An account of the late revolution in Geneva; and of the conduct of France towards that republic, from October, 1792, to October, 1794; : in a series of letters, to a citizen of Philadelphia. / By F. d'Ivernois, Esq. ; [One line in Latin]

London, Aug. 22, 1794.

SIR,

AN account of the melancholy events which have lately taken place in Geneva, naturally addresses itself to you. You have ever taken the liveliest interest in the affairs of that Republic, and are perfectly acquainted with the history of those long and painful exertions by which she originally acquired, and had, till now, preserved her Liberty. To you therefore a narrative of the manner in which she has, perhaps for ever, lost it, cannot be uninteresting; and may the fate of the most democratical, and, at the same time, one of the most happy States in the Old World, teach the inhabitants of the New, how feeble a barrier separates liberty from licentiousness, and how inevitably the abuse of a blessing leads to the loss of it!

I need not inform you, Sir, that, after a long struggle, the Constitutional Party at Geneva was obliged to yield, in 1782, to the irresistible power of the Count de Ver∣gennes. That Minister took infinitely greater pains to crush democracy, at Geneva, than to establish it, at the same period, in America: his intrigues, however, were defeated, and he was obliged to resort to more violent means. Some of the troops which had served in America, marched into the town, and after driving away the principal defenders of our fundamental Constitution, erected on the ruins of it, not indeed an hereditary Aristocracy, but a form of Government, of which it is enough to say, that it required the constant support of foreign force, to maintain it against the declared aversion of by far the greater part of the people of Geneva. It was impossible, however, that such a system could last longer than the Minister who framed it; and accordingly, upon the death of De Vergennes, the very men whose ambition he thought he had been gratifying in doing what he had done, concurred almost unanimously in

destroying it. Our ancient Republican Constitution was triumphantly restored; its advocates were recalled, and reinstated in their offices; and the long contest between the people and the administrative bodies, completely ter∣minated in favour of the former.

This happy event was begun in 1789, and completed in 1791, and is in many respects one of the most important in our history. It restored the cordial union, which had formerly pervaded every part of the State.* 1.1 Our com∣merce and manufactures flourished; and our University, the copious spring of all our past and present enjoyments, communicated a spirit of exertion and enterprise to the arts and sciences, which was not exceeded, in the most populous and extensive kingdoms. Such was, and such indeed had been the prosperity of Geneva, that, within the present century, our population had doubled, our wealth had increased in a ten-fold proportion, knowledge was very generally diffused, and foreigners saw with equal pleasure and astonishment, that in a district, whose inha∣bitants did not exceed thirty thousand, there were, at the same period, as many men of eminence in the arts, in

polite literature, and in science, as in any one of the three northern kingdoms of Europe: Such were the conse∣quences of freedom and a good system of education.

But this pleasing prospect was of very short duration; and our liberty had hardly begun to recover from the blow it had lately received, when another attack was made upon it from the same quarter, but under a different name; it was made under the sacred name of Liberty itself, and with it has, I fear, for ever destroyed all the respectable qualities, and elevated virtues, which nourish and support it. In short, the French had no sooner resolved, in 1792, to attack the King of Sardinia, than we received intelli∣gence from Paris, on which we could depend, that General Montesquiou; who was to command the expedition against him, had received secret orders, of a nature very hostile to Geneva. These orders were given by the Brissotins, who, it is well known, had projected a plan of surrounding France with a zone of Republics, formed on the same prin∣ciples with itself. Savoy was destined to form one of those Republics, and Geneva was to be a capital of it; an honour, which it was to purchase, at the expence of its own newly-recovered Constitution.

The Swiss, our ancient and faithful Allies, prepared to share our danger; and the moment they were applied to, sent 1600 men to our assistance. Indeed no time was to be lost; for General Montesquiou advanced towards Geneva the very day after that on which he entered Savoy. His orders (which have since been published) were, that, as the possession of Geneva was essential to the security of Savoy, be was to enter it, (by force if necessary) and take 20,000 muskets which were in it, and of which the French Republic was in need.* 1.2

Our Allies, however, had time enough to throw them∣selves into the town, before the French had completely sur∣rounded it. On the 5th day of October 1792, the Depu∣ties, whom we had sent to enquire into the cause of this unexpected attack, were told by the French Commander,

That the Government of Geneva had insulted the French Republic, by calling in the aid of the Swiss, to repel an attack which was never intended to be made, and which nothing but that step had suggested; that the Magistrates of Geneva were (perhaps without meaning it) the abettors of the enemies of France, and (as a proof of their ill-will towards her) had permitted some of the Emigrants to settle in Geneva, and others to pass through it, in making their retreat into other countries.

To this charge our Deputies answered, that distrust is the only security of the weak, in their intercourse with the strong. They appealed to a letter written by one of the French Ministers several days before the application to the Swiss, in which, without seeming to think it probable, or even possible, that the Genevese would make any resistance; and as if his intention had been to prepare them for sub∣mission,

he informed them of the resolutions taken against them.—They justified their application to the Swiss, by many precedents; and shewed, that whenever Savoy be∣came the scene of war, Geneva had always claimed, and as regularly received, their assistance; that the right of taking that step, which, after all, was only a precaution to prevent possible evil, was acknowledged in many solemn treaties, of which France herself was the guarantee, and had never given offence to any of her Monarchs, not even to Lewis XIV. in whose reign it had been resorted to, as often as was thought necessary; and as a farther proof of the innocence of our intentions, they reminded the General, that we were at that moment the only sovereign State which had acknow∣ledged the French Republic; that, at the very beginning of the Revolution, we had opened our granaries, for the relief of one of their districts, against the pressure of a scarcity, to which we ourselves were equally imposed; and that, when that district was apprehensive of a kind of counter-revolution, and had applied to us for assistance, we had furnished it with arms, which so far from being returned to us, as had been solemnly promised, were now to be employed against us.

These arguments, unanswerable as they were, would have been of little avail, had they not been supported by all the influence, and all the abilities of the upright and honourable man, to whom they were addressed. In his report to the French Ministry, he stated the danger, as well as folly, of involving France in a dispute with the whole Helvetic Body, which would certainly exert all its force to repel an attack, that, considering the comparative strength of the two parties, would do so little honour to the magnanimity of the assailants. He represented this so strongly, that his orders were countermanded, and he was directed to negociate an amicable arrangement, in which he was to use his whole address against us, and at all events, to conclude the negociation in the same manner as if he had made himself master of the town by force, by leaving a French garrison behind him. He again remonstrated, and at length received full powers: a treaty was concluded on the 22d of October, on terms equally honourable to both parties,

by which, after stating, that the misunderstanding which had taken place between the two Republics, had been explained in the fullest and most satisfactory manner, it was agreed, that the French army should retire to the distance of ten leagues, and the Republic dismiss the troops of its allies.

As soon as the treaty was signed, the French Resident returned into the town, and in the name of the nation he represented, gave us the most solemn assurances of unalterable friendship. In consequence of these assurances, we not only ratified, but had actually begun to fulfil the treaty on our part, when we were informed that the French Ministry re∣fused to sanction it, unless some clauses were inserted, which Mr. Genest* 1.3 was sent to negociate. We were, as you may imagine, surprised at such conduct; but by the advice of our Allies, and on considering the nature of our situation, we accepted of the additional articles, and a new treaty was signed. But what was our astonishment, when we were again informed, that this second treaty, which Le Brun, the Minister for foreign affairs, considered as unexceptionable, and earnestly pressed the Convention to ratify, was, after many affected delays, violently attacked on the 21st of No∣vember, by Brissot, at the head of the Diplomatic Com∣mittee, and stigmatized as an igneminious capitulation?‡ 1.4

The consequence of this attack was, that the Convention refused to ratify it, and by a short decree peremptorily re∣quired of us to dismiss the troops of the Swiss by the 1st of December; in which case, it promised that those of France should respect our independence and evacuate our territory, if any part of it had been occupied by them.

The language of Brissot on this occasion is perhaps the most striking instance afforded by the whole Revolution, of the real nature and genuine character of the principles on which the French conduct themselves, in their intercourse with other nations.

In truth, says he, the Republic of Geneva either has, or has not confidence in our integrity. If she has, she will be satisfied with our bare promise to respect her in∣dependence: if she has not, the formality of a treaty can∣not add to her security. But whether she has or has not that confidence, a free people must not suffer its honour to be called in question.

—In another place he goes further, and says,

Geneva must expect no peace, until perfect po∣litical equality is naturalized within her walls. She must expect no treaty with us but the introduction and estab∣lishment of our principles. Such is the revolution which

we presume, which we feel it a duty to recommend to Geneva. Undoubtedly France will never forget her principle of not interfering in the domestic affairs of other nations. But France must never forget her oath to relieve all nations from oppression, and to inform all nations of their rights. There must be a Revolution in Geneva, or there will be a Counter-Revolution in France.

The only question, therefore, for your consideration, is whether a free people either can or ought to bind itself by Treaties, and whether every Treaty is not as unnecessary with Republics, as it is indecent with every other form of Government which does not derive its authority immediately from the People.* 1.5 On the manner in which this question

is answered, the fate not only of our own Revolution, but of those which are to follow it, will depend.

