An historical and geographical account of Algiers; comprehending a novel and interesting detail of events relative to the American captives. / By James Wilson Stevens.

DESCRIPTION, &c.

CHAP. I.

Its division; rivers, soil, climate, and productions; ani|mals, antiquities and curi••••ities; inhabitants, customs and manners; dress, language, corsairs and commerce; revenues, government, punishments and religion.

THE kingdom of Algiers is situated between 32 and 37 degrees of north latitude, which corresponds to that of the United States from near the southern boundary of Virginia to near the river Savannah in Georgia, and between 76 and 84 de|grees 20 minutes east longitude from Philadelphia. It extends 480 miles in length from east to west along the northern coast of Africa, and 320 miles in breadth from north to south. It is bounded by the Mediterranean on the north, by the kingdom of Tunis on the east, by mount Atlas on the south, and by the river Mulvia, which separates it from the empire of Morocco, on the west, At the dis|tance of 120 miles from the sea-coast, that part of Africa becomes a barren d••sart, almost entirely uninhabitable either by man or beast.

This country derives its name from its metro|polis, and is at present divided into three provinces or districts, viz. the eastern, western, and southern.

The eastern, or Levantine government, which is by far the most considerable of the three, and is also called Beylick, contains the towns of Bona, Constan|tina, Gigeri, Bugia, Steffa, Tebef, Zamoura, Bis|cara, and Necanz, in all which the Turks have their garrisons: besides which, it includes the two ancient kingdoms of Cuco and Labez, though in|dependent of the Algerine government, to whose forces their country is inaccessible; so that they still live under their own cheyks, chosen by each of their adowars or hords. To these may be added a French factory at Calle, under the direction of the company of the French Bastion.—The western government includes the towns of Oran, Trem••sen, Mostagan, Tenez , and Sercelli, with its castle and garrison.—The southern government has neither town, village, nor even a house, which obliges the bey and his forces to be always encamped.

RIVERS.

THE most considerable rivers of Algiers, are 1. The Zha or Ziz, which crosses the province of Tremesen, and the desart of Anguid, along the frontier of Fez, and falls into the Mediterranean near the town of Tabecrita, where it takes the name of Sirut. Its water is clear and full of fish.

2. The Hued-Habra, which falls into the Ziz near the plains of Cirek. Along its banks live ma|ny desperate Arabs, who are troublesome neigh|bours to the province of Oran.

3. The Haregol, or Te••••e, called Siga by Pro|lemy, descends from the great Atlas, crosses the de|sart of Anguid, and falls into the sea about five leagues from Oran.

4. The Mina, supposed to be the Chylematis of Pto••emy, a large river that runs northward through

the plains of Bathala, waters that city and Mina, and falls into the sea near the town of Arzew. This river has lately received the name of Cena, from that of a Moabite who repeopled the town of Ba|thala, which had been destroyed by the Berime|rines.

5. The Sheliff, Zilef or Zilif, a large river, de|scending from mount Gnanecexis, running through vast desarts, the lake Titteri, the frontiers of the Tre|mesen and Tenez, and falling into the sea a little above the city of Mostagan.

6. The Celef, supposed to be the Carthena of the ancients, falls into the sea about three leagues west of Algiers, after a short course of 18 or 20 leagues.

7. The Hued-alquiver, supposed to be the Nala|bata, o•• Nasaba, of the ancients, and called by the Europeans Zinganir, runs down with a swift course, through some high mountains of Cuco, and falls into the sea near Bugia. It abounds with fish, of which such immense quantities are caught that they are neglected. While they city of Bugia was in the hands of the Christians, as Marmol tells us, the mouth of this river was so choaked up with sand, that no vessels could came up into it: but in 1555, very soon after it was taken by the Moors, the great rains swelled it to such a degree, that all the sand and mud was carried off; since which time the galleys and other trading vessels have en|tered it with ease, where they lie sa•••• from storms and all winds but that which blows from the north.

8. The Suf-Gemar, or Suf-Gimmar al Rumniel, supposed to be the Ampsaga of Ptolemy, takes its rise on mount Auras, on the confines of Atlas; runs thence through some barren plains, and the fertile parts of Constantina, where its stream is

greatly increased by the influx of other rivers; from thence running northward, along the ridges of some high mountains, it falls into the sea a little to the east of Gigeri.

9. The Ladag, or Ludeg, runs down from mount Atlas through part of Constantina, and falls into the sea a little to the eastward of Bona.

10. The Guadi, or Guadel Barbar, supposed to be the Tusca or Rubricatus of the ancients, springs from the head of Orbus, or Urbs in Tripoli, runs through Bugia, and falls into the sea near Tabarca.

SOIL, CLIMATE and PRODUCTIONS.

THIS country consists of eighteen provinces, the climate of which, along the sea-coasts, is remarka|bly delightful, and the air pure and serene.

The country of Algiers, and the states of Bar|bary in general, under the Roman empire were justly denominated the garden of the world; and to have a residence there was considered as the high|est state of luxury. The produce of their soil for|med those magazines which furnished all Italy, and a great part of the Roman empire with corn, wine and oil.

The soil is covered with almost a perpetual ver|dure, and is extremely fertile, particularly on the mountainous parts to the west of Tenez, Bugia, and Algiers Proper, which produce wheat and fruit in the greatest perfection; and the northern parts of Tremesen, towards the sea, abound in excellent pasture grounds, But as we advance into the coun|try, it becomes more parched and barren.

Though the lands are now uncultivated, through the barbarity and oppression of their government, yet they still produce not only corn, wine, and oil

in the greatest abundance, but dates, raisins, al|monds, apples, pears, cherries, plums, citrons, lemons, oranges, pomegranates, &c. and plenty of roots and herbs grow in their kitchen gardens. Excel|lent hemp and flax grow on their plains; and by the report of those who have travelled thither, the country▪ abounds with all that can add to the plea|sures of life.

Extreme heat is not common, and the climate is so temperate that the heat of summer never dries the leaves of the trees, nor the cold of winter makes them fall; so that they are constantly ver|dant. In February they begin to bud, and in May shew their fruit in full growth, which is ripe in June. Their vines are very large and thick, and the bunches of grapes on them are commonly a foot and an half long. The grapes are fit to gather in June, and the figs, peaches, nectarines, olives, nuts, &c. in August. The people find means to evade the sobriety prescribed by the Mahometan law, and make free with excellent wines and spi|rits of their own growth and manufacture. The plains of Moligia produce wheat, barley and oats, two or three times a year. Their melons are of an exquisite-taste; some of which ripen in summer, and others in winter. Algiers produces besides, salt-petre, and great quantities of excellent salt; and lead and iron have been found in several pla|ces.

The country round the city of Algiers is very fertile. Country seats, gardens and groves of trees are numerous. The Algerines are unacquainted with the art of pruning and grafting trees. Their gardens are not walled, but fenced round with a pe|culiar species of thorns, which, from their prickles, and the compactness with which their branches in|terweave

are well adapted for that purpose. Among other rich tracts in the province of Algiers Proper, the great plain of Met••ijah is admired for its asto|nishing fertility. It is fifty miles in length, twenty in breadth, and includes many villas, fragant groves, and delightful gardens. The soil produces such a profusion of the most delicious fruits, rice, roots, and grain of every species, that the inhabitants en|joy annually two, and frequently three crops.

ANIMALS.

NEITHER the elephant nor the rhinoceros are to be found in the States of Barbary; but their de|sarts abound with lions, tigers, leopards, hyaenas, and monstrous serpents. The Barbary horses were formerly very valuable, and thought equal to the Arabian. Camels and dromedaries, asses, mules, and kumrahs (a most serviceable creature, begot by an ass upon a cow) are their beasts of burden. Their sheep yield but indifferent fleeces, but they are very large, as are their goats, Bears, buffaloes, wild boars, porcupines, foxes apes, hares, rab|bits, ferrits, weasels, moles, cameleons, and most kinds of reptiles are found here.

There is a peculiar kind of animal, called the gapard, which can easily be tamed, and is made use of for hunting like a dog. The head of it re|sembles that of a cat; the hind legs are longer than the fore, and the tail is finely mottled. It is so apt to exhaust itself in running that the hunters are obli|ged to carry it now and then on their horses, till it has recovered itself. There is also another curious animal which is between a dog and a fox.

"Besides vermin," says Dr. Shaw, speaking of his travels through Barbary, "the apprehensions we were under in some parts of this country, of be|ing

bitten or stung by the scorpion, the viper, or the venemous spider, rarely failed to interrupt our repose."

But the most singular insects are the locusts, which the Doctor in his travels describes in the following manner. "They were much bigger than our com|mon grass-hoppers, having brown spotted wings, with legs and bodies of a bright yellow. Their first appearance was towards the latter end of March, the wind having been for some time south|erly; and in the middle of April their numbers were so vastly increased, that in the heat of the day, they formed themselves into large bodies, appear|ed like a succession of clouds, and darkened the sun. About the middle of May, each of these bodies be|gan gradually to disappear, retiring into the Me••ti|jiah, and other adjacent plains to deposit their eggs. Accordingly in the month following, their young brood began gradually to make their appearance, and it was surprising to observe, that no sooner were any of them hatched, than they immediately collected themselves together, each of them forming a compact body of several hundred yards in square: which marching afterwards directly forward, clim|bed over trees, walls, and houses, ear up every plant in their way, and let nothing escape them. The inhabitants, to stop their progress, made tren|ches all over their fields and gardens, and filled them with water; or else placing in a row great quantities of heath, stubble, and such like combustible mat|ter, they set them on fire upon the approach of the locusts. But all this was to no purpose; for the trenches were quickly filled up, and the fires put our by infinite swarms succeeding one another, whilst the front seemed regardless of danger, and the rear pressed on so close, that a retreat was im|possible."

Partridges, quails, eagles, hawks, and all kinds of wild fowls are found on this coast; and of the smaller birds, the capsa sparrow is remarkable for its beauty, and the sweetness of its note, which is thought to exceed that of any other bird; but it cannot live out of its own climate. The seas and bays of this coast abound with the finest and most delicious fish of every kind, and were preferred by the ancients to those of Europe.

ANTIQUITIES and CURIOSITIES.

THESE matters are well worth the attention of an antiquary, but they are difficult of access. The reader must naturally conclude that the countries which were once under the dominion of the Car|thagenians, and the pride of the Phoenician, Greek, and Roman works, are replete with the most curious remains of antiquity, but they lie scattered among ignorant and barbarous inhabitants. Some remains of the Mauritanian and Numidian greatness are still visible, and many ruins which bear evidence of their ancient grandeur and populousness. These point out the old Julia Caesarea of the Romans, which was little inferior in magnificence to Carthage itself. A few of the aqueducts of Carthage are said to be still remaining, but no ve••••ige of its walls. The same is the fate of Uttica, and many other renown|ed cities of antiquity; and so over-run is the coun|try with barbarism, that their very scites are not known even by their ruins, amphitheatres, and other public buildings which still remain in tolera|ble preservation. Besides those of classical antiqui|ty, many Saracen monuments of the most stupen|dous magnificence, are likewise found in this tract of country. These were erected under the califs

of Bagdad, and the ancient kings of the country, before it was subdued by the Turks, or reduced to its present form of government. Their walls form the principal fortifications in the country, both in|land and maratime. We know of few or no natu|ral curiosities belonging to the States of Barbary, except its salt pits, which is some places take up an area of six miles. Doctor Shaw mentions springs found here that are so hot as to boil a large piece of mutton in a quarter of an hour.

The hot baths of Meereega in the neighbour|hood of the city of Algiers are also natural curi|osities. The principal one is twelve feet square and four feet deep. The water is very hot, and when it has filled the larger bason, it runs through into another of a smaller size, where the Jews bathe, for they are not permitted to use the same bath with Mahometans. These hot fountains are conjectured to proceed from the great quanti|ties of sulphur, nitre, and other inflamable substan|ces in the bowels of the earth. To this cause like|wise have been ascribed those earthquakes, to which the whole country, and Algiers in particular, is frequently subjected.

The city of Algiers has few subjects of antiquity, and little that merits the attention of the curious. There are, however, upon the tower of the great mosque some broken inscriptions; but the letters, though sufficiently large to be seen at a distance, are so filled up with lime and whitewash that they cannot be particularly distinguished.

INHABITANTS.

The inhabitants of the territory of Algiers, and particularly those along the sea-coasts, are a mix|ture

of different nations; such as Moors and Mores|cos driven out of Catalonia, Arragon, and other parts of Spain, about the end of the sixteenth century, Jews, Janisaries, and great numbers of Turks, who come from the Levant to seek their fortune: as well as mulitudes of Christian slaves. &c.

The Berebers are some of the most ancient inha|bitants of the country; and are supposed to be de|scended from the ancient Sabeans, who came hither from Arabia Felix, under the conduct of one of their princes. Others believe them to be the descen|dants of some of the Canaanites, who were driven out of Palestine by Joshua. These are dispersed all over Barbary, and divided into a multitude of tribes under their respective chiefs; most of them inhabit the mountainous parts; some range from place to place, and live in tents, or portable huts; others in scattered villages; they have, never|theless, kept themselves from intermixing with other nations. The Berebers are reckoned the richest of all, go better clothed, and carry on a much larger trassic in cattle•• hides, wax, honey, iron, and other commodities. They have also some artificers in iron, and some manufacturers in ••he weaving branch. The name of Bere|ber is supposed to have been originally given them on account of their being first settled in some desart place. Upon their encreasing in process of time, they divided themselves into five tribes, pro|bably on account of their religious differences, cal|led the Zinhagians, Musamedins, Zene••i, Hoares, and Gomeres; and these having produced 600 fa|milies, subdivided themselves into a great number of petty tribes.

To these we may add the Z••••owahs by Euro|pean authors called the Azuagues, or Assagues,

who are likewise dispersed over most parts of Bar|bary and Numidia. Great numbers of these inha|bit the mountainous parts of Cuco, Labez, &c. leading a wandering pastoral life. The African historians assure us that they are some of the descen|dants of those Phoenicians or Canaanites, who fled from Joshua and the Israeli••es, according to an in|scription in the Punic tongue engraved on a stone at a fountain, thus, We are fled hither from the presence of that great robber JOSHUA the son of NUN. They are a kind of Christians that neither shave their beards, nor cut their hair; and affect to wear a blue cross painted or burnt on their cheek or hand by way of distinction.

But the most numerous inhabitants are the Moors and Arabs, who trace their descent from those dis|ciples of Mahomet, who formerly subdued this country; the former compose the great body of the inhabitants of the towns. But it may readily be supposed that among such a variety of different ra|ces, immense numbers cannot be said to belong to any particular tribe or nation whatever.

In this country there are many wandering bands of these Arabs, who live together in camps, and remove from one place to another as they want pasture for their herds and flocks, or as: any other accidental circumstance happens to make it neces|sary. They sometimes pay rent to landlords in corn, fruit, honey, wax, and other productions; and the dey likewise demands a tribute from them. The excellence of the climate renders this simple way of living tolerable, though the tents of these people are mean, their utensils of little value, and their lodgings filthy. The family and their do|mestic animals lie promiscuously in the same tents together, except their dogs, which are left as guards

on the outside. They raise considerable numbers of bees, and silk worms. They subsist chiefly on bread, rice and fruit, Wine and spiritous liquors are almost entirely unknown to them.

The dress of the men who compose these tribes is only a long piece of coarse cloth wrapped round their shoulders, and falling down to their ancles, with a cap of the same stuff. The sheik, or chief of a tribe, wears a cap a of fine cloth. The women pay some more attention to the ornamental part of their dress; but their children are suffered to go stark naked till seven or eight years of age.

The customs, language and religion of these shepherds bear a strict affinity to those of Arabia. They are robust, and of a swarthy complexion. The men are active, the women prolific and the chil|dren healthy. They have neither to encounter the hardships incident to the life of a North American savage, nor are their constitutions enseebled, as is the case in manufacturing towns, by sedentary and unhealthy employments.

When a young man of these tribes would marry, he drives a number of cattle to the hut where the parents of his mistress reside. The bride is set on horseback, and led home amidst the shouts of a croud of young people, who have been invited to the nuptial feast. When she arrives at the hut of her lover, a mixture of milk and honey is given her to drink, and a song, suitable to the occasion, is sung. She then alights, and is presented with a stick, which she thrusts into the ground, and re|peats some words to the following effect:

As this stick is fastened in the earth, so am I in duty bound to my husband; as nothing but violence can remove it, so death alone shall force me from his love.

She then drives his stock to

water and back again, to shew her willingness to perform any duty that he may assign her. These previous ceremonies being settled, all the compa|ny enter the hut, and the evening concludes with the greatest festivity that these people are capable of enjoying. After the marriage the wife is obliged to wear a veil, and she never stirs from her hut for the space of a month,

The Arabs are stout, warlike, and skilful horse|men. Their principal arms are a short lance and scymitar, and they are likewise acquainted with the bow and the musket. But they are so addicted to robbing, that one cannot safely travel through the country at a distance from the towns without a guard, or at least a marabout or saint for a safe|guard. For they look upon themselves to be the original proprietors of the country, and not only as dispossessed by the rest of the inhabitants, but redu|ced by them to the lowest state of poverty, and in consequence they make no scruple to plunder all they meet by way of reprisal.

The inhabitants of this country, especially those near the sea-coasts, generally subsist by piracy; they are allowed to be bold intrepid mariners, and will fight desperately when they meet with a prize at sea. They are, notwithstanding, far inferior to the English, and other European states, both in the construction and management of their vessels.

The inhabitants of the metropolis are extremely vicious; and it is a general observation that the more distant the people are from the seat of go|vernment, the purer are their manners. Notwith|standing their poverty, they have much vivacity about them, especially those who are of Arabic de|scent, which gives them an air of contentment; and

having little to lose, they are peaceable among themselves.

The Turks who compose the military force, have great privileges, pay no taxes, and are ex|empted from public punishment. The lowest sol|dier domineers over the most distinguished Moors at pleasure. The people are subjected to the most absolute despotism, and most cruelly oppressed by a handful of insolent Turks, the refuse of the streets of Constantinople. If a Turk finds a Moor bet|ter mounted than himself, he takes the liberty of exchanging horses without leave or ceremony, and he will take apples, oranges, nuts and other arti|cles which the Moors bring to market, with as much indifference as if they were his property. The Turks have the exclusive privilege of carrying fire-arms. Such is the despotism of the Turkish soldiers that they not only turn others out of the way in the streets, but will go to the farm houses in the country for twenty days together, living on free quarters, and making use of every thing, not excepting the women. They are used more like men of quality than private centinels. They are lodged in spacious squares, attended by slaves, and generally maintained at the public expence. The a••••y of the dey is principally composed of Turkish soldiers, who are called Janisaries; and though their numbers are small, yet they tyrannize in the most insolent manner over the native Moors throughout the whole country. Some good qua|lities, however, distinguish them, notwithstanding this excess of despotism. They never game for money, nor even trifles; and what cannot be said of Christians, they never profane the name of the Deity. They soon forget their private quarrels; and after the first paroxysm of resentment has sub|sided,

it is infamy for a Turk to keep in remem|brance the injuries ••e has received. In this respect they are less barbarous than other nations that boast of their civilization.

When d••ficiencies happen in the army their cor|sairs are sent out to the Levant to procure recruits, which generally consist of peasants, outlaws, and persons of the meanest conditions. Mahomet Ba|shaw who was dey about the year 1732, was of this description, and in his celebrated dispute with the deputy of a neighbouring nation he said, My mo|ther sold sheep's ••eet and my father neat's tongues, but they would have been ashamed to have exposed to sale such a tongue as yours. These recruits, af|ter they have been a little instructed by their fel|low soldiers, and are furnished with caps to their heads, shoes to their feet, and a pair of knives to their girdles, quickly begin to assume airs of im|portance, and look upon the most considerable ci|tizens as their slaves.

The Algerines eat as in Turkey, sitting cross legged round a table about four inches high, and use neither knives nor forks in eating. Before they be|gin, every one says B••••isme Allah,

in the name of God.

When they have done, a slave pours water on their hands as they sit, and then they wash their mouths. Their drink is water, sherbet and coffee. Wine is not allowed, though drank immo|derately by some.

Both the men and women spend a great part of their time in indolence, the men in drinking cof|fee and smoking, and the women in dressing, bath|ing, conversing on their sophas, visiting the tombs of their relations, and walking in their gardens.

The Algerines in general, particularly about the sea-coasts, have a pretty fair complexion; but those

in the interior parts of the country, and particular|ly the Arabs, are swarthy They are robust and well proportioned, and expert in the use of fire arms. The Algerine women are beautiful in their persons, and very delicate in their complexions, but the men are sun-burnt. They improve the beauty of their eyes by art, particularly by the powder of lead ore, the same pigment, according to the opini|on of the learned Doctor Shaw, that Jezebel made use of when she is said to have painted her face;* 1.1 the words of the original being that she set off her eyes with the powder of lead ore.

The Algerines by their law may have four wives, but they usually content themselves with two, or three at the most. The husband seldom sees his wife before marriage, but accepts her upon the descrip|tion of a female confidant. When the match is agreed upon, the bridegroom sends a presen•• of sweetmeats to the bride, and entertains her rela|tions with a feast and a musical entertainment.

After the death of a man his corps is attended by a number of his male friends, or if the deceased be a woman she is attended by her female friends. The corps is washed with warm soap-suds and wrapt in clean linen. It is then laid in a coffin covered with green cloth, upon which a turban is placed, and carried with the head forward to the grave, at|tended by women who are hired to lament. These women scratch themselves till the blood runs, dis|tort their countenances and make a most hideous noise. As the procession enters the burial ground some marabouts sing without intermission these words, Lahilla Lah Mahomet ressoul allah,

God is God and Mahomet is his prophet.

It is then

placed in the grave in an erect posture, with the face turned towards the south. If the deceased has been a person of distinction grave stones are erec|ted at his head and feet, with epitaphs, inscriptions, or select sentences out of the Alcoran.

The chief furniture of their houses consists of car|pets and mattr••••••, on which they sit and lie. In eating their slovenliness is disgusting. They are prohibited gold and silver vessels, and their meat, which they swallow by handfuls, is boiled or roast|ed to rags. Their ordinary food i•• rice and fine flour made into small grains like shot, which they call Cuzcuz; both which they boil with meat and fowls, and most commonly eat fruit and herbs with them.

The people in general in travelling walk on foot or use asses, and seldom ride on horseback, except the governors of provinces and other great personages. The women seldom walk on foot; but ride upon asses in a square box covered with a kind of canopy and drawn round with curtains. So that they are ••••••••ely concealed, and when they set out upon their journey they are attended by a driver.

DRESS.

The dress of the people in general is a linen shirt, over which they tie a silk or cloth ves••ment with a sash, and over that a loose coat. Their drawers are made of linen. The arms and legs of the wearer are bare; but they have slippers on their feet, and per|sons of rank sometimes wear buskins. They never move their turbans, but pull off their slippers when they attend religious duties, or the person of their sovereign. They are fond of striped and fancied silks. The viceroy and great men let their beards

grow; but the common people shave both their head and face, and only leave a pair of whiskers, and a lock of hair upon the top of the head, by which they fancy they are drawn up to paradise.

The dress of the common people is very plain; they wear a pair of linen drawers over their shirt, and a loose white woolen jacket with a hood be|hind, or a mantle which is commonly black, and reaches only down to the knee, in which they wrap themselves; but in summer they only wear two shirts.

The men of fashion go more sumptuously clad. Their gowns are made of fur, silk, or cloth: they have rich garments finely embroidered with flowers of gold; their turbans are very curiously done up, and elegantly adorned with jewels; and their legs are covered with boots of shining leather.

The women pay more attention to the ornamen|tal part of dress than men. There is not, however, much difference between the dress of the sexes; the drawers of the women are longer, and instead of a turban, they wear a sort of cawl on their heads. They tie their hair behind, and ornament it with jewels and other trinkets. They wear fine col|lars about their necks, bracelets about their wrists, large pendants in their ears, and curious caps on their heads. When they go abroad they usually throw over their faces a fine veil, which they fasten to their breast, and over their garments they wear an upper robe; so that they are not known, but by the slaves that attend them.

LANGUAGE.

THE Algerines are void of all literature. The original language of this country appears to have

been the Phoenician; after which the Romans obli|ged them to exchange it (as they did all their con|quered dominions) for their own. The Arabs af+terwards introduced theirs, and after them the Turks. The native Moors make use of the Mores|co; but the people of Algiers in general speak a compound of Arabic, Moresco, and the remains of the ancient Phoenician language. In the metropo|lis the Mahometans and Christians use the Lingua Franca, a mixture of Spanish, Portuguese, Italian and French. The natives of all denominations for the most part, understand this dialect, which, with|out being the proper language of any country on the coast of the Mediterranean, has a kind of uni|versal currency all over that quarter of the world, as the channel of information for people who can|not understand each other through any other medi|um. The public business of the nation is trans|acted either in the Arabic or Turkish, but common|ly the former, in which their late treaty with the United States of America is written.

It is curious that in conversation, the Turks trans|pose their nouns and verbs, in the same manner that the Greek and Latin writers have done. The Turkish is a lofty language, and the Turks when they speak affect a singular majesty of tone, as ex|pressive of their superiority: which, however, con|sists in nothing but their indolence, for they are neither men of learning, nor warriors,—a truth that the Russians have long taught them.

GOVERNMENT.

THOUGH Algiers has some appearance of a mili|tary republic, yet it is in fact the most horrible of all monarchies in the world, and as mutable in its

principles as the temper and disposition of those differ, who happen to be in administration.

Algiers was formerly subject to the Grand Signior, and is still under his protection; but the dey at pre|sent pays no other tribute to him, than that of a certain number of beautiful Arabian horses, and some other presents which are sent thither annually. The Grand Signior formerly sent a bashaw, or viceroy, to Algiers, in whom the sovereignty was vested; but those officers frequently exercised the most tyrannical power, and exacted from the peo|ple such exorbitant taxes, as produced popular in|surrections; till at length the Janisaries and mili|tia grew so powerful that they deposed them and e|lected others in their stead; at which the Porte was obliged to connive, lest they should be pro|voked to an open revolt, and entirely throw off the Turkish yoke; since which time the power of the Porte has been so gradually diminished that he can do nothing here without the concurrence of the dey.

The supreme authority of state is ves••el in the dey, who is an elective monarch, and his sons never inherit the sovereignty by descent. He is elected by the divan, and is compelled to accept the reins of government under penalty of death. He seldom secures his office without tumult and bloodshed, and often falls by the dagger of an as|sassin: so that out of six deys that have reigned since 1700, four of them have been actually mur|dered, and a fifth resigned to save his life. The bashaws seldom fail of forming parties among the soldiers against him, and they make no scruple to assassinate him even in council, and the strongest candidate then fills his place. An unsuccessful

expedition, or too pacific a conduct, seldom fails to put an end to his life and government.

The way in which his authority is exercised, corresponds with that by which it has been obtain|ed. When Mr. Bruce, as British resident at Al|giers, had occasion to visit the dey, he says he sometimes found him in his hall of audience, with his clothes all bespattered with blood like those of a carcase butcher. It is a very frequent amusement with him, to cause the heads of his subjects to be struck off in his presence. Mr. Bruce said that he knew of one man who was exceuted for no greater offence than because a gun-flint was found upon him. His indictment and trial were very con|cise: "You rascal, what business have you with a flint unless you were going to conspire against the state?"

The first deys were elected by the militia; who were then called the divan, or common council; which was at first composed of 800 militia officers, without whose concurrence he could do nothing; and upon some urgent occasions, all the officers, residing in Algiers amounting to 1500, were summoned to assist: but at present he is perhaps the most despotic prince in the world. He is abridged of no power whatever in administration, and the divan, though they have assumed a very pompous title, have little else to do but to ratify his decrees. The divan is composed of persons entirely of his own election whom he removes at pleasure. Upon important occasions he sometimes assembles the divan to receive their advice; but his only motive in this is to screen himself against popular discontents; for his autho|rity is unlimited, and he may either ratify or reject their decisions as he pleases. When the Grand

Signior is at war with a Christian power, he gene|rally requires his assistance; but he is only obeyed as the dey thinks proper.

