The history of Pennsylvania, in North America, from the original institution and settlement of that province, under the first proprietor and governor William Penn, in 1681, till after the year 1742; : with an introduction, respecting, the life of the late W. Penn, prior to the grant of the province, and the religious society of the people called Quakers; --with the first rise of the neighbouring colonies, more particularly of West-New-Jersey, and the settlement of the Dutch and Swedes on Delaware. : To which is added, a brief description of the said province, and of the general state, in which it flourished, principally between the years 1760 and 1770. : The whole including a variety of things, useful and interesting to be known, respecting that country in early time, &c. : With an appendix. / Written principally between the years 1776 and 1780, by Robert Proud. ; [Four lines of quotations in Latin] ; Volume I[-II].

Of West-New-Jersey, &c.

* 1.1As West New Jersey was, at first, settled princi|pally by the same kind of people as Pennsylvania, was afterwards, viz. by the people called Quakers, so a short introductory account of the first and ear|ly settlement of that colony by these people, &c. in which likewise William Penn was so much concern|ed may, in this place, not be improper.

* 1.2In or about the year 1675, the Lord Berkeley sold his half of the Province of New Jersey to a person named John Fenwicke, in trust for Edward Byllinge, and his assigns, in consequence of which the former, this year, arrived with a number of passengers, in a ship, called the Griffith from Lon|don, on a visit to his new purchase.* 1.3 He landed at

a place, in West Jersey, situated upon a creek, or small river, which runs into the river Delaware; to which place he gave the name of Salem; a name which both the place and creek still retain. This was the first English ship, which came to West-Jer|sey;* 1.4 and it was near two years before any more followed: This long interval is supposed to have occasioned by a disagreement between Fen|wicke and Byllinge; which was at last composed by the kind offices of William Penn.

Byllinge, having been reduced in his circum|stances, had agreed to present his interest, in New-Jersey, to his creditors; by whose entreaty and importunity, William Penn, though it is said, with reluctance, was prevailed upon to become joint trustee with two of them, viz. Gawen Lawrie,* 1.5 of London, and Nicholas Lucas, of Hertford, for the management thereof: These he invested with his own moiety of the province; it being all his re|maining fortune, for the satisfaction of his cre|ditors.

Hence William Penn became one of the chief instruments in settling West-New-Jersey;* 1.6 and there|by acquired some knowledge of the adjacent coun|try of Pennsylvania, before it had that name, or was granted to him. And though New-Jersey was still undivided, yet, from necessity, many shares of their propriety were soon sold to different pur|chasers; who consequently also became proprietors, in proportion to their different shares.

For the better promoting the distribution of rights to lands, an orderly settlement,* 1.7 and a regu|lar government of the colony, in March, 1676, a constitution was drawn up, under the name of, "Concessions and agreements of the proprietors, free|holders and inhabitants of West-New-Jersey, in Ame|rica," in 44 chapters; this was mutually agreed to, and signed, as laws, concessions and agree|ments,

by 162 names; and may be seen in the appendix to S. Smith's history of New-Jersey.

William Penn and the others, having agreed on a division of the province with Sir George Carteret,* 1.8 a Quintipartite deed, the instrument for dividing the same, between Sir George Carteret, on the one part, and Edward Byllinge, William Penn, Gawen Law|rie and Nicholas Lucas, on the other part, was signed by them, dated the first day of July, 1676. After which the latter wrote to Richard Hartshorne,* 1.9 a resident in the province, requesting his consent to be joined in commission with two others, James Wasse and Richard Guy; whom they authorized and empowered to act for them, furnishing them with instructions for their conduct, and engaged to ra|tify and confirm their proceedings, in prosecution of the same. In their letter to Hartshorne, dated, London, the 26th. of the sixth month, 1676, they say,

* 1.101. "We have divided with George Carteret; and have sealed deeds of partition, each to the other; and we have all that side on Delaware river, from one end to the other; the line of partition is from the east side of Little Egg Harbour, straight North, through the country, to the utmost branch of Delaware river; with all powers, privileges and immunities whatsoever:"—"Ours is called New West Jersey; his is called New East Jersey.† 1.11

2. "We have made concessions by ourselves; be|ing such as Friends here, and there (we question not) will approve of, having sent a copy of them by James Wasse: There we lay a foundation for after ages to understand their liberty, as men and christians; that they may not be brought into bon|dage, but by their own consent: for we put the power in the people; that is to say, They to meet, and choose one honest man, for each propriety, who hath subscribed to the concessions; all these men to meet, as an Assembly there, to make and repeal laws; to chuse a Governor, or a Commis|sioner, and twelve Assistants, to execute the laws during their pleasure. So every man is capable to chuse, or to be chosen; no man to be arrested, condemned, imprisoned, or molested, in his estate, or liberty, but by twelve men of the neighbour|hood: no man to lie in prison for debt; but that his estate satisfy, as far as it will go, and he be set at liberty, to work: no man to be called in ques|tion, or molested for his conscience; with many more things mentioned in the said concessions.

