air continue.
• * 1.7

  Nature of the land and soil, &c.
• * 1.8

  See Lewis Evans's analysis, &c
• * 1.9

  Lower Plains.
• * 1.10

  Vein of clay, &c.
• * 1.11

  The upland &c.
• * 1.12

  South Mountain, &c.
• * 1.13

  Endless Mountai••s &c.
• * 1.14

  Lawrel Hill, &c.
• * 1.15

  Not much good land in the mountains, &c.
• * 1.16

  Upper Plains.
• * 1.17

  Of the tide in these ri|vers, &c.
• * 1.18

  Salt marsh|es, &c.
• * 1.19

  Advantage of the hilly ••ountry, &c.
• * 1.20

  Lake Erie, &c.
• * 1.21

  See Car|ver's tra|vels, &c.
• * 1.22

  Straits and fall of Nia|gara.
• * 1.23

  See P. Kalm's tra|vels, &c.
• * 1.24

  Hudson's or North River.
• * 1.25

  Delaware river, &c.
• * 1.26

  The north station point, on the east side of Delaware, from which the line, which divides the government of New York from New Jersey, is drawn, to Hudson's, or New York, river, is in north latitude 41° 40′, and above the Menesinks.
• * 1.27

  West branch of Delaware.
• * 1.28

  Sculkil river, &c.
• * 1.29

  Or Schuil-Kill (i. e. hidden creek, or channel) called also Skoolkill; and by the native Indians, Manijunk, according to an old Swedish MS.
• * 1.30

  Delaware bay, &c.
• * 1.31

  Susqua|hanna river &c.
• * 1.32

  Note. Owege is in north latitude 41° 55′.

  Shamokin near the junction of the East and West Branches of Sus|quehanna, is in latitude 40° 40′.
• * 1.33

  Chesapeak bay, &c.
• * 1.34

  Peninsula between the bays, &c.
• * 1.35

  Navigable creeks, &c. See Lewis Evans's analysis, &c
• * 1.36

  N. B. This is much frequented; and as the ground, in this place, is very low, so that a canal may be easily made here at a small expence, in proportion to the certain and great advantage, which might arise; whereby a navigable communication to Philadelphia, from Maryland and Virginia, with the western parts of Pennsylvania, might be effected without going to sea; which undoubtedly would raise the value of the lands in these provinces, and advance their commercial interest by increasing the mar|kets for their produce, and giving a spring to industry, &c.
• * 1.37

  Christeen and Bran|dywine creeks, &c.
• * 1.38

  Mills of Brandy|wine, &c.
• * 1.39

  And of Wissahic|con.
• * 1.40

  Potow|mack river.
• * 1.41

  Allegenny and Ohia rivers.
• * 1.42

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ick•• 〈…〉〈…〉 ••+nal, 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.43

  Note. Shanoppin's town, an Indian settlement on the Allegenny, near Pittsburg, is said to be in north latitude 40° 26′ and is supposed to be about five degrees of longitude west from the Delaware at Philadelphia, the extent of Pennsylvania east and west.

  The north east branch of the Allegenny is said to interlock with the Cainga branch of Susquehanna.
• * 1.44

  Number and names of the coun|ties in Pennsylva|nia.
• * 1.45

  "At a council held at Philadelphia first of second month, 1685, present, Thomas Holme, President, and nine others: the line of separa|tion between the countries of Philadelphia and Bucks, and of Philadelphia and Chester, were now confirmed, according to the Proprietary's inten|tion signified to some of his friends while here.

  "The county of Chester was to begin at the mouth, or entrance of Bough Creek, upon Delaware river, being the upper end of Tenecum island; and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 up that creek, dividing the said island from the land of Andrew Boon•• and company; from thence along the several courses thereof, to a large creek, called Mill-creek; from thence, along the several courses of the said creek, to a west-south-west line; which line divides the liberty lands of Philadelphia from ••••veral tracts of land, belonging to the Welsh and other inhabitants; and from thence east-north-east, by a line of marked trees one hundred and twenty p••••••hes, more or less; from thence north-north-west by Haverford township one thousand perches, more or less; from thence east-north-east by the land belonging to John Hum|phrey, one hundred and ten perches, more or less; from thence north-north-west by the land of John Eckley, eight hundred and eighty per|ches, more or less; from thence continuing said course to the bounds of Sculkil river; which said Sculkil river afterward to be the natural bounds.

  "The line between Bucks and Philadelphia counties was more particu|larly set forth in a proclamation, agreed on at a council, held the eighth of the second month, this year, Thomas Lloyd, President.

  "To begin at the mouth of Poetquessing creek, on Delaware river, and to go up thence along the said creek, and by the several courses thereof to a south west and north east line; which said line divides the land be|longing to Joseph Growdon and company, from Southampton township; from thence by a line of marked trees, along the said line one hundred and twenty perches, more or less; from thence north west by a line of marked trees; which said line, in part, divided the land, belonging to Nicholas Moore from Southampton and Warminster townships, confirm|ing said line so far as the said county shall extend." MS.

  Note. Adjoining, or near, the lower side of Poetquessing creek, on the side of the Delaware, is an elevated piece of ground, said to have been first intended for the situation of the city, till maturer considera••i••n de|termined the place for that purpose where Philadelphia now stands. MS.
• * 1.46

  Boundaries of the countries of Phila|delphia, Bucks and Chester.
• * 1.47

  Their situ|ation, &c.
• * 1.48

  Lancaster county, &c.
• * 1.49

  York coun|ty, &c.
• * 1.50

  Cumber|land coun|ty, &c.
• * 1.51

  Berks coun|ty, &c.
• * 1.52

  Northamp|ton county, &c.
• * 1.53

  Produce of Pennsylva|nia.
• * 1.54

  Produce and staple of Penn|sylvania.
• * 1.55

  Its increase, &c.
• * 1.56

  See the exports of the two last years further on in page 269 and 271. In 1772, the flour alone consisted of 282,872 barrels, averaging about 2 Cwt. each, here computed at six bushels per barrel. But if the flour be estimated at 20ʃ per Cwt. the value of that one article alone will be £ 565,744, exclusive of the other article of bread, wheat and flaxseed, which, with the Indian corn exported that year, will make the whole amount, in these articles, above £. 700,000, in 1772.

  Note. The quantity of grain, flour and bread only (including Indian corn) exported from British America, in the year 1774, as published in the Pennsylvania journal of July 5th, 1775, when reduced to bushels, amounted to about five millions and an half, proportioned nearly, as follows:

  From Virginia above	1,000,000 bushels.
  Maryland near	600,000
  Philadelphia above	2,100,000
  New York near	1,500,000
  Quebec	350,000
  	Total 5,550,000 bushels.

  It may be further noted, that the quantity of corn exported from En|gland, upon an average of 19 years, preceding 1765, according to the accounts said to be laid before the parliament, and preserved in the tracts on corn trade, is 730,000 quarters, or 5,840,000 bushels which, at £. 1 1s 3d 1-2 sterling per quarter, amounts to £. 776,720 sterling per annum.

  "By the best calculations, the corn which is exported is only about the six and thirtieth part of what is raised in the nation, for an average of the last sixty-eight years.

  Tracts on corn trade, &c. page 144.

  "In the year 1750 were exported 1,500,220 quarters of corn from England, or above twelve millions of bushels; which quantity exceeds that of the seed one-twelfth part.

  "The export is bare one thirty-second part of the consumption, and one thirty-third part of the growth, including the seed, and near one-third of the seed itself, supposing it only one-tenth of the growth.