The dey has a corps of body-guards called foul|acks. This is a very necessary, though sometimes a fruitless precaution, as any Turkish soldier who has the courage to murder him, stands an equal chance of becoming his successor. Experiments of this kind are sometimes made. Since the beginning of the present century, six private soldiers entered into a conspiracy to kill a dey of one of the states of Bar|bary. They gave him a mortal wound in his pa|lace, and in the midst of a croud of people. He expired, exclaiming,

Has nobody the courage to kill the villain?

One of the conspirators, the intended successor, instantly ascended the vacant throne, and brandishing his naked scymitar, decla|red that he would do justice to all! His five associates went about the hall to enforce the title of their new sovereign, and none present seemed to give them|selves any disturbance about what had happened. He kept his situation unmolested, for about ten mi|nutes, till an old veteran unobserved took aim at him with a musket, and shot him dead. Upon this the five others were immediately murdered. But what showed the nature of the government in its proper light was the observation of the new dey, who said, that if the usurper could have held his place for twenty minutes longer, he would have obtained the sovereignty.

The officer next in power to the dey is the Cassan-aga or Cassan-ajee, the prime minister of state. He keeps one set of the keys of the treasury, the dey another, and the aga a third, where they all attend once a month to pay the soldiers.

The officer next in power is the Aga or general of the Janisaries, who is one of the oldest officers in the army, and holds his post as all other officers do, at the pleasure of the dey. During the time the aga enjoys his dignity, the keys of the metropolis are delivered to him. All military orders are issued in his name, and the sentence of the dey upon any offending soldier, whether capital or not, can only he executed in the court of his palace.

The next to the aga in dignity, is the Secretary of State, who registers all the public acts; and af|ter him the Hojecabei••y, who is a kind of chief justice to settle disputes among the Moors. This officer, and the two last mentioned, attend at the door of the dey's palace every morning about day-break, in order to kiss his hand.

The next in dignity is the Vekelard, or rather Vikelhadge of the marine, who is the guardian of the navy, from whom all maritime orders issue. He is seated beneath an arch near the sea-side called the skiff, from which he has a full view of the transactions in the marine.

Below him sits the Baleck bashaw, who is a kind of bailiff to execute his commands. He takes charge of the magazines of the marine; all naval articles are under his inspection, and the keys of all the magazines in the town are entrusted to his care.

The Hojee of the Rap has the charge of the ma|gazines of wheat in the town; under him are seve|ral inferior hojees who execute his orders. No slave can rise higher than this office.

The Warden Bashaw is the next inferior officer. He is chief overseer of the slaves, and takes care that they duly perform their duty. He has charge of the Bagnio Gallaro, the keys of which are deliver|ed

him every night by one of his under wardens who keeps the doors. He has a number of under wardens, who attend the slaves at their labour.

Besides these there are 30 chiahs, or chows, a kind of high constables, who sit next to the aga in the divan, and in the same gallery with him. Out of this class are generally chosen those who go em|bassadors to foreign courts, or who disperse the dey's orders throughout the realm. Next to them are a number of baleck-bashaws, or eldest cap|tains, who are promoted to that of chiah bashaws, according to their seniority. The oldack-bashaws, or lieutenants, are next; who amount to 400, and are regularly raised to the rank of captains in their turn, and to other employments in the state, accor|ding to their abilities. These by way of distinction wear a leather strap, hanging down to the middle of their back. One rule is strickly observed in the rotation of these troops from one deputy to a high|er; viz. the right of seniority; one single in|fringement of which would cause an insurrection, and probably cost the dey his life.

The other military officers of note are vekelards, or purveyors of the army; the peys, who are the four oldest soldiers, and consequently the nearest to preferment; the foulacks, who are the next in seniority to them, and are part of the dey's body|guards, always marching before him when he takes the field, and distinguished by their carbines and gilt scymitars, with a brass gun on their caps; the kayts, or Turkish soldiers, each band of whom have the government of one or more adowars, or itenerant villages, and collect their taxes for the dey; and the sagiards, or Turkish lancemen, 100 of whom always attend the army, and watch over the water appointed for it. To these we may add

the beys, or governors of the three great provinces of the realm. All the above-mentioned officers ought to compose the great divan: but only the 30 chiah-bashaws have a right to sit in the gal|lery next after the dey. The rest are obliged to stand on the floor of the hall, or council-chamber, with their arms across, and, as much as possible, without motion; neither are they permitted to en|ter with their swords on. As for those who have any matters to transact with the divan, they must stand without, let the weather be ever so bad; and there they are commonly presented with coffee by some of the inferior officers, till they are dismissed.

The Lisberos are the dey's spies, who keep watch in different parts of the town, for the purpose of obtaining information of what is said or transacted. They are perhaps the most mercenary and inhu|man set of beings in existence, and such is their servility to their sovereign, that they would betray even their own fathers. When they lodge informa|tion against any person, the chows are sent to ar|rest the delinquent, and he is punished according to his crime.

The divan, or douwan, is the common council of the nation. It is an elective body, and is princi|pally composed of 30 chiah-bashaws, with now and then the mufti and cadi upon some emergencies; and on the election of a dey the whole soldiery are allowed to come in and give their votes. All the regulations of state ought to be determined by this assembly, before they pass into a law, or the dey has power to put them in execution. But, for ma|ny years back, the divan is of so little account that it is only convened out of formality, and to give as|sent to what the dey and his favourites have previ|ously concerted. They, however, arrogate to them|selves

the whole power of the state, and in their edicts or national ordinances they assume the pompous title of, "We the great and small members of the pow|erful and invincible militia of Algiers and of the whole kingdom, do ordain," &c.

All causes whether civil or criminal, in which the soldiers are concerned, are tried in this coun|cil; but those between the citizens are decided before one of the chiah-bashaws, and the plaintiffs and de|fendants always plead their own causes without the assistance of attornies. The evidence of two witnesses is always required, and he who is cast upon any trial receives a number of blows with a cudgel, and is com|pelled besides to comply with the sentence that has been passed.

While the divan are convened the dey holds a fan of feathers in his hand, and sits cross-legged, after the manner of taylors, upon a large table about two feet high, covered with a shaggy carpet. Six of the principal chiahs are seated in the same manner on his right, and six on his left. The rest of the members stand at both ends of the table, and form a kind of circle.

The method of gathering votes in this august assembly is perfectly agreeable to the character of those who compose it. The aga, or the president pro tempore, first proposes the question; which is immediately repeated with a loud voice by the chiah-bashaws, and from them echoed again by four officers called bashaldalas; from these the question is repeated from one member of the divan to ano|ther, with strange contortions, and the most hide|ous growlings, if it is not to their liking. From the loudness of this growling noise the aga is left to guess, as well as he can, whether the majority of the assembly are pleased or displeased with the

question; and from such a preposterous method, it is not surprising that these assemblies should seldom end without 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tumult or disorder. As the whole body of the militia is concerned in the election of a new dey, it is seldom carried on without blows and bloodshed: but when once the choice is made, the person elected is saluted with the words Alla Barick, "God bless and prosper you:" and the new dey usually causes all the officers of the divan who had opposed his election to be strangled, fil|ling up their places with those who had been most zealous in promoting it. It is true it must be con|firmed by the Porte; but that is seldom refused, as the dispositions of the people are so well known.

From this account of the election of the deys, it cannot be expected that their government should be at all secure; and as they arrive at the throne by tumult and bloodshed they are generally deprived of it by the same means, scarcely one in ten of them having the good fortune to die a natural death.

CORSAIRS AND COMMERCE.

THE Algerines pay but little attention to agricul|ture or the improvement of their country, and their singular genius leads them so much to the profession or piracy that they neglect all internal resources or advantages that might be derived from their own country. The corsairs or pirates form each a small republic, of which the rais or captain is the supreme bashaw; who with the officers under him, form a kind of divan, in which every matter relative to the vessels is decided in an arbitrary way. These cor|sairs are chiefly instrumental in importing whatever commodities are brought into the kingdom either by

way of merchandize or prizes. These consist chief|ly of gold and silver stuffs, damasks, cloths, spices, tin, iron, plated brass, lead, quicksilver, cordage, sailcloth, bullets, cochineal, linen, tartar, allum, rice, sugar, soap, cotton raw and spun, copperas, aloes, brazil and logwood, vermilion, &c. Very few commodities, however, are exported from this part of the world: the oil, wax, hides, pulse, and corn produced, being but barely sufficient to supply the country; though, before the loss of Oran, the merchants have been known to ship off from one or other the ports of Barbary several thousand tons of corn. The consumption of oil, though here in great abundance, is likewise so considerable in this kingdom, that it is seldom permitted to be shipped off for Europe.

The other exports consist chiefly in ostriches' fea|thers, copper, ruggs, silk sashes, embroidered hand|kerchiefs, dates, and Christian slaves. Some manu|factures in silk, cotton, wool, leather, &c. are car|ried on in this country, but mostly by the Spaniards settled here, especially about the metropolis. Car|pets are also a manufacture of the country, which, though much inferior to those of Turkey both in beauty and fineness, are preferred by the people to lie upon, on account of their being both cheaper and softer. There are also at Algiers looms for velvet, taffaties, and other wrought silks; and a coarse sort of linen is likewise made in most parts of the kingdom. The country furnishes no mate|rials for ship-building. They have neither ropes, tar, sails, anchors, nor even iron. When they can procure enough of new wood of form the main tim|bers of a ship, they supply the rest from the materi|als of prizes which they have made, and thus find the secret of producing new and swift sailing vessels

from the ruins of the old. The Algerines are more formidable at sea than any other nation on the coast of Barbary, and the sea-faring people are held in great esteem for the prizes they capture.

The fleet of this regency at present does not amount to more than ten or eleven sail of the line, though they were formerly much more powerful, and in the time of Pinchinin their fleet amounted to 65 sail of the line. At sea they have been regarded as the most desperate and ferocious set of beings in the world. But this seems a false prejudice that nations have imbibed, and according to recent accounts they are inferior in naval tactics to every nation in Europe. Almost all our late captives concur in the opinion that four American frigates, well manned and disci|plined, would be a force sufficient to reduce them. Though the Turks are so proud and arrogant, yet it is well known that they are no warriors. Their greatest display of bravery is at the first onset, but if they meet with a spirited reception from a compe|tent force their vanquishment is certain. Even the Moors, though they are an illiterate barbarous race, are superior warriors to the Turks. In their cor|sairs the most servile part of the duty is assigned to the Moors, while the Turks spend their time in smo|king and in indolence, except when they come to an engagement with an enemy, when they fight with small arms and c••lasses. We are ignorant of the naval force of Tunis and Tripoli; but it must be evident that in this respect they are much inferior to the Algerines.

Since the establishment of the independence of North America we owe the security of our com|merce in a great measure to the wars that have ex|isted between the Algerines, the Portuguese, and the Dutch, either of which nations is much superior

in naval strength, and they have so vigilantly guard|ed the entrance of the Mediterranean, that the pi|rates have seldom been able to cruise out into the Atlantic. Before the Algerine treaty American ves|sels seldom entered into the Mediterranean; and when they did so, they derived their security either from forged or purchased Mediterranean passports. A British ship has for her protection a pass written upon a large sheet of parchment, which has by way of ornament some dashes engraved or drawn with a pen upon the margin. The Algerines can|not read English, and a captain of a corsair would most probably forfeit his head were he to carry a British vessel by mistake, as a prize into the harbour of Algiers. They have therefore adopted a singu|lar contrivance to discover whether such passes are genuine. They keep a stick marked with notches corresponding to the shape of those dashes, that are uniformly delineated on the margin of the parch|ment. When the pass is produced the measure is applied: so that it is not difficult for the most bung|ling artist to deceive them, who has an original pass before him, and in this manner it is said that many American vessels have been preserved.

REVENUES.

THE revenues of the dey are extremely fluctua|ting, and his income rises or falls in proportion to his opportunities of plundering his subjects, or fo|reigners; whence they are variously computed by different authors. Dr. Shaw says, that the taxes of the whole kingdom produce yearly to the dey no more than 300,000 dollars; but he supposes that the eighth part of the prizes to which he is entitled, the

property of those persons who die without children, to whom the dey falls heir, with the presents from foreign nations, fines and oppressions, joined to the yearly contribution raised by the government, may amount to as much more. He is besides entitled to all Christian slaves, whose ransoms are his perquisites, which, with the customs paid by the English, French and other nations, who are suffered to trade with the Barbary States, will tend considerably to augment his revenue. Both the dey, and officers under him, enrich themselves by the most open acts of rapine and fraud; it is therefore no wonder to find the common people imposing upon one another, and especially upon strangers, seeing they themselves are impoverished by heavy taxes and the injustice of those who are in authority.

The dey draws immense revenues from his own subjects, which consist in money, gold, silver, corn, cattle, and such other articles as may be most use|ful to the Turks in Algiers. The prizes which the corsairs take at sea, some years equal the taxes on the people. It is from hence easy to collect that any calculation of revenue must be extremely questionable, and it can hardly be supposed that the dey himself is capable of giving an accurate es|timate.

The regencies of Tunis and Tripoli acknowledge some subjection to the dey; but the only annual tribute they pay him is a cargo of butter and oil.

The Alcaide, with a detachment of Turkish sol|diers, collects all taxes within twenty miles of the city of Algiers. Beyond that distance they dey has three Turkish armies of about 2000 men each, con|tinually reinforced as emergencies require, and sta|tioned in different parts of his kingdom, for the pur|poses of rapine and extortion. These armies are

severally commanded by the bashaws of Constantina, Biscara and Deetrie, at the places of their respective re••idence. They are neither actuated by justice nor humanity; but with the assistance of these Turkish oppressors they not only enforce subjection to the dey, but compel the Moors to the payment of such taxes as they think proper. This miserable race of beings, who are the objects of every indignity and oppression that can be offered to human nature, are hunted like wild beasts among the mountains: those who discover the least reluctance in paying the assessments of these bashaws, or fly from the ra|pacity of their pursuers, are beheaded and all their property confiscated. If they have the least suspi|cion that a Moor has concealed any part of his trea|sure he is tortured till he makes a complete discove|ry, and many of these poor wretches who are un|able to make any disclosure are tortured to death, without being able to satisfy their tormentors. In this manner all gold, silver and other valuable arti|cles, are extorted from the inhabitants. Some of them, however, have courage enough sometimes to attack their oppressors in some of the narrow defiles of the mountains through which they are obliged to pass, where they frequently make great slaughter among the Turks; but generally after the first fire they fly for refuge to the craggy recesses of the mountains. They make these tax gathering excur|sions twice a year, and in every expedition they bring away immense numbers of heads and ears, which are sent to the dey, as an evidence of the bashaws' exertions in having raised the necessary contributions. The dey requires that the heads of those who are executed near the city should be sent in, but of those who are murdered at a distance, he only requires the ears, and the bear|er

is rewarded with a certain sum of money for each pair he tenders to his humane sovereign.

Once in every six months each of these bashaws sends in the califs, their sons, with about 50 mules laden with money and other valuable articles. They all en•••••• Algiers within nine days of each other. At th•••••• approach the cassan-aga and aga go out to meet 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and they form a procession into the city.

The bashaws visit the dey once in every three years, with about 150 mules laden with the spoils of the country, and when they approach the city a grand procession is formed. The cassan-aga, the aga, the vickelhadge, the chows and lisberos, with a detach|ment of five or six hundred Turkish soldiers, go out to meet them, and they are escorted into the city with drums beating, French horns playing, and colours flying, attended by an immense concourse of people. The booty is then taken to the dey's palace, where he distributes a portion to his favo••ite wife, and a part among the different officers of government.

After their entry into the city they wait impa|tiently for the Ta••tan, an elegant robe which it is usual for the dey to send them to signify his appro|bation of their conduct; and till they receive this present they are in the utmost suspense and appre|hension; for if it does not arrive the day after their entry, they know that the loss of their heads will be the consequence.

PUNISHMENTS.

IN this country it is not to be expected that jus|tice will be administered with any degree of impar|tiality. The M••••ometan soldiery in particular, are so much favoured, that they are not punished in pub|lic, and seldom put to death for any crime, except

rebellion; in which case they are either hanged on an iron hook, or strangled with a bow-string, which is tied round the neck of the offender, and drawn different ways by two executioners, with all their strength, so that he is instantly dispatched. Wo|men guilty of adultery, have a halter tied about their necks, with the other end fastened to a pole, by which they are held under water till they are suffocated.

The Christian slaves are liable to a variety of pu|nishments. They are sometimes burned or rather roasted alive. At other times they are impaled. This is done by placing the criminal on the end of a sharp stake, which is thrust up his posteriors close by the back-bone, till it appears above his shoul|ders. Crucifixion, by nailing the hands and feet to walls, is often practised.

But the most terrible punishments are those in|flicted upon the Jews or Christians who speak a|gainst the Mahometan religion; in which case they must either turn Mahometan, or be impaled alive. If they afterwards apostatize, they are roasted alive, or else thrown down from the top of the city walls, upon iron hooks. These catch by the jaws, the ribs, or other parts of the body, according as they happen to fall, and the sufferers have been known to hang in different positions for several days alive, in the most exquisite torture; though by accident they are sometimes put out of pain at once, as was the case with John Gascon the Spanish adventurer, as before related. This terrible punishment has frequently been inflicted upon slaves, but at present it begins to be generally disused.

There is a law here, by which any woman con|victed of an amorous correspondence with a Chris|tian, is tied up in a sack and thrown into the sea.

Examples of this kind frequently happen, as the fair sex, in this part of the world, are remarkably frail.

There is another singular punishment which is inflicted upon a gallows, which shews the savage disposition of the people. Upon each side of the gallows, near the upper angle, are fixed two chains of different lengths, to each of which is fastened a sharp hook. The malefactor ascends the ladder with the executioner, who thrusts the hook on the shortest chain through the palm of his left hand; after which he thrusts that on the longest chain through the sole of his right foot, and in this man|ner the criminal is left hanging in the most excru|ciating torture for the space of three of four days be|fore he expires.

The western Moors still practise the barbarous punishment of sawing the transgressor asunder; which is mostly inflicted upon persons of distinction for crimes against the state. For which purpose they prepare two boards of the same length and breadth with the delinquent, and having tied him between them, they proceed to the execution by beginning at the head. In this manner did Kar|dinash suffer, who was formerly their ambassador to the British court.

For clipping or debasing the public coin, the old Egyptian punishment is still inflicted here, which is cutting off both the hands of the transgressor.

In smaller crimes, or for those not capital, the of|fenders are fined, o•• their pay stopped; and if of|ficers, they are reduced to the station of common soldiers, from whence they may gradually raise themselves to their former dignity. The most com|mon punishment for offences not capital is the basti|nado; and the strokes are given either upon the

belly, back, or soles of the feet, according to the pleasure of the cadi, who appoints the number, which sometimes amount to 200 to 300, according to the indulgence the offender can obtain either by bribery or friends; and hence he often dies under this punishment, for want of advocates sufficiently powerful. The most usual mode of bastinading is upon the soles of the feet. The criminal is laid on his back or belly, his feet are raised and tied to a stake, held fast by officers for the purpose, and in this posture the punishment is inflicted by a number of sticks tied together, of the thickness of one's lit|tle finger. A Moor convicted of house-breaking, has his right hand cut off and fastened about his neck. He is then led through they city on an ass, with his face•• turned towards its tail. No respect is paid to the quality of a person; but a pecuniary mulct will arrest the course of justice, unless the of|fender is guilty of the most flagrant crimes.

The usual punishment for debt is imprisonment, according to the practice of some nations who pre|tend to the more enlightened. The debtor is usually detained in prison till the chows or bailiffs have seized and sold his effects: If the sale amounts to more than the debt, the surplus is returned to the debtor; if it falls short, he is nevertheless released, and no future demands are made upon him.

RELIGION.

THE inhabitants of Algiers, as is well known, are Mahometans. But such is the depravity of their nature, that they have adopted the very worst parts of the Mahometan religion, and seem to have re|tained

only as much of it as counte••ences their vices.

The Mufti, the Cadi, and the grand Marabout, are the principal ecclesiastics. The first is the high priest of their religion; the second, the su|preme judge in ecclesiastical causes, and in such civil matters as the government does not interfere. The third is the chief of an order of saints or hermits. These three persons are distinguished by the largeness of their turbans. They sit in the divan a little below the dey, on his right hand.

The Algerines have the most singular veneration for idiots; insomuch that numbers of their mara|bouts pretend to be of this order, that they may receive the greater respect from the people. These marabouts either live sequestered in caves, or wander bare legged and bare footed from city to city, with ragged clothes and a staff in their hands, with which they touch ••uch persons as they think proper, and the person who is touched in this manner regards it as the most signal favor that can be conferred upon him, because he is persuaded that his sins are thereby forgiven. These mara|bouts study magic and astrology; they undertake to cure all diseases, and to inspire love by num|bers, and the powers of incantation. They lead very austere lives, and generally employ themselves in counting their beads, or in prayer and medita|tion. This saintship goes by succession, and the son is entitled to the same veneration and respect as his father, provided he can support the same gra|vity and decorum. Some of them are reputed to possess the same faculty as their prophet in receiv|ing visions and conversing with the Deity.

In Algiers there are many mosques, in which these marabouts are buried, who are venerated as

saints, and burning lamps are placed round their sepulchres, to which people send presents to ob|tain relief in sickness, or go thither upon pilgrimage, Those who are subject to the falling sickness are more highly venerated, because Mahomet was trou|bled with this disease, and declared that at that time God by his angel Gabriel revealed to him the most sacred mysteries of his religion.

All those Algerines who are of sufficient ability deem it an indispensible duty to go once in their lives upon a pilgrimage to Mecca, and in consequence of the immense numbers who resort thither from different parts of Turkey, this city is more throng|ed than any city in the world.

As the imposition of Mahometanism has been propagated over such extensive tracts of country in the other three quarters of the globe, and forms so interesting a particular in the history of mankind, it will not per••aps be impro••••r to give some account of the great founder of this religion.

Mahomet, or Mohammed, styled, the Impostor, was born about the end of the 6th century of the Christian aera. He came into the world under many disadvantages. His father Abd'allah was a young|er son of Abd'a••••othaleb; and dying very young, and in his father's life time, left his widow and in|fant son in very mean circumstances, his whole sub|stance consisting but of five camels and one Ethio|pean female slave. Abd'almotaleb was therefore obliged to take care of his grandchild Mahomet; which he not only did during his life, but at his death enjoined his eldest son Abu Taleb, who was brother to Abd'allah by the same mother, to pro|vide for him for the future, which he very affection|ately did, and instructed him in the business of a merchant, which he followed; and to that end he

took him into Syria when he was but thirteen years old. He afterwards recommended him to Khadijah, a rich widow, for her factor, in whose service he behaved himself so well, that by making him her husband she soon raised him to an equality with the richest in Mecca.

After he began by this advantageous match to live at his ease, he formed the scheme of establish|ing a new religion, or, as he expressed it, of re|planting the only true and ancient one professed by Adam, Noah, Abraham, Moses, Jesus, and all the prophets, by destroying the gross idolatry into which the generality of his countrymen had fallen, and weeding out the corruptions and superstitions which the latter Jews and Christians had, as he thought, in|troduced into their religion, and reducing it to its primitive purity, which consisted chiefly in the wor|ship of one God.

Before he made any attempt abroad, he rightly judged that it was necessary for him to begin with the conversion of his own household. Having therefore retired with his family, as he had done several times before, to a cave in mount Hara, he there opened the secret of his mission to his wife Khadijah; and acquainted her that the angel Ga|briel had just before appeared to him, and told him that he was appointed the apostle of God. Khadijah received the news with great joy: swear|ing by him in whose hands her soul was, that she trusted he would be the prophet of his nation.

Encouraged by so good a beginning, he resolv|ed to proceed, and try for some time what he could do by private persuasion; not daring to hazard the whole affair by exposing it too suddenly to the public.

The next person Mahomet applied to was Abu Beer, a man of great authority among the Koreish, and one whose interest he well knew would be of great service ••o him; as it soon appeared: for Abu Beer being gained over, prevailed also upon some of the principal men of Mecca to follow his ex|ample, who with a few more were converted in the space of three years: at the end of which time Mahomet having, as he hoped, a sufficient interest to support him, made his mission no longer a se|cret, but gave out that God had commanded him to admonished his near relations; and in order to do it with more convenience and prospect of suc|cess, he directed Ali to prepare an entertainment, and invite the sons and descendants of Abd'almo|taleb, intending then to open his mind to them. This was done, and about 40 of them came; but Abu Laheb, one of his uncles, making the com|pany break up before Mahomet had an opportunity of speaking, obliged him to give them a second invitation the next day; and when they were come, he made the following speech to them; "I know no man in all Arabia who can offer his kindred a more excellent thing than I now do to you; I of|fer you happiness both in this life, and that which is to come; God Almighty hath commanded me to call you unto him: Who, therefore, among you will be assistant to me herein, and become my brother and my vicegerant?" All of them de|clining the matter, Ali at length rose up, and de|clared he would be his assistant; and vehemently threatened those who should oppose him. Maho|met upon this embraced Ali with great demon|strations of affection, and desired all those who were present to hear and obey him as his deputy;

at which all the company broke out into a great laughter.

This repulse, however, was so far from discoura|ing Mahomet, that he began to preach in public to the people, who heard him with some patience till he came to upbraid them with the idolatry and per|verseness of themselves and their fathers: which so exasperated them, that they declared themselves his enemies; and would soon have accomplished his ruin had he not been protected by Abu Taleb. The chief of the Koreish threatened him with an open rupture if he did not prevail on Mahomet to desist. At this Abu Taleb was so far moved, that he earn|estly dissuaded his nephew from pursuing the affair any farther, representing the great danger of such an undertaking. But Mahomet was not to be inti|midated, and told his uncle plainly, that if they set the sun against him on his right hand, and the moon on his left, he would not leave his enterprise. Abu Taleb seeing him so firmly resolved to pro|ceed, used no further arguments, but promised to stand by him against all his enemies.

The Koreish, finding they could neither prevail by fair words, nor by menaces, tried what they could do by force and ill treatment; using Maho|met's followers so very injuriously, that it was not safe for them to continue at Mecca any longer; whereupon Mahomet gave leave to such of them as had not friends to protect them, to seek for refuge elsewhere.

In the sixth year of his mission, Mahomet had the pleasure of seeing his party strengthened by the conversion of his uncle Hamza, and Omar Ebn al Kattab, who was at first a violent opposer of the prophet. As persecution generally advances rather than obstructs the spreading of a religion, Isla|mism

made so great a progress among the Arab tribes, that the Koreish, to suppress it effectually if possible, in the seventh year of Mahomet's mission, made a solemn league against the Hashemites and the family of Abd'almotaleb, engaging themselves to contract no marriages with any of them; and to give it the greater sanction, reduced it into wri|ting, and laid it up in the Caaba.

The families in consequence continued at vari|ance for three years; but in the 10th year of his mission Mahomet told his uncle Abu Taleb, that God had manifestly shewed his disapprobation of the league which the Koreish had made against them, by sending a worm to eat out every word of the in|strument except the name of God. Of this acci|dent Mahomet had probably some private notice: for Abu Taleb went immediately to the Koreish, and acquainted them with it; offering, if it proved false, to deliver his nephew up to them; but in case if were true, he insisted that they ought to lay aside their animosity, and annul the league they had made against the Hashemites. To this they ac|quiesced; and going to inspect the writing, to their great astonishment found it to be as Abu Taleb had said; and the league was thereupon declared void.

In the same year Abu Taleb died at the age of above fourscore; and about a month, or, as some write, three days after his death, Mahomet had the additional mortification to lose his wife, who had so generously made his fortune. For which reason this year is called the year of mourning.

On the death of these two persons, the Koreish began to be more troublesome than ever to their pro|phet, insomuch that he found himself obliged to seek for shelter at Tayef, where he applied himself to two of the chief of the tribe of Thakif, who then

were the inhabitants of that place; but they receiv|ed him very coldly: and he was soon afterwards obliged to depart from thence and return to Mec|ca, where he put himself under the protection of the Al Motaam Ebn Adi.

This repulse greatly discouraged his followers: but Mahomet notwithstanding boldly continued to preach to the public assemblies at the pilgrimage, and gained many proselytes among them.

In the 12th year of his mission Mahomet gave out that he made his night-journey from Mecca to Jeru|salem, and from thence to heaven, so much spoken of by all that write of him.