3. "We have sent over, by James Wasse, a com|mission, under our hands and seals; wherein we empower thyself, James Wasse and Richard Guy, or any two of you, to act and do according to the instructions, of which here is a copy; having also sent you goods, to buy and purchase some lands of the natives," &c.

The rest of this letter chiefly respected John Fen|wicke; who, as they apprehended, might probably

endeavour to obstrust their mode of proceeding, in settling the colony; that the Commissioners should immediately agree with the Indians for lands, and get them surveyed and taken up, before many more peo|ple arrived, and the price thereby advanced. The in|structions were dated the 18th. of the Sixth month, and purported the method of treating with John Fenwicke; the mode of taking up lands of the natives;—Which was all to be divided into one hundred parts, as agreed in England, and lots to be cast for the same; viz. ninety parts, for the use of William Penn, Gawen Lawrie and Nicholas Lu|cas; and ten parts for John Edridge and Edmond Warner, Fenwicke's heirs;* 1.12 and to provide a place for the settlement of a town, &c. The former was signed by Lawrie, Penn, Lucas, Byllinge, Ed|ridge and Warner; the latter, by all these, except Edridge.

East-Jersey, which was the property of Sir George Carteret, had, before this time, been con|siderably peopled, under its Governor, Philip Carteret, as already mentioned, in the year 1665; so upon the division of the province being now settled, in the present year 1676, the proprietors of West-New-Jersey published a description of the country; in consequence of which many people removed thither.

* 1.13But the western proprietors being of the people called Quakers, their part of the province conse|quently, through their influence, became settled principally by the same kind of people; but to pre|vent any of their religious society from rashly, or in|advertently, removing into this new country, or without due consideration, and contrary to the mind of their parents and nearest relatives, three of the principal persons among the proprietors, viz. W.

Penn, G. Lawrie and N. Lucas, wrote an epistle, of caution to their friends, the Quakers; which,* 1.14 as it further shews their right to this part of the province, the care of that people over one another, at that time, and their concern for an orderly settle|ment in it; that none might be deceived, and have occasion to repent of such an important undertak|ing, is not unworthy of the perusal of the poste|rity and descendants of those early adventurers, settlers and cultivators of the country.* 1.15

* 2.1On the 16th. day of the Sixth month 1677, arrived at New-Castle from London, the ship Kent, Gregory Marlow, master; with the other Commissioners; which the proprietors had before

mentioned, they intended to send. Their names were, Thomas Olive, Daniel Wills, John Kinsey,* 2.2 Joseph Helmsley, Robert Stacy, Benjamin Scott, Rich|ard Guy, and Thomas Foulke. They were empow|ered to purchase lands of the Indians; to inspect the rights of such as claimed property; to give directions for the laying out the lands; and, in general, to ad|minister the government, according to the conces|sions.* 2.3

* 2.4The number of passengers in this ship, was two hundred and thirty, mostly of the people called Quakers; and some of them had good estates in England.* 2.5 They landed about Rackoon creek, on Delaware; where the Swedes had some Scattered habitations, but insufficient to receive, or accom|modate them. This was the second ship, which arrived at West-Jersey with passengers. As this ship lay in the river Thames, with the passengers on board, ready to sail, king Charles the second, in his pleasure barge, coming along side, and observ|ing a great number of people on board, and being, informed where they were bound, asked whether they were all Quakers, and gave them his blessing.

* 2.6After their arrival, the Commissioners proceeded further up the river, to the place where Burlington was afterwards built, then called Chygoe's-Island, from an Indian sachem, who lived there. Here they treated with the Indians, and entered on the regulation of their settlements; for which, beside the commission of the proprietors, they had like|wise obtained that of Governor Andross; on whom, in their passage, they had waited, at New-York, to acquaint him with their business; who, as he had received no instructions from the duke of York, in the case, was unwilling to surrender the govern|ment of the place to them, without an order from the Duke. He had continued Governor of this country, since the Dutch surrender of it to the King, in 1673; and though the Duke soon after had a re-grant of it, as before observed, yet it was not till the year, 1678, that he, in consequence thereof, made a new grant of West-Jersey to the

assigns of Lord Berkeley, as well as also of East-Jersey, to Carteret, the proprietor of the same.

The Commissioners procured interpreters from the Swedes, Israel Helmes, Peter Rambo, and Lacy Cock; and afterwards Henrie Jacobson Falcombre: They made divers purchases of lands from the Indians; but not having goods sufficient to pay for all they bought, they agreed not to settle any part, till it was paid for.* 2.7

The town of Burlington was laid out by mutual agreement of the proprietors;* 2.8 and by the Commis|sioners, it was first named New-Beverly; but soon after it got the name of Burlington.* 2.9 It was first settled by a considerable number of reputable fami|lies, from Yorkshire, and other places in England;† 2.10

a fresh number of which arrived from Wickaco, the Swedes settlement on Delaware, in the latter en•• of October this year; but the season being so 〈◊〉〈◊〉 spent, they had only time to erect a kind of W••|wams, like those of the Indians, for their acco••+modation during the winter.