  "The import hath been one five hundred and one and seventieth part of the consumption, and one-eighteenth part of the export, and never equalled but a very small part of the growth," &c.

  Universal magazine for December, 1776.
• * 1.57

  Grass lands, &c.
• * 1.58

  Fruits.
• * 1.59

  Liquors,
• * 1.60

  and provi|sions, &c.
• * 1.61

  Trade and produce, &c.
• * 1.62

  One year's native ex|ports of Pennsylva|nia.
• * 1.63

  Note. In the same year, the exports from New York were said to be 15,981 tons and five-eights, computed at £. 251,932, exclusive as above excluded.
• * 1.64

  Great in|crease of the trade of Pennsyl|vania, &c.
• * 1.65

  Note. In the votes of Assembly, vol. iv. page 272, is exhibited the gradual increase, and sterling value, of the whole exports from England (exclusive of linen, &c. from Scotland and Ireland) to Pennsylvania, in the following years, as,

  In the year 1723 they amounted to	£. 15,992 19 4
  1730	48,595 7 5
  1737	58,690 6 7
  1742	75,295 3 4
  1747	82,404 17 7
  1751	1••0,917 15 1

  In another account, said to be no less authentic, and taken from the Custom House books, the exports and imports from and to England ex|clusive of Scotland, &c. to and from Pennsylvania, in value of pounds sterling, appear to be,

  	Exports.	Imports.
  In the year 1761	£. 206,199	£. 38,099
  1762	284,152	38,228
  1763	435,191	36,258
  1764	363,368	25,148
  1765	327,314	26,851
• * 1.66

  "An Aggregate and Valuation of the Exports from the port of Philadel|phia, from 5th of January, 1771, to 5th of January, 1774, with the number of vessels and tonnage employed therein, annually distinguished, &c.

  	1771.	1772.	1773.
  No. square rigged vessels,	361	370	426
  No. sloops and schooners,	391	390	370
  Amount of tonnage,	46,654	46,841	46,972
  Barrels of flour,	252,744	284,872	265,967
  Barrels of bread,	38,320	50,504	48,183
  Bushels of wheat,	51,699	92,012	182,391
  Bushels Indian corn,	259,441	159,625	179,217
  Barrels beef and pork,	5,059	3,849	8,587
  Barrels of hams,	778	782	1,062
  Tons of iron,	2,358	2,205	1,564.16
  Barrels of tar,	2,693	4,877	5,677
  Barrels of pitch,	214	543	264
  Barrels turpentine,	3,143	1,569	1,722
  M. feet plank and board,	1,724	4,075	3,309
  M. staves and heading,	6,188	5,867	5,114.1
  M. hoops,	195	978	124.5
  M. shingles,	1,937	1,765	5,254
  Ho. walnut logs,	63	204	79
  Feet of mahogany,	108,441	142,962	63,255
  Tons lignum vitae,	24	42 ½	30
  Chests deer skins,	93 ½	164	37
  Tons of logwood,	169	425 ½	195 ¾
  Pounds of furs,	290	1,200	40
  Tons pot ashes,	161 ½	66	13 ⅔
  Cwt. brown sugar,	1,185	1,598	2,578
  Pounds loaf sugar,	79,116	51,408	84,240
  Gallons molasses,	52,611	19,681	39,403
  Gallons rum,	204,456	247,635	277,693
  Tons of wine,	24	118	172 86
  Tons of oil,	22	42	45.88
  Barrels of fish,	5,128	5,776	6,430
  Bushels flaxseed,	110,412	85,794	68,681
  Pounds bees wax,	29,261	50,140	64,546
  Boxes spermaceti candles,	683	1,004	514
  Boxes tallow ditto,	873	1,078	1,165
  Boxes soap,	2,936	3,831	3,••47
  Kegs of lard,	399	734	••••••
  Boxes chocolate,	479	385	306
  Cwt. coffee,	501	296	1,639
  Bushels salt,	64,468	42,80••	39,••92
  Pounds cotton wool.	2,200	5,840	25,070
  Barrels of beer,	1,236	1,798	1,395
  Pounds of leather,	29,970	40,725	31,696
  Pounds of rice,	258,3••5	834,974	998,400
  Kegs of starch,	349	1,033	700

  Sterling value annually calculated.

  1771.	1772.	1773.
  £. 631,554 14 10 ½	£. 784,254 4 2	£. 720,135 13 7 ¾

  The average sum is £. 711,974 17 6 ¾ sterling.

  Note. The barrels of flour mentioned in the preceding aggregate, &c. averaged about two hundred each: they are since by law fixed at one hundred and three quarters each; hence the average number of the said barrels of flour, for these three years, is about 306,000 of our present barrels; and in 1772 the export was above 325,000 of the same kind of barrels, &c.

  Note. The following is an estimate, or value, of all the exports and imports, from and into Great Britaín, &c. and all its several continental governments, or colonies, in America, respectively distinguished, as taken from the Pennsylvania journal, of September 7th, 1774; which is there said to be on an average of three years; which years are most probably those mentioned in the preceding agregate, &c. viz.

  Amount of commodities exported from Great Britain to

  Hudson's Bay,	£. 16,000
  Newfoundland, from Bri|tain and Ireland,	2••3,000
  Canada,	105,000
  Nova Scotia,	26,500
  New England,	395,000
  Connecticut, Rhode Island, and New Hampshire,	12,000
  New York,	531,000
  Philadelphia,	611,000
  Virginia and Maryland,	865,000
  North Carolina,	18,000
  South Carolina,	365,000
  Georgia,	49,000
  Pensacola,	97,000
  St. Augustine,	7,000
  	£. 3,370,900

  Imported into Great Britain, &c. from

  Labrador,	£. 49,000
  Hudson's Bay,	29,000
  Newfoundland,	345,000
  Canada,	105,000
  Nova Scotia,	38,000
  New England,	370,500
  Connecticut, Rhode Island, and New Hampshire,	114,500
  New York,	526,000
  Philadelphia to Great Bri|tain and other markets,	705,500
  Virga. & Marld. to do.	1,040,000
  North Carolina to do.	68,350
  South Carolina to do.	395,666
  Georgia to do.	74,200
  Pensacola,	63,00••
  	£. 3,927,706

  Note. How far this account may be depended on, I shall not pre|tend to say, seeing some parts of it, at least, seem to be very imperfect; for in the same journal for July 5th, 1775, the quantity of wheat alone exported from Quebec, in the year 1774, is said to be three hundred and fifty thousand bushels (but supposed by some to have been much more) no other exports from thence being mentioned; so that in the export from Canada the great fur and skin trade of that country appears not to be properly noticed, &c.
• * 1.67

  Places of trade with Pennsylva|nia, &c.
• * 1.68

  Inhabitants.
• * 1.69

  Germans, &c.
• * 1.70

  Negroes.
• * 1.71

  Refuse of other coun|tries, &c.
• * 1.72

  Number of inhabitants, &c.
• * 1.73

  See "An historical review of the constitution and government of Penn|sylvania," &c. London, printed in 1759, in the appendix: written against the Proprietaries, &c.

  This is the lowest or most moderate computation that I find; for other|wise, as published in Benjamin Martin's general magazine, &c. for July, 1755, their number is then asserted to have been 250,000, which in 1775, twenty years after, being doubled, would make 500,000, &c.

  Note. In the following account of the taxables, from time to time, in the different counties, taken from the tax books and votes of Assembly, it is to be observed, that the frontier counties usually paid no taxes for several years after they were instituted (in latter years on account of In|dian disturbances, &c.) and therefore some of them are not here included.