This story seemed so ridiculous that several of his followers left him in consequence, and would probably have ruined the whole design, had not, Abu Beker vouched for his veracity, and declared, that if Mahomet affirmed it to be true, he verily believed him. Which happy incident not only re|trieved the prophet's credit, but encreased it to such a degree, that he was afterwards able to make his disciples swallow whatever he pleased to impose on them. This fiction, notwithstanding its extravagance, was one of the most artful contrivances Mahomet ever devised, and what chiefly contributed to the raising of his reputation to that great height to which it afterwards arrived.

In this year, called by the Mahometans the ac|cepted year, twelve men of Yathreb or Medina, came to Mecca, and took an oath of fidelity to Ma|homet at al Akaba, a hill on the north of that ci|ty; after which Mahomet sent one of his disciples, named Masab Ebn Omair, home with them, to in|struct them more fully in the grounds and ceremo|nies of his new religion.

Masab being arrived at Medina, by the assistance of those who had been formerly converted, gained several proselytes, and Mahometanism was propa|gated so rapidly that there was scarce a house where|in there were not some who had embraced it.

The next year, being the 13th of Mahomet's mission, Masab returned to Mecca, accompanied by 73 men and two women of Medina, who of|fered Mahomet their assistance, which he readily accepted; as he was in the most imminent dan|ger from his powerful adversaries in Mecca. Out of this number Mahomet chose twelve persons, who were to have the same authority among them as the twelve apostles of Christ had among his dis|ciples.

Hitherto Mahomet had propagated his religion by fair means; so that the whole success of this en|terprise, before his flight to Medina, must be at|tributed solely to persuasion. For before his second oath of fealty or inauguration, at al Akaba, he had no permission to use any force at all; nor would he suffer it. And he was far from allowing it in his followers; but exhorted them to bear patiently those injuries which were offered them on account of their faith. But this great passiveness seemed entirely owing to the great superiority of his oppo|sers for the first twelve years of his mission; for no sooner was he enabled, by the assistance of those of Medina, to oppose his enemies, than he pro|claimed that God had permitted him and his fol|lowers to attack the insidels, to destroy idolatry, and to establish the true faith by the sword; for he found by experience, that his designs would otherwise have proceeded very slowly, and he well knew that innovators, when they depend solely on their own stre••gth, and can compel, seldom

run much risk; from whence, says Machiavel, it follows, that all the armed prophets have succeed|ed, and the unarmed ones have failed.

That Mahomet had a right to take up arms for his own-defence, may perhaps be allowed; but whether he ought afterwards to have established his religion by compulsion is not so easy to determine. Having provided for the security of his companions as well as his own, by the league offensive and de|fensive which he had now concluded with those of Medina, he directed them to repair thither, which they accordingly did; but he himself, with Abu Beker and Ali staid behind, having not yet receiv|ed the divine permission, as he pretended, to leave Mecca. The Koreish, fearing the consequence of this new alliance, began to think it absolutely ne|cessary to prevent Mahomet's escape to Medina; and having held a council thereon, they came to a resolution that he should be killed: and agreed that a man should be chosen out of every tribe for the execution of this design; each of whom should have a blow at him with his sword, that the guilt of his blood might fall equally on all the tribes, to whose united power the Hashemites were much in|ferior, and therefore durst not attempt to revenge their kinsman's death.

This conspiracy was scarcely formed, before it came to Mahomet's knowledge; and he gave out that it was revealed to him by the angel Gabriel, who had now ordered him to retire to Medina. Whereupon, to amuse his enemies, he directed Ali to lie down in his place, and wrap himself up in his green cloak, which he did; and Mahomet escaped miraculously, as they pretend, to Abu Be|ker's house, unperceived by the conspirators, who had already assembled at the prophet's door. They,

in the mean time, looking through the crevice, and seeing Ali, whom they took to be Mahomet him|self asleep, continued watching there till morning, when Ali arose, and they found themselves de|ceived.

From Abu Beker's house Mahomet and he went to a cave in mount Thur, to the south-east of Mec|ca, where they lay hid three days to avoid the search of their enemies; which they very narrow|ly escaped, and not without the assistance of more miracles than one: for some say that the Ko|reish were struck with blindness, so that they could not find the cave; others, that after Mahomet and his attendants were got in, two pigeons laid their eggs at the entrance, and a spider covered the mouth of the cave with her web, which made them look no further. Abu Beker, seeing the pro|phet in imminent danger, became very sorrowful; whereupon Mahomet comforted him with these words recorded in the Koran, Be not grieved, for God is with us. Their enemies being retired, they left the cave, and set out for Medina, by a by-road; and having fortunately escaped some who were sent to pursue them, arrived safely at that city; whither Ali followed them in three days, after he had settled some affairs at Mecca.

The first thing Mahomet did after his arrival at Medina, was to build a temple for his religious worship, and a house of his own accommodation.

After being securely settled there, and able not only to defend himself against the insults of his enemies, but to attack them, he began to send out small parties to make reprisals on the Koreish; the first party consisting of no more than nine men, who intercepted and plundered a caravan belonging to that tribe, and in the action took two prisoners. But,

what established his affairs very much, and was the foundation on which he built his succeeding great|ness, was the gaining the battle of Beder, which was fought in the second year of the Hegira, and is famous in the Mahometan history. Some reckon no less than twenty-seven expeditions wherein Mahomet was personally present, in nine of which he gave battle, besides several other expeditions in which he was not present. His forces he maintained partly by the contributions of his followers for this purpose, which he called by the name of zacat or alms, and the paying of which he very artfully made one main article of his religion; and partly by or|dering a fifth part of the plunder to be brought in|to the public treasury for that purpose, in which matter he likewise pretended to act by the divine direction.

In a few years, by the success of his arms, (not|withstanding he sometimes came off by the worst)▪ he considerably raised his credit and power. In the sixth year of the Hegira he set out with 1400 men to visit the temple of Mecca, not with any intent of committing hostilities, but in a peaceable manner. However, when he came to al Hodeibiya, which is situated partly within and partly without the sa|cred territory, the Koreish sent to let him know that they would not permit him to enter Mecca, un|less he forced his way; whereupon he called his troops about him, and they all took a solemn oath of homage to him, and he resolved to attack the city; but those of Mecca sending Arwa Ebn Ma|sud, prince of the tribe of Thakif, as their ambas|sador, to desire peace, a truce was concluded be|tween them for ten years, by which any person was allowed to enter into a league either with Ma|homet, or with the Koreish, as he thought fit.

It may not be improper, in order to shew the in|conceivable veneration and respect the Mahometans by this time had for•• their prophet, to mention the account which the above mentioned ambassador gave the Koreish of their behaviour, at his return. He said he had been at the courts both of the Ro|man emperor and the king of Persia, and never saw any prince so highly respected by his subjects as Mahomet was by his companions: for, whenever he made the ablution, in order to say his prayers, they ran and catched the water that he had used; and whenever he spit they immediately liked it up, and gathered every hair that fell from him with great superstition.

In the seventh year of the Hegira, Mahomet be|gan to think of propagating his religion beyond the bounds of Arabia; and sent messengers to the neigh|bouring princes, with letters to invite them to Ma|hometanism. Nor was this project without some success. Khosru Parviz, then king of Persia, re|ceived his letter with great disdain, and tore it in a passion, sending away the messenger very abrupt|ly: which when Mahomet heard, he said God shall tear his kingdom. And soon after a messenger came to Mahomet from Badhon king of Yaman, who was a dependent on the Persians, to acquaint him that he had received orders to send him to Khosru. Mahomet put off his answer till the next morning, and then told the messenger it had been revealed to him that night that Khosru was slain by his son Shiruyeh; adding, that he was well assured his new religion and empire should rise to as great a height as that of Khosru; and therefore bid him ad|vise his master to embrace Mahometanism. The messenger being returned, Badhan in a few days received a letter from Shiruyeh, informing him of

his father's death, ordering him to give the pro|phet no further disturbance. Whereupon Bad|han and the Persians with him turned Mahome|tans.

The emperor Hera••lius, as the Arabian histori|ans assure us, received Mahomet's letter with great respect, laying it on his pillow, and dismissed the bearer honorably. And some pretend that he would have professed this new faith, had he not been afraid of losing his crown.

Mahomet wrote to the same effect to the king of Ethiopia, and to Mohawkas, governor of Egypt, who gave the messenger a very favorable reception, and sent several valuable presents to Mahomet, and among the rest two beautiful girls, one of which, named Mary, became a great favorite with him. He also sent letters of the like purport to seve|ral Arab princes: particularly one to al Hareth Ebn Abi Shamer king of Ghassean, who returning for answer that he would go to Mahomet himself, the prophet said, May his kingdom perish; another to Hawdha Ebn Ali, king of Yamana, who was a Christian, and, having some time before professed Islamism, had lately returned to his former faith; this prince sent back a very rough answer, upon which Mahomet cursing him, he died soon after: and a third to al Mondar Ebn Sawha, king of Bah|rein, who embraced Mahometanism, and all the Arabs of that country followed his example.

The eighth year of the Hegira was a very fortu|nate year to Mahomet. In the beginning of it, Khaled Ebn al Walid and Amru Ebn al As, both excellent soldiers, the first of whom afterwards con|quered Syria and other countries, and the latter Egypt, became proselytes to Mahometanism. And soon after the prophet sent 3000 men against the

Grecian forces, to revenge the death of one of his ambassadors, who, being sent to the governor of Bosra on the same errand as those who went to the above-mentioned princes, was slain by an Arab, of the tribe of Ghassan, at Muta, a town in the terri|tory of Balka in Syria, near which they encounter|ed. The Grecians being vastly superior in number (for, including the auxiliary Arabs, they had an army of 100,000 men) the Mahometans were re|pulsed in the first attack, and lost successively three of their generals, viz. Zeid Ebn Haretha Maho|met's freedman, Jaafar the son of Abu Taleb, and Abdallah Ebn Rawaha: but Khaled Ebn al Wa|lid, succeeding to the command, overthrew the Greeks with great slaughter, and brought away abundance of rich spoil; on occasion of which Ma|homet gave him the title of Seif min soyuf Allah, "one of the swords of God."

In this year Mahomet took the city of Mecca, the inhabitants whereof had broken the truce con|cluded on two years before. For the tribe of Beker, who were confederates with the Koreish, attacking those of Khozaah, who were allies of Mahomet, killed several of them, being supported in the acti|on by a party of the Koreish themselves. In conse|quence of this violation, Abu Sosian himself made a journey ••o Medina on purpose to heal the breach and renew the truce: but in vain: for Mahomet, glad of this opportunity, refused to see him: whereup|on he applied to Abu Beker and Ali: but they giv|ing him no answer, he was obliged to return to Mecca as he came.

Mahomet immediately gave orders for prepara|tions to be made, that he might surprize the Mec|cans while they were unprovided to receive him: in a little time he began his march thither; and by

the time he came near the city, his forces were in|creased to 10,000 men. Those of Mecca, being not in a condition to defend themselves against so formidable an army, surrendered at discretion, and Abu So••ian saved his life by turning Mahometan. About 28 of the idolaters were killed by a party under the command of Khaled; but this happened contrary to Mahomet's orders, who, when he en|tered the town, pardoned all the Koreish on their submission, except three men and one woman who were put to death, the rest obtaining pardon on their embracing Mahometanism.

The remainder of this year Mahomet employed in destroying the idols in and about Mecca, sending several of his generals on expeditions for that pur|pose, and to invite the Arabs to Islamism: where|in it is no wonder if they now met with success.

The next year being the ninth of the Hegira, the Mahometans call the year of embassies: for the A|rabs had been hitherto expecting the issue of the war between Mahomet and the Koreish: but as soon as that tribe, the principal of the whole nation, and the genuine descendants of Ishmael, whose prerogatives none offered to dispute, had submitted, they were sa|tisfied that it was not in their power to oppose Ma|homet; and therefore began to come into him in great numbers, and to send embassies to make their submis|sion to him, both to Mecca, while he staid there, and also to Medina, whither he returned this year. Among the rest, five kings of the tribe of Hamyar profess|ed Mahometanism, and sent ambassadors to notify the same.

In the tenth year, Ali was sent into Yaman to propagate the Mahometan faith there, and, as it is said, converted the whole tribe of Hamdan in one day. Their example was quickly followed by all

the inhabitants of that province, except only those of Najran, who, being Christians, chose rather to pay tribute.

In the eleventh year Mahomet died; thus was Mahometanism established, and idolatry rooted out even in Mahomet's time, throughout all Arabia, except only Yamana, where Moseilama, who set up also for a prophet as Mahomet's competitor, had a great party, and was not reduced till the kalifat of Abu Beker, and the Arabs being then united in one faith, and under one prince, found themselves in a condition of making those conquests, which ex|tended the Mahometan faith over so great part of the world.

The mosque which contains Mahomet's tomb, stands nearly in the center of Medina, which, in consequence, is called the most holy city. It is a magnificent structure, supported by 400 stately co|lumns, and lighted up with 300 superb lamps of su|perior lustre, which are kept continually burning. It has a small tower covered with plates of silver, and the floor is covered with a cloth of gold. It is more visited than any city in the world except Mec|ca. Mahomet's coffin stands under the cupola. It has long been the vulgar opinion that this coffin is made of steel, and suspended in the air by the pow|er of two magnets, but this notion is erroneous, and has long ago been exploded. The tomb lies expo|sed to view from the middle to the bottom of the dome, and is surrounded by a small wall, which is pierced with windows senced with silver grates. The inside is adorned with precious stones of im|mense value, especially on that part of the cupola which is over the head of the prophet. Over his feet is placed a golden crescent of exquisite work|manship, and sparkling with the most costly bril|liants.

A canopy of the most elegant embroidery is extended above, and over the coffin is thrown a rich pall of gold and silver tissue, which are an|nually sent thither by the bashaw of Egypt, by or|der of the Grand Signior, and with the greatest magnificence. It is commonly carried upon the back of a stately camel, and when the precious gift is taken off, the beast is no longer used in ser|vile drudgery.

The place where the coffin lies, is supported by pillars of black marble, and encompassed with a balustrade of silver, hung with such a number of bur|ning lamps, that the smoke darkens the place. The cupola is hung with white and red damask, and has these words embroidered upon it in Arabic letters of gold, God is God, and Mahomet is his prophet. The place is a hundred paces long and ninety broad; it has two gates and a vaulted nave. The concourse of pilgrims that resort to this dome is astonishing, and every Mussulman is bound by his religion to visit this tomb at least once in his life; after which he is for ever regarded as a saint.

The first article of the Mahometan religion is that there is no God but the true God, and Mahomet is his apostle. The Alcoran enjoins the belief of angels; and teaches that they are pure and subtle bodies, that there is no distinction of sexes among them, and that they do not propagate their spe|cies that they have various forms and offices; that some adore God in different postures, and others sing praises to him or intercede for mankind.

Mahomet named to devil Eblis from his despair. He was one of the angels called Azazil, who are in God's immediate presence, and he fell for refusing to pay homage to Adam at God's command. The Mahometans believe in a subordinate race of an|gels

called 〈◊〉〈◊〉 formed of grosser fire, who pro|pagate their species, are subject to death and liable to future rewards and punishments.

They believe in no less than 124,000 prophets, some say more, who have been sent into the world at different periods; among whom were No••h, Abra|ham, Moses, Jesus, and M••••met, and that the laws of each of these prophets, successively abrogated those of their immediate predecessors.

The next article of the Mahometan faith is the doctrine of the resurrection; but the time is known to none but God alone. Mahomet conversed with Gabriel upon this subject; but the angel acknow|ledged his ignorance of the time. They believe that the resurrection will extend to all animals, and that angels, genii, and men will rise, some to eter|nal happiness and others to eternal misery.

They believe in paradise, which they imagine to be situated above the seven heavens, or in the seventh immediately under the throne of God; and to represent the amenity of the place they say that the earth of it is of the finest wheat flour, or of the purest musk; that its stones are pearl and jacinths, the walls of its buildings are embellished with gold and silver, and that the trunks of all its trees are of pure gold; among which the most remarkable is the tree Tuba, or the tree of happiness, which stands in Mahomet's palace, and a branch of it extends to the abode of every true believer; that the boughs are loaded with the most exquisite fruits of surprising bigness, and of tastes unknown to mor|tals; of which if a man desire to eat the branches will bend down and present him their fruit; that this tree will supply him with the richest garments of silk; that beasts will burst forth from the fruit, adorned with the richest trappings ready for true

believers to ride upon, and that this tree is so large that a person mounted on the swi••test horse, would not be able to gallop from one end of its shade to the other in an hundred years. Some of the rivers of paradise, they say, flow with the purest streams of water, some with milk, some with honey, and others with wine, all which take their rise from the root of the tree of happiness; besides which, they say, it is watered by infinite numbers of springs and fountains, whose pebbles are rubies and eme|ralds, their beds of musk, and their sides of saf|fron.

But all these glories will be infinitely transcended by the charms of women of the most ineffable and ravishing beauty, the residents of paradise, whose society will be a perpetual source of felicity to the faithful. These, the Alcoran says, are formed of pure musk, and free from all impurities incident to the sex, of the most exemplary modesty, and secluded from public view in pavilions of hollow pearl, three|score miles long and as many broad; and that the inhabitants of paradise may enjoy these pleasures in their fullest extent, it is said they will be endowed with extraordinary faculties, and flourish in eternal youth.

CHAP. II.

A short account of the principal cities. The city of AL|GIERS. Its origin, situation, houses, water, public build|ings, bagnios, streets, gates, walls, mole, castles, and fortifications.

THERE are few towns of any consequence, even along the sea-coasts; though when suc|cessively under the dominion of Carthage and Rome, it abounded with populous cities. All the sea-port towns, except the metropolis, are thinly peopled; those in the interior part of the country still more so, and they are inhabited by a haughty robust people, who trade into Biledulgerid and the country of the blacks.

BONA is supposed to be the same place with the antient Hippo, a sea-port built by the ancients. It was formerly the capital of the province of Bona. It lies on the Mediterranean sea, and there is a co|ral fishery near it. It is a town of no importance, and of slender population. In this part of the world, elegant architecture has, for many centu|ries, been utterly forgotten or despised. The buil|dings of Bona, as every where else, are therefore mean. It is exposed to the incursions of the Arabs. The name of this people is used by travellers in a very indefinite manner. Algiers is at the distance of some hundreds of leagues from Arabia: but as this part of Africa was formerly conquered by that na|tion,

under the banners of Maho••••••, the name is still applied to a race of tawny and independent barbarians, who wander in gangs about the country, and unite the double profession of a shepherd and a robber. Bona was formerly a magnificent city. Its grandeur is now only to be traced in the ruins of a monastery. It has a fortress, and a garrison of three hundred Turks, as these banditti chuse to call them|selves; a Turk being the most reputable character in that country. These adventurers however are not Turks, but the sweepings of all nations blended together. They are commanded by an aga, who is likewise governor of the town. Bona was taken by Charles V. in his expedition to Tunis, but was not long after recovered by its former masters.

CONSTANTINA is situated on the river Sef Gomar, forty-eight miles from the sea-coast. It re|ceived its present name from that of a princess, the daughter of the emperor Constantine, to whom it is indebted for its magnificence. The situation is on a peninsula, difficult of access, except towards the south-west. It is one mile in circumference, well fortified, and contains many fragments of ancient architecture. In particular there is a part of no|ble bridge; and near it is a large subterraneous aqueduct, which terminates in a cascade▪ State cri|minals are sometimes precipitated down this place, and dashed to pieces against the rocks at its bottom. A bey resides here, and has under his command three hundred Turkish horse, and one thousand five hundred Moorish soldiers. The inhabitants of Con|stantina are said to be opulent and haughty. This city was formerly the residence of a race of kings who governed the province of Constantina, of which it is the metropolis; but in the year 1520, the

whole territory•••• was conquered by Barbarossa, that distinguished tyrant, who annexed it to the govern|ment of Algiers. Some splendid ruins exist in the vicinity of Constantina. Upon the sea-coast, at a small distance from it, are the traces of a Roman colony, anciently called Colo. It is situated on a high rock, and has a garrison. Adjoining to it is a French factory, to which the Moors bring hides, wax, and wool, for sale. At no great distance are the remains of the ancient city of Stora. It is said that the mountainous part of this te••••••troy is inha|bited by a hardy people, who can raise forty thou|sand ••ighting men.

GIGERI is situated about fifteen miles from Bona. It contains about fifteen hundred houses, and the inhabitants are very poor. It is defended by a fort and a small garrison. The natives of this part of the country are independent and barbarous. They retire, when circumstances require it, to in|accessible fastnesses, and set the dey of Algiers at defiance. Ships, when wrecked on this coast, are plundered, and the crews are treated with the ut|most savagenss. In this respect, however, the natives of the territory of Gigeri cannot differ much for the worse from the rest of their countrymen; nor is the practice peculiar to Barbary. Scenes of the same kind are frequently acted with impu|nity, on the coast of Cornwall, and other mari|time counties of England* 1.2. The French, in the

year 1666, had begun to fortify O••geri. They were driven from it by the Algerines, with the loss of their cannon, and most of their effects.

BUGIA was formerly the capital of a kingdom of the same name. It stands at the mouth of the river Major, or Zinganor, about twenty leagues to the eastward of Algiers. It is little better than a heap of ruins; a description which applies to al|most every town in that part of the world. It has three castles, two at the port, and one upon a rock, at a small distance behind them. In the year 1671, a British admiral took or destroyed, in this harbour, nine Algerine ships of war. It is ex|tremely seldom that an admiral has been charged with such a laudable commission,

STESSA, or STEFFA, is situated in a fertile valley, sixty miles to the south of Bugia, and fif|teen miles from the sea. It exhibits only the me|lancholy ruins of its former magnificence, con|taining about three hundred miserable families.

TEBEF was formerly a flourishing city, but is at present extremely reduced. ZAMOURA is in the same condition. It is defended by a fort.

COUCO was once the metropolis of a kingdom 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the same name. Its sovereigns were in the habit of forming alliances with the court of Spain. For this reason the Algerines, in the beginning of the seventeenth century, ravaged the whole coun|try,

and destroyed every town in it. The inhabi|tants have still supported their independence, by taking refuge in the mountainous parts of the coun|try, which are said to be very fertile; but the Al|gerines prevent them from holding any intercourse with foreign nations.

BISCARA has a fort and garrison. One of the chief employments of the people here is to catch and tame lions, tigers, and other beasts of prey, which they carry for sale to Algiers.

NECANZ is one of the most pleasant towns in Barbary. It is watered by an agreeable river, whose banks are adorned with a variety of beauti|ful trees. The town contains a magnificent mosque and a college for the education of Mahometan stu|dents.

ORAN is situated about two hundred and fifty miles west of Algiers. It lies partly on a plain, and partly on the ascent of a hill. It is a mile and half in circumference and tolerably fortified. But it is unfortunately commanded by some of the neighbouring eminences; so that a garrison of ten or twelve thousand men is necessary to defend it with success against a skilful enemy. As the Spa|nish coasts and merchant ships had suffered much from the corsairs of this port, Ferdinand king of Spain determined to attempt its reduction. For this purpose he transported into Africa an army, un|der the command of his prime minister cardinal Xi|menes, who maintained a correspondence with some of the people of Oran; and when the Moors sa••lied out to attack the Spanish army, their perfidious countrymen shut their gates against them, Xime|nes

killed four thousand of the barbarians, and set at liberty twenty thousand Christian slaves. The Algerines, during almost two hundred years, made frequent and unsuccessful attempts to recover the town. At last, in 1708, they retook it. In June 1732, a Spanish army was disembarked not far from Oran. The Turkish commander, his troops, and the inhabitants were seized with a panic, and abandoned their fortifications without much resist|ance. The victors found in the place an hundred and forty-six pieces of cannon, besides mortars, and at least fifty ship loads of provisions. This latter sup|ply contributed much to the preservation of their new conquest. Without it they must have run the greatest hazard of perishing in the midst of suc|cess; as a tempest, which lasted for several days, cut off all intercourse between the army upon shore, and the fleet at sea. The Moors not long after attacked the Spaniards with great fury, but were finally repulsed with great slaughter on both sides. The greatest part of this town has lately been laid in ruins by an earthquake; since which it has been evacuated by the Spaniards, and left in possession of the Turks. From these ruins the dey of Algiers has lately exported great quantities of white stone for the purpose of building his new mosque.

TREMESEN was formerly the capital town of a kingdom of that name. It is situated ninety miles south-west of Oran, surrounded by a strong wall and well fortified. It has five gates with draw|bridges before them, and a castle containing hand|some barracks for the Janisaries who are in garrison. Tremesen while a metropolis was a splendid city. It contained one hundred and fifty mosques, and

one hundred and sixty public baths. Since it cea|sed to be the seat of an independent government, it has fallen into ruins and desolation. The mosques are reduced to eight, and its public baths to four. The inhabitants are extremely indigent.

MOSTAGAN stands fifty miles east of Oran. This town is built in the form of a theatre open|ing to the sea, and surrounded on every other side with rocks that hang over it. The ruins of an old Moorish castle stands in a space between the rocks, and there a strong stone wall towards the port, with a modern built castle, garrisoned by a number of Turks. The citadel is erected upon the summit of one of rocks, and commands both city and territory. The haven is commodi|ous, and the town is well supplied with water. The neighbouring mountains are inhabited by a people called Magarabas, who live in tents, and possess a great number of flocks. There is a handsome mosque in this town.

TENEZ is situated about one hundred miles to the eastward of Oran, twenty miles east of Mosta|gan, and at a league distant from the sea, where it has a convenient port. There is a castle that was once a royal palace, and in which the go|vernor resides. The fortifications are strong, the garrison numerous, and the neighbouring territory fertile.

SERCELLI lies between Tenez and Algiers, about twenty-four miles to the westward of the lat|ter. It is defended by a Turkish garrison, and has a port which will only admit of small ves|sels

This was anciently a large and populous city, but is at present a poor and desolate place.

THE CITY OF ALGIERS.

Its Origin.

THE names of the original founders of this city have never been satisfactorily ascertained. The ac|counts transmitted to us by historians are involved in much doubt and uncertainty, and its foundation has been ascribed to various princes generally of Roman extraction.

The testimony of Strabo, however, seems the most authentic. In his account of Mauritania Cae|sariensis he informs us, that there was formerly an ancient city on the Mediterranean known by the name of Jol, which was founded by Juba the father of P••olemy, and son of Juba the first king of that name in Mauritania. It is situated, according to him, about the thirty-seventh degree of north lati|tude, and has a small island in the harbour; and as there is no other place upon the Mediterranean thus circumstanced, it may be presumed that the ancient city of Jol is the same as that of Algiers.

Juba was taken prisoner in the wars between Pom|pey and the Caesarian party, and carried to Rome, where he was ordered to be educated. He soon ac|quitted himself so well in his studies, that Augus|tus not only gave him his liberty, but married him to the beautiful Silene, the daughter of Mark An|thony and Cleopatra, and restored him his father's extensive kingdom of Mauritania, which at that time included the kingdoms of Morocco, Fez, Tremesen, Oran, Tunis, Algiers and Bugia. As

a grateful acknowledgement for so signal a favour, he gave the city of Jol the name of Jol Caesarea, and as he conferred a new name upon this city in parti|cular, in order to perpetuate the remembrance of his noble friend, we may presume it was anciently one of the most important cities in Mauritania.

Towards the end of the seventh century, the Mahometan Arabs over-ran all Mauritania; and as they seemed to have a particular hatred to the works, as well as the names of the Romans which they abolished, they called this city Algezair or ra|ther Al Jezier, or Al-Jezerah, an Arabic word which signifies belonging to an island, because there was an island before it, which is now joined to it by a mole, and forms one of the sides of the harbour. The Turks call is Al Jezeire Al Gazie, i. e. Algiers the warlike, and in their public letters and records Al Je-Zeire, i. e. the island of the west, to distin|guish it from a city of the same name near the Dar|danelles. Doctor Shaw says we should pronounce it Al-Je-Zeirah.

Situation.

THIS city is the capital of the kingdom of Al|giers and probably the I••o••ium of the ancients. It is situated at the 36th degree 49th minute of North Latitude, and the 77th degree 37th minute of East Longitude from Philadelphia, and lies nearly in the same latitude with the southern boundary of Virginia in the United States. It is built on the de|clivity of a mountain by the sea-side, facing the north, on a bay of the Mediterranean sea. The houses rise gradually from the sea-shore, in the form of an amphitheatre, and terminate nearly in a point towards the summit of the mountain. The town,

with its mosques, castles, and other public build|ings, has a beautiful appearance at a distance when approaching from the water, and when first disco|vered looks like the top-sail of a ship.