* 2.11The Indians supplied them with corn and ve••+son;* 2.12 which was their principal food. These ••••|tives were then not much corrupted with stro•••• liqours, and they were, in general, friendly, kin•• and helpful to the English; though at that ti•••• they were very numerous, and the latter, compan•• with them, but few and weak; and notwithstan••+ing endeavours had been used, as was suppo•••• by some persons, to render them otherwise, in ••••|ing to make them believe that the English had 〈◊〉〈◊〉 them the Small-pox in their match coats; yet, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 meeting, which they had on this affair, one of th•••• chiefs expressed himself thus:—"In my grand••••+thers time, the small-pox came; in my fathers ti•••• the small-pox came; and now, in my time, the small-pox is come;"—then stretching his hand

towards the skies, he said, "It came from thence:" to which the rest assented.

In November arrived another ship from London, with about sixty or seventy passengers, of which some settled at Salem; and others at Burlington Among the former are mentioned James Nevill▪

Henry Salter, and George Deacon, with their fami|lies.—And, in this year also arrived the Fly-Boat, Martha, of Burlington, in Yorkshire; which sailed from Hull, in the latter end of the summer, with one hundred and fourteen passengers.* 2.13

In one of these vessels, or about this time,* 2.14 came John Kinsey, then a young man; his father, hav|ing been one of the Commissioners, before menti|oned, who died on his arrival. He was afterwards a person of distinguished services,* 2.15 in divers public stations. His son of the same name, and likewise one of the people called Quakers, afterwards Chief Justice of Pennsylvania, and eminent in the law, was no less memorable for his useful and benefi|cent abilities and good qualities, both in his public and private life and character.

In the Tenth month, O. S. (December) 1678, ar|rived the Shield, from Hull, Daniel Towes, Com|mander, and anchored before Burlington. This was

the first ship, that came so far up the river Delaware: Opposite to Coaquanock, the Indian name of the place, where Philadelphia now stands, which was a bold and high shore, she went so near it, in tur|ning,* 2.16 that part of the tackling struck the trees some of the passengers expressing, "It was a fi••e situation for a town."* 2.17 The people, next morning went on shore upon the ice; so hard, and so sud|denly had it froze, in the space of one night!* 2.18

* 2.19The duty, which was imposed by the govern|ment of New-York on all exports and imports, a Hoarkill,* 2.20 remained a grievance till the year 1680. This duty was exacted of settlers, who came 〈◊〉〈◊〉 West-Jersey. But it was, this year, redressed, through the application of their friends, in En|gland, to the Duke of York: he referred the mas|ter to Council; where it rested for a considerabl••

time; but, at last, by the management and assiduity of William Penn, George Hutchinson, and others, it was reported in their favor; and Sir John Wer|den, on the Duke's behalf, wrote to have it dis|continued: William Penn and the rest having made it fully appear, that they had purchased the government of the country with the soil; which, therefore, of right, ought not to be subject to any imposition of duties, from the government of New-York; that the Duke of York, having granted all his right to the said country, to the assigns of Lord Barkeley, and these to them, in as ample a manner, as it was granted to the Duke by the King; which was expressly, "To make, ordain and establish, all manner of orders, laws, directions, instruments and forms of government, and Magistrates, fit and ne|cessary for the territory aforesaid;"—with this limi|tation, "so always as the same be not contrary to the laws and statutes of this our realm of England; but as near as may be, agreeably thereto;—it was there|by plain, that the colony, or any of its inhabi|tants, could not possibly be, of right, subject to any laws or impositions, but those of its own, and of Great Britain.* 2.21

In the settlement of new countries, people dif|ferently interested commonly characterize, of praise and dispraise them, as it suits their interest to encourage or discourage such colonization; but we find most of those early adventurers,* 3.1 who soon after their arrival, wrote to their friends, in England, appear to have been well pleased with the country, by giving a very favourable account of it,* 3.2 in many of their letters, and some of them, even, beyond their former expectation; of which the following extract from one, written by an ear|ly colonist and proprietor, in the year 1680, may serve as a specimen respecting the native produce of provisions of the country, in those early times, viz.

—But now a word or two of those strange reports you have of us,* 4.1 and our country: I affirm they are not true; and fear they were spoke from a spirit of envy. It is a country that produceth all the things for the support and sustenance of man, in a plentiful manner; if it were not so, I should be ashamed of what I have before written; but I can stand, having truth on my side, against and before the face of all gainsayers and evil spies.

I have travelled through most of the places that are settled, and some that are not; and in every place I find the country very apt to answer the expectation of the diligent. I have seen orchards laden with fruit to admiration, their very limbs torn to pieces with the weight, and most delicious to the taste, and lovely to behold. I have seen an apple-tree, from a pippin-kernel, yield a barrel of curious cyder; and peaches in such plenty, that some people took their carts a peach-gathering; I could not but smile at the conceit of it; they are very delicate fruit, and hang almost like our oni|ons, that are tied on ropes. I have seen and known, this summer, forty bushels of bold wheat of one bushel sown; and many more such instances I could bring, which would be too tedious here to mention. We have, from the time called May until Michaelmas, great store of very good wild fruits; as, strawberries, cranberries and hurtle-berries, which are like our bilberries in England, but far sweeter; they are very wholesome fruits. The cranberries, much like cherries, for color and bigness; which may be kept till fruit come again; an excellent sauce is made of them for ve|nison, turkeys, and other great fowl; and they are better to make tarts than either goosberries or cherries; we have them brought to our houses by the Indians, in great plenty. My brother Robert had as many cherries, this year, as would have loaded several carts. It is my judgment, by what I have observed, that fruit trees, in this country, destroy themselves by the very weight of their fruit.