  	Taxables.
  1. City and county of Philadelphia,	in 1720 contained	1,195
  	1740	4,850
  	1751.	7,100
  The city 2634 in	1760	8,321
  County 5687 in
  The city 3751 in	1771	10,455
  County 6704 in
  2. Bucks county in	1752	3,012
  	1760	3,148
  	1771	••,177
  3. Chester county in	1732	2,157
  	1742	3,007
  	1752	3,951
  	1760	4,761
  	1771	5,484
  4. Lancaster county in	1738	2,560
  	1752	3,951
  	1760	5,635
  	1771	6,608
  5. York county in	1749	1,466
  	1751	2,05••
  	1760	3,302
  	1771	4,426
  6. Cumberland county in	1749	807
  	1760	1,501
  	1771	6,521
  7. Berks county in	1760	3,016
  	1771	3,202
  8. Northampton county in	1760	1,989
  	1771	2,793

  Note. The town of Lancaster in 1752, being about twenty years old, contained three hundred and eleven taxables.

  Note, The land tax of eighteen pence in the pound, in 1771, amounted to about £. 27,600, and the excise, in the same year, £. 5,000; of which the city and county of Philadelphia paid about £. 14,000.
• * 1.74

  Number and increase of taxables, &c.
• * 1.75

  City of Philadel|phia in 1770.
• * 1.76

  Number of houses and inhabitants.
• * 1.77

  The gradual increase of the dwelling houses in this city and suburbs, at different times, in later years, when they were numbered, appears by the following account, viz.

  In the year 1749 they amounted to	2,076
  1753	2,300
  1760	2,960
  1769	4,474
  1777	••,460

  Note. Above a year before the last period, building in Philadelphia, by reason of a particular circumstance, being interrupted, had entirely ceased.
• * 1.78

  Some nui|sances, in|convenien|ces, and abuses, &c.
• * 1.79

  The health and conveniency of large cities are of the greatest im|portance, and above all calculation of expence, &c. An enlargement of the limits of this city north and south, with a more proper division into regular wards, for its better government and regulation, merit public attention▪ and a further provision of suitable and convenient open and vacant spaces of ground for public buildings, market places, grave yards, public, spacious, airy walks planted with trees and fenced in, and pro|tected from all nuisances, in every part of the city-plan and vicinity, for the greater conveniency and healthiness of the people, are among the further improvements to be wished for:—too much neglected in early time, as well as in later years, &c.
• * 1.80

  Public buildings, &c.
• * 1.81

  Houses of worship.
• * 1.82

  Schools and seminaries of learning, &c.
• * 1.83

  The Quakers have one school in the city besides these under their care, at their sole expence, for teaching Negro children only.
• * 1.84

  College and Academy of Philadel|phia.
• * 1.85

  Pennsylva|nia Hospi|tal, &c.
• * 1.86

  Extract from the state of the accounts of the Pennsylvania Hospital, as adjusted by the managers, from the votes of Assembly, and inserted in the Pennsylvania chronicle in January, 1768, viz.

  "From an exact list of the names and cases of the patients, it appears, there have been four hundred and fifty-eight poor diseased persons ad|mitted into the hospital, within the year ending the 4th of the 5th month (May) 1767; of whom fifty nine were lunatics, or other un|happy objects, deprived of right reason.

  And there have been discharged, cured	273
  relieved	16
  for irregularity	11
  at their own request	6
  at the request of their friends	6
  died	37
  	355
  Remain in the house	103
  Total	458

  "And divers had medicines and visits of the physicians, as out-pa|tients, whose cases were not proper, or necessary, to admit them into the house."
• * 1.87

  House for the poor, &c.
• * 1.88

  Other insti|tutions, &c.
• * 1.89

  City corpo|ration, &c.
• * 1.90

  Wilming|ton.
• * 1.91

  Note. Wilmington was first laid out, for a town, and settled principally by the Quakers, &c. of whom, in the year 1738, I find, William Shipley, Joshua Way, Thomas West, David Ferris, Joseph Hews, Edward Tatnal, and others, had a religious meeting fixed here. MS.

  The large numbers of Europeans, which have flocked into Pennsyl|vania, who had been used to towns, especially from Germany, seem to have been one cause of so many considerable towns suddenly starting up in this province of late years; but they are less adapted to agricultural employment, than to that of manufacturing; hence they generally here either soon decline, or cease to increase; except upon navigable waters, and supported by foreign trade, or manufacturing, &c.

  Lebanon in Lancaster county (as well as many other towns in the pro|vince) is now in a very flourishing state; it was laid out about the year 1759, and now in 1772, is said to contain above two hundred good dwelling houses, many of them large, and well built of stone, dug out of the ground where they stand, and principally inhabited by Germans, &c.
• * 1.92

  Governor's Council, &c
• * 1.93

  Provincial Assembly.
• * 1.94

  Sheriffs and Coroners.
• * 1.95

  County Commissi|oners and Assessors.
• * 1.96

  Juries.
• * 1.97

  Justices of the Peace.
• * 1.98

  Register General.
• * 1.99

  Courts of Judicature.
• * 1.100

  Supreme Court.
• * 1.101

  Its power, &c.
• * 1.102

  Court of Quarter Sessions.
• * 1.103

  Court of Common Pleas.
• * 1.104

  Orphans' Court,
• * 1.105

  Its power, &c.
• * 1.106

  Mayor's Court.
• * 1.107

  Admiralty Courts.
• * 1.108

  Places where the county courts are held.
• * 1.109

  Officers of govern|ment, &c. in 1772.
• * 1.110

  Uncertain|ty of the origin of the Indians, &c.
• * 1.111

  Probably a different species of mankind.
• * 1.112

  Dr. Douglas of Boston, in his summary, &c. says, "The American aboriginal Indians are impubes and imberbes," &c. This is asserted by many others; but however it may be in regard to some of that people, later observation assures us, that this is not the case, at least, with all of them.
• * 1.113

  The Six Na|tions, &c.
• * 1.114

  Extent of their terri|tories, &c.
• * 1.115

  Manner of bounding their coun|tries.
• * 1.116

  Manner of naming their nati|ons and tribes.
• * 1.117

  Their change of residence, &c.
• * 1.118

  Noted na|tions for|merly in New Jersey and Penn|sylvania.
• * 1.119

  Nations on the Ohio, &c.
• * 1.120

  The following summary of the Indian Nations, &c. westward of the Ohio, is extracted from an account or computation, said to have been made by themselves, and by George Croghn, Deputy of Sir William Johnson, Agent for Indian affairs, delivered to General Stanwix about the year 1759.