It is to be observed, that with a view to prepare the minds of the public for this Report, and to give an appear∣ance of decency to so gross a violation of the Law of Nations, the Brissotin party had taken care, some days before, to ob∣tain an order from the Convention to arrest Montesquiou, and to bring him to Paris, to answer for his conduct.* 1.6

Unfortunately, that part of their demands which related to the dismission of the Swiss, it was no longer in our power to dispute; as our Allies had, on the faith of the two treaties, suspended their military preparations, and recalled the greater part of their troops. The necessity of our situa∣tion left us no choice; we consented therefore to the de∣parture

of the rest, and flattered ourselves that our oppres∣sors would be satisfied, and that we had now nothing more to apprehend.

But we were mistaken; a danger, much greater than any we had encountered, threatened us. General Montesquiou, having had the good fortune to make his escape, informed us, that it was the determination of the French Ministry, to leave no means untried, for effecting a Revolution at Geneva, on the same principles as that of France; and that we had no alternative but to anticipate them, or feel the consequences of their interference.

It was difficult for us to conceive, how we could make our Government more democratical, than it then was; since every free-man of Geneva exercised, in his own person, those powers, which the French, from their numbers, had

been obliged to intrust to representatives. But unfortunately for us, the Brissotins, who then were the prevailing party at Paris, had lately succeeded in removing the distinction between active and inactive citizens; and repealing the law which reserved the civil and military offices of the country, as well as the right of electing to them, to those who had some property in it; a wise and salutary principle, and which, if it had been steadily maintained, would, undoubt∣edly, have prevented a great deal of the misery and distress, which the violation of it has brought upon France.

But having destroyed that important distinction in their own Constitution, the Brissotins soon found out an effectual mode of overturning it in ours; for as, by our Constitution, none were admitted into the General Assembly, but such as inherited, or had acquired the title of Citizen, they raised a clamour against that distinction, and branded the Assembly itself with the epithets of aristocratical and hereditary, which they had contrived to make so odious. So far, however, was that Body from deserving those epithets, that, as has been already mentioned, more than two thirds of the Gene∣vese were, at that moment, members of it, and any of the rest might be admitted into it, upon payment of a fine so small,* 1.7 as in fact to be below the rate necessary for securing the independence of an elector, much more of a member of the Legislature itself.

The Natives, who, as I have already observed, were at Geneva what the class of inactive Citizens was in France, had, on the late invasion, shewn themselves extremely zea∣lous in the defence of the Republic: and, indeed, with the exception of about fifty individuals, partly Citizens and partly Natives, who on the approach of the French had basely deserted their posts, on pretence that, as friends to liberty, they ought not to oppose them—with this small exception, all the Genevese breathed, on that occasion, the same affectionate attachment to their coun∣try,

and were all animated with the same intrepid resolution of dying in its defence. Indeed, the patriotic spirit shown on that occasion, is one of the most brilliant, as I fear it is one of the last instances of the display of that virtue, to be found in our history; for, no sooner was it understood that war was declared against us, for having passed the first decree, by which Government had been directed to call in the 1600 Swiss, than a second decree was made, and sent, by order of the General Assembly, to the French General, by which it was empowered to call in, as many more, as it might think necessary; and, on being informed, that the French Ministry affected to treat those decrees as contrivances of our magistrates, who, they insisted, should be punished for such perverse and traitorous behaviour, the whole body of our national militia met, in arms, on the 10th day of October, and communicated to those Magistrates, its entire approbation of their conduct, to∣gether with the most solemn assurances of the firmest support.* 1.8

But the plan of our invaders was now changed, and measures, less violent, but more sure, adopted; which have completely succeeded in destroying the liberty and happiness of Geneva. No sooner did the Natives disco∣ver, from what passed in the Convention, as well as from

other sources of information, that the French had given up all thoughts of punishing the Magistrates, or of taking possession of the town by force, and had, or affected to have, no other object than that of establishing the right of universal suffrage, and of procuring the admission of all the Genevese, without distinction, to the enjoyment of perfect political equality, than they began, in the most open man∣ner, to echo the language of the Convention, and to assert their right to what it intended to give them. They also began, in imitation of the French, to address each other by the title of Citizen, to wear the Red Cap, to sing the favourite Parisian songs, and to make preparations for supporting their claims by force. In these views, some of the Citizens supported them; and either from motives of ambition, or from being themselves the dupes of the fascinating system of what has been called the Rights of Man, put themselves at their head. The soldiers of the French army, who were still encamped in the neighbour∣hood, fanned the flames; and some of the officers actu∣ally made secret offers of their assistance. Such, Sir, was the origin of that revolutionary delirium, the effect of which has been, gradually to introduce, among us, all the miseries of anarchy; and, in less than two years, has plunged our once-happy Republic into all the horrors, and all the crimes, which the fertile invention of Popular Tyranny can suggest.

The Magistrates, alarmed at this new kind of danger, which seemed to threaten, either the Constitution, or the political independence of the State, or perhaps both, re∣solved to secure at least the latter, and immediately pub∣lished a proposal to admit all the inhabitants of the Republic, whether aliens or natives, that is to say, descend∣ants of aliens, into the General Assembly, without dis∣tinction, and without fine; and to take the opinion of the whole Body, thus constituted, on the propriety of further alterations. This proposal, which was made by the Little and Great Councils, on the 1st of December, only wanted the assent of the General Assembly itself (which it would undoubtedly have received) to have the force of law; but in the mean time, the enemies of our hap∣piness

took indefatigable pains, to represent to the Natives, how humiliating it would be for them, to receive, as a favour, what was their natural and indefeasible right, and which it was an additional insult to restore to them, by the forms of the very Constitution, that had wrested it from them.

This doctrine spread so rapidly, and took such root in the minds of the Natives, that without waiting for the meeting of the Assembly, which was fixed for the 6th of December, they ran to arms on the night of the 4th; and besides declaring themselves entitled to the rights in question, they insisted that, in order to secure the posses∣sion of them, every department of the State should be filled by individuals of their own party, and that a National Convention should be immediately summoned, for the purpose of introducing the new principles, into every part of the Constitution.

It is a certain fact, that this faction did not then amount to a fourth part of the inhabitants of Geneva; and our Magistrates have, more than once, been severely blamed, by those who either do not know, or do not advert to all the circumstances of the case, for not immediately dis∣persing it by force. The truth is, that nothing but the fear of the probable consequences, prevented their doing so: for, ever since the French had taken possession of Sa∣voy, we had been completely surrounded by the territory of France; her troops, in direct violation, even of the last treaty, were still at our gates: the decree of the Conven∣tion, which ordered all the French Generals to relieve the people of every country from the tyranny of oppression, had just been received, and proclaimed, by the troops in our neighbourhood; the most violent of the Natives openly avowed their intention to take advantage of that decree, if necessary; and the French army only waited for the slightest appearance of commotion, to enter the City, where it was sure of finding many friends, and where, by its intrigues, it had in fact already established a sort of ad∣vanced guard.

It was under these circumstances, and in order to pre∣serve, it possible, the political independence of their

country, that the minority of the Genevese gave way to the minority. The members of the Little and Great Councils voluntarily resigned their places to the chiefs of the new party, (most of whom were among those who left their posts at the approach of the French), and in resigning them, required no other engagement from their successors, than that they should maintain peace and good order, and pre∣serve the independence of the Republic.* 1.9 As this trans∣action, violent as it was, took place in a more quiet manner than the French army expected, it was disappointed in its hopes of a tumult, which had been the immediate object of all its cabals, and which would have given it an opportunity of entering the town, and, under pretence of assisting the oppressed, making us, in the end, a branch of their own Republic.‡ 1.10

In this manner, did the powerful Republic of France, in its very infancy, disgrace its arms, by turning them against the petty Democracy of Geneva; and, in this manner, when it substituted negociation for force, did it disgrace its diplomatic character, by expressly instructing its Mi∣nister, to exert his whole address, and by openly violating two solemn treaties, on the faith of which we had disarmed ourselves, and dismissed our allies. In this manner did it, in direct contradiction to its own principles, overturn a Constitution which was certainly the most democratical then known, and which had been adopted by the almost unanimous voice of those who lived under it: and in this

manner was an inconsiderable State, which, in desence of its constitution, had dared to oppose force by force, con∣demned for that offence, by its vindictive neighbour, to fall a sacrifice to the basest treachery. As a part of the detestable plan, the French Resident waited immediately upon the new Magistrates, and informed them, that he would lose no time in announcing to his Constituents the glorious event which had just taken place; and, while he amused them with professions of admiration and esteem, General Kellerman secretly drew an additional body of troops round the town, in hopes of an opportunity of entering it.

The members of the new Government were now com∣pletely in possession of the administration; and notwith∣standing the manner in which they had come into power, it is extremely probable that, like the party in France to whom they were indebted for it, they never would have engaged in such an undertaking, had they not been con∣fident of being able to stop at whatever point they pleased, and to prevent their followers and adherents from going further than they wished or meant them to go: for, it must be allowed, that many of them were men of some property, and even of some education; and if we except a few acts of violence, done under the forms of justice, and natu∣rally to be expected at extraordinary periods, and some enormities of the populace, which, there is reason to suspect, were committed at the instigation of particular individuals in Administration, they were in general active in their efforts to preserve the independence of their country, as well as its internal quiet.