As for venison and fowls, we have great plenty; we have brought home to our houses,* 4.2 by the Indians, seven or eight fat bucks in a day; and sometimes put by as many, having no occasion for them, and fish, in their season very plenteous. my cousin Revell and I, with some of my men, went last third month into the river to catch her|rings;

for, at that time, they came in great sholes into the shallows; we had neither rod nor net; but, after the Indian fashion, made a round pin|fold, about two yards over, and a foot high, but left a gap for the fish to go in at, and made a bush to lay in the gap, to keep the fish in; and when that was done, we took two long birches, and tied their tops together, and went about a stones-cast above our said pinfold; then hawling these birch boughs down the stream, where we drove thousands before us; but so many got into our trap as it would hold; and then we began to hawl them on shore, as fast as three or four of us could, by two or three at a time; and, after this manner, in half an hour, we could have filled a three bushel sack of as good large herrings as ever I saw. And as to beef and pork, here is great plenty of it, and cheap; and also good sheep. The common grass of this country feeds beef very fat. I have killed two this year; and there|fore I have reason to know it: besides, I have seen, this fall, in Burlington, killed eight or nine fat oxen and cows on a market day, and all very fat. And though I speak of herrings only, left any should think we have little other sorts, we have great plenty of most sorts of fish, that ever I saw in England: besides several other sorts that are not known there; as, rocks, cat-fish, shads, sheeps-heads, sturgeons; and fowls plenty; as, ducks, geese, tur|keys, pheasants, partridges; and many other sorts, that I cannot remember, and would be too tedi|ous to mention.

Indeed the country, take it as a wilderness, is a brave country, though no place will please all. But some will be ready to say,—He writes of con|veniences, but not of inconveniences.—In answer to these, I honestly declare there is some barren land, as, I suppose, there is in most places of the world; and more wood than some would have up|on their lands; neither will the country produce

corn without labour, nor cattle be got without something to buy them, nor bread with idleness; else it would be a brave country indeed; and I ques|tion not, but all then would give it a good word; For my part, I like it so well, I never had the least thought of returning to England, except on account of trade.

MALHON STACY.

West-New-Jersey being now become populous,* 4.3 and Edward Byllinge chosen Governor by the pro|prietors, in England,* 4.4 he commissioned Samuel Jen|ings, some time after his arrival, which was in 1680, to be his deputy. Jenings accordingly cal|led an Assembly, with which, in November 1681, he agreed upon certain fundamentals in govern|ment, passed a number of laws; and, with the Commissioners for settling and regulating lands, fixed on proper rules and methods, for that pur|pose, all which may be seen in S. Smith's history of that province."* 4.5* 4.6

After this large numbers of fresh settlers conti|nued coming into the province; and, in the year 1682, a ship of 550 tons burthen arrived at West-Jersey, with three hundred and sixty passengers; who landed between Philadelphia and Burlington, on the Jersey shore.

The representatives of West-Jersey, in general Assembly, continued to be annually elected, till the surrender of the proprietary government to the crown, in 1702; before which time the coun|cil, (who were Justices ex officio) Justices of peace, and inferior officers of government, were chosen by them; and the Governor was appointed by the proprietors.

As to the religious state of the first and early settlers of West New Jersey, it is observable,* 4.7 as before mentioned, they consisted principally of the people called Quakers; whose religious princi|ples, system, and general practice have been al|ready described: hence on their arrival at the place where Burlington now stands, and other places, we find it was their first and great concern public|ly to support their religious worship; on account of which many of them had suffered much, in their native country.* 4.8

* 4.9Before a house was built on the place, they con|stantly at stated times, held their religious meetings under a tent, covered with sail cloth, till John Woolston had got his house ready; which was the first framed house in Burlington; at whose house, and that of Thomas Gardiner, they afterwards con|tinued to hold their meetings both for divine wor|ship, and the discipline or order, or their religious society, till a suitable meeting house was built for that purpose; which was not till several years after their first arrival there, and a similar care and prac|tice appear to have been among them, in other places where they settled.

Among the first things that appear to have come under particular notice and regulation,* 4.10 in their meetings of discipline, after their arrival, were, the taking proper care and support of their poor; the ordering and passing of marriages, (thirteen couple having been married among them at Burlington, be|fore the year 1681,) and the discouraging of all their people from selling strong liquors to the In|dians.