Houses.

THE sides of the houses are white, and in conse|quence at a distance one would take it to be a place where they bleach linen. The roofs are flat; so that the people can visit each other, at a considera|ble distance without going into the streets. Where the houses are of an unequal height, there is always a communication by a ladder. As they are open at top it is easy for any one to enter them, but theft and robbery are scarcely ever known; for if a stranger is apprehended in a house without having previously sent in his name, he seldom escapes capital punishment. The tops of the houses are paved with a kind of brick or tile, and a brick wall is built up about breast high to prevent persons from falling. Above these, summer houses are erected, and as there are no squares, gardens, or public walks in the whole city, the inhabitants re|pair to these places after their business is finished, for the purpose of recreation, and the pleasure of seeing their corsairs bring in prizes. One house rises above another in such a manner that they do not hinder each other's prospect towards the sea. They are square and built of stone and bricks, with a square court in the middle; around this court is a double range of galleries, one above the other, and both supported by columns. The houses are in general three stories high, and con|t••in five or six families; and such is their singular

prediliction for white, that all the outsides and in|sides of their houses, mosques and public buildings, are whitewashed once a year. Their number is computed to be about 15000. Their rooms are pa|ved with square tiles or bricks of several colours neatly joined together. The inward rooms have no light but what they receive from the gates, which are large, and reach up to the ceiling. Those fronting the streets have some windows, in which are fixed round cross bars of iron four or five inches asunder, but they have no panes of glass; so that they resemble prisons rather than houses. They have no chimnies, but make their fires in earthen pots, commonly placed near the door to let out the smoke, which is apt, however, to sully their walls. Their household furniture consists of a few earthen pots, platters, spoons, ladles, wood|en trunks, and a mat and two quilts laid on the floor, which serves them for a bed.

Water.

THEY have neither springs nor wells in the whole city; and till the last century their only supply was rain water, when a Moor who had been driven from Spain constructed two aqueducts, by which they are now supplied from a spring which rises out of a hill about 1700 paces from the city, near the place where Charles V. pitched his tent in 1541. Since which time aqueducts have been formed from several other springs in the country; and the water is plentifully conveyed into the city by con|duits or pipes under ground, which supply upwards of 150 fountains; at each of which a bowl is fas|tened for the use of passengers. The water which

falls to the ground runs off through small holes in the streets near each fountain, and discharges itself into common sewers, through which the filth of the city is conveyed away. All these pipes dis|charge themselves into the common reservoir at the end of the mole, where the ships take in their wa|ter. Every one takes his turn at these places, ex|cept the Turks, who are first served, and the Jews last, who in this particular are postponed even to the slaves themselves.

Public Buildings, &c.

THERE are ten great mosques and fifty smaller ones, which have a s••••iking effect. The dey's new mosque was begun about the year 1790, and stands upon the ground that was formerly occupied by the Bagnio Cedimo. It is 60 by 40 feet, three stories high, and supported by pillars of white marble imported from Genoa. The walls are of white stone from the ruins of Oran, and the Ame|rican slaves were generally employed on Friday in carrying them from the mole up to the mosque.

Near this mosque stands the Logger Bastion, the place of execution for Turks and Coulolies.

The seraglio of the dey's favorite wife is the most superb edifice in the city. It is supported by pillars of curious workmanship, embellished in an elegant style of architecture, and from the ceiling of each apartment is suspended a clustre of lamps that make a splendid appearance.

The dey's palace is the largest edifice, and stands nearly in the center of the city. This build|ing is very extensive, and surrounded by two su|perb galleries supported by marble pillars.

There are nine fine structures which the Janisaries occupy as cazarees or barracks, which will hold 600 each; six of which are appropriated to the use of un|married Turkish soldiers. Upon the top of these ca|zarees there are Turkish soldiers always stationed, who cry out with a loud voice whenever a sail is discovered at sea.

There are three great colleges or public schools, and a great number of petty ones for children; four fundies or public inns, such as in Turkey; and above sixty public bagnios or baths, at a very moderate rate. The women have baths of their own, where the men dare not come. But they have no caravanseras; but only a few tippling huts, cook-shops, &c. kept by Christian slaves, for the accommodation of Greeks, and the poorer ••ort of travellers, where any thing may be had for money.

There are several tolerable edifices without the walls of the town, which add to the beauty of the environs. Among these are a great number of Turkish sepulchres and monuments; as also cells or chapels, dedicated to marabouts, or reputed saints, which the women go to visit every Friday. One of these monuments contains six magnificent tombs of a circular figure, which were erected to the memory of six deys, who were, in the course of a few days, successively elected and murdered. With respect to the burial of their dead, the Mahometans discover a degree of delicacy, of which Christians have no conception. Their graves are never bro|ken up a second time, and the professors of the Mahometan religion regard it as an act of the most barbarous sacrilege to disturb the remains of the dead, by opening their graves at any distance of

time, or upon any pretence whatever. Hence their burial grounds in the neighbourhood of a large city are sometimes ten miles in extent.

Bagnios.

THERE are but two bagnios in the city, built of stone, where the slaves are lodged, the one cal|led the Bagnio Baleck and the other the Bagnio Gallaro; the former of which i•• much the largest, and will contain three times as great a number as the latter. They stand in the main street within about fifty yards of each other, between Bubazoon and the dey's palace. The lower apartments of these bagnios are occupied as taverns, which are kept by slaves, who pay the dey an annual tribute for the privilege, according to the quantity of li|quor they sell. The tavern-keepers frequently manufacture their own wine in these bagnios, from g••••pes purchased of the Moors. To these places the Turks resort while the slaves are at labour; but soon as the slaves return the warden bashaw com|pels them to retire: for they are not suffered to be with the slaves. Each apartment is large enough to accommodate about a dozen slaves. The win|dows are formed of round cross bars of iron a|bout three or four inches apart, but without panes of glass. Down the sides of the walls hang heavy chains of long links fixed to staples, with rings to the ends, in which all disorderly slaves are confined either by the leg or neck till morning, when they are punished according to their crimes. These bagnios are under the guardianship of two corporals, who

are chosen from among the strongest and most robust of the slaves whom they attend at labour.

In the bagnio Gallaro five apartments are occu|pied by wild beasts, such as lions, tygers, leo|pards, &c. intended as presents to nations in alli|ance with the dey. Some of these beasts sometimes break loose from their boxes, and they are not con|fined again till some one falls a victim to their fury.

Besides these ta••erns there is one called the Rap|pagee, near the the port of Bubazoon, and ano|ther called the Sanduke of the Luke, intended as a kind of hospital for lunatics.

The celebrated admiral Pinchinin was the own|er of a large bagnio about the year 1640, which is described as follows. This bagnio was occupied by all such slaves as were intended for his galleys. It was a spacious building through which there was a narrow passage or entry, which led into a large vault, that received only a small portion of light from a grate above; but so insufficient that in some of the apartments it was necessary to keep lamps burning the whole day. In the upper parts of the building there was a large square, contain|ing several galleries two stories high, between which were several apartments, and a church for Chris|tian slaves large enough to contain 300 persons. The roof was flat and terraced according to the Spanish mode. This bagnio contained 550 slaves belonging to Pinchinin, whom he allowed three hours every day to provide for their own subsist|ence, which they employed in stealing and the practice of every species of villany. The articles that had been stolen the preceding day were sold every morning at public auction in the bagnio, and thus

were these miserable beings supported. But great numbers of them, notwithstanding, starved to death every year, and a traveller informs us that twenty Englishmen died here in one winter through mere want.

Streets.

NONE of the streets in Algiers have any names. They generally ascend with the hill, and are so ex|tremely narrow that two persons can scarcely walk a-breast. The middle part is lower than the sides for the purpose of conveying off the water more conveniently. The principal street is 1200 paces in length; it runs north and south from the port of Bubazoon to Babloet, and is not above twelve feet wide. This street is filled with elegant houses, and the stores of the principal merchants, in which there are markets for corn, bread, meat, fish, &c.

When any loaded beasts, such as camels, horses mules or asses pass along, one is forced to stand up close to the wall to let them pass by; and what is still worse, the insolence of the Turkish soldiers is such that a Christian, of whatever rank he may be, must stand close against the wall till they have passed by; otherwise they would not fail to show their superiority by acts of violence. It has been thought that the streets were made narrow, in order that the buildings might afford a shelter against the heat of the sun; but it is evident that their narrow|ness is intended to prevent the bad effects of earth|quakes; since the fronts of almost all the houses are supported by rafters, which extend from one to the other across the streets.

Gates.

THE city has five gates, which are open from day-break till sun-set; after which no one can en|ter the city. 1. PORTA PISCOU, or fisher's gate, opens to the mole on the east; near this gate is the place of rendezvous for fishing boats. The fisherman sit in rows within the gate, and expose their fish to sale in large baskets. 2. PORTA NOVA, or Newgate, opens to the south-west, and is the passage to the imperial castle. 3. BABLOET, or as it is rather pronounced Bublywhite, stands to the north. 4. BABAZIRA, which opens into the harbour. This is the gate where the American prisoners were examined when they passed from the marine. 5. BABAZON, or rather Bubazoon, is due south: but neither this nor Babloet are of much consideration. Near this gate is the place of execution for slaves: a platform is built on the top, about fifty feet high, from whence criminals are precipitated down an oblique wall, in which are fixed ganches or hooks at short distances, by which the malefactor is either hung or torn to pieces; and should he escape these, he is sure to be dash|ed to pieces upon sharp rocks which lie below.

City Wall.

THE city is surrounded by a wall about a league in circumference, and defended by square towers and bastions with which they are flanked. The lower part of the wall is of hewn stone; it is

twelve feet thick, thirty feet high on the land side, and forty feet towards the sea; and contains many houses.

Mole.

THE harbour is the work of immense labour and difficulty. It is about fifteen feet deep, and ex|tremely dangerous for vessels. It is formed by a mole in the form of a semicircle, about 500 paces in length, lying north-east and south-west from the town to a small island or rock called the Lantern; from which another mole of the same length is ex|tended north and south, for the purpose of forming a shelter. In the angle of these two moles stands a square edifice, in the middle of which there is a court with rails, and four fountains used for ablu|tions when the hour of prayer is proclaimed. Round the four sides is a seat covered with a mat, where the admiral and officers of the navy hold their daily meetings. The castle called Sardinia, and the castle of the Lantern stand on the mole; the former of which is mounted with two, and the latter with three tire of guns. The lower tire are 32 pounders; but they are never prepared for de|fence upon sudden emergencies, for the lower apart|ments are so filled with large quantities of lumber and naval stores, that an enemy, suddenly running into the harbour, might destroy the city before they could bring their heavier pieces to play. Along the side of the mole there is a wharf for loading and un|loading ships, and for mooring galleys and other vessels. Beneath the mole on one side is a stone quay, and on the other side a sandy and rocky bank. All vessels lying along side the mole are moored about fifteen yards from the shore, and secured by a

number of cables which extend in different direc|tions, and are lashed fast to cannon planted in the mole. The most boisterous sea is occasioned by a north-east wind. I•• the time of violent storms a number of the slaves, particularly sailors, are con|tinually stationed upon the mole, with Turkish guards, to assist the vessels in case of necessity.

The winter is the most dangerous season for ves|sels, and whenever a violent northern or north-east wind blows, they are in danger either of being greatly damaged or driven on shore.

On the north side of the rock is situated the light-house fort, which is diligently lighted every night for the security of vessels entering the harbour. It has three batteries of brass cannon. A little to the southward of this there is another which defends the entrance of the harbour, and is mounted with 80 pieces of cannon, 12, 18, and 36 pounders, point|ed from north to south; most of which were taken taken from the Tunisians in 1617. On the north and south mole there are rope-walks and several magazines, where naval stores, and the cargoes of captured vessels are deposited.

Castles and Fortifications.

NEAR the city on the land side are four castles, the most considerable of which is the imperial castle, or the castle of the emperor, which is situated on an eminence at the distance of half a league to the south south-west, and commands the whole city, harbour, and the adjacent country. It is so called because the emperor Charles V. laid the foundation of it in 1541, when he was besieging the city. But it is only mounted with a few pieces of small can|non,

either through neglect or an apprehension that it might prove destructive to the city in case it should fall into the hands of an enemy; for it is situ|ated on so advantageous an eminence that from it the city might soon be battered into ruins.

The new castle, commonly called the Star, is built in a hepta••onal form, and situated on an emi|nence to the south-west. The other two are called Bubazoon and Bobloet, because they are near and opposite the gates of the same name; but neither of them are of much consideration.

Besides these there are several along the shore on the west side of the city. The battery of the mole gate stands upon the east angle of the city, and is mounted with six pieces of ordnance, one of which has seven cylinders, each of them three inches in diameter. About half a league to the west south-west of the harbour is the battery of the fisher's gate, which is defended by a double tire of cannon, and commands the entrance of the port and the road be|fore it.

The strongest fortifications are at the entrance of the harbour, the situation of which adds to its secu|rity; as the northern winds are generally violent, and occasion such a sea, that ships would be exposed to great danger, either in the road or along the shore.

Many former writers, either through ignorance, or a misgrounded prejudice, have represented all these fortification so impregnable that they bid de|fiance to the confederated powers of the Christians. But recent and more accurate observations have de|tected the fallacy of this account: and all per|sons of observation who have lately resided there, unanimously concur in the opinion, that three or at most four British fifty-gun ships, provided they

met with no disaster from the elements, would soon batter it about the ears of the inhabitants from the harbour. A late writer observes, that notwithstanding their fortifications, the city is so commanded by the adjacent kills on every side but that of the sea, that from these eminencies, where it is most vulnerable, a besieging army would soon batter it into a heap of ruins.

It is not a little singular, however, that this city has, for several ages, braved some of the greatest powers in Christendom: but this must be imputed to the very injudicious conduct of most of the be|siegers, or the violence of tempests which have proved destructive to so many vessels in their har|bour. The Spaniards in their attempts to reduce Algiers, have been the most material sufferers; but the pusilanimity of their forces has long been pro|verbial, and Spanish discomfiture is no kind of crite|rion to judge of the defensive powers of the Alge|rines.

CHAP. III.

Inhabitants, customs and manners of the city of Algiers.

THE present dey of Algiers was originally a Turkish soldier, and was imported into Al|giers from a place near Smyrna about the year 1786. He was at first employed about the old dey's palace, and by his artifice he soon after became so great a court favorite, that he obtained the office of vichelhadge of the marine. Shortly after this event the cassan-aga, or prime minister, through the intrigues of the bashaw of Constantina with the old dey, fell a victim to the bow-string, and Hassan Bashaw, the present dey, was promo|ted to the vacant office of cassan-aga, Cedelli, who was a Grecian of an enterprising spirit, suc|ceeded him in the office of vichelhadge, and the old dey shortly after dying a natural death, Ce|delli, who was Hassan's friend, insisted upon his assuming the imperial chair. Hassan discovered great reluctance; but Cedelli, who came armed with a party for the purpose, forced him into the chair and supported him there. The aga shortly after made his appearance, intending to contest the right of sovereignty with him, and attempted to assassinate him him in his seat; but he was seized by the chiahs, who dragged him to the Logger Bastion, where he received the bow-string, and one of Hassan's friends was appointed aga in his stead.

Hassan afterward•• married the daughter of the for|mer cassan-aga, who had been executed through the intrigues of the bashaw of Constantina, and after Hassan was established in the sovereignty, she per|suaded him to bow-string this bashaw; and as she was Hassan's favorite wife her desire was granted, and the bashaw fell a victim to her resentment.

Cedelli soon after greatly incurred the displea|sure of Hassan. The dey had issued orders that no Dutch vessels should be captured within forty days; but Cedelli, either through design or inad|vertence, gave instructions to the corsairs to make immediate captures, and several Dutch vessels were brought into Algiers; which so violently exasperated Hassan, that he demanded in a vengeful and sarcastic tone, whether he or Cedelli was dey of Algiers? Cedelli fortunately escaped the bow|string, but was immediately banished from Al|giers.

When consuls, foreign agents, and other official characters enter the dey's palace, they are requested to pull off their shoes, and this ceremony is al|ways expected. His visitors then approach him with great reverence and kiss his hand. The dey and his visitors are seated on slabs of marble or slate projecting from the wall, about three feet high, up|on which are placed cushions elegantly embroidered and fringed with gold, where his visitors sit cross legged. The dey sits with a large fan of ostriches' feathers in his hand. All other Turks of distinc|tion receive their visitors in the same manner. While they are thus seated they are served by slaves with coffee, which is considered the greatest treat that can be given, and as a particular mark of dis|tinction conferred upon his visitors.

No person is suffered to enter his palace with d••g|gers or any kind of arms; and when such attempts are made, the dey, through apprehension of as••••si|nation, makes the most hideous outcries; the delin|quent is seized, and several hundred strokes of the bastinado are inflicted upon him for the offence.

When the Grand Signior approves of the dey's conduct he sends him an elegant robe called a Ta••|tan to signify his approbation of his conduct in ad|ministration. A present of this nature is highly ac|ceptable, because it is a great protection to his per|son, and conciliates the minds of the people in his favour.

The present dey is about 50 years old. His face is decorated with a long black beard. He is a man of a venerable aspect and of a mejestic person, be|ing about six feet high, but rather inclining to lean|ness. He speaks in a very imperious and authori|tative tone, as is the case with all the Turks. He goes bare legged, but with slippers on his feet, and cannot be distinguished by his dress from the rest of the Turks; but only by the greater veneration that is paid him.

When he walks the streets of Algiers his lisberos go before him with clubs in their hands to clear the way, and as he approaches every person flies with precipitation into bye-ways; for if any one comes within the reach of their clubs he is sure to be knock|ed down and trampled under foot. When he rides out, even upon a full gallop, these lisberos run before him, and every obstacle must give way at his approach.

While the American prisoners were in Algiers the dey once condescended to visit the marine, which was looked upon as the most singular event that ever occurred; for neither the dey, the cassan-aga,

nor aga, are ever known to pay such visits. As he approached the shore the cannon of the castles, and on the walls of the city were fired, trumpets sounded, and French horns played from the marine. He was attended by all the rais or commanders of vessels, who regarded this visit as the very highest compliment. He gave the warden bashaw a con|siderable sum of money to be distributed among the slaves. After examining the marine he was invited into the skiff of the vichelhadge, where he sat down with his attendants and after drinking a dish of coffee retired to his palace.

The dey keeps about 30 concubines in his serag|lio, who are attended by black enuchs, but the wo|men are never seen by the slaves. He has but one child, a daughter about seven years old, who is the greatest favorite imaginable with the dey. She was engaged to be married to the late vichelhadge of the marine, who was the dey's relation. But he was either killed or drowned in his voyage to the Levant, where the dey sent him with a large sum of money, for the purpose of building a superb mosque at the place of his birth.

From the most authentic accounts it appears that many of the people of Algiers, and the kingdom in general, are hospitable, humane, and of strict in|tegrity. A Moor when he finds any articles that have been lost, never clandestinely appropriates them to his own use, but has them always cried through the streets that the owner may possess his property again. But in consequence of the vio|lence that is exercised over them, and their total subserviency to the rapacious views of their Tur|kish oppressors, they support perhaps the most in|famous character of any nation in the world. Eve|ry spark of political liberty is totally extinguished,

and the government has now attained to the very acme of the most horrible despotism. As the Turks maintain their ascendency by the most ri|gorous measures, their government exhibits a per|petual scene of jealousy, apprehension and op|pression; no man can promise himself a moment's security either in his person or property; for the power of life and death is vested in the hands of the dey, which he exercises with impunity; and whenever he covets the riches of any of his opu|lent subjects, he orders them to be dispatched with a bow-string, and falls heir to what they possessed. When the order of execution is an|nounced to any one, he submits patiently to his fate, which he has perhaps long anticipated, and as soon as the order is executed there is an immediate scramble among the servants for the money, jew|els, and other valuable articles which belonged to their master.

According to the common computation, the num|ber of inhabitants in this city is 100,000 Mahome|tans, 1500 Jews, and 2000 Christian slaves; but no census can be accurate for any length of time, as thousands are carried off by the plague; and the number of slaves is still more fluctuating, as they are subject to an uncertain increase by cap|ture, and a diminution by ransom, or death by the severity of their toils.

The city of Algiers is visited almost every year by the plague, which generally begins in May, and continues for the space of three months. When it commences its visitation no person is at liberty to circulate any report of its existence, or his life would be in danger; but when the contagion becomes more prevalent one of the marabouts visits the dey

and informs him of its existence; after which the citizens are at liberty to take every precaution for their preservation; some retire into the country, but the dey and most of the people always remain in the city. The first stage of this disorder is a violent fever which brings on a delirium, but if the patient can survive this fever he has every as|surance of his recovery. The disease, however, operates differently upon different constitutions; some blead at the mouth, nose, and ears; some break out in lived spots all over their bodies, and many continue in a state of coma, or lethar|gy, till they expire, which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 generally at the end of the third day after the disorder seizes them. About one half of those who are attacked by this disorder recover, but they are notwithstanding always liable to, though not so susceptible of the in|fection after they have once been seized with it.

A most malignant plague raged in Algiers about the year 1787, which carried off immense num|bers of the inhabitants; the disease was so viru|lent that the streets were filled with dead bodies, and the mortality so great that a sufficient number of persons could scarcely be procured to bury them. Slaves are very frequently seized with this disor|der at their labour, and they are suffered to die upon the ground without any assistance, and with as much unconcern as if they were beasts▪ As they have neither medical books, nor men of learning, it must naturally be supposed they have no physi|cians. When a person is seized with any disorder the only mode of cure is to rub the patient, and at the same time to place his body in a variety of at|titudes, and if this whimsical treatment does not succeed, nothing farther is attempted.

The people of A••giers eat no breakfast, but between six and seven o'clock in the morning they drink coffee, with which they are served by per|sons called coffeegees, whose business it is to sup|ply the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 every morning with this article. It is drank without either sugar or cream, in cups and sauc•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 after the European fashion; but the more opu••••nt citizens use saucers of gold placed beneath their common ones, for the purpose of cooling their coffee. They dine at eleven, and drink coffee again at four in the afternoon. In eating they are seated cross-legged on mats round tables about six inches high, and they use neither knives nor forks. Their common food is mutton, beef or poultry, boiled to rags, which they eat with cuzcuz. An Algerine never suffers his wives to eat with him, but obliges them to serve him till he has finished his meal, at which time they are permitted to sit down to the table. The Turks in particular are very tenacious of this precedence, because they regard women as an inferior order in creation, and consequently not entitled to similar distinctions.

The use of particular meats is strictly forbidden, and in conformity to the custom of the eastern na|tions the Alcoran prohibits the use of swine's flesh, the eating of blood, and whatever dies of itself, or is strangled, or killed by a blow, or fall, or by any other beast. In which particulars Mahomet seems to have adopted the laws of the Jews, by which all these things are forbidden. But he permitted some ••••ings to be eaten which Moses did not, as camels' 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in particular; and upon particular emergencies, when people are in danger of starving, the Maho|tan law suffers them to eat any kind of prohibited ••ood. The Algerines have such a singular aversion

to hogs that they will fly at the sight of one as quick|ly as from the most ferocious wild beast; for they deem it a great contamination even to be touched by a swine, and a hundred well disciplined hogs would take Algiers much sooner than an army of the very bravest Spaniards. Many, however, among the less conscientious Moors, who are not so apprehen|sive of pollution, bring considerable quantities of pork to market, which they sell at a very moderate price to the Christian slaves, who derive a great be|nefit from this custom; for a full grown hog is fre|quently sold for less than a sequin.

The people have so singular an attachment to coffee, or the use of it is so extremely fashionable, that tradesmen and mechanics while they fit engaged at their business along the platforms in front of their houses, have their dishes of coffee before them. The Turks, and especially those who are too conscien|tious to make use of spiritous liquors, spend whole days at the coffee houses in smoking and sipping coffee: and as they devote no part of their time to reading or the improvment of the mind, they ap|pear entirely divested of all reflection, and become the mere slaves of their sensual appetites.

The use of coffee first took its origin at Aden in Arabia Felix about the year 1436; from whence it was gradually introduced into Mecca, Medina, Syria, Europe and other parts of the world. It has been the subject of great contention and disorders; the use of it has been often proscribed, and as often de|clared lawful and allowed: but at present it is uni|versally tolerated.

The drinking of wine, under which name is com|prehended all kinds of strong liquors, is forbidden in the Alcoran in more places than one. Some have imagined that excess only is therein forbidden, and

they allege that the moderate use of wine is allowed in two passages of the Alcoran; but the more re|ceived opinion is, that the use of strong liqours either in a greater or less quantity is absolutely unlawful; and though libertines indulge themselves in a con|trary practice, yet the more conscientious, and espe|cially those who have performed a pilgrimage to Mecca, are so rigid that they deem it unlawful not only to taste wine, but to make it, or to maintain themselves by the purchase and sale of that liquor.

They are, however, extravagantly fond of wine, and if one asks them how it happens that they ven|ture to drink it when it is so strictly forbidden, they answer that it is with them as with the Christians, whose religion prohibits drunkenness, and who de|light notwithstanding in drinking to excess. The dey was formerly much addicted to this practice, but since he has been in administration, he has be|come very exemplary in this respect, and it is dan|gerous for any of his visitors to breath the fumes of wine in his prefence.

It has been a question whether coffee is not impli|edly prohibited by the Alcoran, because it has an intoxicating property; and it is probable that the former prohibition of it originated from this circum|stance alone.

The more conscientious reject the use of Tobacco, not only because it intoxicates, but in consequence of a traditional saying of their prophet, which, if it were really his, would prove him a prophet in|deed,

That in the latter days there should be men who should bear the name of Mussulmen, but should not be really such, and that they should smoke a certain weed which should be cal|led Tobacco.

Opium, though not mentioned in the Alcoran, is esteemed unlawful by the more rigid Mahometans, because it intoxicates in a more extraordinary man|ner.

The greatest part of the Turks, however, disre|gard all this abstinence, and as these lords of the Algerines are supported at the public expence, their whole life, is an uninterrupted series of in|trigue, debauchery and intoxication: foibles na|tural to all those who have no other pursuit in life to engage their attention. The greatest tyrants in nature are drunken Turkish soldiers, who seem to be under no restraint either of law or conscience. Great numbers of these brutes, after having in|toxicated themselves, issue forth into the streets with their tahans, or swords drawn, and every per|son must fly at their approach, or they would be in danger of their lives. The Jews in particular are ever the objects of their indignation, and whenever they discover a Jew they immediately pursue him, while the poor despised wretch flies with the most hideous outcries to avoid the outrage of these banditti, who are at liberty to commit any act of violence upon him, with impunity; for should a Jew make application for redress of griev|ances, he would in all probability be bastinaded for his presumption. So cordially is this race of people despised, that when one wishes to cast any obloquy, or aspersion of ignominy upon another, he calls him Judeo or Jew; and even herdsmen in driving their cattle will call them Judeo, which is the most ignominious term of reproach that can be given.

The Turks are so proud that, like the American Indians, they deem themselves superior to all other

nations in the world, and the most valiant among the race of men. They imagine that the world was made for them alone; and consequently they entertain a perfect contempt for all other nations in general, especially those who are of a different re|ligion, and they commonly call Christians, dogs. Some carry this superstitious aversion to so great an excess, that if the first person they meet in the morn|ing, when they come out of their houses, be a Christian or Jew, they return home immediately, saying, God preserve us from the devil.

The Turks are, as is the case with many other people, most extravagantly fond of money, and they have long been proverbial for their mercenary dispositions. The consuls of foreign nations find that the Algerines are not to be wrought upon by remonstrance; they expect something more substan|tial, and more is to be gained by flattery, and an artful address, than by the most powerful arguments: for according to the old adage,

Give a Turk mo|ney with one hand, and he will let you pluck his eyes out with the other.

This was remark|ably verified in the case of a British consul, who once made application to Ali Bashaw, a late dey, and urged a complaint against the depredations of the Algerine corsairs, without the grand preliminary, money. The dey appeared somewhat restless, and pe|tulantly answered, The Algerines are a set of rogues and I'm their captain: so that national justice and honesty are great rarities here.