  Nations.	Residence.	Fighting men.
  1. Delawares,	On the Ohio, Beaver Creek, and other branches of Ohio; and on Susquahanna, &c.	600
  2. Shawanese,	River Scioto, a branch of Ohio; 400 miles below Pitsburg.	300
  3. Choctaws,	Mississippi, above New Orleans,	2,000
  4. Lazar,	Ohio, from its mouth towards Wabash,	400
  5. Ilionois,	Mississipi, above the mouth of Ohio,	400
  6. Waugweonghtannes,	On the Wabash,	200
  7. Twightwees,	Miame River,	300
  8. Pianguishaws,	Head of Wabash,	300
  9. Wayondots,	Fort de Troit, and Chenundea, &c.	300
  10. Ottowas, Chepowas, Putawatimes, Methominys, or Shoc|keys, nations confederate, like the Six Nations, on the west side of Lake Erie, partly in sight of Fort de Troit,	2,000
  11. Nottoweasses, (called by the French, Le Zue) on a river parrellel with the Mississippi, in a country of 2,000 miles extent; sometimes called Welsh Indians,	10,000
  12. Musquakees,	On the Mississippi,	200
  13. Sagasey,	Lower down the Mississippi,	200
  14. Webings,	Lower down the river, &c. these three mostly destroyed by the French,	200
  15. Onasoys, called by the French Le grand Zue, on White Creek, a branch of the Mississippi,	4,000
  16. Linways,	Mississippi,	1,000
  17. Missury,	Mississippi, opposite the Ilionois country,	400
  18. Kekopos, about 80 miles beyond Fort de Troit,	600
  The whole number of fighting men in these nations at that time	23,400
  In which account the following are not included, viz.
  Cherokees, to the southward, fighting men supposed near	1,500
  Creeks, or Chicasas near as many,	1,500
  Mingoes, or Five Nations, with the several small tribes, incorporated among them, as the Nanticokes, Menesinks, &c. amounting to above	1,500
  	Total 27,900
  If the fighting men be computed at one in fire of all the inhabitants, this account will make the whole number	139,500

  Besides, "In an historical account, printed in Philadelphia, of the expedition against the Ohio Indians, in 1764, under the command of Colonel Bouquet, there is a list of the Indian nations of Canada and Loui|siana, said to be from good authority, and that the account may be de|pended on, so far as a matter of this kind can be brought near the truth; in which it is asserted, there are fifty-six thousand five hundred and eighty fighting men, of such Indians as the French were connected with, in Canada and Louisiana." MS.

  If the rest of the inhabitants in these countries be computed in the same proportion as above, they will amount to 282,900.
• * 1.121

  The French raised good wheat here.
• * 1.122

  The Six Nations greatly di|minished, &c.
• * 1.123

  Governor Colden's history of the Five Nations, &c.
• * 1.124

  "The Indians, situated northward of Pennsylvania, or between thence and the lakes, &c. have been otherwise described since, as consist|ing of three leagues; the Senekas, Mohawks and Onondagoes, who are call|ed the fathers, compose the first; the Oneydas, Cayugas, Tuscaroras, Nan|ticokes and Coneys (which are united into one tribe) and the Tateloes, com|pose the second league; and these two leagues make up what is called the Six Nations; the third league is formed of the Chihohocki, (or Dela|wares) the Wanami, the Munseys, Mohiccons and Wappingers."
• * 1.125

  Their dis|tinction.
• * 1.126

  Govern|ment and police.
• * 1.127

  Their free and inde|pendent state, &c.
• * 1.128

  "All affairs, which concern the general interest, are determined in a great assembly of the chiefs of each canton, annually held, at Onon|dago, the center of their country, (in north latitude 42° 55). Upon emer|gencies they act separately; but nothing can bind the league, but the voice of the general convention."

  Smith▪ history of New York.
• * 1.129

  Their high opinion of themselves, &c.
• * 1.130

  Drunken|ness com|mon to the Indians, &c
• * 1.131

  The history of the Five Nations ob|scure, &c.
• * 1.132

  Ville Marie, in the isle of Mont-real, in the river St. Lawrence, is in north latitude 45° 27′.
• * 1.133

  Their lan|guage, &c.
• † 1.134

  "They have but few radical words; but they compound their words without end; by this their language becomes sufficiently copious, and leaves room for a good deal of art, to please a delicate ear. Sometimes one word, among them, includes an entire definition of a thing; for ex|ample, they call wine, Oneharadesehoengtseragherie, as to say, a liquor mode of the juice of the grape. The words expressi••g ••••ings, lately come to their knowledge, are all compounds: they have no labials in their language; nor can they pronounce perfectly any word, wherein there is a labial; and when one endeavours to teach them to pronounce these words, they tell one, they think it ridiculous, that they must shut their lips to speak. Their language abounds with gutturals, and strong aspi|rations; these make it very sonorous and bold▪ and their speeches abound with metaphors, after the manner of the eastern nations."

  Governor Colden, &c.
• * 2.1

  Pater nos|ter, in the Indian lan|guage.
• * 2.2

  Their art and method of public speaking, &c.
• * 2.3

  Belts and strings of wampum, &c.
• * 2.4

  These beads, which pass for money, are called by the Indians, Wam|pum, and by the Dutch, Sewant. Six beads were formerly valued at a styver (one penny sterling.) There are always several poor families at Albany, who support themselves by coining this cash for the traders." Ibid.

  —"They treasured these belts, when delivered to them in trea|ties, and kept them as records of the nation, to have recourse to upon future contests; which ceremony, at said treaties, being omitted, all they said passed for nothing."

  Smith's History of New Jersey.
• * 2.5

  Indians of Pennsylva|nia and New Jersey
• * 2.6

  Smith's his|tory of New Jersey
• * 2.7

  Their per|sons, &c.
• * 2.8

  Their gene|ral turn of mind and love of li|berty, &c.
• * 2.9

  Their cus|toms, em|ployments, &c.
• * 2.10

  "An Indian, in answer to this question, "What did the white peo|ple mean by the word, covetousness? was told by another person, That it signified a desire of more than a man had need of; That is a strange thing, re|plied the Indian.
• * 2.11

  Their houses, dress, &c.
• * 2.12

  Mode of travelling, &c.
• * 2.13

  Their mar|riages, births, and burials.
• * 2.14

  Manage|ment of their chil|dren, &c.
• * 2.15

  Their skill and ingenu|ity in some things, &c.
• * 2.16

  Their manner of sweating the patient was, first, to inclose him in a narrow cabbin, in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of which was a red hot stone; this being frequently wetted with ••••••er, made a warm vapour; with which and his own sweat, the patient being sufficiently wet, was immediately, in this condition, brought to the nearest creek, or river, and plunged into it. This was repeated as often as was thought necessary; and sometimes was said to have performed great cares; but at other times killed the pa|tient, notwithstanding the ••ardy natures of the Indians, especially in the small pox, and other European diseases.
• * 2.17

  Their go|vernment.
• * 2.18

  Of their religion, &c.
• * 2.19

  The Indi|ans averse to Europe|an customs, &c.
• * 2.20

  S. Smith.
• * 2.21

  See Willi|am Penn's account of the Indians.
• * 2.22

  Reasons for the Indians' aversion to Christia|nity, &c.
• * 2.23

  The trade between the English and the Indians, in later years especi|ally, has been mostly carried on by the vilest, and most abandoned part of the community: the Indians have long had but very little opportunity to converse with any other kind of Christians, besides these, who go most among them: from the lives and conduct of these they judge of Christi|anity, and European manners, &c. This is mentioned in a treatise, printed in London, in 1759, as one cause, among others, of the first war, that commenced with them in Pennsylvania, about the year 1754; wherein is likewise expressed; "It would be too shocking to describe the conduct and behaviour of the traders, when among the Indians, and endless to enumerate the abuses, the Indians had received and borne from them, for a series of years. Suffice it to say, that several of the tribes were, at last, weary of bearing. And as these traders were the persons, who were, in some part, the representatives of the English among the Indians; and by whom they were to judge of our manners and religion, they conceived such invincible prejudices against both, particularly against our holy religion, that when Mr. Serjeant, a gentleman in New England, took a journey, in 1741, to the Shawanese, and some other tribes, living on Susquahanna, and offered to instruct them in the Christian religion, they rejected his offer with disdain. They reproached Christianity. They told him the traders would lie, cheat, and debauch their women, and even their wives, if their husbands were not at home. They said fur|ther, that the Senecas had given them their country, but charged them withal, never to receive Christianity for the English," &c.
• * 2.24

  The following has been printed in Pennsylvania, as a genuine speech of an Indian chief in that province; but whether it be really so, or not, it certainly contains arguments, which have been used by some of these people, and, in this place, may serve, in part, to give some idea of their sentiments on the subject: it is thus first introduced, viz.