In the year 1680, in an epistle from their month|ly meeting at Burlington,* 4.11 to the yearly meeting in Lon|don, which was the first regular correspondence of that nature, established between the society, in this part of the world, and the said yearly meeting, they were particularly urgent, among other things, that

none of their friends, or members of the same so|ciety in England, or elsewhere, should remove to them, without certificates, or well authenticated recommendation, from the society, where they last lived, prior to their removal; in order to pre|vent imposture, idle, disorderly and designing per|sons from coming among them, and taking advan|tage of the innocent and well-meaning; and that they might be well advised in such important under|taking.* 4.12

* 4.13The first general yearly meeting of the people called Quakers, in this country, for regulating the affairs of their religious society, was held, or met, at Burlington, on the 28th. day of the Sixth month, 1681.† 4.14 It was constituted of such of their religi|ous meetings as were then established, or settled, in New-Jersey, as, at Shrewsbury, Salem, Burling|ton, Rankokas, &c. and on the west side of De|laware, (where divers English settlements of this people appear to have been, prior to those under William Penn) as, at Shackamaxon; (or nigh the place where Kensington stands, in the vicinity of

Philadelphia) near the falls of Delaware; and at Upland, since called Chester, &c.* 4.15

This yearly meeting of the society on both sides of Delaware, was afterwards, from the year 1684,* 4.16 held alternately at Burlington and Philadelphia, till the year 1761 when it was removed entirely to Philadelphia; since which time it continues to be annually held there, and maintains a constant re|gular intercourse and correspondence with that of the same society in London.

* 4.17As to the proportion, which the number of these people, in later years, bears with the rest of the inhabitants, in West-Jersey, who have since flocked into it and increased among them, it ap|pears by S. Smith's history of New-Jersey, publish|ed in 1765, from which the major part of what has here been said of it is taken, that in the eight counties, of which West-Jersey consists, there then were meeting-houses, where meetings were held for divine worship, of the Quakers thirty-two, of the Presbyterians thirty-two, of the different Bap|tists thirteen, of the Episcopalians, or church of England ten, of the low Dutch, Germans and Swedes, both Lutheran and Presbyterian congre|gations, ten, and one of the Moravians.

* 4.18In the same history, the whole number of the inhabitants of both East and West-Jersey, were then supposed to be about one hundred thousand.

* 4.19East-Jersey was, by the last Will of its proprie|tor, Sir George Carteret, ordered to be sold, at his death, to pay his debts.* 4.20—He died in 1679; and

it was accordingly disposed of, and conveyed, to twelve persons, or proprietors, and to their heirs and assigns, by indenture of lease and release, bearing date the first and second of February, 1681-2:— Of which Philip Carteret had remained Governor ever since the quintipartite division, in 1676, as well as before, till about this time; Elizabeth-town being then the capital, or the place of the Gover|nor's residence. The names of the twelve pro|prietors were, William Penn, Robert West,* 4.21 Tho|mas Rudyard, Samuel Groome, Thomas Hart, Richard Mew, Thomas Wilcox, of London, Gold|smith, Ambrose Rigg, John Haywood, Hugh Hartshorne, Clement Plumsted and Thomas Coo|per.

These twelve proprietors soon took in twelve others, making, in all, twenty-four.* 4.22 The names of the latter twelve proprietors were, James, Earl of Perth, John Drummond, Robert Barclay, Ro|bert Gordon, Aarent Sonmans, Gawen Lawrie, Edward Byllinge, James Braine, William Gibson, Thomas Barker, Robert Turner, and Thomas Warne. They published an account of their coun|try, a fresh project for a town, (Perth Amboy) and a method of disposing of their lands. Their plan was popular; and many, especially of the Scotch, resorted thither: and to these proprietors the Duke of York made a fresh grant of East-Jersey, bear|ing date, the 14th. of March, 1682.

Many, if not most, of these proprietors were Friends, or Quakers; Robert Barclay of Urie,* 4.23 in Scotland, a very noted person in that society, as before mentioned, being one or them, was by the rest of the proprietors, in 1683, made Governor of East-Jersey, for life; Thomas Rudyard, of the same society, from London, likewise a proprietor,

being his deputy; who, either at, or before, this time, had arrived in the province; but he was soon after succeeded by Gawen Lawrie of London, (one of the proprietors of both East and West-Jersey) under Robert Barclay.* 4.24

* 5.1East and West-Jersey thus continued, in an in|creasing and prosperous state, for a number of years, or till about the year 1701; when the na|ture of their governments, which were invested in such a large number of proprietors, occasioned so

much inconveniency, dispute; party and confusion, that, in the following year, the proprietors of both divisions agreed to surrender the government; which was accordingly done by them, to Queen Ann, by an instrument, dated the 15th. day of April, 1702. Since which time they both have continued, in prosperity, united in one government, immediately under the Crown.

It may be further observed from S. Smith's ac|count of this province,

"That the whole extent of it,* 5.2 from North to South, or from Cape May, in latitude 39 degrees, to the north station point, in latitude 41 degrees, 40 minutes, at 69 ½ miles to a degree, is about 184 miles; and its greatest breadth, about 60 miles; but supposing it, at a medium, to be 150, in length, and 50, in breadth, the whole province, must then contain 4,800,000 acres; of which one-fourth part (probably more) is poor, barren, land, in respect to tillage; but, in part, abounding with pines and cedars, and some few tracts of swamp, that will make meadow.