It is equally true, however, that they had several consider∣able obstacles to struggle with. In the first place, they had to encounter the decline of trade and manufactures, the consequences of the ruin of such families as had invested their property in the French funds, and the incredible consumption of the public revenue, which was almost ex∣hausted in salaries to the 120 members of the Convention, and to the new Magistrates, whose needy circumstances rendered a large allowance absolutely necessary. In the next place, they had to oppose the intrigues and artifices of

the French Resident,* 1.11 who caballed against them in the most open manner, and the contempt and distrust of Bris∣sot's successors, who, while they loaded them with fraternal embraces, and other outward marks of affection, never would consider them as true confederates; and, notwithstanding their title of Revolutionary Government, treated them† 1.12 with a degree of freedom, which they never dared to assume toward the other branches of the Helvetic Union, who, by steadily adhering to their ancient Constitutions, have never received, or exposed themselves to receive, the smallest mark of disrespect. Besides this, they had to fight against a new faction, formed out of the refuse of their own, and divided into two clubs, called the Marseillese and the Mountaineers. These clubs were not very numerous; but they were notoriously under the influence and direction of the French Resident; both professed the new doctrines to their utmost extent, and both (but particularly the latter) seemed prepared to imitate the conduct of those who had carried them the farthest in France, and even to surrender themselves and their country into their hands.

So strongly, however, was the great body of the Gene∣vese attached to the idea of national independence, and so grateful did they feel, even to the new administration, for its efforts to maintain it, that they forgave the manner in which it had come into power, and overlooked both the faults it had already committed, and those into which its incapacity, the violence of party, or the peculiar difficul∣ties of its situation, daily and hourly led it. On more than one occasion, the very Magistrates whose offices they had usurped, came forward to assist and guide them; and

some of them were even prevailed upon, to become mem∣bers of the new Convention, which met on the 25th of February, 1793, and was composed of 120 members. If sat for about a year, and unfortunately, like that in Paris, soon fell under the controul of a Club, which had borrowed both its principles and its language from the Jacobins, to whom it had applied for a copy of their rules, and forms, and whose importance it affected to assume, on all occasions.

During the sitting of the Convention, the friends of the old Constitution experienced, from the rabble of Revolu∣tionists, every species of indignity, and insult, which the capricious malice of men without education, and without property, could invent. Those pretended reformers pa∣raded the streets, in the evening, with cudgels in their hands, and attacked, and severely beat, such as they thought averse to their system: nor did the Government take any effectual steps, to prevent these excesses, which were continued, for a considerable time, and were never punished, though the country house of an Ex-Magistrate, who had been Commander in Chief during the late inva∣sion, was pillaged for several days, and another person assassinated in open day-light, because he had worn a white cap, instead of a red one. It is unnecessary, and would be tedious, to enumerate all the mean cruelties which the disciples of the new school of Equality prac∣tised: it is enough to say, that a description of them would present a picture of Popular tyranny, as provoking by its insolence, as the scenes which succeeded them were shocking, by their barbarity.

Though the Convention affected to preserve some of the forms of the old Constitution, yet, in order to deserve the pompous name it had assumed, it thought itself bound to make a complete, and radical change in its principles; and in treating the petty abuses of a small Republic, to act as if they had been called upon to correct the invete∣rate corruptions, and deep-rooted errors of an ancient and extensive Monarchy. Despotism, said one of the leading members of it, is a fiery meteor, which scorches the soil over which it passes. Even such bombast as this had

its effect upon the distempered minds of those to whom it was addressed, and was received with universal applause.

In order to ingratiate themselves with the French, one of their first steps was to abolish the Great Council, and to trans∣fer a portion of the power of the Little Council to the Gene∣ral Assembly, by which means they destroyed the equili∣brium between the executive and legislative branches, which the ancient Constitution had provided with so much care: but, on the other hand, it must be acknowledged that, in the laws they framed, they shewed great regard to personal security, and even established the Trial by Jury. Perhaps, it would have been well to enquire, whether that noble institution (which one of the greatest nations of Europe considers as the most sacred of all its rights, and its best security for the enjoyment of the rest) is equally suited to so small a State, as Geneva, where it is so diffi∣cult to prevent the influence of personal feelings, and pri∣vate considerations: but the introduction of it shewed, at least, the goodness of their intentions.

It must not be imagined, however, that a Demo∣cracy, so unlimited as this, was approved by the greater part of those who submitted to it. The People at large had not forgot the sound principles in which they had been educated; they knew perfectly well, that some degree of restraint is essential to the very existence of liberty, and were extremely attached to the balances of the Old Constitution; consequently every artifice was practised, that could secure the ratification of the New, by the General Assembly. The authors of it affected to assume the tone of friendship and confidence, towards those who, they knew, disapproved of it, and intreated them to give it their support, if not from conviction of its goodness, at least, to defeat the schemes of both the foreign, and the domestic enemies of the public peace, who, if it was rejected, would not fail to convert its want of success into an opportunity of creating general confusion; but more particularly for the purpose of disap∣pointing the inferior agents of the Revolution, who began to shew a spirit of insubordination and turbulence, incom∣patible with any social order whatever, and only to be

repelled, by the appearance of union, and general sub∣mission to the new system. They assured them, that it would amply provide for the security both of the persons and of the property of those who were to live under it, which, in the present situation of the Republic, was of more importance than the preservation of any particular system.

This language was so specious, and was accompanied by promises, apparently so sincere, that they to whom it was ad∣dressed, though they still adhered to their principles, with∣drew their opposition; and, for the sake of peace, or perhaps as choosing the least of two evils, agreed to sup∣port the new Constitution.

It was accordingly proposed, and adopted, in a Gene∣ral Assembly on the 5th of February 1794, by 4,200 voices against 200; and as a farther proof of the conci∣liatory disposition, and amicable intentions of those who supported it, the new offices were entirely filled up with its avowed friends. Nor was this all; for as the war, in which almost the whole of Europe was involved, had considerably affected the Watch-making business, which is the principal support of the poor in Geneva; and as the stagnation of trade, as well as the habits of indolence, into which a great many of the workmen had been thrown by the Revolution, had reduced the lower classes of the People to considerable distress, very general subscriptions were made by all those in easy circumstances, to keep them in employment until the market should be again open.

By such generous and disinterested conduct, the Repub∣lic seemed likely to weather the storm, which had wrecked her more powerful neighbour. The Swiss, who, for eighteen months past, had renounced every kind of official communication with us, thought they saw what the history of the world had produced no other instance of, the Go∣vernment of a Country suddenly and completely dissolved, and Anarchy not the consequence. Astonished at such a phaenomenon, they yielded to the repeated and earnest solicitations of some of the deposed Magistrates, and consented to correspond with their successors, who now

assumed the title of Constitutional Government. In short, the new Administration seemed to gain strength every day, and to be better qualified for the dis∣charge of their functions: even those who disapproved of the manner in which they had come into power, were ready to support them against every attack. The greatest part of those who had abandoned Ge∣neva, for fear of the excesses, into which, it was natu∣ral to expect, that men unaccustomed to authority would run, gradually returned to it, and implicitly trusted to the assurances they received, that the Revolution was completed, and that they might depend on finding, under its protection, safety for their persons, and security for their property.

But, alas! the whole was a delusion; and in an instant, the malignant genius of France again blasted all our hopes.

An advocate of the name of Bousquet, who had taken an active part in the usurpation of 1792, and been elected a Magistrate, was soon afterwards sent in a public charac∣ter to Paris. During his stay there, he imbibed from the leaders of the Jacobins (to whom his mission gave him constant access) all the poison of their principles, and re∣turned, after a year's absence, to Geneva, full of theories of sedition and revolution, and impatient to put them in prac∣tice. With this view, he immediately joined the Marseil∣lese and the Mountaineers, whom he found perfectly dis∣ciplined, and prepared for any enterprise, by the industry of Soulavie. He immediately opened his plan, which consisted of five principal objects. First, to wean the lower classes of the people from the confidence they placed in such Members of the new Government, as had any character for integrity, by accusing them of being secretly leagued with the Rich, or at least of savouring and screen∣ing them: Secondly, to strip his colleagues, and even the General Assembly itself, of their authority, and to transfer all their powers to a few of his own partisans, under the title of Revolutionary Government; Thirdly, to erect a Revolutionary Tribunal, which would soon rid him of all those from whom he had any thing to fear; and by the resentment which the effusion of blood, as well as the

loss of their property, would naturally occasion in the bosoms of the injured, make the retreat of his partisans impossible: Fourthly, to adopt the French system of making Terror the order of the day, so as to carry it into every class and description of men, and make the smaller number masters of the greater: Lastly, to hold up the esta∣blished religion as an object of ridicule and contempt.

The material parts of this plan, extensive and difficult as it seems, were executed in a single night. Indeed the author of it had no time to lose, as it was absolutely necessary that it should be carried into execution, before a proposal, then in contemplation, for laying another assessment on the people of property, could be made. For, as there was no doubt that the proposal would be received without opposition, the success of it would pre∣vent any clamour being raised against that description of men, and, at the same time, restore to the Administration, some part of the vigour which it had lost, by its improvi∣dent management of the public finances.

This, therefore, was the critical moment; and Bousquet began the execution of his plan, by spreading reports of conspiracies to effect a counter-revolution, and to re∣peat at Geneva, the horrors which had been committed in la Vendée; and by taking every opportunity of declaring publicly, that, even though the Rich could be brought to consent to the proposed assessments, (which he strongly insinuated they would not) yet, in his opinion, there were means of relieving the miseries of the People, much more effectual, than that of exempting them from the payment of taxes. "The Rich," he said,

had too long wasted, in their own selfish pleasures, that which ought to be applied to the maintenance, and comfort of the Poor; too long had they been suffered to insult them by their wanton extravagance, and even by the wretched pit∣tances of alms which they affectedly distributed. The destruction of the pernicious spirit of Aristocracy, which had pervaded the Laws and Constitution, would answer no purpose, and would but palliate the evil, if it was suffered still to influence the conduct and the sentiments

of the Rich: nor would any thing short of complete eradication answer any useful purpose.