  "In, or about the year of our Lord, 1710, a Swedish Missionary preached a sermon, at an Indian treaty, held at Conestogoe in Pennsylvania; in which sermon he set forth original sin, the necessity of a Mediator; and endeavoured, by certain arguments, to induce the Indians to embrace the Christian religion. After he had ended his discourse, one of the Indi|an chiefs made a speech in reply to the sermon; and the discourses, on both sides, were made known by interpreters. The Missionary, upon his return to Sweden, published his sermon, and the Indian's answer, Having wrote them in Latin, he dedicated them to the university of Ups••l. and requested them to furnish him with arguments, to confute such strong reasoning of the Indians. The Indian speech, translated from the Latin, is as follows," viz.

  "A speech delivered by an Indian chief, in reply to a sermon, preached by a Swedish Missionary, in order to convert the Indians to the Christian religion.

  "Since the subject of his (the Missionary's) errand is to persuade us to embrace a new doctrine, perhaps it may not be amiss, before we offer him the reasons, why we cannot comply with his request, to acquaint him with the grounds and principles of that religion, which he would have us abandon.

  "Our forefathers were under a strong persuasion, as we are, that those, who act well, in this life, shall be rewarded in the next, according to the degree of their virtue: and on the other hand, that those, who behave wickedly here, will undergo such punishments hereafter, as are proportionate to the crimes they were guilty of This hath been con|stantly and invariably received and acknowledged for a truth, through every successive generation of our ancestors. It could not have taken its rise from fable; for human fiction, however artfully and plausibly contrived, can never gain credit long, among any people, where free enquiry is allowed; which was never denied by our ancestors; who, on the contrary, thought it the sacred, inviolable, natural right of every man, to examine and judge for himself. Therefore we think it evident that our notion, concerning future rewards and punishments, was either revealed immediately from heaven, to some of our forefathers, and from them descended to us, or, that it was implanted in each of us, at our creation, by the Creator of all things. Whatever the methods might have been, whereby God hath been pleased to make known to us his will, and give us a knowledge of our duty, it is still, in our sense, a divine revelation.

  "Now we desire to propose to him some few questions. Does he be|lieve that our forefathers, men, eminent for their piety, constant and warm in the pursuit of virtue, hoping thereby to merit everlasting hap|piness, were all damned? Does he think that we, who are their zealous imitators, in good works, and influenced by the same motives as they were, earnestly endeavouring, with the greatest circumspection, to tread the paths of integrity, are in a state of damnation? If these be his senti|ments, they are surely as impious as they are bold and daring.

  "In the next place, we beg that he would explain himself more par|ticularly concerning the revelation he talks of. If he admits no other, than what is contained in his written book, the contrary is evident, from what has been shewn before: but, if he says, God has revealed himself to us, but not sufficient for our salvation; then, we ask, to what purpose should he have revealed himself to us in any wise? It is clear, that a revelation, insufficient to save, cannot put us in a better condition, than we should be in, without any revelation at all. We cannot conceive that God should point out to us the end, we ought to aim at, without opening to us the way to arrive at that end. But, supposing our under|standings to be so far illuminated, as to know it to be our duty to please God, who yet hath left us under an incapacity of doing it, will this Missionary, therefore, conclude that we shall be eternally damned? Will he take upon him to pronounce damnation against us, for not doing those things, which he himself acknowledges were impossible by us to be done? It is our opinion that every man is possessed of sufficient knowledge for his salvation. The Almighty, for any thing we know, may have com|municated the knowledge of himself to a different race of people, in a different manner.

  "Some say, they have the will of God in writing: be it so; their revelation has no advantage above ours; since both must be equally suffi|cient to save; otherwise the end of the revelation would be frustrated. Besides, if they be both true, they must be the same in substance; and the difference can only lie in the mode of communication He tells us there are many precepts in his written revelation, which we are entirely ignorant of But these written commands can only be designed for those, who have the writings; they cannot possibly regard us. Had the Al|mighty thought so much knowledge necessary to our salvation, his good|ness would not long have deferred the communication of it to us; and to say, that, in a matter so necessary, he could not, at one and the same time, equally reveal himself to all mankind, is nothing less than an abso|lute denial of his omnipotence. Without doubt he can make his will manifest, without the help of any book, or the assistance of any bookish man whatever.

  "We shall, in the next place, consider the arguments, which arise from a consideration of Providence. If we are the work of God, (which I presume will not be denied) it follows from thence, that we are under the care and protection of God: for, it cannot be supposed that the Deity should abandon his own creatures, and be utterly regardless of their welfare. Then, to say, that the Almighty hath permitted us to remain in a fatal error, through so many ages, is to represent him as a tyrant: how is it consistent with his justice, to force life upon a race of mortals, without their consent, and then damn them eternally, without ever opening to them a door of salvation? Our conceptions of the gra|cious God are more noble; and we think that those, who teach otherwise, do little less than blaspheme. Again, it is through the care and goodness of the Almighty, that from the beginning of time, through many gene|rations, to this day, our name has been preserved, unblotted out by ene|mies, unreduced to nothing. By the same care we now enjoy our lives; are furnished with the necessary means of preserving those lives. But all these things are trifling, compared with our salvation.

  "Therefore, since God hath been so careful of us, in matters of little consequence, it would be absurd to affirm, that he has neglected us, in cases of the greatest importance. Admit, that he hath forsaken us, yet it could not have been without a just cause. Let us suppose, that an heinous crime was committed by one of our ancestors, like to that, which we are told, happened among another race of people; in such case, God would certainly punish the criminal, but would never involve us, who are innocent, in his guilt. Those who think otherwise must make the Almighty a very whimsical, ill-natured being. Once more, are the Christians more virtuous? or, rather, are they not more vicious, than we are? If so, how came it to pass, that they are the objects of God's beneficence, while we are neglected? Does the Deity confer his favours without rea|son, and with so much partiality? in a word, we find the Christians much more depraved, in their morals, than ourselves; and we judge of their doctrine by the badness of their lives."
• * 2.25

  Indians not destitute of a sense of God and true reli|gion.
• * 2.26

  Religion of the Indians.
• * 3.1

  Conrad Weiser's letter re|specting it.
• * 3.2

  Account of some religi|ous Indians in 1760.
• * 3.3

  Com|mencement of the In|dian war in 1754, &c.
• * 3.4

  Note. Besides Papunehung and his company, there were some other sober, religiously disposed Indians, who came to Philadelphia about this time, from a place about fifty miles above Wyalusing; of these Samuel Curtis, of the Nan••••••••ke tribe, was one. He had formerly been addicted to strong liquor, but was now reformed by means of Papunehung's mi|nistry, become a sober man, and after some time, a preacher among his people.
• * 3.5

  The following extract is taken from an authentic publication, printed at that time in Philadelphia, entitled, "A narrative of the late massacrees, in Lancaster county, of a number of Indians, friends of this pro|vince," &c. viz.

  "These Indians were the remains of a tribe of the Six Nations, set|tled at Conestogoe, and thence called Conestogoe Indians. On the first arri|val of the English in Pennsylvania, messengers from this tribe came to welcome them, with presents of venison, corn and skins; and the whole tribe entered into a treaty of friendship with the first Proprietary William Penn; which was to last as long as the sun should shine, or the waters run into the rivers.

  "This treaty has been since frequently renewed, and the chain bright|ened, as they express it, from time to time. It has never been violated, on their part, or ours, till now. As their lands, by degrees, were mostly purchased, and the settlement of the white people began to surround them, the Proprietor assigned them lands on the manor of Conestogoe, which they might not part with; there they have lived many years, in friendship with their white neighbours, who loved them for their peaceable, inoffen|sive behaviour.