East Jersey is divided into five Counties,* 5.3 viz. Middlesex, Monmouth, Essex, Somerset, and Bergen. West-Jersey, into eight, as, Burlington, Gloucester, Salem, Cumberland, Cape May, Hunterdon, Mor|ris and Sussex.

"It is supposed that West-Jersey,* 5.4 contains more acres, than the eastern division, and, in return, took more barren land. East-Jersey, now in 1765, is supposed to have located nearly 468,000 acres, good land, and 96,000 acres of pine land. The proprietors of West-Jersey, soon after their arrival, divided among them 500,000 acres; which they called the first dividend: since which, at different times, they have issued directions for each proprie|tor's taking his part of four other dividends, of the like quantity, amounting in the whole, with allowance of five per cent. for roads, to 2,625,000;

conjectured by many to be full as much as the division contains; of this the far greater part is already surveyed; what yet remains are chiefly the rights of minors and people abroad."

* 5.5The vicinity of the cities of New-York to East-Jersey, and of Philadelphia to West-Jersey, has carried most of their foreign trade to these two places; to which the inhabitants resort, in that respect, as to the capitals of each respective divi|sion; so that there is no town of very considerable trade, size, or importance, in that otherwise rich, plentiful and flourishing colony of New-Jersey.

Notes

• * 1.1

  W. Penn concerned in the set|tlement of West-New-Jersey, &c.
• * 1.2

  1675. Lord Berkeley fells West-Jersey, &c.
• * 1.3

  Both Fenwicke and Byllinge are said to have been of the people cal|led Quakers; respecting whose particular characters, nothing very mate|rial appears.—Fenwicke brought with him two daughters, and many ser|vants:—two of the latter, viz. Samuel Hodge and John Adams afterwards married his daughters. Some of the others in this ship, were Edmund Champness, Fenwicke's son in law, Edward Wade, Samuel Wade, John Smith and wife, Samuel Nicholson, Richard Guy, Richard Noble, Richard Hancock, John Pledger, Hipolite Lufever, and John Matlack; these, and others with them, were masters of families.
• * 1.4

  First En|glish ship arrives at W. Jersey.
• * 1.5

  Names of the propri|etors.
• * 1.6

  1675.
• * 1.7

  1676. Proceed|ings res|pecting W. N. Jersey.
• * 1.8

  Division of New-Jer|sey, into East and West, &c.
• * 1.9

  Richard Hartshorne lived in Middletown, in East-Jersey; he was one of the people called Quakers, of good reputation, public character, and of a benevolent disposition, in those early times. He came thither from London, in the seventh month, old style, 1669; where he lived many years. There are several of his descendants, still inhabitants of these parts.
• * 1.10

  Extract of the proprie|tor's letter to R. Harts|horne.
• † 1.11

  The division line between East and West-Jersey, as it was afterwards run and marked out, about the year 1687, and agreed to, in the next following year, by Coxe and Barclay, the respective Governors of each divi|sion, more particularly, proceeded from Little Egg Harbour, N. by W. and 30 degrees and 5 minutes more westerly 60 miles, to the corner of John Do|bie's plantation, on the south branch of Raritan river; from thence con|tinuing behind that and other plantations, to that of James Dundas: It proceeded from the most north westerly part thereof, north-eastward, to the north branch of said river; thence by the largest branch thereof, to its north end; from thence to the nearest part of Pasaick river; whence following its course, and that of Paquanick river, so long as it runs northerly, or northwesterly; those rivers still being the bounds be|tween both provinces; and if the latter do not run far enough to the la|titude of 41 degrees, then from said river, by a straight line northward to the latitude, the utmost north partition point, from which point, a straight line drawn due east, to the partition point, on Hudson's river, to be the boundary between East-Jersey and New York."

  S. Smith's history of New-Jersey.
• * 1.12

  To these two persons the said ten parts had been conveyed by Fen|wicke; being together with a certain sum of money, the proportion, or satisfaction, agreed on between him and Byllinge, and conveyed to him by the latter, for his service and trouble, in the concern.
• * 1.13

  Proprietors of West-Jersey were Quakers.
• * 1.14

  Their con|cern for an orderly set|tlement, &c.
• * 1.15

  This epistle was as follows, viz.

  Dear friends and Brethren,

  In the pure love and precious fellowship of our Lord Jesus Christ we very dearly salute you;—Forasmuch as there was a paper printed se|veral months ago, entitled, "The description of New-West-Jersey, in which our names were mentioned, as Trustees for one undivided moiety of the said province, and because it is alledged, that some, partly on this ac|count, and others apprehending that the paper, by the manner of its expression, came from the body of Friends, as a religious society of people, and not from particulars, have, through these mistakes, weakly concluded, that the said description, in matter and form, might be writ, printed and recommended on purpose to prompt and allure people to dis-settle and transplant themselves, as its also by some alledged; and because we are informed that several have, on that account, taken encouragement and resolution to transplant themselves and families to that province; and left any of them (as is feared by some) should go out of a curious and unsettled mind; and others to shun the testimony of the blessed Cross of Jesus; of which several weighty friends have a godly jealousy upon their spirits, left an unwarrantable forwardness should act or hurry, any be|side, or beyond, the wisdom and counsel of the Lord, or the freedom of his light and spirit, in their own hearts, and not upon good and weighty grounds; it truly laid upon us to let Friends know how the matter stands; which we shall endeavour to do with all clearness and fidelity.