To complete the picture of human depravity, the Turks are guilty of the most unnatural crimes, which are here regarded with such perfect indif|ference, that the poorer sort of people send their children into the streets to seek a subsistence by

the most nefarious prostitution, and neither pu|nishment nor the least shade of ignominy is the consequence of detection. A Turk will sigh with as much ardency for a handsome boy, as old Vir|gil, who appears to have been a lover of this de|scription, lamented the loss of the beautiful Alexis. Sodomy is so extremely fashionable among them, and so little are they disposed to keep this foible a secret, that it is the subject of their most plain|tive songs, and they will spare no pains in pro|curing the gratification of their infamous love. We are told of a Turk who being disappointed in one of his ignominious amours, and being actuated by the most singular impulse, commanded his slave to place a red hot brand of fire upon his naked arm, which he suffered to be burnt almost to the bone.

It was customary with former deys to send an annual tribute of a number of beautiful boys to the Grand Signiors, who are a little tinctured with this vice; but at present this tribute consists of a num|ber of Arabian horses. We are credibly informed, that the famous admiral Pinchinin, kept in his house forty young boys between nine and fifteen years of age, who were never suffered to go into the streets, lest they might be seduced by the Turks. Pinchinin was not, however, addicted to this vice; but what discovered the most singular pride in hu|man nature, was that he kept these boys merely through a principle of vanity and ostentation.

One virtuous trait in a Turk's character is that he abstains from all profane swearing, and is never guil|ty of such blasphemous imprecations as a Christian. The American slaves were much addicted to this vice, and did not hesitate to reproach their Turkish over|seers with the most opprobrious language; so tha••

several of their overseers soon learnt to swear in En|glish as well as the Americans themselves.

We ought not, however, to be too precipi••••••e in applauding them for any superior sanctity in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 respect, and we may perhaps impute this virtue ••••|ther to the genius of their language, than to she dictates of their conscience.

Their common mode of swearing is Judeo, Jew, pero, dog, and ••ans suffeeda, a dog without a soul; which la••t is the dey's favorite exclamation in swear|ing. All these terms, though they appear to be not so blasphemous as either those of the French or En|glish, yet they are no doubt equally as immoral; for in the depravity of their dispositions they are not rivalled by any nation under heaven.

The Algerines never shake hands when they meet, but the usual mode of ••alutation, is a slight in|inclination of the head, and placing both hands upon their breasts, imploring a thousand blessings, and calling those whom they salute brethren. When relations or intimate friends meet they embrace and kiss each other's shoulders. The Turkish good morrow, is Salam mallicum mallix salama, and the Moorish, washalic, washington, or washingtuma. The great men, and particularly the dey, are saluted with effendi, or your grace. When they meet a per|son of distinction, they advance towards him with|out bowing, and when they are within reach, they stoop down, and taking hold of the corner of his garment, lift it about two feet high, or let it fall ac|cording to the quality of the person. After speak|ing of their business, they perform the same ceremony of respect a second time, and then retire.

The Turks, as before observed, have the ex|clusive privilege of carrying arms, and they take

take great pains to preserve them as bright as possi|ble. Their musk••t•• are mounted with silver and the heads of their swords with gold. These swords they call tahans, which they always wear in public in a kind of sash or girdle, which is tied round their middle. They receive the necessary supplies of ammunition generally once a month, and the dey uses great caution in the distribution of this article. His own palace is converted into a magazine, where all the lead in the city is deposited under his own immediate direction, and served out in such portions as necessity requires. His maga|zines of powder are well secured upon the mole, and all this precaution he uses to prevent any ef|fectual opposition in case of an insurrection.

The Algerines read no other books but the Al|coran, and the comments of authors who have writ|ten thereon: of course the sphere of their know|ledge cannot be expected to be very extensive. They understand a few of the first principles of arithmetic, but of geometry, poetry, painting, and the sublimer strains of music, they have scarcely any conception. All their books are manuscripts, and there is not a press in all the city. To them the art of printing appears perfectly contemptible: they repose no kind of confidence in it, and it is regarded as an imposition rather than a benefit.

Painting is so much despised, that many figures, such as men, women, beasts, &c. are prohibited, and the sight of them is regarded as a great sin. They are, however, great admirers of watches and clocks; but if they see them embellished with any of these figures they cannot refrain from express|ing their anger. They have a similar aversion to bells, and they are so exasperated at the sound,

that the crews of many foreign nations lying in their harbour have often been beaten for ringing their bells.

Gaming is prohibited in the same passages of the Alcoran which prohibit the use of wine. The word, as it is there used, signifies a particular mode of casting lots by arrows according to the practice of the pagan Arabs. But the commentators agree, that under the name of lots are comprehended all games whatsoever which are subject to chance or ha|zard, such as cards, dice, tables, &c. which are forbidden. All these games are deemed so highly ••••agitious by the more rigid Mohometans, that they judge the evidence of him who plays at them of no validity in a court of justice.

The only game that is played in Algiers is chess, and this the Mahometan doctors allow, (though o|thers have doubted its legality) because it de|pends solely upon art and the skilful manage|ment of the pieces used in playing. But it is never suffered to prevent the regular performance of their devotions, and persons are never permitted to play for money, or things of the most trifling va|lue.

In Algiers the men have no intercourse with the women before marriage, and marriage contracts are entirely negociated by female confidants employed by the men, who tender the parents a certain sum of money according to their demand, and the lady is thus purchased as though she were an article of mer|chandize. Hence it seldom happens that marriages thus contracted are cemented with love, and by thus violating the law of nature, they lay a sure foun|dation for intrigue, jealousy, and the most boisterous passions. When the marriage contract is conclud|ed,

the principal nuptial ceremony consist in escort|ing the lady to her husband. A procession of her female friends and relations is formed about ten o'clock at night, attended by a number of black fe|male flaves with burning torches in their hands, and as this procession moves along they make a strange kind of noise at intervals till they enter the house of the husband, who for the first time beholds his fair bride, whom his imagination had long perhaps portrayed as the paragon of all excellence. The company then retires, and the next day the marks of virginity are triumphantly displayed upon the tops of their houses, in the presence of the bride's friends and relations 〈◊〉〈◊〉 if this evidence of virtue can|not be produced, the husband returns his wife to her parents, and the marriage is dissolved without fur|ther ceremony.

The Algerine women are remarkably amorous, and though all intercourse between them and the Christians is prohibited under penalty of death, yet it does not deter them from their at|tempts to circumvent every Christian slave who comes in their way, for whom they have a remark|able attachment. Numbers of these frail fair ones rove the streets every night for the purpose of in|trigue, and they make the first advances with great effrontery and adroitness; but such is the vigi|lance of the lisberos, who are highly rewarded for every Christian that is detected, that those who are venturesome enough to undertake an amorous correspondence, are every moment in imminent danger of falling a sacrifice to their gallantry.

Some of the former deys had it in contemplation to incorporate the slaves with the citizens, and to permit their intermarriages, but the marabouts, who were apprehensive that such a law would contami|nate

the purity of Mahometan blood, remonstrated so strongly against it, that all intercourse between Christian slaves and Moorish women was made a ca|pital crime.

The women lead a most indolent life; they com|monly amuse themselves with needle work or em|broidery; but are never subjected to domestic drudgery, which is done by slaves, and whatever their condition may be, they are never engaged in any employment out of their houses.

In their dress they display neither taste nor judg|ment, and to an American or European they appear extremely uncouth. When they visit or appear abroad the beauty of their persons is entirely con|cealed. They wear a clumsy kind of panta|loons, and according to the phrase of the Ameri|can captives, they resemble a bundle of rags in mo|tion, rather than women. Like the French ladies they are very fond of rouge; but instead of their cheeks they have a singular fancy in painting their foreheads with a stripe of red, which extends above their eye brows.

Their dishabille, or rather the manner in which they dress in their houses, is very lascivious. They wear a cap formed of threads of gold interwoven like net work, round which is tied a fine silk hand|kerchief, and their hair hangs confined in a small ••ilken pouch. Their breasts, arms, and legs are naked, but the rest of their body is covered with a large silk mantle, which only reaches down to the knees, and is tied about their middle with a kind of sash. Their slippers are elegantly wrought with gold; and round their wrists and ancles they wear bracelets set with jewels. They ride concealed in a large square box covered with a kind of red baize,

placed upon asses or mules, and when they walk the streets they are always veiled. They are extremely cautious of discovering their faces to strangers,▪par|ticularly to Christian slaves, which they deem so sa|cred that they would sooner disclose any other part of their body. An American slave was ordered one day by a Turk, to carry some bottles of wine from one of the bagnios to his house, and in pas|sing through one of the apartments he surprized the Turk's lady, whose face was perfectly unveiled. The disconcerted fair one, overcome with astonish|ment at the sudden and unexpected appearance of a slave, immediately covered her face with her petty|coats, and in so doing disclosed those parts which were much more the object of the American's risibility.

There is not much difference, as we have before observed, between the dress of the men and women. The men wear a kind of clumsy trowsers which reach down to the knees, somewhat resembling the Roman habit. Their legs and arms are bear; but in cold or wet weather they wear capoots; a kind of great coats which nearly cover the whole body.

The dress of the marabouts is a kind of green coat, or gown which reaches down to the knees. The hats of some of them, or rather the covering of their heads, resembles a large dish formed of linen drawn over a piece of circular pasteboard: others wear a high cap somewhat in the form of a sugar-loaf with a small part of the top cut off. Some of the marabouts are so highly venerated by the Moors, that they run and kiss their hands as they p••ss along the streets. The dey is considered as the grand or supreme marabout of his kingdom.

The dress of the Jews does not differ much from that of the Turks, and the manner in which they

are principally distinguished, consists in the differ|ence of colour, which is black, a distinction they are obliged to observe. There is also a difference in the form of their turbans, and their slippers which have such a small portion of upper leather, that they can scarcely keep them on their feet; for they are not suffered to wear shoes without paying an exorbitant duty to the dey for the privilege.

They have few funeral ceremonies, and they ne|ver change their dress when any of their relations die. They wash the dead with great care, and burn incense about them to drive away evil spirits. They have no coffins, but bury them in a clo•••• open at top and bottom. Before the interment they expose their dead in the house, upon a bier, under a pall of different colours fringed with gold according to the quality of the person. The place of interment is without the walls of the town, and the corps is at|tended thither by four, or sometimes eight carriers. No women ever attend their funerals, but a few days after, the female relations visit the grave, over which they weep and strew wreaths of flowers.

The Algerines believe that when the deceased is laid in the ground, two angels come, and make him get upon his knees to render an account of his actions. If he has lived a virtuous life, two an|gels as white as snow, succeed those who came to examine him, and entertain him with a full account of the pleasures he is to enjoy in the next world. But if he has lived a vicious life, two angels as black as jet are commissioned to inflict the most cru|el tortures upon him. One, they say, strikes him into the earth with a club, and the other pulls him up again with an iron hook; and thus they employ

themselves in the infliction of this cruel punishment▪ without the least respite till the day of judgment.

In religion it seems that rigorous restrictions are no criterion to judge of the political integrity of a nation; for though the Algerines are as punctilious in their religious services as any people whatever, yet they support the most infamous national charac|ter upon earth. They worship no less than five times in the twenty-four hours; once just before day-break, again at one o'clock, and at the time of lazar in the afternoon, and about one o'clock at night. Just be|fore their worship commences in the day, a small white flag is raised on all the mosques, as a signal for preparation; the marabouts soon after ascend the cupola of the mosques, and turning their face to the east and raising their hands to their heads, cry out with a loud voice; upon which the male inhabi|tants wash their hands, face, and feet, and repair to the mosques, where they arrange themselves in files, with their face turned towards the east. None of their mosques have pews, but they are paved with marble. Before each person is placed a straw mat, upon which he kneels. After a short pause of silence, during which their lips are in continual mo|tion, they all raise their hands to their heads, then place them on their knees, kneel down on their mats, and all prostrate their heads upon the floor at the same instant, from which they immediately rise again into an erect posture. By continual practice they perform these evolutions with the greatest pre|cision imaginable, and all their motions correspond more perfectly in point of time than the exercise of the best disciplined troops. This ceremony conti|nues about fifteen minutes, after which the worship|pers retire to their business.

A fimilar ceremony is observed every day in the marine. The marabout who officiates there cries out from the top of one of the castles on the mole, which is the signal for diving, as the Americans facetiously termed it. The marabouts have nothing to do in this part of religious duty; but they deliver a dis|course every Friday in the mosques, from a kind of rostrum or pulpit. This discourse, and their other religious ceremonies, continue on that day from eleven till one o'clock, during which time the gates of the city and the doors of the bagnios are shut. The people do not attend public worship at night, but as soon as they hear the voice of the marabout, they rise up and perform their exercise of devotion in their own apartments. All the Mahometans who reside near the city, immediately prostrate them|selves as soon as they see the flags raised on the mosques; and besides all this religious servitude these very righteous people daily employ themselves, like the illiterate among the Roman Catholics, in count|ing over their strings of beads.

The dey only attends public worship on Fridays, at a mosque nearly opposite to his palace, where the principal Turks assemble, and he passes between two files of his Turkish guards, who are stationed between the door of his palace and that of the mosque.

After performing the exercise of humility, and hearing a discourse from the marabout, he retires to his palace where, as he enters, he is sprinkled with holy water of a fragrant smell.

Every Friday is devoted to public worship, and corresponds to the Jewish Saturday, or Christian ••unday. Many reasons are given why this day was appointed for this purpose. Some are of opi|••••on that it was the day on which God finished

the works of creation; but Mr. Sale remarks, that Mahomet seems to have preferred that day princi|pally because it was the day on which the people were accustomed to assemble long before his time: though such assemblies were perhaps intended for civil rather than religious purposes. Though the Mahometans in general do not conceive them|selves obligated to keep that day so holy as the Jews and Christians are bound to keep their Sabbath, (there being permission in the Alcoran, as is gene|rally supposed* 1.3, that that they may return to their employments or diversions after divine ser|vice is ended,) yet the more devout disapprove of the practice of applying any part of that day to worldly concerns, and require it to be wholly dedicated to the purposes of religion. The slaves are neither exempted from labour upon this, nor any other day of the week; but they are generally al|lowed one Friday in every month for the purpose of rest or recreation.

All these religious restrictions are, however, in|sufficient, and once every year they are subjected to a rigorous abstinence called Ramadan, or Ra|mazan, which generally begins in May, and conti|nues from the time the new moon first appears till the appearance of the next new moon, during which time they refrain from women, and neither eat, drink, snuff, nor smoke tobacco, from day-break, till sun-set. The punctilious observance of this duty is enjoined under penalty of death, and those who are detected in indulging their appetites, some say, are compelled to drink melted lead as a pu|nishment for their crime. About sun-set the 〈◊〉〈◊〉

of the marabout rises, as a signal for eating, which is looked for with great anxiety; after which they are at liberty to gratify their appetites as they please. During the time of Ramadan an universal moroseness prevails among the people, and the dey, who finds it necessary to conform to this custom, is so much out of humour, that no business can be transacted with him during the continuance of this fast. The Turks experience the greatest mortifi|cation, because they are abridged of all the plea|sures their sensual natures are capable of enjoying; they are neither permitted to frequent the bagnios, taverns, nor coffee-houses, and they wait for the termination of this fast with the greatest impatience. Towards the expiration of the month the Turks ascend their cazarees every evening, and look with longing eyes towards the west for the discovery of the new moon, which is called the moon of Che••|val; for at the moment of its appearance the fast is at an end: the Turks then indulge the most ex|travagant mirth; they fire a feu de joye to congra|tulate its appearance, and to proclaim the end of the fast.

This fast, which is the third point of religious practice, is a duty of so much importance, that Ma|homet used to say, It was the gate of religion, and that the odour of the mouth of him who fasteth is more grateful to God than that of musk.

According to the Mahometan divines there are three degrees of fasting; 1st. The restraining the belly and other parts of the body from satisfying their lust. 2d. The restraining the ears, eyes, tongue, hands, ••eet, and others members from sin. 3d. The fast|ing of the heart from all worldly cares, and re|fraining the thoughts from every thing besides God. The Mahometans are obliged, by express

command of the Alcoran, to fast the whole month of Ramadan, and in consequence of this abstemious severity, which is a real sin against the law of na|ture, an universal gloom overwhelms the minds of the people; they are extremely vengeful, and more murders and assassinations happen then than at any other time. The slaves are not compelled to con|form to any of their religious ceremonies or re|strictions; but during the time of Ramadan they are subjected to the infliction of the severest pu|nishments: for such abstinence has a tendency to excite the most boisterous passions of the human breast.

This fast is succeeded by a Bairam or festival, called the feast of the breaking of the fast, which continues for three days, during which time the half starved Turks riot in the opposite extreme of intemperance. They hold a kind of fair out of town, where they divert themselves with drink|ing, feasting, music, bonfires, wrestling, swing|ing, and feats of horsemanship. The colours of all nations are displayed in the marine, and during this festival the slaves are exempted from labour.

But their greatest festival is on the fifth of Sep|tember, the day of the nativity of their prophet, which is celebrated with great solemnity. All the schoolmasters in the city, with their scholars, as|semble at the chief mosque, from which they form a procession through the streets, each carrying a burning torch in his hand, and singing an eulo|gy in praise of their great prophet. Two of the masters carry on their shoulders a superb pyramid ornamented with wreathes of flowers, and a cross on the top of it, and followed by a band of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and instrumental music after the Turkish manner. All the houses at the corners of the streets are 〈◊〉〈◊〉

with tapestry and burning lamps. The cooks of the divan to the number of 200 also form a procession, each carrying a clean napkin or towel on his shoul|der and a torch in his hand. They parade the streets two by two, from seven till eleven o'clock in the day, and the ceremony ends with a hymn in praise of their prophet, performed with instru|ments of music before the doors of some of their great men. About midnight torches are kept burning in every house, because Mahomet was born at that hour. This feast continues for eight days, during which time any person is at liberty to walk the streets at night without a lighted torch, which they cannot do at other times without incur|ring the penalty of corporal punishment.

There is a singular custom established here, of a religious nature, for the remission of the punish|ment of offenders who fly to the mosques for pro|tection, which is called taking the marabout, and these places are an asylum for every description of criminals. In the front of every mosque there is suspended a long chain, which the criminal seizes; whereupon he is generally taken into the sanctuary and covered with the marabout's colours, from whence he is not suffered to be taken till his pardon is gran|ted. One of these chains is suspended in front of the dey's palace, who sometimes pardons offenders who fly thither for refuge, and another is sus|pended at the cazarees of the Turks, where crimi|nals are more inviolably protected.

A quarrel took place not long since between two lads about twelve years of age, the one a Turk and the other a Moor, as they were passing from the marine to the city. When they came opposite to the cazarees, the young Turk, taking the advan|tage

of the Moorish lad, ran up to him with his drawn tahan, and gave him a wound through the back, of which he instantly expired, and immedi|ately fled for refuge to the cazarees, where he was protected, till the friends of the Turkish lad pro|cured his pardon by paying the parents of the de|ceased a sum of money as a compensation for their loss.

It is a vulgar opinion among the Algerines, and the Mahometans in general, that women have no souls; or if they have, that they die like those of the brutes, and will receive no reward in the next life. This is probably the reason why they are never suffered to go upon a pilgrimage, or to attend public wor|ship in their mosques. But whatever may be the vulgar belief▪ it is evident that Mahomet had too great a respect for the fair sex, to inculcate such a doctrine; for there are several passages in the Alco|coran, which expresly affirm that women in the next life will not only be punished for their evil deeds, but will be rewarded for their virtues as well as men, and that in this respect God will make no distinction of sexes.

It is true that the general notion is, that they will not be admitted into the same abode with the men, because their places will be supplied by paradisiacal females, but that a separate place of happiness will be assigned to good women, where they will enjoy every delight in its fullest extent: yet some allege that a man will have those who were his wives in this world, or at least such of them as he shall desire. One circumstance with which Mahomet acquainted his followers, ought to corroborate their belief of the future existence of the female soul. An old woman desired him to intercede with God for her

admission into paradise; but Mahomet told her that no old women would ever enter that place; upon which the old woman began to weep immoderately, and Mahomet explained himself by assuring her, that God would make her young again.

The Alcoran certainly establishes a different be|lief in the following words:

Verily the Moslems (or Mussulmen) of either sex, and the true believ|ers of either sex; and the devout men, and the devout women; and the men of veracity and the women of veracity; and the patient men and the patient women; and the humble men and the hum|ble women; and the alms-〈◊〉〈◊〉 of either sex; and the men who fast and the women who fast; and the chaste men and the chaste women; and those of either sex who remember God frequently; for them God has prepared forgiveness and a great reward* 1.4.

Great numbers of the citizens of Algiers perform a journey to Mecca every year, and many vessels are employed in transporting them to this holy city for the purpose of manufacturing them into saints. This pilgrimage is so necessary a point in practical religion, that according to a tradition of Mahomet, he who dies without performing it may as well die a Jew or Christian. It is deemed a duty particu|cularly incumbent, and the Alcoran expressly en|joins it upon all those who are of sufficient abi|lity to perform the journey† 1.5.

Mr. Tournefort tells us, that the four places of rendezvous for pilgrims, are Damas, Cairo, Ba|bylon, and Zebir. At these places they dress

themselves in the sacred habit, which consists of two woolen wrappers, one about the middle to co|ver their nakedness, and the other thrown over their shoulders; and in this dress they enter the sacred territory. While they are thus accoutred they are neither suffered to hunt nor to fowl, (though they may fish) and this precept is punctiliously observed.

During his pilgrimage a man must keep a con|stant guard over all his word and actions; he must avoid all quarrelling and abusive language; he must refrain from all obscene discourse and sexual com|merce, and con•••••• his whole attention to the pious work in which he is engaged. All the caravans which come from different parts of the Mahometan dominions, concert their measures in such a man|ner that they arrive the same day at the hill Ara|fagd, which is about a day's journey from Mecca: on this celebrated hill they imagine that the angel first appeared to their prophet, and in consequence the Mahometans have founded one of their princi|pal sanctuaries on this spot.

After having killed and distributed some sheep a|mong the poor they proceed to Mecca, and from thence to Medina to visit the tomb of their prophet, which is covered with a magnificent pall, annually sent thither by order of the Grand Signior, which pall is every year cut away by the pilgrims, who esteem the smallest piece of it as the most invaluable relic. The Grand Signior also sends 500 sequins, an Alcoran covered with gold, several rich carpets, and a great many pieces of black cloth for hangings, as presents to the mosques at Mecca. The noblest camel that can be found is chosen to carry this Al|coran, and at his return he is hung with garlands

of flowers, loaded with benedictions, sumptuously fed, and exempted from labour all the rest of his life.

The pilgrims who have performed the tour of Mecca are held in great veneration the remainder of their lives; are absolved from every sin, and may commit new crimes with impunity. Mr. Tournefort says, according to the Mahometan law they cannot be put to death; but are reputed incorruptible, irre|proachable, and sanctified from this world. It is reported of some of the Indians, continues he, that they put out their eyes after they have seen what they call the holy places of Mecca, pre••ending that after such a sight their eyes ought not to be polluted by the sight of worldly things.

CHAP. IV.

The Slaves of Algiers.

WHATEVER speculative maniacs or merce|nary enthusiasts may allege in favour of slavery, it is obviously repugnant to the impre|scriptible rights of human nature, and an incon|testible evidence of the remains of barbarism in those nations who sanction so diabolical a principle.

There appear to be three stages in the progress of mankind from savage rudeness to a state of true re|finement. First, a state of canibalism, in which any tribe or nation of men deal indiscriminate death and destruction among the rest of their fel|low creatures; second, a state of oppression, in which, though they are exempted from the fangs of savage rapacity, yet they are compelled to sub|mit to the loss of their liberties; third, the eman|cipation of mankind, when the more general diffu|sion of science will teach them the true principles of justice and humanity. But the grand science of universal benevolence must be reserved for fu|ture ages; for though many modern nations ima|gine themselves to be eminently enlightened, yet they are in fact but just beginning to emerge from the intermediate state between barbarity and true refinement.

For the practice of slavery we are not to repro|bate the Algerines alone; for the divan of Great Britain are equally reprehensible, and have more

eminently distinguished themselves in this nefarious commerce. From them we have adopted the exe|crable practice, and the United States, emphatical|ly called the land of liberty, swarm with those semi-barbarians who enthral their fellow creatures without the least remorse. With what countenance then can we reproach a set of barbarians, who have only retorted our own acts upon ourselves in making reprisals upon our citizens? For it is ma|nifest to the world, that we are equally culpable, and in whatever terms of opprobrium we may ex|ecrate the piratic disposition of the Africans, yet all our recriminations will recoil upon ourselves.

Having premised thus much, we shall now pro|ceed to make a few observations upon the slaves of Algi••rs, and as a preliminary we shall detail the particulars of the capture of the ship President, that the public may have some idea of these banditti of the ocean.

On the 23d of October 1793, about nine o'clock in the morning, the crew of the ship President, when they were only within a few hours sail of Cadiz, the port to which they were bound, disco|vered an armed xebeck of 16 guns▪ under Spanish colours, bearing down upon them; upon which the American flag was immediately hoisted, and as a very light breeze prevailed it was a consider|able time before the two vessels were within hail of each other. When the xebeck came within gun-shot of the American vessel she hauled down her Spanish colours, hoisted the bloody flag, and fired a platoon of small arms. This circum|stance threw them into the most violent consterna|tion imaginable, and their first aim was to secure their clothes, money, and other articles. The pirates soon after hoisted out their boat, into which

about thirty armed men entered, who rowed with great violence towards the American vessel, which they boarded with pistols and drawn swords, and with the greatest fury and shouting imaginable, in order to impress the minds of the Americans with a conviction of their great intrepidity in a naval attack.

As soon as they were on deck, they fell foul of the crew like so many ravenous wolves that had broken loose from their kennel; they tore off their 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and the most furious scramble succeeded 〈◊〉〈◊〉 can be conceived; every one being anxious to appropriate most of the booty to himself. One American assures us that he was seized by no less than four Algerines at once, who threw him down and stripped him naked; but what evinced the most singular ferocity in human nature, in scrambling for his clothes those furies came to blows among them|selves; the moment one had torn off his coat, another attempted to wrest it from him, and a bustle ensued between them. The two that had seized his trowsers tore them in pieces in their struggle for possession, and a scene of similar rapacity was acted towards every other American. Every part of the vessel was rifle•••• chests were broken open, and they seized every arti|cle that could be carried off with an avaricious fury, characteristic of no other nation under heaven.

After they had loaded themselves with plunder, they thrust all the American crew into their boat, in this naked and insulted condition, at the point of their cutlasses; those who discovered any reluct|ance, were knocked down and kicked into the boat, where they were trampled under foot by this clan of desparadoes. They were taken on board the xebeck, and another boat's crew immediately returned to take charge of the American vessel.

Here they had the pleasure of being introduced to Rais Mahomet, the commander of the xebeck, an emaciated loathsome figure, who sat smoking his pipe upon a sheep-skin, and sipping a dish of coffee which was placed before him. It is not a little sur|prizing, that such a miserable object should be ap|pointed to the command of a corsair, and this cir|cumstance must evince the futility of their naval policy. He appeared to be upwards of a hun|dred years old, and through age and impotency, was scarcely able to support a tottering frame. His hands were palsied; his eyes sunk deep in his head, and through weakness dripped a continual flow of tears. From his ghastly visage flowed a beard of the brightest silver, except where it was sullied by the drippings of his coffee, and an involuntary dis|charge of spittle. His voice was scarcely audible, and in his exterior he resembled some old hermit, that had been immured a hundred ye••••••▪

Such was the commander of the Algerine xe|beck. When they had feasted their curiosity up|on this very venerable figure, their attention was turned to their new quarters, which they surveyed with new astonishment. Nearly a hundred and fifty Algerines were crowded into this vessel, and whatever description can be drawn by the most fer|tile imagination, of lice, fleas, filth and stench, was here nearly realised. Their decks were never suf|fered to be swept or washed, and they seemed to preserve their dirt with a kind of veneration. These delicate planks they substituted for tables, upon which they ate their provisions, which consisted of olives, bread, vinegar and oil. When they had finish|ed their meals, they threw part of the fragments overboard, and the remainder was trampled into the general mass of filth.

As soon as they had secured their prize, the most extravagant mirth and boisterous exultation suc|ceeded; to commemorate the event a sheep was sa|crificed, and after besmearing the sides of the vessel with its blood, they concluded the ceremony by devouring its flesh.