  "It has always been observed, that Indians, settled in the neighbour|hood of white people, do not increase, but diminish continually. This tribe accordingly went on diminishing, till there remained in their town, on the manor, but twenty persons, viz. seven men, five women and eight children, boys and girls.

  "Of these Shehaes was a very old man, having assisted at the second treaty, held with them by Mr. Penn, in 1701; and ever since continued a faithful friend to the English; he is said to have been an exceeding good man, considering his education, being naturally of a most kind, bene|volent temper.

  —"This little society continued the custom they had begun, when more numerous, of addressing every new Governor, and every descendant of the first Proprietary, welcoming him to the province, assuring him of their fidelity, and praying a continuance of that favour and protection, which they had hitherto experienced. They had accordingly sent up an address of this kind to our present Governor (John Penn, Esquire) on his arrival; but the same was scarce delivered when the unfortunate ca|tastrophe happened, which we are about to relate.

  "On Wednesday, the 14th of December, 1763, fifty-seven men, from some of our frontier townships, who had projected the destruction of this little commonwealth, came all well mounted, and armed with fire-locks, hangers and hatchets, having travelled through the country in the night to Conestogoe manor. There they surrounded the small vil|lage of Indian huts, and just at break of day, broke in upon them all at once. Only three men, two women, and a young boy were found at home; the rest being out among the neighbouring white people; some to sell their baskets, brooms and bowls, they manufactured, and others on other occasions. These poor defenceless creatures were immediately fired upon, stabbed and hatcheted to death! The good Shehaes, among the rest, cut to pieces in his bed! All of them were scalped, and other|wise horribly mangled. Then their huts were set on fire, and most of them burnt down.

  "The Magistrates of Lancaster sent out to collect the remaining In|dians, brought them into the town, for their better security against any further attempt; and, it is said, condoled with them, on the misfortune, that had happened, took them by the hand, and promised them protection.

  "They were put into the work-house, a strong building, as the place of greatest safety.

  "These cruel men again assembled themselves; and hearing that the remaining fourteen Indians were in the work-house at Lancaster, they suddenly appeared before that town on the twenty-seventh of December. Fifty of them armed as before, dismounting, went directly to the work-house, and by violence broke open the door, and entered with the utmost fury in their countenances. When the poor wretches saw they had no protection nigh, nor could possibly escape, and being without the least weapon of defence, they divided their little families, the children cling|ing to their parents; they fell on their faces, protested their innocence, declared their love to the English, and that, in their whole lives, they had never done them injury; and in this posture, they all received the hatchet! Men, women and children, were every one inhumanly mur|dered in cold blood!

  "The barbarous men, who committed the atrocious fact, in defiance of government, of all laws human and divine, and, to the eternal dis|grace of their country and colour, then mounted their horses, huzzaed in triumph, as if they had gained a victory, and rode off unmolested!

  "The bodies of the murdered were then brought out, and exposed in the street, till a hole could be made in the earth, to receive and cover them. But the wickedness cannot be covered, and the guilt will lie on the whole land, till justice is done on the murderers. The blood of the innocent will cry to heaven for vengeance.

  "Notwithstanding the proclamations and endeavours of the Governor, on the occasion, &c. [continues the narrative] "The murderers having given out such threatenings against those that disapproved their proceed|ings, that the whole country seems to be in terror, and no one durst speak what he knows; even, the letters from thence are unsigned, in which any dislike is expressed of the rioters.

  "But it seems these people (being chiefly Presbyterians) think they have a better justification—nothing less than the word of God. With the scriptures in their hands and mouths they can set at nought that express command, "Thou shalt do no murder," and justify their wickedness by the command given Joshua, to destroy the Heathen! Horrid perversion of scripture and of religion! to father the worst of crimes on the God of love and peace!

  "The faith of this government has been frequently given to those In|dians, but that did not avail them with people who despise all government," &c.

  So far had the infection spread, which caused this action, and so much had fear seized the minds of the people, or perhaps both, that neither the printer nor the writer of this publication, though supposed to be as nearly connected as Franklin and Hall were at that time, and men of the first character in their way, did not insert either their names, or places of abode, in it!

  It was printed while the insurgents were preparing to advance towards Philadelphia; or on their way thither: it appeared to have some effect, in preventing the threatened consequences, by exciting an exertion of endeavours, in the citizens, for that purpose; and being a relation of real facts, though writ in a hurry, it was never answered or contradicted.
• * 3.6

  Massacre of the Cone|stogoe Indi|ans, &c.
• * 3.7

  James Logan, who died in 1751, was the Proprietary's Secretary, and principal Agent, or commissioner, for land affairs, for near forty years.
• * 3.8

  Causes of the Indian war, &c. in 1754, &c.
• * 3.9

  Governor Thomas, in a message to the Assembly of Pennsylvania, in 1744, says, "I cannot but be apprehensive that the Indian trade, as it is now carried on, will involve us in some fatal quarrel with the Indians. Our traders, in defiance of the laws, carry spirituous liquors among them, and take the advantage of their inordinate appetite for it, to cheat them of their skins, and their wampum, which is their money, and often debauch their wives into the bargain. Is it to be wondered at, then, if, when they recover from their drunken fit, they should take some severe revenges? If I am rightly informed, the like abuses of the traders in New England, were the principal causes of the Indian wars there; and at length obliged the government to take the trade into their own hands. This is a matter, that well deserves your attention, and perhaps, will soon require your imitation."

  The author of the enquiry into the cause of the alienation of the Indians, &c. above mentioned, further observes on this part, "It would be too shocking to describe the conduct, and behaviour of the traders, when among the Indians, and endless to enumerate the abuses, the Indians had received and borne from them, for a series of years, suffice it to say that several of the tribes were, at last, weary of bearing," &c.

  At a treaty, held with the Ohio Indians, at Carlisle, in Pennsylvania, by Commissioners, appointed by Governor Hamilton, in the year 1753, the former say,

  "Brother Onas (which means Pen, the name given by them to the Governors of Pennsylvania) your traders now bring scarce any thing but rum and flour; they bring but little powder and lead, and other valuable goods. The rum ruins us. We beg you would prevent its coming in such quantities, by regulating the traders. We never understood the trade was to be for whisky and flour. We desire it may be forbidden, and none sold in the Indian country; but that, if the Indians will have any, they may go among the inhabitants, and deal with them for it. When these whisky traders come, they bring thirty or forty cags, and put them down before us, and make us drink; and get all the skins, that should go to pay the debts, we have contracted for goods, bought of the fair trader; and by these means we not only ruin ourselves, but them too. These wicked whisky sellers, when they have once got the Indians in liquor, make them sell their very clothes from their backs. In short, if this practice be continued we must be inevitably ruined; we most earn|estly, therefore, beseech you to remedy it."

  In the report of these Commissioners to the Governor, on their return from the treaty, they conclude as follows, viz.