  1. That there is such a place as New-Jersey is certain.

  2. That it is reputed of those, who have lived and travelled in that country to be wholesome of air, and fruitful of soil, and capable of sea trade, is also certain; and it is not right, in any, to despise it, or disswade those, that find freedom from the Lord, and necessity put upon them, on going.

  3. That the Duke of York sold it to those called Lord Berkeley, Ba|ron of Stratton, and Sir George Carteret; equally to be divided between them, is also certain.

  4. One moiety, or half part, of the said province, being the right of the Lord Berkeley, was sold by him to John Fenwicke, in trust for Edward Byllinge, and his assigns.

  5. Forasmuch as Edward Billinge (after William Penn had ended the ••••erence between E. Byllinge and J. Fenwicke) was willing to present his interest, in the said province, to his creditors, as all that he had left him, towards their satisfaction, he desired W. Penn (though every way unconcerned) and Gawen Lawrie and Nicholas Lucas, two of his credi|tors, to be trustees, for performance of the same; and because several of his creditors, particularly and very importunately pressed W. Penn to accept of the trust, for their sakes and security, we did, all of us, comply with these, and the like requests, and accepted of the trust.

  6. Upon this we became trustees for one moiety of the said province, yet undivided; and after do little labour, trouble and cost, a division was obtained between the said Sir George Carteret and us, as trustees: the country is situated and bounded, as is expressed in the printed description.

  7. This now divided moiety is to be cast into one hundred parts, lots or proprieties; ten of which, upon the agreement, made betwixt E. Billinge and J. Fenwicke, his executors and assigns, with a consider|able sum of money by way of satisfaction, for what he became concerned in the purchase from the said Lord Berkeley, and by him afterwards con|veyed to John Edridge and Edmond Warner, their heirs and assigns.

  8. The ninety parts remaining are exposed to sale; on behalf of the creditors of the said Edward Byllinge. And forasmuch several friends are concerned as creditors, as well as others, and the disposal of so great a part of this country being in our hands; we did in real tenderness and regard to friends, and especially to the poor and necessitous, make friends the first offer; that if any of them, though particularly those, who being low in the world, and under trials about a comfortable livelihood for themselves and families, should be desirous of dealing for any part or parcel thereof, that they might have the refusal.

  9. This was the real and honest intent of our hearts, and not to prompt, or allure any out of their places, either by the credit our names might have with our people throughout the nation, or by representing the thing otherwise than it is in itself.

  As to the printed paper, some time since set forth by the creditors, as a description of that province, we say, as to two passages in it, they are not so clearly and safely worded as ought to have been; particularly in seeming to hint, the Winter season to be so short a time; when, on fur|ther information, we hear it is sometimes longer, and sometimes shorter, than therein expressed; and the last clause, relating to liberty of conscience, we would not have any to think, that it is promised or intended, to main|tain the liberty of the exercise of religion by force of arms; though we shall never consent to any the least violence on conscience; yet it was never designed to encourage any to expect by force of arms, to have liberty of conscience fenced against invaders thereof.

  And be it known unto you all, in the name and fear of Almighty God, his Glory and Honor, Power and Wisdom, Truth and Kingdom, is dearer to us, than all visible things; and as our eye has been single, and our hearts sincere, in the living God, in this, as in other things, so we desire all, whom it may concern, that all groundless jealousies may be judged down, and watched against; and that all extremes may be avoided, on all hands, by the power of the Lord; that nothing which hurts or grieves the holy life of truth in any that goes or stays, may be adhered to, nor any provocation given to break precious unity.

  This am I, William Penn, moved of the Lord to write unto you, left any bring a temptation upon themselves, or others; and, in offend|ing the Lord, slay their own Peace. Blessed are they that can see and behold him their Leader, their Orderer, their Conductor and Preserver in staying and going; whose is the earth and the fulness thereof, and the cattle upon a thousand hills. And, as we formerly writ, we cannot but repeat our request unto you, that, in whomsoever a desire is to be con|cerned in this intended plantation, such would weigh the thing before the Lord, and not headily, or rashly, conclude on any such remove; and that they do not offer violence to the tender love of their near kindred and relations, but soberly and conscientiously endeavour to obtain their good wills; the unity of friends, where they live; that, whether they go, or stay, it may be of good favour before the Lord, and good people; from whom only can all heavenly and earthly blessings come;—This we thought good to write, for the preventing all misunderstandings, and to declare the real truth of the matter; and so we recommend you all to the Lord, who is the watchman of his Israel. We are your real friends and bre|thren.

  WILLIAM PENN. GAWEN LAWRIE. NICHOLAS LUCAS.
• * 2.1

  1667. Arrival of the Kent, &c.
• * 2.2

  Names of the Com|missioners.
• * 2.3

  Of these Commissioners, Richard Guy came in the first ship; John Kinsey died at Shackamaxon, (the Indian name of the place, where Ken|sington stands, near Philadelphia) soon after his landing.