After the termination of this festivity, the pri|soners were arraigned on deck, and a second strip|ping took place. Those who had not been depri|ved of all their clothes at first, were now stripped naked, and in their stead they were accommodated with a few dirty rags, which had been the refuse of this lousy crew. By Mahomet's order, the clothes of the captives were all thrown together in a heap, and sold at public vendue.

The most laborious part of duty in the xebeck was then assigned to the Americans, and the pirates, solely intent upon securing their prize, immediately stood in for the streights without looking out for fur|ther plunder. In their passage the Americans could not help remarking the continual dread and appre|hension of these free-booters, who were continu|ally looking out with their glasses, and like a band of thieves who were conscious of the villany of their profession, they trembled with the most visible consternation at every sail that hove in sight. The Americans represent these pirates as the most undis|ciplined and pusilanimous sailors in the world, and in|sist that the most inconsiderate naval force with British discipline, is sufficient to defeat or keep any of them at bay. The greatest display of Algerine bravery, is at the commencement of an engagement, when they endeavour to intimidate their enemies, like the American savages, with the most horrible yells.

In the afternoon of the same day the President was captured they fell in with a British frigate, when the

Americans were ordered below, and on the second day with a British merchantman, with whom they had before been in company without the streights, whom they requested to publish an account of their capture at the first port they touched.

On their passage up the streights they had it fre|quently in contemplation to rise upon the Algerine crew, to disarm those upon watch, and to confine the rest below by securing the hatches; but their small number deterred them from such an attempt.

On the 30th of October they arrived at Algiers, and were taken ashore to the vichelhadge's skiff, where they were attended by the dey's scrivan or head clerk, who conducted them to the palace. Here they were lodged in an outer court, which had been occupied as a kind of black-smith's shop, where they were refreshed with a mess of cuzcuz, and after re|posing the first night upon some sacks of straw, they were ordered to the Bagnio Baleck.

When the crews of the American vessels were captured they were entirely stripped of their dress, and presented in exchange with a parcel of old rags and a pair of coarse trowsers, which only reached down to their knees. They laboured for several months in this wretched apparel, which was not sufficient to protect them from the rays of a scorching sun, till at length each captive was ac|commodated by the United States with a hat and a suit of blue clothes, which were sent them from Alicant by Mr. Montgomery the American consul; a provision which they received annually while they continued in this miserable abode. They were also furnished with money, which had been deposited by Mr. Humphreys at Alicant, and trans|mitted to the Swedish consul in Algiers, upon whom the American captains drew every month for the

sums that were severally allotted to the captives. To each private there was granted an allowance of 3 dollars and 75 cents, to each mate 6 dollars, and to each captain 8 dollars per month—a very unjust distinction, especially as the privates were subjected to much greater hardships than either the captains or mates. By this allowance their situa|tion was rendered less deplorable, and they were enabled to procure a supper of meat every night, instead of the black bread and oil with which they were daily furnished. It is observable that no na|tion made any provision for their enslaved coun|trymen but the United States, and in consequence the Turks gave them the appellation of cavalero, or gentlemen.

Every public slave wore an iron ring round his ancle, which was always an evidence of his belong|ing to the public, and no Turk could molest or even insult a slave of this description with impunity; but this badge was not conferred upon the private slaves. To this ring was fastened a chain with long links, which was bound round their body to pre|vent their escape whenever foreign vessels lay is the harbour.

When there is a public ransom of slaves there is no difference in the price between the officers and men, but in private ransoms the dey demands 4000 dollars for each captain and mate, and 2000 dol|lars for every private. All slaves who die after the conclusion of treaties are paid for, and the dey ex|acted the usual sums for all the American captives who died after the 5th of September 1796.

When a corsair takes a prize he carries the captives directly to the palace of the dey, where the Euro|pean consuls assemble, to see if any of the prison|ers

belong to their respective nations, who are at peace with Algiers. In that case they reclaim them, provided they were only passengers; but if they have served on board of the ships of any people at war with this regency, they cannot be discharged without payment of the full ransom.

The deys formerly had their choice only of ev|ery eighth slave, and they generally chose the mas|ters, surgeons, carpenters, and the most useful hands belonging to the several prizes, besides persons of quality, for whom they expected a large ransom; but at present it seems that the dey is entitled to any number he thinks proper to make choice of, who are generally employed in menial offices about the pa|lace. He also is entitled to all captured vessels and their cargoes, and the rais or captains generally re|ceive, besides their monthly pay, a certain premium, or extra-compensation from the dey for every cap|tured vessel.

The remainder of the slaves are sent into the service of the public; but if they can procure a little mo••••ey from their friends, or borrow any of the Jews upon exorbitant interest, they are permitted to keep ••••••|verns, they paying to the dey a certain duty in pro|portion to the wine they sell; and notwithstanding this interest and duty, many have managed so well as to raise money enough to purchase their liberty, and to carry away a quantity besides: for they are allow|ed a property in what they get. To these taverns resort Turks, Moors, and Christians promiscuously. But a Mussulman would not keep one of these ta|verns for the world himself, and consequently they are kept by Christians and Jews. And a tavern-keeper, though a slave, is empowered to strip any of his guests, even the Turks themselves, if they re|fuse

to pay their reckoning; and herein he is pro|tected by the dey himself.

The condition of those who are slaves to private individuals, depends very much upon the disposi|tion of their master, and the slaves' own conduct. Some of them fare better in Algiers, than ever they did in their own countries, and if they are good for any thing, are entertained rather as compani|ons than servants; though by far the greater num|ber are barbarous masters, who treat their slaves with great cruelty, and persons of quality, or those who are suspected to be in affluent circumstances, experience a greater severity of treatment, in order that they may be compelled to redeem themselves at an extraordinary price. Their female slaves are sent to the dey's seraglio, where they are made con|cubines, or subjected to domestic services, unless a considerable ransom is expected for them; or if young they are sold to such as want them for these purposes.

They neither force nor tempt any of the Christi|an slaves to change their religion; as it is not their interest that they should be made converts: for in that case they lose the benefit of their ransoms. The Christians who are free, generally fare worse than the slaves; because the imperious Turks make it a point to insult and abuse them; but they dare not abuse the slaves, because their masters will resent it and demand satisfaction.

Those slaves who are sold into the country are subjected to peculiar hardships. They are compel|led to carry all kinds of burdens to market, and if they do not render a satisfactory account of the arti|cles entrusted to their care, they are sure to be beaten. Some of these slaves go naked in the fields where they tend cattle, drag ploughs, and do all other kinds of the most servile drudgery.

Many were formerly consigned to the galleys chained by one leg, and fed on water and hard bis|cuit, and beaten with a large cow-skin. When they were on shore they were locked up at night in dungeons called Masmora, where they lay ••n the bare earth. But at present no slaves are confined to the galleys, because they have so frequently made their escape, or murdered their commanders, and set themselves at liberty.

While the Americans were enslaved in Algiers, the most exaggerated accounts were circulated res|pecting the severity of their afflictions. It was re|ported that the tongues of some were cut out, that others were emasculated; and captain Lawrence of the Hull Packet, who is said to have obtained his information at Cadiz, informs us that the Ame|ricans had their heads shaved close, and were not permitted to wear any kind of covering on their heads. Their calamities were indeed without a pa|rallel, but the above accounts were entirely un|founded.

The greatest severity of their toils consisted in the removal of the fragments of rocks from Bubly-white, as before mentioned* 1.6. It has been found by repeated experiments, that the larger these stones, the more effectually they resist the impetu|osity of the sea, and consequently the great art of the slaves who are appointed to blow them, consists in boring them in such a manner that an explo|sion of gun-powder will sever the largest masses possible: so that the holes which are bored into the rock sometimes extend to the depth of twenty feet. Round these huge fragments they lash ropes,

or rather cables, of sufficient strength to drag them, and three or four hundred slaves, and sometimes a greater number, are engaged in rolling one of these stones upon a carette, or strong four wheel car|riage, in order to transport it to the mole.

The Turks make the most astonishing noise, not only in the removal of these stones, but in mo|ving any weight whatever which requires a number of hands. They seem to imagine that the greater their vociferation, the greater will be the exertions of the slaves or labourers; it is immaterial how slowly the work proceeds, provided there is suf|ficient noise, and the cry of Hyomoly, or heave away, is often heard at the distance of more than a league.

When they have launched these unweildy mas|ses of stone upon the carriages, the cables are fix|ed to them, and four files of slaves are compelled, like so many beasts of burden, to drag them from the mountain to the city. In their passage they are obliged to ascend a steep hill, where their utmost efforts are sometimes insufficient to drag the enor|mous weight. The severity of their toils in at|taining the summit of this hill is sometimes incon|ceivable; the sun pours down the most intolerable heat upon them, and they are drenched in sweat, and involved in clouds of dust which attend them in their passage. Thus many become perfectly exhausted with their toils; and to complete the climax of their sufferings, their brutal overseers, the wardens, scourge them for the least remissness with the most savage severity.

When they have ascended the hill, it is neces|sary to reverse the ropes, and their utmost efforts are then required to prevent the carette from de|scending

the hill with the greatest rapidity. Thus, after great labour and difficulty, they transport these stones to the wharf, where the pantoons are moored, which is about a league from the moun|tain, and a stone's throw from the walls of the city. Here they deposit them, and by means of pulleys and a kind of sleds, which descend upon gr••a••••d pieces of timber, they discharge them into the pantoons, which convey them to the mole.

These pantoons are necessary, because the narrow|ness of the streets renders the passage of these huge stones through the city impracticable. They are a species of large flat bottomed boats, that cover about as much water as a seventy-four gun ship. They have low gunwhales, and long pieces of timber are nailed across the deck, to prevent the great pressure of the stones from-injuring the planks. They ge|nerally carry three or four of these huge stones at a load, with a number of smaller ones, which are distributed over different parts of the deck.

The pantoons are navigated by casting anchors and cables a-head. Fifty or sixty slaves are necessa|ry to man them, and by means of these cables and anchors, which are continually carried a-head as oc|casion requires, they warp the pantoons to the mole. In their passage they are sometimes subjected to great danger from sudden squalls of wind, which either blow them out to sea, or wreck them on the shore. When this happens the greatest bustle ima|ginable ensues, and the clamour of the Turks is such, that one would suppose that the city itself was upon the verge of destruction. The stones are dis|charged at the mole by means of a skyler, which is a kind of platform resembling the leaf of a table, projecting from the stern of the pantoon, and low|ered

by pulleys; upon this the stones are placed in succession, by means of crowbars, and deposited up|on such parts of the mole as the sea makes the great|est impression.

Thus have the foolish Turks continued this fruit|less labour for upwards of 250 years, without hav|ing conceived the project of forming a wall of suffi|cient strength to defend the mole from the violence, of the waves; but it is said that the dey has now such a project in contemplation, which he intends shortly to put in execution.

The impetuosity of the sea has a continual ten|dency to bury these stones in the sand. An eastern, or as it is called a Levant wind will roll such a heavy sea into the harbour, that in the course of three or four days, the labour of a whole season will be swept away. The sea at such times breaks with great violence over the mole, and even the walls of the magazines are sometimes nearly destroyed.

Two pantoons and two carettes, with a gang of slaves to each of them, are employed in transport|ing these stones, and the carettes generally bring each two loads in a day.

Many slaves are employed at other places in the country. Some at a mountain called Bubazoon, some at the gardens of different consuls, who re|side in the country, and others in the marine. But on Fridays they are ordered to Bublywhite, where the vickelhadge and warden bashaws attend, and where, on those days, there is a general collection of all the slaves.

After they finish their daily▪ labour they all repair to town to their common lodgings the bagnios, where they are locked up every night, and prohibited all intercourse with the citizens. The private slaves are not, however, deprived of this privilege, and they

are permitted to walk the streets at night, provid|ed they conform to the common custom of carrying a light with them, without which every person is subject to being arrested by the watchmen of the city, and to chastisement by the bastinado.

In the bagnios, the chief aim of the slaves is to drown the reflection of their abject situation by the most cheerful conversation. They have few a|musements here to divert their attention; but some of them, when they have leisure, follow their pro|fessions, in order to obtain a little money. The principal study of the more humorous Ameri|cans, was to dispel the gloom of their companions and to excite one another to laughter by ludicrous and satirical remarks upon their situation. Some of them played upon the violin, and frequently af|ter the toils of the day, they would divert them|selves all night by dancing, drinking and singing, in order to banish the reflection of slavery. In their frolics they were often very clamorous, and interrupted the repose of the whole bagnio; at which time some of the slaves would often lodge complaints against them, and the corporal would then put an end to the frolic by ordering them to retire to rest.

The slaves are let out of the bagnios at an early hour in the morning, and they proceed to their labour with pensive hearts and reluctant steps. When they are employed in the marine they repair every morn|ing ••o a place near the gate of Babazira, which opens to the harbour, where they are paraded in files along the platforms of the houses on each side of the street. Here they wait the arrival of the vickelhadge, who soon makes his appearance, and as he passes between them they are compelled to pull off their hats as a token of respect. After him a procession of the

slaves is immediately formed, and as he takes his seat in the skiff, a trumpet is sounded from the marine. They are then embarked on board the Baleck boats, which are kept for the purpose, and transported to the cruisers which are stationed in different parts of the harbour.

The business of the marine is the least laborious employment of the slaves. But even here they are subjected at times to great hardships, and especially when an expedition is on foot; at which time they are compelled to labour all night in making the ne|cessary preparations for the cruise. The shore is il|luminated with lamps, and Turkish guards are stati|oned on the mole, and in other parts, to prevent their escape.

Their food consists of bread, oil, and vinegar. To each person is distributed two small loaves of about half a pound each, and a jill of oil a day. These articles are brought to Bublywhite by mule|teers, who are daily employed in carrying pro|visions to the slaves. The bread is of the most in|different quality, and is made of unboulted meal, ground in mills in the city which are turned by horses. The general employment of the mul••|teers, besides carrying provisions to the slaves, is conveying lime into the city from the lime-kilns in the country, for the purposes of building and white-washing houses.

All the fick among the slaves who are incapa|ble of labour are sent to the hospital opposite to the Bagnio Baleck, which will accommodate a|bout fifty. This institution is supported at the expence of the Spanish nation, and is under the superintendance of a physician and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Spanish priests. Here they are well accomm••••••ted with beds, and furnished with provisions in ••••eef and

bread, and medicines are prescribed according to their several complaints. The upper apartments of this hospital are occupied by such as have the plague, and the lower parts by those who are confi|ned with other disorders. It is said that the support of this hospital costs the Spanish nation 40,000 dollars per annum, which are annualy transmitted to Algiers for this benevolent purpose.

It has been reported that the officers and men of the American vessels were treated with equal severity; but this was a mistake. Neither the A|merican captains nor mates were subjected to the labour of the common slaves; but were employed in the sail-loft in making sails, or in boring pumps for vessels, and sometimes after lazar in the after|noon they were sent to assist in unloading the pan|toons. This was the general routine of business assigned to the captains and mates of vessels; but the sailors were indiscriminately empolyed in every kind of labour.

The Americans supported the best characters of any slaves in Algiers, and the most of them could always obtain credit in the bagnios for wine and other liquors; a favour that was conferred upon nei|ther Turks nor Moors, of whom the tavern-keep|ers were always obliged to be extremely watchful; otherwise they would frequently steal away without pa••ing for the liquors they drank.

The most turbulent of the slaves are the Spani|ards, who frequently quarrel at night, and fight in the bagnios with drawn daggers; at which times the corporals settle disturbances among them with a short rope with a knot in the end, or confine them in chains till morning.

Those slaves who have incurred the penalty of death are generally executed at the fountain in front

of the dey's palace, where the Turkish execution|ers attend. The criminal is made to kneel down; one of the Turks then touches him on the back part of the head, and as he turns round to see what was the cause, the other with a sharp sword at the same instant severs his head from his shoulders. After the execution, the blood is washed through the ground into the common sewer, and his body is buried in the sand near the sea shore, as they are not suffered the privilege of a Mahometan burial.

The American captives generally bore their sufferings with great fortitude, and conducted them|selves with superior decorum; but notwithstanding, frequent and severe punishments were inflicted upon them for the most trivial remissness, and a thousand inadvertencies, which are natural to those who have been accustomed to the enjoyment of their liberties.

Soon after their arrival in Algiers they drew up an affecting address to Colonel Humphreys, who re|sided at Madrid, which was duly answered; and as this correspondence details some particulars that have not been hitherto enumerated, we shall close the present chapter with its insertion.

Letter from sundry captive American captains, to colonel David Humphreys, dated Algiers, De|cember 29th, 1793.

WE the subscribers, in behalf of ourselves and brother sufferers, at present captives in this ci|ty of human misery, return you our sincere thanks for your communications of the 29th ult. and for the provision you have been pleased to allow us, in order to alleviate somewhat our sufferings in our present situation.

We have drawn up and signed two petitions, one to the Senate, the other to the House of Re|presentatives, and we shall esteem it among the ma|ny favors you have rendered us, that you will please to forward these petitions to their respective address, so that no time may be loft; but that they be laid before the Representives of our country, hoping that the United States will fully provide funds for extricating from captivity, and restore us to our country, families, friends and connections.

We have perused with sentiments of satisfaction and approbation, your memorial to the regency of Algiers, and have to observe, that its contents ful|ly coincide with our sentiments on this business, which we trust in the Almighty, will terminate to the honor and interest of our common country, notwithstanding the insinuations, (of others in this quarter) to the prejudice of the United States.

We trust, and hope, that the United States will adopt such effectual plans, in order to prevent any more of our brethren sharing our unhappy fate, which unavoidably must happen, if some speedy and effectual means are not immediately put in ex|ecution, as we understand the Portuguese truce with this regency was agreed on for one year.

What damps our spirits in some degree, is, that we are informed that the plague, that fatal and tre|mendous disorder, has given its awful alarm in the country adjacent. And as your unfortunate coun|trymen are confined during the night time in the slave-prisons, with six hundred captives of other nations, from our crowded situation we must be exposed to this contagious disorder; which neces|sitates the subscribers to intreat you, sir, that in this case, those our friends, and of influence in this regency, will be authorised by you, and our

honoured countrymen Mr. Carmichael and Mr. Short, to have a house taken for the residence of the American masters and mates, and, if possible, the mariners, to shield them from the threatning storm of mortality and danger.

We make no doubt, but in case of Almighty's wrath visiting this city of iniquity, but the dey and regency would acquiesce to the proposed plan of humanity, which would be establishing an ex|ample for the general welfare of mankind—and would to posterity be recorded to the immortal ho|nor of the United States.

The same time, honoured sir, and friend, be you assured, for your consolation, that we the A|merican captives, in this city of bondage, will bear our sufferings with fortitude and resignation, as becoming a race of men endowed with superior souls in adversity.

We are much indebted to Monsieur Skjoldebrand, and brother, his Swedish majesty's agents, in this city, for their humanity, and attention to the Ame|rican captives; and feel ourselves particularly obli|ged to you for recommending us to the good offices of consuls Skjoldebrand, and Mr. Mace, whom you mention to us as friends.

With sentiments of gratitude and the most pro|found respect, we remain,

Honored sir,

Your most obedient most humble servants, The subscribers, in behalf of ourselves and bro|ther sufferers.

• Richard O'Brien, 1785
• Isaac Stephens, 1785
• James Taylor, 1793
• William Wallace, 1793
• Samuel Calder, 1793
• William Penrose 1793
• Timothy Newman 1793
• Moses Morse, 1793
• Joseph Ingraham, 1793
• Michael Smith, 1793
• William Furnass, 1793
• John Burnham, 1793
• John M'Shane, 1793

TO DAVID HUMPHREYS, Esq. &c.

To captain O'Brien, and the other captains, &c. of the United States, now prisoners in Algiers.

Madrid, January 12th, 1794.

I HAVE been favoured by the receipt of your joint letter, dated 29th December, and, as I am about to set out immediately for Lisbon, I shall be able to do little more than assure you, that your memorials to the Senate and House of Representa|tives of the United States shall be forwarded to them in the earliest and safest manner possible.

Having communicated to Mr. Carmichael, and Mr. Short, your apprehension that the plague may again be introduced to Algiers, from the adjacent countries, where it is already said to prevail; we have not hesitated to concur with you in sentiment, that in case of that dreadful event, it might be useful for you to have a house hired in the country; in order to endeavour, by all human precautions, to prevent your falling victims to that terrible disorder. Whereupon Mr. Robert Montgomery, consul of the United States at Alicant, has been empowered, in case that dreadful event should happen, to furnish

sufficient money to pay for the hire of a house, in the manner, and for the purpose you propose. This provisional arrangement to continue in force, until Mr. Montgomery shall receive ulterior instructions from the government of the United States, for con|tinuing or suspending the same.

I entreat you will be persuaded, my dear and un|fortunate countrymen, that I receive with great satisfaction the marks of your approbation, of the honest, but ineffectual efforts I have made in your favor. Would to Heaven, they had been as suc|cessful as they were disinterested and sincere.

I have only to repeat, that you may at all times, and on all occasions, count upon the sym|pathetic regard And esteem of

your real friend, And affectionate fellow-citizen, D. HUMPHREYS.

P. S. Though I have repeatedly remarked, that it may perhaps, (for particular reasons) be inexpe|dient for me to keep up a regular correspondence with you; yet it is proper I should add, that I shall always be glad to hear from you; and that it may be particularly interesting to the government of our country, to receive at the earliest possible period, all intelligence of importance. I shall therefore always be ready to communicate such intelligence, until some nearer, and better channel of communication can be established.

CHAP. V.

Particular anecdotes, occurrences and occasional remarks, which throw some additional light upon the history, customs and manners of the Algerines.

IT is impossible for any slave to escape from Algiers by land: for if he is discovered by the Moors he is apprehended and brought back to the city, where they receive a reward for their trouble. Those that can get on board of French or English ships ob|tain their liberties, and no demand is made upon the commanders to deliver them up: and whe•••• ever foreign vessels lie in the habour all the sla•••••• who work in the marine are obliged to wear heavy▪ chains. But by water many slaves have escaped, and the Algerines have in consequence become so extremely vigilant, that an escape is now almost im|practicable.

Attempt of fifteen slaves to escape.

WHILE the American captives were employed at Bublywhite, a scheme was concerted between fif|teen Genoese, Portuguese, and Neapolitan slaves, to make their escape in one of the boats that at|tend the pantoons. This plot had been in agita|tion for several weeks, and in the mean time they

had prepared themselves with weapons of defence, and all necessary articles for their voyage. About nine o'clock one very hot morning, in the time of Ramadan, while Montenegro, the warden of the pantoon, lay asleep, these fifteen slaves, at the word of command, jumped into the boat which lay along side the pantoon, and put to sea in an instant. The portezero, or boatswain of the pan|toon, immediately waked Montenegro, who was astonished beyond measure when he saw them under weigh, and hallowed to them in a furious tone of voice to return; upon which one of the Portuguese waved his naked sword in defi|ance, the crew gave three loud huzzas, and rowed with all their might towards the Spanish coast. Montenegro, dreading the consequences of this piece of neglect, immediately fled for safety to the grand mosque which stands out of the town.

As soon as the news was announced to the dey, he ordered men to be stationed on eminences with spy-glasses, to observe the course they steered; and in the mean time a Spanish built boat, a swift runner (which is always moored near the seat of the vichelhadge of the marine to be in readiness upon any particular emergency) was instantly or|dered to pursue them. The vichelhadge manned the boat with a double ••ire of piscorees, or rowers, and that they might pursue them with greater ex|pedition he embarked himself. By this time the fugitives were out of sight; but the piscorees steered directly towards that part of the ocean where they had disappeared. The vichelhadge, in order to encourage them to greater exertions, frequently threw them money, and they rowed with such expedition that about noon they over|took the fugitives, who had so completely exhausted

themselves in their endeavours to escape, that they were scarcely able to move their oars. As soon as their pursuers had overtaken them they submitted without the least resistance, and passively resigned themselves to the fury of their pursuers, who beat them most unmercifully, and after securing them in chains, brought them back to the city, where they arrived about four o'clock in he afternoon. They were immediately taken before the dey, who order|ed two of the principals to be executed: and they were accordingly led to the fountain in front of the dey's palace, where they kneeled down, and one of the dey's guards with a sharp tahan severed their heads from their body.

The dey observed, that had a greater number em|barked he would not have pretended to have sent in pursuit of them; but he naturally concluded that so small a number would soon exhaust themselves.

One is apt naturally to arraign their impolicy in taking their departure with so small a number. But we ought to reflect upon the great difficulty and dan|ger of detection in affecting an escape of this na|ture; for the very air of the country seems to in|spire the principles of villany and deception; scarce|ly any scheme can be concerted without detection, and there are many miscreants of slaves here, who would feel no remorse whatever in betraying their most intimate friends for a trifling reward.

Montenegro, though he was pardoned after this event, yet he forfeited the royal favor, and was turned out of office; and the pantoons have since been so well guarded that an escape is totally impracticable.

Spanish desperado.

THE most turbulent and intemperate slaves in Algiers are the Spaniards, who go armed with a dagger or long knife, and a quarrel with each other generally terminates in assassination.

About ten o'clock one night, after the Ameri|can slaves had retired to rest in the Bagnio Gal|laro, a violent quarrel happened between two Spa|niards, which made such an uproar in the bagnio, that one of the corporals, or guardians, entered the room with a lantern in his hand, in order to quell the disturbance; and with his rope he fell to beating the Spaniards most unmercifully. One of them, who did not relish the chastisement very well, desired him to desist, and threatened to stab him if he persisted in beating him; which so irritated the corporal, that he deal•• out his blows more fu|riously than ever. The Spaniard grown outra|geous with such treatment, drew his dagger and gave him four or five wounds, of which he instant|ly expired. By this time the second corporal en|tered the apartment, and as he entered, the despe|rate Spaniard rushed furiously upon him, and in attempting to ward off the blow he received a wound in his arm; upon which he immediately retreated, and locked himself up in one of the taverns that stand near the bagnio.

The two Spaniards were now at liberty to decide their dispute, and they rushed furiously upon each other with their knives; but the least desperate of the two, after receiving several wounds, made his escape, and left his antagonist complete mas|ter of the bagnio. He now paraded the passage

flourishing his dagger, and threatening venge|ance to any one who should attempt to mo|lest him. Of five or six hundred slaves and others who resided there not one durst approach him, and he maintained the undisputed possession of the passage. At this juncture the corporal of the Bag|nio Baleck, who was then confined by fickness in the Spanish hospital, hallowed to him from his window, and ordered him to put up his knife and go to bed; but the Spaniard, who was little dispos|ed to obey him, challenged him with the most abusive language to come down.

In the mean time intelligence of this uproar was communicated to the warden of the bagnio, who imagined that the whole body of slaves had broken loose, and he instantly came armed and at|tended by a number of men in order to quell the disturbance. When he arrived at the entrance into the bagnio, he commanded the Spaniard in|stantly to submit; but he was now grown more furious than ever, and defied the whole city. Du|ring this conference one of his own countrymen stole softly up behind him and knocked him down with a club. A number of men then instantly seized him, and chained him to the wall, where he remained till the next morning, when he was taken before the dey, where he received sentence of death, and in a few minutes after his head was chopped off in front of the dey's palace.

Detection of a Neapolitan slave.

A certain Neapolitan who kept a tavern in the suburbs of the city, was one afternoon discovered in company with a Mo••rish woman, by some of the

dey's lisberos or spies who chanced to ride that way. Several other slaves who happened to be pre|sent at the same time fortunately made their escape; but the Neapolitan stood motionless with the sudden surprize. The lisberos dismounted and instantly seized both him and the woman, and immediately carried them before the dey, who instantly passed sentence of death pon them both. Through the in|tercession of some powerful friends the sentence pas|sed upon the Neapolitan was remitted; but he total|ly forfeited the privilege of keeping a tavern, and af|ter receiving 500 strokes upon different parts of his body, he was consigned to hard labour among the common slaves. But the woman, after receiving sentence, was immediately carried to the sea-side by two executioners, who tied a large bomb-shell round one of her legs, and threw her into she sea some distance from the shore, in the presence of the Ame|rican captives, who were then employed in the ma|rine. She made the most lamentable cries, and earnestly entreated her executioners to permit her to take leave of her children; but they were deaf to her entreaties.