  Thus, may it please the Governor, we have given a full and just ac|count of our proceedings, and we hope our conduct will meet with his approbation. But, in justice to these Indians, and the promises we made them, we cannot close our report without taking notice, that the quan|tities of strong liquors, sold to these Indians, in the places of their resi|dence, and during their hunting season, from all parts of the counties, over Susquahanna, have increased, of late, to an inconceivable degree, so as to keep those poor Indians continually under the force of liquors, that they are thereby become dissolute, enfeebled and indolent, when sober, and untractable and mischievous in their liquor, always quarrelling, and often murdering one another: that the traders are under no bonds, nor give any security for their observance of the laws, and their good be|haviour; and by their own intemperance, unfair dealing and irregula|rities, will, it is to be feared, entirely estrange the affections of the In|dians from the English, deprive them of their natural strength and acti|vity, and oblige them either to abandon their country or submit to any terms, be they ever so unreasonable, from the French, These truths, may it please the Governor, are of so interesting a nature, that we shall stand excused in recommending, in the most earnest manner, the deplorable state of these Indians, and the heavy discouragements, under which our com|merce with them, at present, labours, to the Governor's most serious consideration, that some good and speedy remedies may be provided, be|fore it be too late.

  • RICHARD PETERS,
  • ISAAC NORRIS,
  • BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

  November 1, 1753.

  The General Assembly of the province, in February, 1754, in a mes|sage to the Governor, lament the state of the Indian trade, in terms simi|lar to this report, and took some measures to remedy it, &c.

  See votes, &c. Vol. 4, page 287.
• * 4.1

  As the Proprietary by patent, was absolute Proprietor, so by a law of the province, all other persons were precluded from purchasing lands of the Indians, within its limits, &c.

  In the minutes of conferrence, held with the Indians by Governor Denny, &c. at Easton in Pennsylvania, in November, 1756, upon the Go|venor's requesting of the Indians, to know the cause of their uneasiness, and hostile conduct, Teedyuscung, king, or chief, of the Delawares, and who there represented four nations, mentioned several; among which were the instigations of the French; and the ill usage, or grievances, they had suffered both in Pennsylvania and New Jersey. When the Governor desired to be informed what these grievances were, Teedyuscung replied, "I have not far to go for an instance; this very ground, that is under me, (striking it with his foot) was my land and inheritance; and is ta|ken from me by fraud: when I say this ground, I mean all the land, ly|ing between Tohiccon creek and Wioming, on the river Susquahanna. I have not only been served so in this government, but the same thing has been done to me, as to several tracts in New Jersey, over the river." The Governor asked him, what he meant by fraud? Teedyuscung an|swered, "When one man had formerly liberty to purchase lands, and he took the deed from the Indians for it, and then dies; after his death his children forge a deed like the true one, with the same Indian names to it; and thereby take lands from the Indians which they never sold; this is fraud: also, when one king has land beyond the river, and another king has land on this side, both bounded by rivers, mountains and springs, which cannot be moved; and the Proprietaries, greedy to purchase lands, buy of one king what belongs to another; this likewise is fraud."

  Then the Governor asked Teedyuscung, whether he had been served so? He answered, "Yes; I have been served so in this province; all the land extending from Tohiccon, over the great mountain, to Wioming, has been taken from me by fraud; for when I had agreed to sell land to the old Proprietary, by the course of the river, the young Proprietaries came, and got it run by a strait course, by the compass, and by that means, took in double the quantity, intended to be sold," &c.
• * 4.2

  S. Smith, in his history of New Jersey, gives the following very different account of this affair, viz.

  "The fact was, this Weekquehela was an Indian of great note and ac|count, both among the Christians and Indians, of the tribe that resided about South River, (near Shrewsbury in East Jersey), where he lived with a taste much above the common rank of Indians, having an exten|sive farm, cattle, horses, negroes, and raised large crops of wheat; and was so far English, in his furniture, as to have a house well provided with feather beds, calico curtains, &c. He frequently dined with governors, and great men, and behaved well, &c but his neighbour, captain John Leonard, having purchased a cedar swamp of other Indians, to which he laid claim, and Leonard refusing to take it on his right, he resented it highly, and threatened that he would shoot him; which he accordingly took an opportunity of doing, in the spring, 1728, while Leonard was, in the day time, walking in his garden, or near his own house, at South River aforesaid; for which he had a legal trial, and was executed for actu|al murder."

  But the Indians of the Six Nations, at a meeting in Lancaster, with Governor Denny, &c. May 29th, 1757, say thus,

  "Brothers, some years ago, in the Jerseys, one of the head men of the Delawares had been out a hunting. On his return, he called to see a gentleman, a great friend of his, one of your people; whom he found in the field; when the gentleman saw him, he came to meet him. It was rainy weather, and the Delaware chief had his gun under his arm; they met at a fence, and as they reached out their hands to each other, the Dela|ware's gun went off, by accident, and shot him dead. He was very much grieved, went to the house, and told the gentleman's wife what had happened; and said, he was willing to die, and did not chuse to live after his friend. She immediately sent for a number of the inhabitants: when they were gathered, some said, it was an accident, and could not be helped; but the greatest number were for hanging him; and he was taken by the Sheriff, and carried to Amboy, where he was tried and hanged.

  "There was another misfortune that happened: A party of Shawa|nese, who were going to war against their enemies, in their way through Carolina, called at a house, not suspecting any harm, as they were among their friends: a number of the inhabitants rose, and took them prisoners, on account of some mischief which was done there about that time; sus|pecting them to be the people who had done the mischief; and carried them to Charlestown, and put them in prison, where the chief man, called The Pride, died. The relations of these people were much exas|perated against you, our brothers, the English, on account of the ill treat|ment you gave their friends; and have been continually spiriting up their nations to take revenge.

  "Brothers, you desired us to open our hearts, and inform you of every thing we know, that might give rise to the quarrel between you and our nephews and brothers:—That, in former times, our forefathers conquered the Delawares, and put petticoats on them; a long time after that, they lived among you, our brothers; but, upon some difference between you and them, we thought proper to remove them, giving them lands to plant and hunt on, at Wioming and Juniata, on Susquahanna; but you, covetous of land, made plantations there, and spoiled their hunting grounds; they then complained to us, and we looked over those lands, and found their complaints to be true.

  "At this time they carried on a correspondence with the French; by which means the French became acquainted with all the causes of com|plaint they had against you; and as your people were daily increasing their settlements, by these means you drove them back into the arms of the French; and they took the advantage of spiriting them up against you, by telling them, "Children, you see, and we have often told you, how the English, your brothers, would serve you; they plant all the country, and drive you back; so that, in a little time, you will have no land: it is not so with us; though we build trading houses on your land, we do not plant it; we have our provisions from over the great water."

  "We have opened our hearts, and told you what complaints we have heard, that they had against you; and our advice to you is, that you send for the Senecas and them; treat them kindly, and rather give them some part of their fields back again, than differ with them. It is in your power to settle all the differences with them, if you please."

  Minutes of Indian Treaties.
• * 4.3

  Causes and means of the peace in 1763 and 1764.
• * 4.4

  See their printed address to Governor Denny, &c. in 1757, in the Appendix, No 7.
• * 4.5

  S•••• Appendix, No. 8 and 9.
• ‡ 4.6

  〈…〉〈…〉 br••ad is to little ••••rpose, unless prudent measures us
• * 4.7

  Religious liberty one cause of Pennsylva|nia's im|provement, &c.
• * 4.8

  Numerous sects in Pennsylva|nia.
• * 4.9

  Names of divers of them.
• * 4.10

  The number of religious visits from the preachers of this society, in Great Britain, and other places in Europe, but chiefly from England, in the service of the gospel, to this country, and their society in America, between the years 1661, and 1771, as appears by their own records, was about 132; exclusive of those, who, from Europe had settled in America, and travelled in that service; who were many, &c.
• * 4.11

  Their har|mony and concord one with ano|ther.
• * 4.12

  Uniformity of mind, like that of the body, not to be expected, &c.
• * 4.13

  Of the Quakers, &c.
• * 4.14

  Of the dif|ferent reli|gious socie|ties, &c.
• * 4.15

  The proportion, which the number of each religious society, in Philadelphia, bears to each other, may, in some manner, appear from the number of burials, in each of them annually, taken from the printed bills of mortality, for the following ten years successively, viz.