The minds of the multitude being thus prepared, the night of the 18th of July 1794 (being the eve of the day on which the new assessments were to be proposed) was cho∣sen for the execution of the plot. The whole plan was laid, all the parts were assigned, every agent was at his station, and the victims marked out: in the midst of the night, the Conspirators ran to arms, seized the artillery of the Town, and entered, by means of false keys, into the houses of such of the Citizens, as, they apprehended, might be inclined to oppose force to force, and disarmed them before they knew what was intended against them. To disguise their intentions the more completely, they put two of the new Syndics under arrest, who have since been anxious to have it believed, that the blow was so sudden as well as violent, that it was impossible for Go∣vernment to ward it off, which it would not have failed to do, had it been aware of it in time. But there are not wanting men of very good information, and of unques∣tionable veracity, who assert, in the most unqualified man∣ner, that the Magistrates were well acquainted with what was to happen, and wanted neither courage nor strength to prevent it, had they been desirous of it; but that, in fact, the detention of the two Syndics (which lasted but a few hours) was a farce, contrived between them and Bous∣quet;* 1.13 and though they had not taken a direct and active part in the execution of the plot, they were still to be con∣sidered as accomplices in it; and, besides other reasons, knew that its success would relieve them, from the disa∣greeable necessity of giving in their accounts, and exposing the shameless manner, in which they had wasted the pub∣lic treasure.

However this may be, it is certain that Government took no step to defeat the plot, or even to prevent the shocking lengths to which it was carried. From the nature of the attack, one would have supposed that the city had been stormed by a foreign Enemy; but the sys∣tematic

regularity with which it was conducted, together with the perfect knowledge the plunderers shewed, of the places in which the objects of their pillage were deposited, soon convinced the unhappy sufferers that their Enemies lived within the same walls, and, in many instances, under the same roof with themselves. The Conspirators were divided into small bodies well armed, did not affect to pro∣duce the authority by which they acted, left seals on what was too heavy to be carried off, and took care to include some of the poorer, and more obscure Citizens, among those whom they put into confinement. But with so little regard to humanity were these domiciliary visits con∣ducted, that though the heat of the weather was excessive, the prisons were crowded with the aged, the infirm, the diseased; and even with some who were torn from their beds in the height of malignant fevers. This work of horror was executed in a few hours, by not more than a hundred wretches, one half of whom were foreigners; but it had the effect which Bousquet expected, and he was joined the next day, by the rest of the populace, by every man of unfixed principles or of desperate fortune, and by not a few of an opposite description, who vainly hoped, that by appearing to countenance what had been done, they might acquire an influence over the perpetrators, sufficient to prevent the execution of what was still intended.

Bousquet now collected all his associates together, and addressing them by the title of Revolutionary Nation, pro∣posed, that a daily allowance should be paid to those patriots, who should persevere in the great work they had undertaken. He observed, that it was only by deter∣mined and vigorous measures, both at home and abroad, that the French had secured such brilliant success, in their glorious struggles against Despotism; that these measures, severe as they might appear, were as easily to be reconciled to pure morality, as to sound policy; and, both in their principle and in their effects, justified those, with which, he should propose to begin the reign of liberty, and virtue in Geneva. The Constitutional Government was then formally suspended, and the whole Executive and Legis∣lative power of the State, committed to a provisional Re∣volutionary Tribunal, of which Bousquet was of course

made President. The number of persons who were taken into custody, increased every hour, and by the industry of Soulavie, who had given orders in all the neighbouring French districts, that such of the inhabitants of Geneva as retired to any of them should be obliged to return, it soon amounted to near 600 persons; among whom were most of the Magistrates who had been deposed from their offices in 1792, many of the Professors, and almost the whole of the Clergy, a body of men who did honour to their coun∣try and to human nature, by their talents, their know∣ledge, their mild and tolerant spirit, and the spotless purity of their lives. Lest any of the latter should escape, they were pursued even into the churches, which, in spite of the threats they heard on all sides, of being treated as the priests had been treated in Paris, on the 2d of Septem∣ber, those venerable men had entered, for the purpose of imploring the mercy of Heaven upon their distracted coun∣try. In this manner, was the horrible sentence formerly pronounced by Brissot, sulfilled to its utmost extent: There must be a Revolution in Geneva, or there will be a Counter-Revolution in France.* 1.14

In the midst however of these shocking scenes, some few circumstances shewed, that the native character of the Genevese was not to be depraved but by degrees. Some of the Revolutionists could not refrain from tears, when they were ordered to be the gaolers of their countrymen, and, in more than one instance, declared, that they envied their situation, and, if possible, would gladly exchange with them. But these, as well as many other expressions of regret and remorse, were of little avail to the unhappy victims, whose adversaries were too watchful to leave them any means either of escape or resistance. One gene∣rous effort, indeed, was made by the women of Geneva (for the experiment was too hazardous for men to en∣gage in), who, to the number of two thousand, went in a body to the Revolutionary Tribunal, to intercede for them; but their tears and entreaties had no other effect, than that of exposing them to the brutal ridicule of the Judges, who ordered the fire-engines to be got ready, in

order to administer what they profanely called, the rights of Civic Baptism.

This feeble obstacle being removed, the Tribunal eagerly entered upon the discharge of its functions, and ordered eight of the prisoners to be brought up to trial, in which number, express directions were given to include the Ex-syndic Cayla, who had distinguished himself by the intrepid spirit with which he had opposed the former Revolution, the Ex-counsellor Prevost, whose principal offence was, that he had taken part in the negociation with General Montesquiou, and the Advocate De Roche∣mont.

The Tribunal sat in the Town Hall: the Judges took their places with the slieves of their shirts tucked up, like butchers, their legs and breasts naked, sabres at their sides, pistols in their girdles, and bottles and glasses on the table. Some of the Judges could not support a sight so truly diabolical; two were taken out in a sort of fainting fit, and four others permitted to retire. The rest kept their places, and proceeded to the discharge of their functions, in the midst of drunkenness, low witticisms, and indecent buffoonery. Add power to passion, says an Author of great candour, when speaking of transactions in Rome, exactly similar to those I am now describing in Geneva, add power to passion, and there is no wild beast so savage as man.* 1.15

Although there was no direct charge against these re∣spectable men, nor the slightest evidence produced of any plan of a Counter-Revolution, which had been the pretext for taking arms, nor any question asked, in any degree relative to it, yet the trial of the eight lasted till the next morning (the 26th of July); and on opening the ballot∣boxes, in which the opinions of the Judges were collected, it was found, that only two, neither of them Magistrates, were capitally convicted.

When this circumstance was known, the Marseillese and Mountaineers, impatient for blood, surrounded the Tribunal, with threats of vengeance against the perfidious Judges, who had acted so inconsistently with their former professions, and proposed to make an immediate massacre

of all the prisoners. The Judges affected to be alarmed, and the next day returned to the Bench, and, amidst the clamours and howlings of the Galleries, gave their opinions, not by ballot, as before, but openly; the consequence of which was, that seven of the eight were condemned to die, by the very men who, but the day before, had acquirted six of them; and who, on both occasions, called the Al∣mighty to witness the purity with which they gave their sentence.

The Revolutionary Nation to whom an appeal was re∣served, immediately assembled, in arms, to consider the sentence of the seven persons condemned; and though, under pretence of purifying the Assembly, the leaders of the Revolution had carefully excluded from it, all whom they suspected, either of integrity, or humanity, there was still a decided majority for sparing the lives of Cayla, Pre∣vost, and de Rochemont.

This third decision, so different from what they expected, increased the rage of the brutal Janisaries of the Revo∣lution. They reviled it as the consequence of Aristocra∣tical influence, and Aristocratical principles, and refused to abide by it.—They vented their execrations and me∣naces indiscriminately, and actually attempted to destroy two or three of their own party, who called upon the by∣standers to support the sovereignty of the people, and not suffer it to be insulted with impunity. Nor was this all: they sent armed Deputies to the Tribunal, to complain that false patriots had artfully mixed themselves, on this occasion, with the real lovers of their country, and dis∣appointed their hopes; to insist that the sentence of the three Aristocrats, who had been acquitted, should be annulled, and to declare, that, if this request was refused or delayed, they would repair to the prison, and do them∣selves justice.

The number of those who held this language was con∣siderable, and their menaces frightful. They were all provided with arms and ammunition; it was night; and those who disapproved of their measures, were either too much terrified to oppose them, or too disunited and dis∣trustful of each other to attempt it. These circumstances

were abundantly sufficient in the opinion of the Revolu∣tionary Tribunal, to justify it in assuming a new Jurisdic∣tion, and reversing the sentence passed by the people at large;* 1.16 they instantly delivered up the seven prisoners to the executioners who came to demand them.