Some days after, by some means or other, the bomb-shell was disengaged from her leg, and she floated upon the surface of the water. But the Al|gerines were greatly astonished when they found she had not been eaten by the fish; a circumstance so extremely singular, that the superstitious Algerines regarded it as miraculous, and she was in consequence made a marabout, and ever after venerated with a kind of religious enthusiasm.

The dey's indignation was so much excited at the atrocity of this interview, that he decreed that in future all those slaves and Moorish women who

〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 detected together, should be chained with their backs to each other and burnt.

Disappointment of the American slaves.

SOME time in 1795 an English cutter from Gib|ralter arrived in Algiers with a number of small pieces of brass cannon, which were purchased by the dey and carried to his palace. The American slaves, who were then at work in the marine, soon recognised several persons of their former acquain|tance among the crew of the cutter. A general inti|macy took place, and they sympathised so feelingly for the distress of the Americans, that a scheme was concerted among them to effect their deliver|ance from this region of misery. The crew deeply interested themselves in the accomplishment of this project, and communicated their intentions to their captain, who perfectly approved of their plan, and promised every assistance in his power to facilitate their design.

The scheme devised between the parties was as follows: The Americans were to take the advan|tage of the first fair wind, and in either going to, or returning from their labour in the marine, ac|cording as the wind should favor them, they were to take possession of the Baleck boats which trans|ported them, and instantly row themselves on board the cutter; which being a very swift sailing vessel would soon have wasted them beyond the reach of their pursuers. The instant they had boarded the cutter they were to take possession of her apparently by force, and the British crew were to affect a re|sistance, that the dey might entertain no suspicion of their being privy to the conspiracy.

The cutter was in consequence put into com|plete order, and the necessary instructions were given that they might cast off and get under weigh in an instant.

No slaves were perhaps ever presented with so favorable an opportunity as the present. But the most singular occurrence imaginable frustrated the whole scheme, when it was upon the point of exe|cution.

The captain of the cutter, on the day of their intended departure, went up to one of the bagnios in the city, were he accidentally fell in company with two renegado Irishmen of his acquaintance, who were dressed, as usual, in the Turkish habit. It was resolved of course to celebrate this unexpec|ted interview with a course of wine; and they drank till they were all pretty well intoxicated. While they were in this animated mood they found themselves so well disposed for adventures, that one of the renegados made a proposal to visit some of the Algerine courtezans, which was immediate|ly acceded to, and our captain, who was not, as may well be supposed, over burthened with cir|cumspection, was conducted to a Moorish brothel in the upper parts of the city, where these Irish|men had previously formed an acquaintance. Some of the lisberos, who had suspected their de|signs, secretly watched their motions, and discov|ered the retreat of our frolicsome adventurers. Soon after their entry these lisberos rushed into the bro|thel, and surprised our amorous captain and his friends in the height of their mirth. He was instantly seized and carried before the dey, who sentenced him to immediate execution; but as he was pre|paring to receive the reward of his folly, the Bri|tish consul, who had received intelligence of the

event, interceded in his behalf, and the dey re|mitted the sentence, upon condition that he instant|ly took his departure from Algiers. In conse|quence he was escorted on board his cutter, which was ordered immediately out of the harbour, and she was not even permitted to remain to take in the least ballast.

Thus was this scheme most completely defeated by this trivial incident, and the hopes of the A|mericans entirely frustrated. When they saw the departure of the cutter, and were informed of the captain's folly, they were thrown into a state of inconceivable despondency. The most fortunate breeze imaginable prevailed when they returned from the marine; but instead of triumphing in the possession of their liberties, they were obliged to re|tire to the gloomy cells of the bagnio, to indulge at leisure the poignancy of their reflections.

These renegados were afterwards banished to Tu|nis; not because their intercourse with the Moorish women was prohibited, (for the renegados are not deprived of this privilege) but because they had been accessory to an infraction of the law. All the Turks were greatly rejoiced at this event, because these turbulent Irishmen were a terror to all that frequented the bagnios and other public places in the city.

Flight of the Spanish consul.

A FEW weeks before the American captives left Algiers the Spanish consul fled to Spain, through apprehension of assassination by the Spanish slaves. A certain muleteer called Yohan, or Spanish John, who was employed in carrying provisions from the

city to the slaves at Bublywhite, quarrelled with the clerk* 1.7, in consequence of his neglect in the pay|ment of a sum of money which he had lent the clerk. After much intemperate and abusive language the Spaniard drew his knife and murdered him; and after perpetrating this act he fled to the city, deter|mined, as his case was desperate, to be revenged upon the Spanish consul and priests who superintended the hospital, as he imagined them to be the cause of the detention of the Spanish slaves in Algiers† 1.8.

As soon as he arrived in town he went to the con|sul's house, who fortunately happened to be absent, and from thence to the hospital, with an intention to murder the head priest, who, he was informed, was likewise absent; upon which he went into one of the upper apartments, where he found one of the un|der priests, whom he stabbed in four or five places; and then retired to the Bagnio Gallaro, where he paraded one of the apartments with his bloody knife in a posture of defence.

In the mean time intelligence of the death of the clerk was sent to town; whereupon the warden bashaw sent one of the chief corporals, to arrest the murderer, and to take him before the dey. The cor|poral

enquired his motive in committing such an atrocious act, and Yohan answered him very com|posedly, that his intent was to be revenged upon the consul and priests. He alleged, that they had appropriated, to their own private purposes, all the monies that had been sent by the Spanish govern|ment for the ransom of the Spaniards, and he assured the corporal that a conspiracy was formed among the slaves, and though he had failed, yet others would succeed in accomplishing their destruc|tion.

After this conversation Yohan surrendered him|self a prisoner. The corporal bound him, and im|mediately conducted him to the palace, where he was executed.

When the existence of this cons••••••cy was an|nounced to the con••ul and priests, they embarked on board a Spanish vessel in great consternation, and set sail from Algiers in the height of the plague. After attempting to land to Carthagena, Alicant, and other ports of Spain, where they were refused admission, they steered for the island of Minorca, where the consul was under the necessity of being landed naked upon a rock. Provisions and cloth|ing were furnished him, and a hut was built for his accommodation, where he was confined till he was adjudged to be out of danger of the infection; after which he arrived in Spain, and thus escaped the me|ditated vengeance of the Spanish slaves. After beat|ing about the Mediterranean for nearly a month, the priests arrived at Marseilles about two weeks after the Americans, where they were obliged to per|form quarantine for the space of a hundred days.

The Renegado.

THE renegados are such as relinquish their own religion and embrace the Mahometan faith; but this class of men have of late betrayed so much villany, that they sustain the most indifferent characters of any people in Algiers. This will not appear singu|lar when we consider that these apostates are gene|rally such as fly from justice in their own country; and beside•• none but the most abandoned Christian would renounce his religion for the fallacy of Ma|hometanism.

It is no wonder then that so little encouragement should be given to this order of men, and though the Mahometan 〈◊〉〈◊〉 formerly considered the conversion of Christian slaves as the most meritorious act, yet at present it is perhaps totally impracticable for a slave to change his religion; because in such cases the government is deprived both of their labour and the benefit of their ransom.

The present number of renegados in Algiers is very small. After they are initiated into the pro|fession of their new faith, they officiate in the ca|zarees in the capacity of Turkish soldiers, and are admitted to the participation of similar privileges; but they are prohibited from leaving the kingdom of Algiers under penalty of death, and are never de|livered up upon the demand of their nation.

Not long since the captain of a French privaseer; that had brought an English prize into Algiers, flogged a Genoese sailor who had been shipped on board the privateer. The Genoese in consequence was so exasperated, that he made his escape from the vessel, and went to one of the marabouts with a de|termination to abjure his religion; to whom he so ex|aggerated

the cruelty of the Christians, that he was admitted into the order of the prophet.

After a residence of two months in Algiers an English frigate arrived with dispatches to the British consul, and our renegado, disgusted with his new situation, and regretting the renunciation of his re|ligion, was resolved to escape on board the frigate. Accordingly he went down to the shore one morn|ing as soon as the port of the marine was opened, and stripped himself in order to swim on board. But after several ineffectual attempts, he was discovered by the vichelhadge of the marine, with only his handkerchief tied round his middle. He was im|mediately seized and brought into the skiff, where he received several hundred blows; after which he was conducted to the palace where he was executed.

The Muleteer.

THE cellars, or lower apartments of the houses of the Algerines are converted into stables, and their horses and mules pass through the same door with the family; and the same arrangements are made even in the palace, where foreign consuls, agents, visitors, horses, mules, asses and the dey of Algiers, all 〈◊〉〈◊〉 through the same door, where two Turkish soldiers are stationed with a red staff to guard the passage.

Not long before the arrival of the Americans in Algiers, a certain Spanish muleteer, who had been employed in carrying out the dirt of the palace in baskets suspended at each side of the mule, by some means or other had procured a key, by which he could unlock the door of the treasury, which is kept in the palace, where immense quantities of gold and sil|ver

are deposited. Whenever this muleteer was ordered to the palace he filled the lower part of his baskets with money, and covered it with dirt; and thus passed undetected, till he had by this means ransomed several of his countrymen. But his ava|rice increased with his riches; and one day when 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was sent to remove the rubbish of the palace, he stole into the treasury as usual, and carried away such an enormous load, that in passing through the court the great weight of the gold bursted the bottom of one of the baskets, and the money ••ell down upon the marble pavement with such a noise that it resoun|ded through all he palace. A great uproar ensued, and the poor muleteer stood petrified with astonish|ment. The Turkish guards instantly seized him and carried him before the dey, where he was strictly examined; but he would neither betray his accomplices, nor discover the place where he had concealed his treasure. His punishment, as may naturally be supposed, was the loss of his head; and shortly after his death a part of the mo|ney he had purloined was found in the walls of the Bagnio Baleck, and a considerable quantity was buried without the town, where he had carried the dirt of the palace.

Since this accident the doors of the treasury can only be opened by three keys, which are severally kept by the dey, the cassan-ajee, and the aga, and no money can be taken from thence without their joint attendance.

Anecdote of an American lad.

IT is impossible to conceive the consternation that always prevails among the slaves in the pa|lace.

Every one is in continual apprehension of losing his life, and when any order is given, it is executed with the greatest terror and expedition imaginable.

Among the number of the dey's servants were two lads, the one an American and the other a Spaniard, who personally attended the dey in the upper apartments of the palace, and had the charge of his wardrobe. The Spanish lad, conceiving some enmity against the American, concerted a scheme to be revenged upon him.

One morning the dey, intending to ride out to his country seat, ordered she American lad in a great hurry to bring him a shirt* 1.9. The lad ran instantly into the wardrobe, where he met the Spa|nish boy, who gave him a shirt without an opening in the top, and he being in too great a hurry to examine it, carried it immediately to the dey, who by this time stood naked to receive it; but in at|tempting to put it on, it became so entangled about his head that he could scarcely disengage himself; and apprehending that a conspiracy was formed against his life, he screamed out with the greatest terror imaginable. As soon as he had disentangled himself he seized his tahan, and ran naked out of the room to murder the boy, who fled for refuge into a distant apartment. The dey hallowed to him with the most vengeful tone of voice to return; upon which the boy came before him trembling and

terrified half to death, entirely ignorant of the cause that had so much excited the dey's indigna|tion. By this time his passion had a little subsided, and instead of murdering the boy, he beat him so unmercifully with a rope, that it was necessary to con|vey him to the hospital, where he was confined for a week; after which he was employed in the low|er apartments of the palace among the inferior clas|se•• of servants.

An expedition to gather cane.

ONCE in every year all the slaves are ordered into the country to cut cane, which generally hap|pens on the first Friday in January, and this cane is used for the purpose of lathing their houses.

The 3d of January 1794, was the first time that the American captives went out upon one of these cane▪ gathering expeditions. The part of the country to which they were ordered, lies about a league beyond the gate of Bubazoon. Here they tra|versed a number of cane fields without any permission from the owners, and each slave, after having collec|ted two bundles as large as he could carry, repaired with them to a particular enclosure, which was ap|pointed as the place of general rendezvous, where the vichelhadge of the marine, the warden bashaw, and other wardens attended on horseback. An en|tertainment was provided at the expence of the scri|van grandee, or head clerk of the dey, and the warden▪ bashaw obliged the tavern keepers to send a supply of wine for the occasion. All provisions, wines, and other articles necessary for the entertain|ment, were brought out by the muleteers in baskets. Upon a part of the enclosure separate from the slaves,

the vichelhadge, the warden bashaw, and the other wardens sat cross legged upon napkins, and their food was served up to them in earthern plates, which were placed upon the ground before them. After rega|ling themselves, a servant poured water upon their hands and they retired; and the slaves were then permitted to take their seats upon a different part of the enclosure, where a number of wooden bowls were placed, filled with vinegar and oil, in which they soaked their bread, and with this ••••••rse diet finished their repast. After this the muleteer dis|tributed the wine among them, without any kind of order. All those who had neglected to provide them|selves with vessels, received no share, which was the misfortune of the Americans; but the old slaves took care to ••urnish themselves with a number of horns and bottles for the occasion.

This feast terminated at the sound of a trumpet. All the slaves then shouldered their bundles, and marched in files up to the gardens of the aga and cassan-ajee, which were upon the top of a high mountain, where they deposited at each garden about 50 or 60 of these bundles, and the remainder were taken to the dey's gardens, which lie, at the distance of about three miles, upon another quarter of the town; from whence they repaired to the bagnios, and thus terminated the labour of the day.

Distribution of clothing.

The Friday immediately succeeding this expe|tion was the day appointed for distributing clothing to the slaves, which happens only once in every year. It is a day of general festivity, and all the slaves are exempted from labour. Early in the

morning on this day, they were drawn up in two files in a court adjoining the palace, where the vichelhadge, and a number of his attendants served out to each slave in order a suit of clothes in the Turkish fashion, rolled up in a small bundle. This suit consisted of a pair of short woolen trow|s••rs, and a jacket somewhat in the form of a sack, without either buttons or sleeves; a coarse linen shirt with short sleeves, and a pair of pan••pooses, or shoes made of yellow leather. During the distri|bution, the dey presented himself from an upper apartment, and looked down upon them with a stead|fast countenance, and without the least change of posture during 〈◊〉〈◊〉 whole time. As soon as they were withdrawn from the court, great numbers of Jew|ish and Moorish chapman appeared, to whom many of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sold their whole suit for less than a sequin, in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to raise a little money for the purpose of cele|brating the day. Thus would many of these poor wretches, for the sake of a momentary gratification, go nearly naked all the year, and trust to the gene|rosity of others for a supply.

The Americans bound in chains.

THOUGH Mr. Barlow was highly esteemed by the Amercan captives for his benevolence, affability, and unremitted exertions to procure their freedom, yet it seems that Mr. Donaldson, who was of an an|stere disposition, was not equally the object of their esteem; and an occurrence took place that procured him the irreconcileable hatred of all the American captives.

After he had resided nearly nine months in Al|giers, waiting for the necessary sums to carry the treaty into effect, the Americans, who had become

extremely impatient at the delays, waited upon him one morning in a body, and requested a definitive answer, whether there was any expectation that they would ever be released from slavery? But instead of deigning an affable reply to a set of men grown frantic with their misfortunes and the gloomy an|ticipation of being enslaved for life, after fostering the pleasing hope of a speedy deliverance, he bade them, in an imperious tone of voice, to begone immediately from his lodgings, or he would find means to com|pel them.

Irritated by such hauteur of conduct in the American agent, they became very turbulent, and answered him, that they would not depart till they had received some information upon the subject. But Mr. Donaldson, was not to be intimidated into an explanation, and lodged information in the marine of the proceedings of the Americans, who immediately dispersed; and in consequence of such conduct in an irritable agent, they were load|ed with heavy chains for the space of three weeks; till the Swedish consul's brother, who was actuated by a little more humanity, interceded in their be|half, and procured their release.

Thus we often meet with men whose hearts are so delicately impressed with the softer dictates of philanthropy, that they are ever ready to extend their benevolence to all mankind; while others, without the least emotion, would subject their own countrymen to chains and misery. But we may observe perhaps by way of apology, that Mr. Do|naldson's frequent indisposition might have been ••he cause of his petulancy towards his countrymen. At his arrival in Algiers he was so much afflicted with the gout that he was obliged to be supported

as he walked, and was subject to other infirmities during his residence there.

Succession of Vichelhadges.

THE vichelhadge of the marine who presided previous to the arrival of the Americans, was sent to the Levant with a considerable quantity of money, to build a mosque in honor of the dey. But the vessel in which he sailed was never heard 〈◊〉〈◊〉 afterwards, and it was supposed that this trea|sure had tempted the crew to murder him.

After his departure the Baleck Bashaw officiated in his place, till the dey losing all hopes of his return, elected one of his relations to this office, who had lately come from the Levant with a new frigate as a present to him. In consequence of this election, the Spanish consul, who occupied the house of the former vichelhadge after his absence, resigned it to the new vichelhadge, and it was repaired for his reception.

While some of the Moorish masons were enga|gaged in removing the old pavement in one of the lower apartments, they discovered a chest of money, containing several thousand dollars, supposed to have been deposited there by Cedelli, a former vichelhadge. This chest these very honest Moors conveyed to the dey, who still entertained so strong an enmity against Cedelli, that he refused to ac|cept any thing belonging to him; but issued orders that it should be distributed among the officers of the marine, the Moorish carpenters, and the slaves.

The new vichelhadge resembled none of his pre|decessors in ferocity of disposition. He was a man

of great sensibility, and so little calculated for this boisterous employment, that he resigned his office within a month after his election; and another vichelhadge was chosen shortly after the Americans left Algiers.

Anecdote of an American black.

IT is customary whenever the slaves have finished the careening of the cruizers, to fire three guns from one of the castles, as a signal for her to take in her ballast, guns, and other necessary articles for a cruise. At this time the vichelhadge of the vessel, at the captain's expence, prepares an entertainment for the slaves. A quantity of rice, mashed wheat, and three or four sheep are boiled together in a large copper kettle on the mole. The mutton is generally distributed among the Moorish carpenters and caulk|ers, and the kettle with the cuzcuz is then taken on board the vessel, where it is served out to the Moors and slaves with a long iron ladle.

One day, after careening a vessel and bringing the kettle aboard, a great number of the Moors and slaves thronged round to receive their share, and among the rest an American black named Scipio. While a general competition for being served first prevailed, one of the Americans took Scipio by the heels, and pitched him head foremost into the kettle, where he remained till one of the Moors dragged him out. A great laughter succeeded, and poor Scipio received no other injury than that of being well whi••e washed with cuzcuz. This occur|rence did not, however, discourage the company from eating, and it is said that a part of this cuzcuz was afterwards sent to the dey.

Spanish deserter.

A SPANIARD, by the name of Mooris, who de|serted from a Spanish vessel at Oran, was brought to Algiers by the Moors, where he was made a slave, till the Spanish consul interceded for him and procured his liberty. He received him into his house, where he was well treated, and promised that he should return to Spain by the first vessel that arrived at Algiers. But the Spaniard, neither ac|tuated by gratitude for the favors conferred upon him, nor a desire to return home, stole one of the consul's ho••ses and a considerable sum of money, and with this booty he took his departure into the mountains among the Moors, where he remained some months, till his money was all expended; after which they brought him to town and took him before the dey, who sentenced him to receive se|veral hundred blows; and the was then appointed to the office of buffidore, or bellows-blower in the blacksmith's shop on the mole, where he continued till the plague in 1796 released him from bondage.

The effects of jealousy.

No people in the world are addicted to such in|temperate jealousy as the Turks, and this will not appear singular when we consider that all intercourse between the sexes is prohibited before marriage; hence it rarely happens that a woman obtains the object of her affections, and a Turk when he finds himself unable to excite the esteem, becomes more cautious in securing the person of his wife; but all this rigour serves only as a stimulus to incontinence, and in

consequence the spirit of intrigue is so prevalent among the women, that frequently in the absence of their husbands, they send their confidants into the streets to invite strangers into their houses, for the purpose of indulging an illicit love.

One of the wives of the captain of the port, or agent in the marine, who presided previous to the arrival of the Americans, happened to fall in love with a young Couloly, whom she frequently saw passing and repassing in the streets. As the Turk was engaged the principal part of the day in the marine, it afforded the Couloly a most favorable opportunity for frequent interviews, and he con|tinued this amorous correspondence, till some inti|mation of it was whispered to the husband, who hired two Moorish spies, to keep watch near his house in his absence.

After continuing their watch a few hours the Couloly made his appearance, and entered the house; upon which intelligence was immediately conveyed to the Turk, who hastened with all ex|pedition from the marine, boiling with revenge a|gainst his rival, whom he detected in the passage of his house. An immediate conflict ensued, and the Couloly, after receiving several flight wounds, made his escape. The Turk then seized his wife by the neck, and as an expiation for the crime of which he had supposed her guilty, he choaked her to death.

When the dey received intelligence of this trans|action he instituted a strict enquiry into the matter. He acknowledged the right of the Turks to put their wives to death; they being considered as merely the property of their husbands; but when it appeared, upon examination, that the woman

was in a state of pregnancy at her death, he was violently enraged, and observed, that though the Turk might exercise this privilege with impunity upon his wife, yet he had no power whatever over the life of the infant. In consequence of this crime he was excluded from his office; but he was after|wards promoted to the command of a cruiser, by whom captain M'Shane and his crew were cap|tured.

Neapolitan conspiracy.

The slaves of Algiers are generally Spaniards, Portuguese, Genoese, Neapolitans and others, whose nations are at war with this regency. Some of these slaves have been confined 40 years in Algiers, where they have endured every calamity that can be in|flicted on human nature.

About 40 years ago a scheme was concerted be|tween about 50 Neapolitans and 150 Turks, to make their escape to Algiers, where they supposed they would be highly rewarded for effecting the de|liverance of such a number of Turks. According|ly after murdering the officers and crew, and taking possession of a Neapolitan galley, they set sail and arrived safely in Algiers, where they were for some time highly caressed by the Turks, till the king of Naples sent to the dey, and desired that he might make slaves of them. This request was readily complied with, and some of these wretched Neapo|litans are still slaves in Algiers.

Avarice of the former dey.

The former dey of Algiers, whose name, if I mistake not, was Mahomet Bashaw, was the most miserly dey that ever reigned. It is said that his avarice increased with his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to such a degree, that he would amuse himself in hunting for aspers* 1.10 in the streets, which he would take up on the ends of his fingers moistened with spittle.

In changing his clothes one day, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 happened to leave a few of these aspers in his apartment, which the captain Proor† 1.11 of the palace took the liberty of converting to his own use, not supposing that so trifling a sum belonged to the sovereign of Algiers. But the dey was greatly exasperated when he missed his aspers, and upon examination it was found that they had been purloined by the captain Proor, who in consequence lost his head.

Naval expeditions.

SHORTLY after captain O'Brien's arrival in Al|giers, one James H••ll, belonging to his crew, who was an expert 〈◊〉〈◊〉, was raised to the office of por|tezero, or boatswai•••••• a cruiser, formerly a French frigate, which went out upon a cruise against the Ne|apolitans.

apolitans. Great prepar••••••ons had been made, and the dey promised himself great success in this expedi|tion, in which his whole fleet set sail. Some days after they left Algiers the frigate fell in with a Nea|politan cruiser, and a smart engagement ensued, in which the frigate soon struck to the Neapolitans. An Algerine xebeck which happened to be in com|pany, sheared off when she saw the fate of the fri|gate. The Neapolitans did not think proper to pursue her; but after taking out all the best hands, from the frigate, and putting them on board their own 〈◊〉〈◊〉, they stood in for Naples with their prize. Towards evening they became nearly be|calmed, and the Algerine xebeck in consequence deemed this a favorable opportunity for recovering the frigate. Accordingly the crew were ordered to their oars, and she immediately bore down upon the prize: upon which the men who had charge of her, finding they were in danger of being overhauled, took to their boats, after setting fire to a match by which they intended to blow her up; but some of the old Moors who were left on board, broke loose from their confinement, and prevented the explosion; soon after which she was re-captured by the xebeck, and carried into Bona for the purpose of receiving the necessary repairs.

Though the Neapolitans by this unfortunate event lost the frigate, yet they secured the crew, and car|ried them to Naples where they were made slaves. After the return of the xebeck, Mr. Donaldson wrote to Naples in Hall's behalf, who was soon af|ter liberated and entered on board an English frigate.

Upon the return of the Algerine fleet the dey was most violently exasperated at the loss of the Algerine crew; immediate preparations were made

for another expedition, and the cruisers were pro|mised an extraordinary reward for every Neapoli|tan they should take. But after scouring the Medi|terranean for several weeks, they only captured a few Neapolitan and Maltese boats, which were bound to Sicily; the crews of which were carried to Algiers and made slaves.

Departure of the Americans from Algiers.

THE principal part of the Neapolitan slaves were exchanged for Turks at the time the Ameri|can captives were ransomed, and embarked with the Americans in the ship La Fortune, under the command of captain Calder, which was originally destined for Leghorn.

From the 11th to the 13th of July 1796, they were engaged in making the necessary preparations for their voyage. The 13th in the evening they hauled out into the harbour, and on the 14th in the morning they prepared to get under weigh. At this time a fresh westerly breeze prevailed, and owing to some neglect in bracing the yards, the ship was very near being driven stern foremost up|on the rocks near Porta Piscou, which obliged them to let go their anchor immediately; upon which the captain of the port came aboard in a great rage, and struck captain Calder several blows; called him a sans suff••eda, and asked him how he dared to get under weigh before he came. The vessel was then warped up to the mole, and a num|ber of the Moorish guard-boats towed her out of the harbour.

About two hours after they had hoisted sail, one of the Neapolitans was seized with the plague, and

being apprehensive that the contagion would spread among the crew, they put about the ship and stood in for Algiers, with an intention to land the Nea|politan. As soon as they had hoisted a signal a boat came off and took him ashore; but the vichelhadge would not suffer him to be landed, and ordered him immediately back to the ves|sel.

After they had been under weigh about half an hour, the dey, receiving information of what had passed, ordered a number of the piscorees to go in pursuit of her, who soon after returned and brought back the sick Neapolitan.

But their misfortune, did not terminate here: for the day after another Neapolitan was discovered to have the plague, of which, he died shortly after; and the succeeding day captain Baily was seized with the disorder, and also died. The forecastle of the vessel was then converted into an hospital, and two Americans who had had the plague in Al|giers were appointed to attend them. Great pre|cautions were then taken to prevent the conta|gion from spreading. The crew kept themselves in constant motion, their clothes were aired and the decks were kept continually washed, and by these means its progress was effectually checked.

At this time they resolved to alter their course; and, as they knew they would not be suffered to enter the port of Leghorn, they stood in for Mar|seilles, where they were obliged to ride quarantine for 80 days. As soon as they had performed qua|rantine all the Neapolitans who had arrived in La Fortune were imprisoned, as their nation was then at war with the French republic; but they were soon after liberated and sent to Naples.

CHAP. VI.

Siccinct account of Algiers in the time of Pinchinin.

THE city of Algiers has undergone considerable alterations in the state of its fortifications, go|vernment, customs, and manners, &c. since the year 1640, the time of their famous admiral Hal•• Pinchinin.

The ancient wall of the city still remains; but scarcely any visible vestiges exist of the ditch which extended the whole length of the wall on the land side. This ditch was about sixteen feet wide, and of a proportionable depth; and served as a recepticle for the filth of the city. The inhabit|ants derived but little advantage from this wall, as no military force was stationed behind it for the defence of the city.

All the streets were chained up at night; ex|cept that which extended the whole length of the city from the port of Babloet, between the great mosque and the dey's palace, to the gate of Buba|zoon.

The principal part of the garrison was lodged in five large public edifices, with spacious courts in the middle, which served as armories. Each of these contained about 600 soldiers, who were supported at the public expence; each of whom were ac|commodated with a separate apartment. But ma|ny of the principal Turks were lodged in large houses called Fonducas, which belonged to pri|vate persons.

The castle called Alcazabar was that part of the city which lay to the southward, divided by a wall which began at the rampart on the east side, and extended to that on the west.

About three hundred paces from the shore stood a small island, that was joined to the city by a mole which was finished in the year 1533, and intended for the protection of vessels. This mole was carried away by a violent tempest in the be|ginning of the year 1662, which occasioned im|mense destruction among the shipping.

Without the city there were several inconsider|able fortresses; the principal of which was that built by Hassan Bashaw in the year 1545 at the place where Charles V. pitched his tent in 1541. This fortress is still in existence, and is called the imperial castle.