  Years,	1765	1766	1767	1768	1769	1770	1771	1772	1773	1774
  Church of Eng.	217	107	118	126	211	160	136	181	216	191
  Swedish Luth.	35	28	26	14	40	24	10	26	16	26
  Presbyterians,	123	108	93	83	125	105	115	111	176	126
  Quakers,	177	100	107	89	151	102	93	144	158	150
  Baptists,	25	30	24	27	20	19	12	15	20	14
  German Luth.	158	14••	131	108	212	126	123	218	225	15••
  German Calvin.	53	76	35	38	81	98	35	71	82	58
  Roman Catholics	51	32	35	26	52	31	39	47	53	39
  Strangers,	295	220	160	210	181	244	320	340	360	208
  Negroes,	139	96	109	80	87	62	104	120	96	47
  Total,	1273	943	838	801	1160	971	1007	1273	1402	1012

  Note. In the year 1759, according to the said bills of mortality, print|ed annually, were 1406 funerals in Philadelphia, of which those in Christ Church parish only were 272; of whom 106 died of the small pox (three only inoculated) of the Quakers 171; of other societies 490; of strangers 326; of Negroes 147; in all 1406. Increase of funerals that year 618.

  Which great mortality that year, as well as in some other years, ap|pears to have arisen principally from the small pox, before inoculation had taken much place, and was so well understood as since; which dis|temper, that year, in proportion to those who died of it in Christ Church parish, must have carried off, in the whole, between 5 and 600, &c.
• * 4.16

  Morgan Edwards, in his printed account of the Baptists of Pennsyl|vania, in 1770, divides them into British and German; of the ••••rmer he makes about 650 families, and 3252 persons, at ••ive to a family (sup|posing every family to be totally composed of Baptists) who have 18 meeting houses: the Germans he divides into Dunkards and Mennonist••, which see under their proper heads.

  Note. He makes their whole number, b•••••• Germans and British, amount to 9525, &c.

  Note. Those called Seventh Day Baptist••, are almost extinct, &c.
• * 4.17

  Great num|ber of Ger|mans, &c.
• * 4.18

  Of the Mennonists
• * 4.19

  Some arti|cles of their faith.
• * 4.20

  In their claim to an|tiquity, they have suffer|ed much persecution, &c.
• * 4.21

  They are persecuted in Germany
• * 4.22

  Mennonists persecuted in Switzer|land, &c.
• * 4.23

  They dis|claim the conduct at Munster, &c.
• * 4.24

  They suffer again in Switzer|land, &c.
• * 4.25

  They ob|tain a tem|porary re|lief, &c.
• * 4.26

  William Penn in|forms them of Pennsyl|vania, &c.
• * 4.27

  Their pre|sent resi|dence and general cha|racter.
• * 4.28

  Morgan Edwards, in his account before mentioned, ranks the Men|nonists among the Baptists of Pennsylvania: he says, they have there 42 meeting houses, and consist of 4050 persons; that they derive their name from that of Menno Simon, a native of Witmars, born in 1505; that they have, in this province, and some other places, deviated from the practice of Menno, in the mode of their baptism, by declining that of dipping, &c.
• * 4.29

  Dunkards more singu|lar, &c.
• * 4.30

  Their opi|nion on fighting and swearing.
• * 4.31

  Of the ori|gin of the Dunkards,
• * 4.32

  and of their present so|ciety, &c.
• * 4.33

  They as|sume their present form, &c.
• * 4.34

  Manner of their hold|ing the eu|charist, &c.
• * 4.35

  They have suffered persecution, &c.
• * 4.36

  When they removed to Pennsylva|nia,
• * 4.37

  Their cha|racter, resi|dence, &c.
• * 4.38

  Morgan Edwards aforesaid, ranks these people also among the Bap|tists of Pennsylvania; and makes them consist of 419 families, 2095 per|sons, at 5 to a family; and 4 meeting houses, in different parts of the province.
• * 4.39

  Their dress and manner of living, &c. at Ephrata.
• * 4.40

  Swenckfel|ders.
• * 4.41

  Vid. God|fried Ar|nold's hist. of the church.
• * 4.42

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••+rassed and persecuted in Germany
• * 4.43

  The following translation of an Edict of the king of Pr••ssia, to recall these people into his dominions, indicates the importance and uti|lity they were thought to be of to his country, viz.

  EDICT,

  Concerning the re-establishment and collocation of the so-called Schwenckfeldians, in Silesia, and other provinces of his royal ma|jesty.

  De dato Scelowitz, the 8th day of March, 1742.

  We, Frederick, by the grace of God, king of Prussia, marckgrave of Brandenburg, arch-chamberlain and elector of the holy Roman empire, &c.

  Be it known to all to whom these presents may come; whereas we do hold nothing to be more contrary to the nature and reason, and the principles of the Christian religion, than the forcing of the subjects con|sciences, and to persecute them, about any other dissenting doctrines, which do not concern the fundamental principles of the Christian religion; so we have most graciously resolved▪ the so-called Schwenckfeldians, who were exiled, out of an imprudent 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of religion, to the irreparable da|mage of the commerce and country, again to recall them, into our sove|reign dutchy of Nether Silesia. We have, therefore, thought fit to as|sure all those, by these presents, who confess themselves to be of the said doctrine, upon our royal word, that they shall and may safely re|turn, not only into our sovereign dutchy of Nether Silesia, but also into all our provinces, peaceably to live and trade there; since we do not on|ly receive them into our special protection, but also will give them all necessary supply, for the promoting of their commerce; and to all them, who, several years ago, were deprived of their habitations and effects, in our country of Silesia, in case they are not paid for by the new posse|ssors, they shall be restored without any reward Such as will settle in our villages shall have farms assigned them, and care be taken to meet with good employment; and they that will fix their abode in towns, shall, besides several ordinary free years, have places assigned them gra|tis, to the building of their houses: for which purpose they only need to apply to our military and domainen chambers. We do, therefore, com|mand our superior colleges of justice and finance, as also all mediate primes, lords, magistrates, &c. carefully to observe the same In wit|ness whereof, we have signed this present Edict, with our hand, and caused our royal seal to be affixed.

  FREDERICK OF 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Count of Mun••••••n. (L. S.)

  Done at Scelowitz, March 8th, 1742.
• * 5.1

  Their opi|nion on oaths and war, &c.
• * 5.2

  Residence and charac|ter.
• * 5.3

  First design of the Mo|ravians in quitting their coun|try, &c.
• * 5.4

  Time of their re|moving to Pennsylva|nia.
• * 5.5

  Their set|tlements about Beth|lehem, &c.
• * 5.6

  Customs and econo|my, &c.
• * 5.7

  Their other settlements, &c.
• * 5.8

  Remarka|ble policy in their sys|tem, &c.
• * 5.9

  Education of their youth.
• * 5.10

  Rule of their doc|trine, &c.
• * 5.11

  Vid. A compendi|ous manual, &c.
• * 5.12

  Their great industry, &c.
• * 5.13

  Of the ori|gin of their religion, &c.
• * 5.14

  Foreign places of residence, &c.
• * 5.15

  They are favoured by the British parliament, &c.
• * 5.16

  Conclusion respecting variety of religious opinions, &c.
• * 5.17

  Asbestus.
• * 5.18

  or sectâ.
• * 5.19

  or speciosa.
• * 5.20

  Asbestus.
• * 5.21

  or Jove.