These illustrious victims died in a manner, worthy of the cause, in which they suffered, and with all the dignity which religion, innocence and virtue can give. They refused to have their eyes covered; and their murderers, instead of dispatching them all at the same shot, were careful to make a second necessary. Cayla was the only one who spoke; I should die with pleasure, said he, could I hope that my death would restore peace and liberty to my unhappy country. The executioners tore in pieces a written paper, which De Rochement, a young Advocate of the most pro∣mising hopes, entreated them to deliver, after his death; to his family.—But Prevost contrived to drop a letter

which he had written with a pencil, and which exhibits a striking picture of the calm heroisin, and amiable tender∣ness of his disposition.—No man, said he, loses so much in dying, as I do. I return my most grateful thanks to my dear Wife, for all the happiness, for which I have been indebted to her; and I intreat her never to forget, that her hushand dies in the most honourable of causes; and, in spite of the delusion which occasions his untimely end, will be esteemed and regretted by all good Men.—My dear Mother: how little is the satisfaction You ever received from me, compared with the sorrow which has overtaken your vene∣rable old age! Weep for your Son; but let it comfort you to recollect, that he always walked in the paths of honour-Honour has always guided him, and will guide him, to the last moment of his life.—And let not my unhappy fate, my dear Son, deter you from following my example. Let strict integrity, and an invincible attachment to your Country, be the rules of your life, though your father's adherence to them has shortened his days. But let me conjure You never to engage in public affairs, &c.* 1.17

Though one crime naturally leads to another; and though the experience of all History shews, that the blood which has been already spilt, is, with the savage multitude, a reason for spilling more; yet some people hoped, that its fury was satiated, or at least, that the Swiss would inter∣pose, and prevent further horrors. But the bloody tra∣gedy had been acted with too much expedition, and too much fury to give them time to interfere, even if their interference could have been effectual. This however did not prevent the Bailiff (or Chief Magistrate) of that part of the territory of the Canton of Berne, which hes nearest to Geneva, from writing a letter to one of the Syndics, to assure him that the whole Helvetic Union saw with horror, and detestation, the preparations that were

making, for the effusion of blood, at Geneva; and to conjure the deluded people of that Republic, to recollect themselves, and desist before it was too late.

The Syndic to whom the letter was addressed, took care not to communicate it to the People; and, in his answer to the Bailiff, excused himself, by assuring him, that it would have been dangerous to do so, as the determi∣nation of the majority had already, in one instance, been over∣ruled; and you will easily understand, said he, the delicate nature of our situation, and your heart is formed, to sympa∣thize with us, when you recollect the dangers and difficulties to which the Constitutional Government is exposed.

This answer, artful as it was, did not impose upon the sagacious Swiss. They saw clearly, that this pretended Constitutional Government, if it was not the author, was at least an accomplice, in the enormities it affected to con∣demn:* 1.18 and while they generously afforded an hospitable asylum to those who had the good fortune to make their escape from its fury, they, at the same time, took advan∣tage of the impressions of horror, which the transactions at Geneva had made upon the minds of their subjects, to publish the following Proclamation, which, as it gives a very correct, and at the same time, a very concise picture of the scenes I have attempted to describe, is the only State Paper I shall give You the trouble of reading at length.

TO OUR DEAR AND FAITHFUL FELLOW-CITIZENS, WE, THE AVOYER, LITTLE COUNCIL, AND GREAT COUNCIL, OF THE CITY AND REPUBLIC OF BERNE, SEND GREETING.

You cannot be ignorant of the melancholy events, which have lately taken place in Geneva. That Repub∣lic,

in whose welfare, both as allies, and as neighbours, we have taken so long the strongest, and most affectionate interest, is overwhelmed by calamities, perfectly new in their kind, and in extent, duration, and consequences, beyond the eye of Man to trace.

At the very moment when We, and our Neighbours, the Canton of Zurich, were told in form by the new Government of Geneva, that the Revolution was com∣pleted; that peace and tranquillity would be the imme∣diate consequence of the new System, and that all former differences were at an end; We learn that a band of lawless Men has attacked, and, by main force, com∣pletely overthrown, in that Republic, all public Li∣berty, and all private security. Houses have been forcibly entered, without lawful authority; the Inha∣bitants of them, violently dragged out of them, arbi∣tratily detained, and illegally imprisoned. The Minis∣ters of Religion have been attacked in a City, which called itself one of the bulwarks of the Reformation, in a manner, that threatens Religion itself.—In the midst of this general confusion, some individuals have been put to death, against the wishes of a decided Majority of their Judges. Plots are laid against the lives, the liber∣ty, and the property of others, without regard to the sanctity of oaths, or the established forms and setled maxims of Law; and the Inhabitants in general are at the mercy of Usurpers, who dispose of the lives and fortunes of their Countrymen, with no other rule of conduct, than their own tyrannical caprice.

We see with the liveliest sorrow, the wretched situ∣ation of a State, which has ever been an object of inte∣rest to us, and from its local position, must ever engage the attention of the Helvetic Body. But our sorrow is lost in indignation, when We hear, that some of our own subjects have taken a part in transactions so cri∣minal. Our anxiety for the safety, and honour of our country, will not permit us to suffer such men to return to, or remain in it. We therefore order, that such of them as are not at present within our territories, do not presume to enter them; and that those who have engaged

in such enormities, and are within our jurisdiction, be immediately apprehended, in order to receive the pu∣nishment their crimes deserve.

We have no doubt but that our Dear and Faithful Fellow-citizens will participate these sentiments with us, and will exert themselves, to give effect to this Procla∣mation. Above all, We indulge a confident hope, that the sight of the disasters which have overwhelmed Geneva will teach them to set a just value on those impartial laws, which, with a mild and beneficent Religion, have so long secured to us the enjoyment of public peace, of private security, and of all the blessings which Almighty God so liberally bestows on those He loves, and which, We trust, He will continue to shed on us, as He shed them on our forefathers, if, like them, We confide in his goodness, and endeavour to deserve the continuance of it, by our obedience to his Laws, and our unshaken love of our Country.

Given in our Great Council, the 4th day of August, 1794.

FROM THE CHANCERY OF BERNE.

This truly paternal admonition had the effect it deserved, on that part of the territory of Berne, which lies the nearest to us; for those of the inhabitants, on whom the artifices which had succeeded so fatally in Geneva, had been prac∣tised with some degree of effect, have since candidly acknow∣ledged, that the fate of the Genevese brought them back to a sense of their interest, and duty.

In the mean time, under pretence of Economy, but in truth, to conceal the extent of the horrors that had been, and still were to be perpetrated; the Revolutionary Tribu∣nal issued an order forbidding the use of mourning, for a year to come. This was soon followed by another, for lowering the interest of money, and for annulling all leases; by the last of which regulations, they not only relieved the lower classes, from the payment of rents, which, from the depreciated value of property, were become too high, but in fact levied a heavy fine upon those people of pro∣perty,

whom they had hitherto had no pretence for at∣tacking.

They also renewed their domiciliary visits, leaving no more than twelve ounces of plate to any individual; and because the French had consiscated the property of such of their own Emigrants, as had borne arms against the new Republic, these faithful imitators summoned most of the Genevese who happened to be absent, when the late tragic scenes were acted, to return immediately, under the same penalty, and ordered all persons whose fortunes exceeded 800 l. sterling, to give in an account of them within a week, in order that they might be assessed in proportion to their property and to their patriotism: and, to crown the whole, they assigned several churches as places of meeting for the different Clubs; they reduced the usual divine Service to a very small number of Offices, and permitted the ceremony of Marriage, and the administration of the Sacrament of Baptism, to be performed by the civil Ma∣gistrate.

The Revolutionary Tribunal having thus prepared the way for new enterprises, and made a satisfactory trial of the obedience of its subjects, by threatening all, who pre∣sumed to express the slightest disapprobation of its mea∣sures, with what it called a Revolutionary punishment, re∣sumed the proceedings, which it had suspended only until it could satisfy itself, whether the Nation was suffi∣ciently accustomed to the sight of blood, to bear the further effusion of it. After banishing some soldiers of the Garrison, who had generously refused to act as execu∣tioners on the late occasion, it selected four other victims; three of whom had been Magistrates.

One of them, named Naville Gallatin, was a man of great talents, and defended himself with such eloquence and strength of argument, that one of his Judges, in giving sentence against him, said,—I have two consciences; one of which tells me You are innocent; but the other tells me, You must die, that the State may be saved.—When I die, answered the intrepid Magistrate, the State will lose a great Citizen.

The expression is bold, but perfectly characterises his ele∣vated and undaunted spirit.

And now, continued he, when sentence of death was passed on him, now mark the fate which awaits You and Your accomplices; for You must not hope that guilt like yours, can go unpunished. You will find that all the ties of Social Order, which you have broken to attain your ends, will again be broken by those, who succeed You in your crimes, and in Your power: new factions will be formed against you, out of your own; and as You have united, like wild beasts, in pursuing your prey, so, like wild beasts, You will tear each other to pieces, in dividing it. Thus will you avenge the cause of those, who have fallen, and are yet to fall sacrifices, to your avarice and ambition. To them, as well as to me, the prospect of approaching Immortalit, robs Death of all its terrors; but to You the last moments of life will be embittered by reflections, more poignant than any tortures You can inflict. The innocent blood you have shed will be heard against You, and You will die without daring to implore the pardon of Heaven.* 2.1

So great was the reputation of this Magistrate, and so highly was he reverenced by the Revolutionists themselves, that though they had given up their right to review the sentences of the Revolutionary Tribunal, yet, on this occasion, they shewed an earnest wish to resume it, in order to save his life; and they actually affembled for that purpose. But before they could take the necessary steps, the Tribunal had an intimation of their intention; and to disappoint it, they promised, in the most solemn manner, that no execution should take place that night. In breach, however of the promise, they contrived that the execu∣tioners should come and demand him; and he, in the middle of the night, was shot, with the ex-syndic Fatio, on a remote part of the Ramparts.† 2.2

Many others would probably have suffered the same fate, but saved themselves, by well-applied pecuniary sacrifices‡ 2.3; and the power of the Tribunal having at

length expired, the Judges of it resigned their authority, after having held it about a fortnight; in which period, they tried and pronounced sentence on 508 prisoners; of whom,

37	were sentenced to death and forfeiture of all their property, 26 of whom were condemned for non∣appearance.
94	to perpetual exile, and forfeiture of all their pro∣perty.
4	to exile for different periods.
264	to confinement, for different periods, in their own houses.
10	to imprisonment for life, in the house of correction.
7	to imprisonment in the same place, for different periods.
71	were removed from their Offices, or severely repri∣manded; and,
21	were acquitted; but only two received any compen∣sation for what they had undergone.
508

At last, said the Judges, in the report they made pre∣vious to resigning their offices, at last the People is avenged. In discharging, continued they, the painful and important duties imposed upon us, we have followed no general Rules, we have been guided by no Legal principles.