The inhabitants amounted to about 100,000; of which 12,000 were Turkish soldiers, 30,000 slaves of various nations, and the remainder citizens of Algiers, who consisted of Moors, Morescos, Jews, and some Christian merchants.

The supreme authority was, as at present, vested in the dey, or, as he was then called, the bashaw, who was frequently honored with the appellation of Sultan, with which he was highly pleased.

His situation appears to have been more precarious then than at present, and he was in continual appre|hension of mutiny among the Turkish soldiers; espe|cially if their monthly wages were withheld. His principal study, therefore, was to make punctual pay|ments at every new moon, and if he delayed these payments three hours after they were due, he was in great danger either of being murdered or impri|soned.

The dey was obliged to be very circumspect in taking no more than his due proportion of all prizes; for otherwise he was in danger of immedi|ate execution by an incensed soldiery; as happen|ed in September 1661, when Ramadan Bashaw, who then presided, adjudged to himself a great|er proportion of prize-wheat than was his due. This proceeding caused an immediate insurrection of the soldiers, who cut his throat, and massacred twenty-eight of the divan, whose bodies were thrown to the dogs in the streets. The rest were obliged to make their escape in a fishing boat, to avoid the fury of the soldiers, in which they were afterwards captured by the Maltese and made slaves.

After the death of Ramadan, another Bashaw, whom they had imprisoned some years before for neglect in making punctual payments, was brought out and elected to the sovereignty of Algiers, whom they exhorted to a more virtuous conduct in admin|istration.

But within three days after, he forgot their in|junctions, and meditated nothing but the destruction of an aga, who had been accessory to his imprison|ment. In the execution of this design he promised 10,000 patacoons* 1.12 to two soldiers if they would murder him. With this intention they went to the aga's house, and requested to speak with him. But the slave who came out, suspecting their inten|tions by their countenances, answered that his mas|ter was not at home.

When intelligence was announced to the aga of the dey's designs, he urged a complaint to the sol|diers, who seized him and threw him into a dark dungeon, where he received his food through a small hole, and only had room enough to sit down.

The necessity of punctual payment, often obliged the dey to procure money by every sinister means in his power: even by the violation or misconstruction of treaties. And this imperious necessity induced him to risk a rupture with Great Britain in 1661, by making prize (contrary to their treaty of peace) of the property and persons of foreigners that had been shipped on board of British vessels. In consequence of this infraction of the treaty, the earl of Sand|wick was dispatched to Algiers, with a fleet of eigh|teen sail of the line, to demand restitution. The ad|miral entered the harbour the 22d of August, and dispatched his lieutenant with his credentials on shore to demand satisfaction, which the dey and divan were not disposed to grant. In consequence, the British consul was brought on board the fleet, and the admiral, after pouring a volley of grape shot into the city, and battering down several houses, took his departure.

The principal study of the dey was the con|stant practice of imposition upon nations with whom he was in alliance. Their vessels were frequent|ly seized, and the captains constrained, by corporal punishment, to confess that the property belonged to other nations. Indeed it was an arduous task for him to avoid foreign disputes, and at the same time promote harmony at home. He was sensi|ble that the establishment of peace with other na|tions would have a tendency to abridge his per|quisites, and a want of finances to discharge the necessary demands, would expose him to the fury of a mutinous soldiery. Treaties of peace were therefore necessarily violated, and as he derived the principal part of his revenue from captured vessels, he was seldom at peace with any na|tion.

The 12,000 men that constituted his ordinary forces, consisted chiefly of the refuse of Turkey, and of renegados who had fled for refuge from Europe; for Algiers was such a perfect asylum for villany, that even those who had offended the Grand Signior himself found protection upon their arrival there, as was the case in 1640.

One Sigala, the son of a Genoese renegado a famous admiral of the same name, had been ap|pointed to the command of a squadron of galleys belonging to the Grand Signior Morad IV. which brought home the annual tribute of Egypt. Sigala on his return anchored his fleet in some of the ports of Greece, where he went on shore to devote part of his time to the women. While he was here indulg|ing himself in every gratification, the Maltese ran into the port, and captured the vessel which was freighted with the treasure. Sigala, to avoid the bow string, set sail immediately with his galley to Algiers, where he subsisted by piracy till he was pardoned by Ibrahim the successor of Morad.

Algiers was at this time a kind of military re|public, and the dey was so perfectly under the con|troul of the soldiery, that without their concurrence he could do nothing. If they approved of his or|ders they were executed, and if not, the dey was compelled to relinquish them.

In the year 1642, a tributory king, refusing to pay tribute, appeared with an army to shake off the Algerine yoke. Yusef, the reigning dey, desirous of being exempted from the command of the expe|dition, pretended indisposition. But the soldiers were not disposed to receive his excuse, and com|pelled him to embark in one of his galleys; and lest he should desert them, he was escorted by an|other

other galley, and was obliged to submit to being disembarked with his army at the place appointed.

At this time there were, according to some ac|counts, about three thousand French renega|dos in Algiers. Before this time the renegados were prohibited from serving in the capacity of Tur|kish soldiers; but Mahomet Bashaw first allow|ed them to be incorporated with the Turks in 1568.

The pay of each soldier was eight Moresco doubles* 1.13 a month; but their pay was enhanced upon extraordinary emergencies, and in proportion to the number of years they had served. When|ever the Sultaness was delivered of a son, or they had any remarkable engagement with the Arabs, or any soldier had killed his enemy in an engage|ment and brought away his head, their pay was augmented a double a month: provided the num|ber of doubles did not exceed forty.

The unmarried soldiers enjoyed greater privileges than those who were married. To the former were distributed four loaves of bread a day, but to the latter none.

The soldiers kept no guard in the city; but a watch called Mesuart, consisting of twenty-five persons, paraded the streets. In the summer the city was nearly destitute of a garrison, as the army was then dispersed into various parts of the country to enforce the payment of taxes.

The divan were convened twice a week in a gal|lery of the palace, and consisted of 40 persons. All matters were decided here by a majority; but what was remarkable, the votes were collected be|fore

the debate was closed. All causes between the soldiers were decided in this council, but those be|tween the citizens were determined before the chiah, who was the dey's lieutenant.

Though thei•• fortifications were then, as at pre|sent, very inconsiderable, yet they were a terror to the Europeans; and, according to some computations, above 600,000 slaves died in Algiers with the seve|rity of their treatment between the years 1536 and 1640.

Though the Algerines were greatly elated 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the signal disaster of Charles 〈…〉〈…〉 they durst not attribute 〈…〉〈…〉 own valour. Their 〈…〉〈…〉 a marabout or santon who resided near 〈◊〉〈◊〉 city, produced the tempest that proved the destruction of the Spa|nish fleet, by beating the sea with his wand. To the memory of this marabout they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a mosque near the gate of Babloet, where he was in|terred. The Turks had a great veneration for this place, and pretended that if a Christian army should ever besiege Algiers again, they would raise the most tremendous tempest ever known by cast|ing the bones of this marabout into the sea.

CHAP. VII.

A compendium of the adventures of Emanuel D'Aranda, containing an account of the treatment of the Algerine slaves in the time of Pinchinin.

EMANUEL D'ARANDA was a native of Dunkirk i•• Flanders, and was a slave in Al|giers for the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of two years. On the first of August 1640, he left Madrid, and proceeded by land to St. Sebastian, where he embarked on board an English vessel, in order to return to his own coun|try, after having visited various parts of Spain. After being at sea a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 days, they discovered a large ship bearing down upon them, which proved to be a ca|ravel. The master of the English vessel immedi|ately ordered his sails to be furled up, and alledged for a reason that it was not customary for an English vessel to run away at sea. The caravel soon came within gun shot, but without hoisting her colours; whereupon it was concluded that she was a pirate.

But night coming on both vessels lay to, waiting the events that were to take place the next morning. The passengers of the English vessel used every ar|gument in their power to induce the captain to make his escape; but he was inflexibly determined to maintain his station. About ten o'clock next morn|ing two Turkish vessels hove in sight, and were soon within gun shot. In this situation resistance was vain. One of the Turkish vessels hailed her, and ordered her to strike her colours; upon which a boat's crew was sent out, who immediately took pos|session

of the English vessel, and her crew were sent on board of one of the Turkish ships, which im|mediately after stood for Algiers.

On the eleventh day after their capture, they passed the streights of Gibralter, where the Turks, as they passed, observed many superstitious ceremo|nies. Among a variety the following was observed; they cast a vessel of oil into the sea, which they imagined swam to a mountain called La montagne des Signes, where a great santon or saint resided, who subsisted upon the oil, and in consequence of this gift dispensed various blessings to them. During the pas|sage of the oil, lighted candles were placed upon the great guns (a ceremony that was particularly ob|served by vessels that passed the streights in the night) which burnt for the purpose of affording light to the oil in its passage. All these ceremonies were performed with prayers and great devotion.

The third day after passing the streights, they an|chored opposite the city of Algiers; the guns of the vessel were fired, and their report brought a large concourse of people to the shore. D'Aranda with the rest of the crew were now freed from their chains, and taken to the market where the Christian slaves were sold, in order to see if any of them were known; from thence they were conducted to the palace of the dey, (who was entitled to every eighth prisoner) that he might make his choice out of the number of captives.

He was seated in his hall of audience, and sat cross-l••gged on an elegant seat, covered with blue tapestry, holding in his hand a number of plumes, resembling a fan. His dress was a long gown of red silk, and a turban neatly interwoven.

After the dey had made choice of his share of the captives, the remainder were taken to the house of

one of the Turks whose vessel had taken the prize. As D'Aranda was going into the house, the Turk asked him in Italian, if he was hungry, he answered in the affirmative; whereupon a Christian slave brought the prisoners some bread and a basket of grapes, with which they regaled themselves. The house was built in the Italian manner; the galleries were formed of white marble, and the pavement, the pillars and the arches were well proportioned, according to the laws of architecture. They were confined in this house, where they were obliged to sleep on the floor in the galleries, and were not per|mitted to leave the house till they were sold.

After they had been confined here seven days, they were visited by Pinchinin and some of the richest Turks, who came with an intention to purchase slaves. They asked the prisoners whether they were able to pay the price of their ransom; but they answered in the negative, and in conse|quence no purchase was made. They were after|wards brought to the market, where an old man, with a staff in his hand, took D'Aranda by the arm, and led him several times round the market-place. A number of persons, desirous of purchas|ing, appeared, who asked D'Aranda his profession and the place of his nativity. They took him by the hand to examine if it was hard; and ordered him to open his mouth, to see whether his teeth were sufficiently good for chewing hard biskets on board the galleys. They were then all ordered to be seated in a row. The old man took the first in order and led him three or four times round the market, crying arrache, arrache, who offers most? After the sale he was placed upon the other side of the market, and in the same manner all the others were sold. D'Aranda was purchased by a rene|gado

named Saban Gallan, who gave 200 pata|coons for him.

The dey being entitled to any slave at the price offered for him in the market, they were in conse|quence once more taken to the palace: each one having in his hat a piece of paper, on which was written the price at which he was sold. The dey thought proper to purchase D'Aranda, and Cal••en and Saldens two of his companions; telling ••••em that he had heard they were persons of quality, and that he expected a large sum for their ran|som. He then ordered them to the stables of the palace, where they found 250 other slaves in|tended as a supply to the galleys. In these sta|bles they were confined one and twenty days, and their daily allowance here was two small loaves of bread a-piece.

Towards the end of September, when their gal|leys make their last cruise, these slaves began to prepare for sea. To each one was distributed, by the dey's order, some coarse cloth, for the purpose of making them such clothes as were worn in the gal|leys. On the day appointed for the slaves to go on board, a number of barbers attended the sta|bles, and shaved the heads and beards of those who were intended as rowers. After they were shaved, the dey's steward, and the captain of one of the galleys entered the stables, and ordered the slaves into an adjoining court, where each one had his office and station assigned him. After this there remained twenty slaves more than sufficient to man the galleys. D'Aranda was among this number, and the captain of the galley said to the steward as he passed them, We will leave these rascals on shore, for they are savages yet.

They were then ordered back to the dey's sta|bles,

and the same day four galleys thus manned, left the harbour. The dey finding D'Aranda and his companions neither rich nor persons of quality, ordered them to be brought into his presence in the hall of audience, where they found Pinchinin, who said to them, Christians I have bought you of the dey, but at a very great price. He then sent them to his house, where they found twenty female slaves who attended his wife, besides twelve male slaves, and a seraglio of forty young boys between nine and fifteen years of age.

From Pinchinin's house they were sent to his bagnio, the place appointed for such of his slaves as were intended for the galleys. This bangio was a street or large entry i•• his house, where pirates and Turkish soldiers resorted, who spent their time in drinking, and the commission of the most unna|tural crimes. D'Aranda not being acquainted with any one in this seminary of virtue, was obliged to sleep the first night upon the terrace of the bagnio, and the next morning when he rose he saw an Ita|lian slave bringing in a great variety of articles and household stuff, and crying arrache, arrache. D'Aranda enquired of a certain knight of Malta with whom he had become acquainted, what the Italian meant. "As our master Pinchinin," replied the knight,

allows his slaves nothing for their subsistence, the greatest part of them live upon stealing, and the booty of the preceding day is every morning thus sold for their support.

The next morning before sun-rise the guardian coming into the bagnio, saluted D'Aranda and his companions with Sursa cani, abaso canal|la, get up you dogs, come down you scoundrels. After this coarse salutation, he ••••••ducted them to Babloet, in the suburbs of the city, where they

were employed in a large rope-walk. D'Aranda and Saldens were appointed to turn a large wheel. Upon their turning the wheel too swiftly, their guar|dian cried out to them in Lingua Franca, forti, forti, which signifies gently; but they misunderstanding the term, turned the wheel with all their might, which so exasperated their guardian, that he ran up to them in a rage, and with a huge cudgel taught them the signification of forti.

After they were thus initiated into the knowledge or rope making, they were compelled to pound wheat in a mortar; a much more laborious employment, in which D'Aranda acquitted himself but very in|differently; upon which his guardian said to him, give over that work you dog, you are too savage yet. In putting the wheat into bags after it had been pounded, a little happened to be spilt on the ground; whereupon their guardian said, Pilla esse cani, take that up you dog: but D'Aranda not understanding him, his keeper gave him a most unmerciful blow over the back with a billet of wood, which gave him a dangerous wound, from which a copious stream of blood issued.

A very heavy bag of wheat was then placed upon each one's shoulder, which they had to car|ry a considerable distance, and D'Aranda's strength failing him after he had gone a few paces, the bag began to slide down his back; upon which his keeper struck him in the face several times with his fist, and the blood streamed plentifully from his mouth and nose; which compelled him to greater exertions, and he staggered under the load till he arrived at Pinchinin's house, where he fell down, perfectly exhausted with the burden. But the most arduous part of their labour was yet to be perform|ed. They were under the necessity of carrying

these bags up into a granary forty feet high; ae task which D'Aranda would have found totally impracticable, had not his companion Saldens, who was much stronger, compassionately carried it up for him, while he lay upon the ground besmeared with sweat, dust and blood, and still unmercifully pounded by his keeper, who threatened to murder him. In this lamentable condition he returned to the bagnio.

In the mean time Caloen, his other companion, had been employed in leading a mule, laden with bisket, from Pinchinin's house to the water side. In consequence of the narrowness of the streets, it was a custom in Algiers, when one led a loaded mule or camel, to cry Belec, take care there. But our new mule-driver, ignorant of the custom, gave no warning of his approach, and in passing, threw a Turk into the mud. The Turk getting up in a great rage, drew his knife, (which they carried about them instead of a sword) and would have murdered Caloen, had he not been prevented by some other Turks, who hallowed out to him, don't you see that Christian is a savage yet, and don't understand the custom; the word SAVAGE being a term of reproach which was given him because he was dressed in a Christian habit.

While they were in a state of the most extreme indigence, expecting nothing from Pinchinin, and not versed in the art of stealing, the common profes|sion in the bagnio, they had the good fortune to bor|row seventy-five patacoons from an Italian merchant in Algiers, to whom they became jointly bound for the payment of a hundred at Antwerp.

Their next employment was in a vine-yard be|longing to one of Pinchinin's country-houses, where very laborious tasks were assigned them; for which

D'Aranda, being but indifferently qualified, agreed with his guardian to allow him four rials a month if he would give him a more easy employment: and in consequence his next business was to carry some large pots of water to the lodgings of the chief guar|dian. D'Aranda now fared pretty well, and was much pleased with his new employment; but a trivial occurrence shortly after excluded him from this business; for as he was pouring a pot of wa|ter one day into the Tin••ga, or great cistern, he accosted a Turkish woman who entered the house, and asked her if she would drink a glass of sack. This question being overheard, he was dismissed from his employment, and compelled the next day to work with some other slaves in attending ma|sons.

This happened in the month of December, when the corsairs cruised along the coast of Anda|lusia, in order to capture English vessels laden with wine and fruits. These corsairs had taken a frigate of Dunkirk, in which there was a young man who was sold to Pinchinin, with whom D'Aranda had been formerly acquainted. This young man shortly after had an interview with D'Aranda, and being moved at the recital of his misfortunes, gave him some jewels, which he pawned for ten crowns. This was a very seasonable sup|ply, as his seventy-five patacoons were by this time spent, and his credit was in consequence very much raised at the bagnio, which was more than usually crouded at this time by great numbers of Turks and Christian slaves who came to drink sack, a cargo of which had been lately taken in one their prizes. About thirty slaves were taken in this frigate who were employed in unloading her. Some of th••se had the good fortune to be afterwards

employed as tavern keepers, a business which was prohibited to Turks; others of the crew were con|signed to the galleys, where they were chained to the outermost oar, men whom the Algerines called Bo|gavands. These slaves consisted of Spanards, Italians and Russians, and being a little intoxicated one night a quarrel ensued between some of them, which made a great uproar in the bagnio. Whereupon a priest came into the room with a wax candle in his hand, and quelled the disturbance. The news of this riot soon came to the ears of the patron of the bagnio, who came attended by several per|sons with cresset lights and lanthrons, and armed with cudgels. They all fled at the approach of the patron; but one of the rioters was seized, stripped naked, and held by the hands and feet by four slaves with his belly on the floor, where he received a hundred blows on the back with a cudgel.

D'Aranda had now resided six months in Al|giers, at which time he and his companions went to Pinchinin, and kissing his robe and the sleeve of his inner garment, the Turkish mode of paying homage, they told him they had come to agree with him about the price of their ransom. After some conversation Pinchinin told them he was then going out of town with some slaves to fell timber for a new frigate which was building, and that he would talk further with them upon the subject at his return.

In the mean time D'Aranda was employed at a new house belonging to Pinchinin in the upper part of the city, where he was obiged to carry materials on his back up a steep hill where mules and camels could not be used. While he was at work two Turks came to the bagnio and enquir|ed for D'Aranda, Caloen, and Saldens; but as

they had changed their names, nobody could give any account of them. The Turks then ap|plied to a Brabant slave called Francis the student, to examine some papers which were written in La|tin, giving some account of the slaves. Francis, upon examination, concluded that D'Aranda and his companions were the persons they were enquir|ing for, and told them he knew the slaves very well. Whereupon he went with them to the bagnio, where they found D'Aranda and his companions, whom they informed they were no longer slaves; at which the were greatly overjoyed.

The next day a Jew came to the bagnio, and by order of Pinchinin's wife, told D'Aranda and his companions that the dey wished to speak to them. When they were brought before him, he comman|ded them to go into a small drawing room of the palace, where they continued about three hours with some young Christian slaves. At length the steward made his appearance with a cudgel, and said to them, You dogs which of you wrote home to be exchanged for Turks? They all excused them|selves; but the steward not much disposed to re|ceive their excuses, gave them all a severe beating, and told them he would come again at night and cut off their ears and noses. They were here con|fined in this small apartment in extreme misery for eighteen days; during which time they were fre|quently visited by the steward, who always carried his cudgel in his hand, and sometimes beat them for his diversion. The Turks now waited upon Pinchinin, who had returned, and told him they had engaged to procure an exchange of D'Aranda and his com|panions for seven of their Turkish friends, who were prisoners in Flanders, and offered him by way of ransom the same sum he had given for them. But

Pinchinin told them these slaves were persons of quality, for each of whom he demanded 6000 pata|coons as the price of ransom.

While the Turks were endeavouring to effect an exchange of prisoners nine weeks passed away, du|ring which time D'Aranda and his companions were confined in the dey's palace. After much delay the Turks agreed with Pinchinin upon the price of their ransom; upon which they were released from confinement, and lodged in the house of Cataborn Mustapha, one of the Turks, who became their new patron. Caloen was soon after sent in a vessel bound to Leghorn, in order to procure the liberty of the Turkish prisoners in exchange, according to the agreement made between these Turks and the friends of D'Aranda and his companions, who de|tained the Turkish prisoners in Flanders.

D'Aranda still continued with Mustapha, but his residence here was of short duration; for Mustapha getting drunk one day quarrelled with a Bulcebas, a captain of foot, whom he called a Christian. For this offence Mustapha suffered imprisonment, and by or|der of the divan received a hundred blows on the back with a cudgel; after which he was compel|led to serve six months in the field against king Ben|nali.

After the departure of Mustapha, D'Aranda was received into the family of Mahomet Celibi Oiga, where he was employed in the capacity of a servant. Here he soon became very intimate with his new mistress who granted him many liberties, and per|mitted him to attend public worship every day at Pinchinin's bagnio.

In the mean time Caloen, who was not so fortu|nate, was imprisoned in the house of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 grandmother, where he was confined 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉

apartment with nearly 80 weight of iron about his legs, and frequently sent into the country, where his keepers were instructed to torture him with the most oppressive hunger in order to expedite the pay|ment of his ransom.

At the expiration of six months after D'Aranda had resided at Oiga's house, he received a letter from Saldens, dated at Ceuta, who requested his im|mediate attendance at Tetuan in the kingdom of Fez, according to contract with the two Turks. This letter contained information that Caloen's fa|ther had absolutely refused to pay the 700 patacoons that were demanded for his ransom, but made no particular mention of the five Turks who were to be given in exchange for D'Aranda and his compa|nions.

In consequence of this information Mustapha's grandmother immediately ordered Caloen to be confined with a hundred weight of iron about his legs, in a small cellar, where D'Aranda frequently visited him; and one day while he was with him, the old woman entered the cellar, and asked Caloen if he was willing yet to pay the 700 patacoons. He made no answer, but laughed at her; which so great|ly enraged the old lady, that she ordered D'Aran|da to be seized and loaded with irons in the same cell, because she had imputed Caloen's conduct entirely to his advice. Here they remained till the time fixed for the departure of a vessel destined for Tetuan, when, by the intercession of three Christian slaves who intended to embark in this vessel, they were released upon a promise that her grandson Mustapha, who was at Ceuta, should be liberated in exchange.

About this time (which was the first of January 164••) terminated the fast of Ramadan, which con|tinued

for a month, during which time they were prohibited from eating or drinking in the day; and those who were detected in violating this law were compelled to swallow melted lead. About the time of sun-set the people were permitted to eat, and drums were beaten as a signal to cease from fasting.

To this fast succeeded the festival or Easter of Ramadan, which continued for eight days, and was celebrated with great pomp and festivity. Caval|cades were formed without the city, and feats of horsemanship were displayed. The Turkish chil|dren were drawn in small triumphal chariots, to which Christian slaves were harnassed. The prin|cipal amusement was wrestling, at which the Moors were very expert. The prohibitions of the Alco|ran seemed very little regarded at this time, and wine and brandy were drank in the greatest excess. In the time of this festival gifts were distributed to the slaves, and for the three or four first days they were exempted from every kind of labour.

On the 14th of January D'Aranda and Caloen, after settling all preliminaries, embarked with a number of Turks and Christian slaves on board the vessel bound for Tetuan. On the eighth day after they arrived at Oran, which is about forty leagues from Algiers, and on the twelfth at Tremesen, where they lay at anchor three days, and dischar|ged part of their Moorish crew.

Tremesen was formerly a powerful kingdom, to which the dey of Algiers was tributory. It is si|tuated at the extremity of the Grand Signior's do|minions, and is bounded by the empire of Morocco and Fez, with which the Grand Signior is in alli|ance; but notwithstanding this empire is often at war with the Algerines, and this happens without any

violation to the confederacy. The same is the case with Tunis, which is included in the Grand Signior's dominions; but he does not concern him|self with the affairs of the bashaws, and they are not considered at war till some place of importance is taken.

From Tremesen they set sail upon their voyage, and shortly after, in consequence of the discharge of a number of Moors, a conspiracy was formed among the Christian slaves to murder all the Turks on board, and to render themselves master of the vessel. But the whole design miscarried in consequence of the ti|midity of a Spaniard, who was the principal in the conspiracy, and neglected to give the signal of on|set, as had been previously concerted.

On the twelfth of February in the evening they cast anchor in a bay within half a league of Te|tuan, and the next day a violent east-wind arose which subjected them to imminent danger. The Turks terrified at the storm began to say their sala or prayers, and promised to distribute alms as soon as they were on shore. But the tempest still in|creased in violence, and the vessel was every mo|ment in danger of being driven upon the rocks. In this extremity the Turks resolved to offer a sacri|fice to Mahomet as their last resource; a number of sheep being always taken on board the Turkish vessels for this purpose. They cut one of these sheep into four parts, and with a variety of ridicu|lous ceremonies they cast the parts into the sea on different quarters of the vessel.

The tempest continued to increase till midnight, at which time the vessel began to drag her anchors. The Turks all assembled at the stern in the utmost consternation, and implored the assistance of Ma|homet with the loudest lamentations. The vessel

continued to drag her anchors, and soon after she was wrecked upon the shore, but the principal part of the crew were saved.

D'Aranda and Caloen were greatly overjoyed at their deliverance, and the next morning they set out for Tetuan, where they arrived about noon. While they continued here they received a letter from Don Martin de Pegnaloso a Spanish merchant at Ceuta, who informed them that Saldens had gone to Gibraltar, and had left orders with him to furnish them with every thing necessary.

In the mean time the Turkish prisoners who had been detained at Flanders had arrived at Ceuta. Mus|tapha Ingles one of the prisoners, imagining that Saldens had returned to Flanders, wrote to Tetuan to the Turk who had charge of D'Aranda and Ca|loen, that Saldens had promised when he was in Flanders to pay 700 patacoons towards the ransom which his relations had paid for Caloen, and that he should put them in the Masmora. The person who concerted this business was Abraham Arrais one of the Turkish prisoners, who reported at Ceu|ta that D'Aranda and Caloen had promised 700 patacoons before their departure from Algiers.

In consequence of this letter they were put into the Masmora, which was a large vault about thir|ty feet under ground, where 170 Christian slaves were confined. While they were in this situation D'Aranda wrote to Saldens, who returned to Ceu|ta, and by his intercession they were liberated from confinement, and soon after took their de|parture for their native country.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  2 Kings, chap. ix. ver. 30.
• * 1.2

  There is a story of an English parson, whose con|gregation, during the time of divine service, heard of a shipwreck. In spite of his utmost efforts to detain them, the whole assembly rushed out of the church, in a body, to divide the plunder.
• * 1.3

  Chap. 62.
• * 1.4

  Chap. XXXIII. entitled The Confederates.
• † 1.5

  Chap. III. pag. 48.
• * 1.6

  Page 75.
• * 1.7

  A scrivan, or clerk, always attends the slaves at their labour, and calls over their names at Bublywhite every night and morning.
• † 1.8

  Many of these slaves are criminals, who fly from justice in their own country and become voluntary slaves in Algiers, whom the Spanish government refuses to ransom; a matter which they impute entirely to the in|fluence of their consul and priests, whom they suppose to be 〈…〉〈…〉 of their slavery, and consequently they are ever 〈◊〉〈◊〉 objects of their hatred and indignation.
• * 1.9

  The shirts that are worn by the Algerines are sent from the Levant. They are made of muslin, and formed something like sacks without openings at top, which are made to suit the convenience of the wearer after they are brought to Algiers.
• * 1.10

  An asper is a small thin piece of square tin less than a penny in value.
• † 1.11

  The captain Proor is the head sweeper, and accor|ding to custom he is always set at liberty whenever a peace is concluded with any nation.
• * 1.12

  The patacoon is a Spanish coin about 84 cents in value.
• * 1.13

  This double is about 25 cents in value.