And now that the Revolution is completely established, per∣mit us to declare our ideas, of what our Country re∣quires of all its Citizens: it requires of them the prac∣tice of all the Social and Civic Virtues; it requires of them the purest Morality, the most undeviating inte∣grity, both in their private transactions, and in their public duties. In short, it requires that we be com∣pletely regenerated.—In vain shall we have lopped off the abuses, that naturally shoot from excessive wealth; unless we establish Justice, Probity, and Virtue, not in words, but by actions, and by the irresistible force of example, Corruption will again rear her Hydra head.

&c. &c. &c.

When language like this, is heard from such men, on such an occasion; when to other crimes, is added the hy∣pocritical affection of conscience and principle, what hope is there of remorse? What expectation of a return to jus∣tice and humanity? Alas! the unfortunate Genevese have no hope, no expectation, but that feeble one, that the fate of Roberspierre may be a warning to his imitators, and that, since compunction cannot, fear may produce some mitigation of their cruelty.

But however this may be, Geneva is no longer what it was, a very few months ago: it is a new city standing on the ruins of the old one; instead of peace, security, indus∣try, content, and all the hapiness which attends the prac∣tice of virtue, nothing is to be seen but pillage, murder, and all the crimes, and all the misery, which the dissolution of social ties, lets it upon the human species. Such is the train of evils, which the adoption of the Jacobinical philo∣sophy, has introduced into Geneva: what must the effects of that System be, upon other countries, when we see those it has produced upon a nation, which, in the midst of its former intestine commotions, constantly revered the rights of property, and shuddered at the sight of blood!

That a people so wise, so temperate, so much accus∣tomed to Liberty, and so well acquainted with the convul∣sions which the enjoyment of it too often occasions, should so suddenly have abandoned its native character and assu∣med a new one, cannot but be matter of surprise to every attentive reader, and certainly calls for some explanation. The limits of a letter do not permit me to go into a long detail, though the subject is worthy of the minutest investi∣gation. I shall therefore briefly state, that I do not hesitate to impute the whole of that strange depravation of the cha∣racter of my Countrymen, to the effect of a combination borrowed by them of the French, from whence La Fayette, too late, and in vain, predicted that anarchy and disorder which has since so universally prevailed in every depart∣ment of his Country: I mean that combination, which, by gradually imparting power to those who were not respon∣sible for the use of it, at last left those responsible for the

use of it, from whose hands it had been wrested.—As the attention of your Countrymen will, no doubt, be much engaged in discussing the probable consequences of the new self-created popular societies, or Clubs, and particularly the dangers resulting from any association amongst them, I shall be more particular in explaining my meaning.

Cicero ascribes the duration of the Republican form of Government in Rome, to the institution of the office of Tribune; the very office which seems so often to have en∣dangered the existence of the Government, but which, though established for the purpose of resisting the usurpa∣tions of the Senate, in its operation effectually restrained the extravagancies of the people, by making the Plebeian Magistrates responsible for them.—The history of Geneva abounds with illustrations of the truth of Cicero's obser∣vation. During the struggle of Parties, which so fre∣quently distracted that little Republic, we constantly see that the rights of property and of persons, were preserved with religious care, and that the blessings of social order, were equally the objects of reverence with both. This can be ascribed to no other cause than the union of power and responsibility in those who were appointed the Chiefs of both Parties, and remained so during the whole contest. Even the moderation which was observed for the first six months after the Revolution, or rather Usurpation of 1792, is to be referred to no other cause. But from that period, when the inferior Demagogues, who were of too little consequence to be members of either the Government or the Convention, began, in imitation of the Jacobins at Paris, to collect all their Democratical Clubs, and unite them into one great Central Club, under the direction of a weekly President, the whole fabric of Government and of social order was shaken to its base, because the whole power of the State thereby fell into the hands of a capri∣cious mob, which either had no chiefs at all, or had such as were not permanent, and consequently not subject to the smallest degree of responsibility.

The new Magistrates had undoubtedly no suspicion of the shock, which the erection of this great Central Club,

would finally give to their authority; nor were they sensible of it, until the General Assembly, which, under the old Con∣stitution of Geneva, seldom met, and had merely a power of adopting or rejecting, by a simple affirmative or nega∣tive, the new Laws proposed to it, was superseded by another Body partially constituted, daily assembled, and assuming the power of deliberating and proposing new measures, as well as of censuring those adopted by Admi∣nistration. The resolves of this new Body soon became orders which the Government did not dare to disobey, and for which nevertheless, it was still considered as responsible, though the individuals at whose suggestions those resolves had been taken were never inquired after.—When the Magistrates discovered the insignificancy to which they were thus reduced, they tried to restore themselves to some share of their former importance, by endeavouring to put themselves at the head of the Central Club, which was now in fact the head of the Republic: But it was now too late; the chief power and influence of that Body was in a continual state of fluctuation, and the public mind so entirely alienated and perverted, that they had no means of obtaining even a hearing, but by declaiming against the moderation of the Government, or of the Convention. From invectives of this sort, they soon proceeded to pro∣posals of the most extravagant nature; they openly circu∣lated alarming reports of the machinations of the Aristo∣cratical party, and recommended alterations, which, they said, would not fail to restore the Golden Age.

The consequences of thus intermixing the despotism of the rabble, with the dominion of the people, were such as might naturally be expected: habits of indolence, the distress occasioned by those habits, a sort of perpetual in∣toxication of the public mind, and the most alarming instability both of political and moral principle.—These mischiess were the more extensive, as, for the first time in Geneva, young men under age procured an admission into that Club, and after emancipating themselves there from the restraints of paternal authority, (which might perhaps have supplied for some time the decline of public authority) acquired a decided superiority over those of a more ad∣vanced

age and more sober judgment. Nay, so powerful was the delirium which then pervaded the public mind, that, since the institution of Trial by Jury took place, not one of them dared to convict any member of the Club, of any infringement of the public peace, however flagrant and atrocious it might be, and however solicitous Govern∣ment might be for their punishment. It was the more impossible not to foresee that the impunity attending lesser crimes, would inevitably encourage the perpetration of greater ones, as on each of these acquittals, it was easy to observe the triumphs of the Central Club, which now gradually fell under the influence of a new set of leaders of desperate fortunes, who only surpassed each other by the violence of their respective motions, and who were alto∣gether irresponsible.

Such was the degenerated state of the Central Club, when Bousquet was informed that it was ripe for the adop∣tion and execution of his great and extensive plans of sub∣version and revolution, the daring wickedness of which, was the circumstance the most likely to ensure their success. The manner in which the event justified his expectations, has been already related; and from the exact similarity between his measures, resulting from such dangerous associ∣ations, and those of the Jacobins at Paris, as well as between the consequences of each, is irrefutably proved, the wisdom of that Axiom in Politics, that Liberty can only be secure where power and responsibility are united.

Such have been for Geneva the consequences of the violation of that salutary principle, that in one point only do we still discover the true Genevese character; I mean in the jealous vigilance, with which both the oppressors and the oppressed, watch over their political independence, and have hitherto protected it from the treachery of France. Doubtless, the leaders of the Revolution find it more convenient to insult, and plunder their defenceless Coun∣trymen at home, than to be put in Requisition, and draughted into the armies of the Ocean, the Rhine, and the Pyrenees: but plunder must have an end; and when the booty is spent, what will then remain for them, but to sell their unhappy country to the highest bidder?

If it be painful to You, Sir, to read this description, how much more so is it for a Genevan to write it? So painful is it, that I should hardly have undertaken the task, had I not been informed, that some of my unhappy Coun∣trymen are about to embark for America, in confidence of finding there, the liberty and security, which they have lost at home.—Permit me, Sir, to recommend those un∣fortunate Exiles to your protection, and to the humanity of your Countrymen; and be assured, that for the hospi∣tality, and generous assistance, You hold forth to them, You will receive an ample return, of a kind which the Americans prize the most: The Genevese who settle among You, will bring You habits of acting and of thinking, truly Republican, and perfectly conformable to your own: They will bring You an enlightened zeal for liberty, an habitual submission to equal and impartial Laws, an awful reverence for Religion, and a sacred regard for Property: But above all, Sir, they will bring You that dread of the interference of foreign Powers, which their melancholy experience has taught them, and a profound respect for those essential, and fundamental forms of the Constitution, which, in free States, are the strongest safe∣guards of Liberty.

I am, Sir, &c. &c.

Notes

• * 1.1

  For all common purposes the Executive Power was lodged in two Councils, one of which, called the Little Council, consisted of 28 mem∣bers, who, when elected, hold their situations for life; the other, or Great Council, was composed of 250 members, who, by a law passed in 1791, were elected for seven years, and went out in rotation. The administration of justice was entrusted to the Little Council, under the direction of 4 Presidents or Syndics, annually elected out of it, and sub∣ject to an appeal in most cases to the Great Council: but the supreme sovereign authority of the State resided wholly and exclusively in the General Assembly of the People, which was composed of such as inherited or had purchased the title of Citizens. Such descendants of foreigners as were not entitled to the privileges of that character, were called Na∣tives, and, by a law passed in 1791, might be admitted to them on pay∣ment of a small fine; but the number of citizens by birth was so great, and the fine by the payment of which the natives became citizens, was so inconsiderable, that nearly three fourths of the Genevese who were of age, and in solvent circumstances, were members of the General Assembly.

  This sovereign Body, thus composed, possessed the whole legislative power of the State: it elected all the magistrates, all the officers of State, and all the members of the two Councils; it made peace, and declared war; it ratified treaties with foreign Powers, and imposed taxes. But at the same time it exercised these important prerogatives under restrictions which prevented the inconveniences naturally arising from so democratical a Constitution; for it could be convened by none but the Syndics and the two Councils; it could enter upon no business but such as they laid before it; no business could be laid before it which had not previously been discussed and approved in each of the Councils; and finally, it had no power but of simply assenting to, or dissenting from, what was laid before it, without modification, and without debate.

  Such was the Constitution of Geneva, when the attack which is the subject of the following narrative was made upon it; and such it had been ever since the reformation, with the exception of such momentary interruptions as naturally happen, and are to be expected, in a State where almost every member of the community has, and any member of it may easily have, a share in the Government. The salutary restrictions and judicious modifications which I have mentioned, had by degrees ripened the Constitution of Geneva into what Rousseau thought the Sublimest work of political wisdom which the world had ever seen. The French affect to idolize the memory of Rousseau, in whose opinion "the most perfect liberty is dearly purchased by the effusion of a single drop of blood." What would he have thought of his worshippers, had he lived to see the object of his greatest reverence, and most affectionate attach∣ment, made the first sacrifice on the bloody altars of a system of which they call him the author?
• * 1.2

  The letter of Servan, the Minister at War, dated October 3. 1792, concluded with these words:—If you are told that these muskets are neces∣sary for the defence of the town, you may remove their apprehensions, by leaving them 4 or 5000 men to take care of them. You may thus convert Geneva into a barrier of the Republic.

  In a letter written but four days before, he ordered Montesquiou to march towards Geneva, in order to give freedom of action to the friends of Liberty, who were in considerable numbers there, and to establish a form of Government suitable to their wishes.
• * 1.3

  The fame person who was afterwards sent in a public character to America, and who, if he is there still, will not deny the truth of these assertions.
• ‡ 1.4

  This treaty, this ignominious capitulation (as it was called), was signed on the 2d of Nov. by F. A. P. Montesquiou, J. F. Prevost, A. Lullin, and F. D'Ivernois, and begins with stating the circumstances that had led to the misunderstanding between the two Republics, and the measures taken to remove it. It then proceeds thus:

  The Plenipotentiary of the French Nation declares, in the name of his Constituents,—that the country he represents, is equally incapable of fearing her enemies, or of making a bad use of victory; and considering how recently she re∣stored, in the very moment of conquest, a conquered nation (Savoy) to itself, it is unreasonable to suspect her of any intention to attack the liberty of a nation, to which she was bound by ties of alliance. Those calculations of comparative strength, which Despots are so much in the habit of making, and by the result of which they are induced either to attack, or to desist from attacking their neighbours, will never be re∣sorted to by a people which has founded its own Rights upon the broad and comprehensive basis of the Rights of Man. The French Republic has resisted the interference of other nations in her domestic affairs, even at the expence of her own blood: she feels therefore some degree of pride in declaring, that she has not the most remote intention to introduce her troops either into the town, or any part of the territory of Geneva. Nor does she mean to assume the smallest authority with her, or exert any kind of influence over her Government. If there∣fore, on the present occasion, she requires of the Magistrates of Geneva, to be contented with the means they have within their own walls, for defending the town, and securing obedience tö the laws, it is because she considers that line of conduct as indispensably necessary for the pre∣servation of the liberty of Geneva, as well as for the continuance of the neutrality which its magistrates have adopted, and which it is so much their interest to observe with scrupulous exactness. In short, the intentions and views of France, have been so often and so distinctly declared, that it is impossible a free people can doubt their sincerity. Tyrants only, and the abettors of tyranny, dare call them in ques∣tion.

  The Plenipotentiaries of Geneva, on behalf of the Syndics and Council, declared, That having the honour to be the Magistrates of a free people, they neither now, nor at any future time, will acknow∣ledge any judge of their conduct, but God and their Countrymen. They therefore,

  &c. &c.
• * 1.5

  It is to be observed that, in this report, Brissot, after attempting to six upon us as a crime, that we had included ourselves in the neutrality of the Helvetic Body, which he called an ill-disguised accession to the com∣bination of Despots, urged against us with still more vehemence, the con∣cern which the King of Great-Britain generously took in our affairs, at so critical a moment.

  Lord R. Fitzgerald, the British Minister in Switzerland, had written from Berne, on the 8th of October, to the Syndies and Council of Geneva, assuring them of the good-will of his Britannic Majesty, and of his earnest wishes for the continuance of the tranquillity, liberty and inde∣pendence of their Republic, which were so intimately connected with the quiet and happiness of the whole Helvetic Body. "And I have no doubt," continued he,

  that his Majesty will entirely approve of the steps you have taken, which are justified by ancient usage and solemn treaties, and are so essential to the preservation of the neutrality observed by the Helvetic Union; a line of conduct to which, I am sure, you want no persuasions of mine to induce you to adhere.

  Brissot commented on this letter, in the course of his report, in the fol∣lowing manner:

  The Aristocrats of Geneva have resorted to other stratagems. They have endeavoured (and not-without success), to excite the Cabinet of London against us, and have procured a Minister Plenipotentiary to be sent to Geneva, to assure them, that the King of Great-Britain is inte∣rested in their situation, and approves of their conduct. Doubtless the people of Great-Britain will hear, with indignation, that its influence has been employed in protecting the aristocracy of a few intriguers, and in crushing the freedom of a whole people. Doubtless, it will call those who have dared to profane its name for such a purpose, to a rigid account. But be that as it may, the French Republic will not retract. The appearance of a King upon the stage will not terrify us; nor shall the farce in which he is to be introduced, retard our justice.

  This part of the report was as much applauded as any other; and it is worth remarking that it was delivered in the Convention precisely two months before Mr. Chauvelin received orders to leave London.
• * 1.6

  This decree was the natural consequence of the boldness, with which he had, all along, reprobated their conduct towards the Genevese. Not satisfied with pleading their cause in his official correspondence with the Minister for Foreign Affairs, he wrote in the following terms, on the 7th of October, to Garat, the Minister of Justice, of whom he enter∣tained a better opinion than of his colleagues:

  I conjure you not to follow the infamous example of Despotism; I call upon your pure and Republican heart, not to shut your ears to the indignant voice of an honest man. Exert all the vigour of real virtue in behalf of oppressed Geneva, and do not fuffer our country to be disgraced by a wanton and abominable abuse of power.

  In a letter of the same date, to Vergniaux, the leading Member of the Convention, he says,

  I am acting a part equally dishonourable to my country and to myself. When I was ordered to negociate with the Genevese, I thought that the first diplomatic act of the French Republic, should bear upon the face of it, the stamp of true greatness; I mean, moderation and justice. I laid out of my consideration, the comparative power, and strength, of the two nations: I raised Geneva, in my own imagination, to the level of France, and remembered only, that one free people was treating with another. The treaty was concluded, signed, and transmitted to Paris. With equal surprise and indignation, I learned, that the spirit, not of true greatness, but of childish vanity, had cavilled at some of the articles of it, and that I must propose alterations. I obeyed; and such was the confidence my former conduct had inspired, that those alterations were accepted. Yesterday, however, I received a letter from the Minister at War, directing me to make new preparations for hostility: again, I have obeyed, and I hope that the readiness of my obedience will silence the calumnies, which my enemies circulate, so industriously, against me. But will You, Sir, you who are a man of talents and virtue—will You suffer the infancy of a Republic, on which the eyes of the Universe are fixed, to be polluted by the foul perfidy of Courts? Will you disgrace your darling Country, by the scandalous repetition of the fable of the Wolf and the Lamb? Will it add to our honour, or to our power, to crush the feeblest of our neighbours, to violate the most sacred rule of universal justice, and to plunge ourselves into an addi∣tional war? If I can avert such a disgrace from my Country, by awakening the feelings of an honest man, I shall do a virtuous action, and you will be worthy of the name of Frenchman. I am alarmed, and distressed, at the thought of being made the instrument of an act of perfidy, which the Ministers would never have thought of, had they known the whole truth; I call upon you, Sir, whom I know to be a man of honour, to declare it to them, &c.

  He had already given the Ministers his opinion of their conduct, in the most unequivocal terms. It is, said he, the exact counterpart of that of the Duke of Brunswick; and your instructions, a mere copy of his Manifesto. This reproach was too just, not to be deeply felt, and as deeply resented: he was immediately accused, in the Convention, of having betrayed the interests, and sacrificed the honour of his country, in the treaty he had negociated with us; of having chained down the valour of his troops, and disgraced the French name, by granting terms to the Aristo∣crates of Geneva, which a handful of his countrymen had refused to Bruns∣wick, and his numerous cohorts.

  Not a single voice was heard, in the Convention, in his favour, nor did any friend dare to inform him of the danger that awaited him. Hap∣pily the indiscretion of the messenger who was sent to seize him, gave the Genevese an opportunity of making him some return, for the services he had rendered them, by facilitating his escape, which he had the good fortune to effect on the 14th of November. See Mémoirs Justicatis pour le Citoyen Françcis, A P. Montesquiou, Général de l' Armé des Alpes, adresse au Président de la Convention, Novembre, 1792.
• * 1.7

  In favour of the children of aliens born at Geneva, this fine was by degrees reduced to about six pounds sterling, and was part of the funds of the hospitals, the arsenals, and other institutions of public utility which had been founded by the Genevese in former ages.
• * 1.8

  The Magistrates showed themselves worthy of the confidence, and attachment of their fellow-citizens. They immediately wrote a letter to Le Brun, who was then Minister for Foreign Affairs, in which, after fully disproving every charge brought against them, they offered their own lives and fortunes, if such a sacrifice would preserve the indepen∣dence of their country: "nay," said they,

  we will bless the hand, which takes them from us, if, by losing them, we can transmit, to our children, the liberty we have received, from our forefathers; we will bless the hand, which, by sacrificing us, averts the storm that seems to hang over the Helvetic Body, and the French Republic, and saves the latter the indelible disgrace, of beginning its career, with the ruin of the country, which gave birth to the Philosopher, to whom she gratefully looks up, as to the author of her freedom: we will bless the hand, which rescues the age of liberty, from the mortification and ignominy, of seeing two free nations wantonly turning their arms against each other.

  See Recueit de Pieces authentiques pour servir de suite à l'écrit intitulé, An accurate Statement of the Proceedings of the French towards the Republic of Geneva—London, 1739, Sold by Debrett, Piccadilly.
• * 1.9

  The French made no secret of the importance which they thought the acquisition of Geneva would be of to them; and when they substi∣tuted the plan of intrigue for the former plan of force, Anacharsis Cloots, a principal character in the Convention, said publicly in his place, that if Geneva persisted in refusing to give herself to France, they must try to persuade her to permit France to give herself to Geneva.
• ‡ 1.10

  In order to take from the French every pretext for interfering any farther, the authors of the Revolution immediately announced the com∣pletion of it, by planting the tree of liberty. A symbol so little known to our people was purposely chosen, in order to contrast the system it re∣presented the more strongly with that it had supplanted; but, as it also shewed, that the new system was perfectly established, and had no need of farther assistance, it in that respect disappointed the views of those who had contributed to introduce it. It was not by accident that the inscrip∣tion of it was ambiguous— This tree protects our city better then we can.
• * 1.11

  The Abbé Soulavie, who distinguished himself in France soon after the Revolution, by an obscene performance, called The Private Life of Marshal Riehelieu.
• † 1.12

  This was carried so far, that, for the sole purpose of increasing the distress which Geneva then felt from want of provisions, the French Agents constantly refused, under various pretences, to permit any sup∣plies to be carried into the town from two small districts which belonged to us, and to which the road lay through the French territory, though the right of so doing was secured by numerous treaties. But I have heard that since the second Revolution (which will be mentioned hereafter) the prohibition has been taken off.
• * 1.13

  Indeed the two Syndics in question were actually seen, on the night of the 18th, in the foremost ranks of the conspirators, with arms in their hands.
• * 1.14

  See p 8.
• * 1.15

  Plut. in vitâ Ciceronis.
• * 1.16

  On the next day, they published an apology for this part of their conduct, for which they acknowledged themselves responsible; yet, with impudent inconsistency, imputed what had happened to the machina∣tions of those they called the enemies of the Revolution. This apology may be considered as a formal declaration of war against the rest of the Aristocrats, that is to say, of the people of property. It accuses them of still persevering in their claims to superiority; of having refused to frater∣nize with the Revolutionists in the Civic Feasts; of anxiously wishing for a Counter-Revolution in France, as the prelude to a similar event in Geneva; of having expressed the warmest wishes for the success of the Rebels in Lyons; and of having concerted measures, to have the law, which was to make new 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on themselves, rejected. In this Manifesto, the Leaders of the Conspiracy, for the first time, threw off the mask; and, both by the style of the jargon in which it is written, and by the sentiments it con∣tains, plainly shewed who were the real contrivers of the second Revo∣lution; for they dwelt much on the displeasure of the FRENCH, which they said, was occasioned by the timid and inconsistent conduct of the first Revo∣lutionists, who, at the very moment they were beasting of having established the principles of Liberty and Equality in their Republic, suffered it still to be polluted by the residence of incorrigible Aristocrates. They called upon the Revolutionary People, in the sacred name of Fraternity, to beware of feel∣ing, or indulging compassion; to put an end to the reign of criminal impunity; to rid their country of its perverse and ungrateful Children; and to put it out of their power, to raise their parricidal hands against her.—The Tri∣bunal undertook for itself, to revolutionize prinerples and manners; to regenerate public spirit, to labour incessantly in forming establishments to pre∣vent the introduction, or existence of distress among them; to form true Partriots; to prepare the way for Universal Happiness, &c. &c. &c.
• * 1.17

  It may perhaps be necessary to inform the Reader, that this respect∣able man was one of the most able and intrepid opposers of the attempts, made by the Count de Vergennes, on the established Constitution of Geneva; and was the Magistrate, who, as Attorney General, proposed and carried the abolition of the form of Government, introduced by that arbitrary Minister.
• * 1.18

  What must those Cantons think, when they hear, that one of the Syadies, who, as a Chief Magistrate of the Republic, had just before assured them, that the Revolution of 1792, was completed, and that there would be no repetition of it, was not ashamed, in a letter written to a Correspondent in London, to pride himself on having foreseen the second Revolution, of which, he said, a man must have been blind not to see the absolute necessity? In the Letter alluded to, he completely lays aside the mask; and though he admits, that the people had obtained all the liberty they could wish for, he goes on to remind his Correspondent, that they were poor, and that the Rich had had their turn in the injoyment of opulence, &c.
• * 2.1

  The speech he made to the Judges, when he was first brought before them, has been since published in Swizzerland. The follow∣ing passage strongly marks the character of this intrepid Magistrate. "And who are you," (addressing himself to the Tribunal)

  who are You, who now presume to sit in judgement on me? I see none on that Bench, but Usurpers.—After the destruction of the legal Ma∣gistracy in 1792, You made new Laws, and erected new Authorities; both of which You have since superseded, and, in their stead, have established a merciless Proscription.... Will you dare to say, that you act under the Authority of the Sovereign People? If the People be your Sovereign, why have you not assembled it, without dis∣tinction of party, or opinion? and why is this place filled with every object, that can influence the fears, and over-rule the consciences, of those who are to decide on our lives?

  Do not imagine that I mean to disgrace myself, by endeavour∣ing to excite your compassion. I know that my death is already determined on; and you know that I am too decided a soe to injustice, to hope to escape the sad, but honourable fate of the Ma∣gistrates You have murdered. But yet, to prove to all Europe, the atrocious injustice of your proceedings, I declare in the presence of Almighty God, that, ever since the Revolution in 1792, I have lived in the closest retirement. Unable to restore the true laws of my Country, I submitted to yours; and while I carefully nourished in my bosom a spark of Liberty, which even your tyranny cannot extin∣guish, I consented to wear your chains, and to stifle the murmurs, which the fight of successful wickedness, excited in my bosom. To be relieved from that fight, in some degree, alleviates the misery of leaving my Wife and my Children; who, whatever be their fu∣ture fate, will never have reason to be ashamed of my memory,

  &c. &c. &c.
• † 2.2

  The two others, Andeoud and Delorme, were executed at nearly the same time; so that, in the whole, eleven persons suffered on this occasion, viz. Cayla, Prevost, De Rochement, De Combe••, Vivien, Chenaud, Meu∣nier, Naville, Fatio, Audeoud, and Delorme.
• ‡ 2.3

  By this means, many individuals, who seemed the principal objects of the popular fury, escaped, while others, apparently much less obnox∣ious, were sacrificed. One of the Judges, who, for good reasons, had suddenly become favourable to Bellami, one of the prisoners, against whom the Populace seemed particularly irritated, said, If God had told me this morning, Thou wilt spare that Aristocrat, I should have answered, God, thou lieft; and yet, considering the defence he has made, I find myself bound to acquit him. Another more severe, or less venal, concluded his opinion by saying, We are told that the Prisoner at the Bar has many private virtues; but so had Naville. I condemned him, notwithstand∣ing his virtues: I see no reason why this man should be better treated. His sentence was mitigated into consiscation and exile. Such is the extreme uncertainty necessarily attending upon every Revolution of this kind, that Naville, a few moments before he appeared in Court, took a very affectionate leave of Bellami, whose fate was generally expected to be more severe than his own, and promised to take care of his wife and children. Naville was executed, and Bellami escaped.