  Among the purchasers of the West-Jersey lands, were two companies, both consisting of friends, or Quakers; the one of persons from Yorkshire, the other from London. These contracted for large shares, and had patents for them.—See the concessions, in Smith's appendix to the history of New-Jersey, No. 2, &c.

  Those of the county of York, were, Thomas Hutchinson of Beverly, Thomas Pearson of Bonwicke, Joseph Helmsley of Great Kelle, George Hutchinson of Sheffield, and Mahion Stacy of Hansworth. All these were principal creditors of Edward Byllinge; and to these, several of the other creditors made assignments of their debts, which together amounted to 3500 pounds sterling; and they took, in satisfaction for the sum, one-tenth part of West-Jersey; which was conveyed to them by Willam Penn, Gawen Lawrie and Nicholas Lucas, and Edward Byllinge, in two different deeds, dated the first of the month called March, 1676.

  Smith's history of New-Jersey.

  The Yorkshire Commissioners were Joseph Helmsley, William Emley, and Robert Stacy;—those of London, were John Penford. Thomas Olive, Daniel Wills and Benjamin Scots.

  ibid.
• * 2.4

  Passengers on board the Kent, &c.
• * 2.5

  They and|ed at Rac|koon-creek, &c.
• * 2.6

  The Com|missioners treat with the Indians, &c.
• * 2.7

  Thomas Olive, the first mentioned of these Commissioners, by the Kent, was afterwards Governor of West-Jersey, and in other respects, a man of importance; being both a preacher and writer among the Quakers. While he was in the magistracy, by his skill and prudent management, he acquired an universally good character; and in both his religious and civil capacity and deportment, through life, he is said to have merited and obtained the general love and esteem of all people, till his death; which was about the year 1692, at Rankokas, where he had lived.

  To form an idea of the price of lands, then purchased of the Indians, the following instance may suffice, viz.

  "The price of the lands, situated between Oldman's-creek, and Timber-creek, extending about twenty miles on the river Delaware, purchased this year, (1677) consisted of thirty matchcoats, twenty guns, thirty kettles, and one great one, thirty pair of hose, twenty fathom of duffelds, thirty petticoats, thirty narrow hoes, thirty bars of lead, fifteen small barrels of powder, seventy knives, thirty Indian axes, seventy combs, sixty pair of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tongs, sixty pair of scizzars, sixty Tinshaw looking glasses, one hundred and twenty awl blades, one hundred and twenty fish hooks, two grasps of red paint, one hundred and twenty needles, sixty tobacco boxes, two hundred bells, one hundred Jews harps, sixty anchors of rum."

  Smith's history of New-Jersey.

  In the same history it is mentioned in another place, about the year, 1703, when the price of lands was consequenly much advanced, viz.

  "The council (of proprietors) have made two purchases, amounting to, according to our best computation, the number of one hundred and fifty thousand acres, at least; the cost thereof to the Indians, with other inci|dental charges, will amount to about the sum of seven hundred pounds."

  Ibid.
• * 2.8

  Burlington laidout, &c.
• * 2.9

  S. Smith, &c.
• † 2.10

  Some of the masters of families, who came in the ship last menti|oned, and settled in and about Burlington, were Thomas Olive, Daniel Wills, William Peachy, William Clayton, John Crips, Thomas Eve••, Thomas Harding, Thomas Nositer, Thomas Fairnsworth, Morgan Drewet, William Pennton, Henry Jennings, William Hibes, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Lovett, John Woolston, William Woodmancy, Christopher Saund•••• and Robert Powel;—John Wilkinson and William Perkins died in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 passage.—Perkins, early in life, joined in society with the Quarkers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lived well, in Leicestershire;—and in the fifty-second year of his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with his wife, four children, and some servants, embarked in this ship— among his servants was one, by name, Marshall, a Carpenter, a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 serviceable person, in fitting up the new habitations."

  Smith's history of New-J••••.

  Extract from John Crips's letter, dated, Burlington, on Delaware, 26th. 8th. month, 1677, to his friend Henry Stacy, in England.

  "Here is a town (Burlington) laid out for twenty proprieties, and a straight line, drawn from the river side (Delaware) up the land, which is to be the main street, and a market place about the middle. The York|shire ten proprietors are to build on one side, and the London ten, on the other side; and they have ordered one street to be made along the river side; which is not divided with the rest, but in small lots by itself, and every one that hath any part in a propriety, is to have his share in it. The town lots for every propriety will be about ten or eleven 〈◊〉〈◊〉 which is only for a house, orchard and gardens, &c."

  Thomas Budd, who owned a share of propriety in West Jersey, being ancestor to a large family there; and who arrived at Burlington in 1678, in a Pamphlet, describing the country about nine or ten years afterwards, says,

  "The Indians told us, in a conference at Burlington, shortly after we came into the country, they were advised to make war on us, and cut 〈◊〉〈◊〉 off, while we were but few; for that we sold them the Small Pox, with the Match coat they had bought of us:—Which caused our peo|ple to be in fears and jealousies concerning them: therefore we sent for the Indian Kings, to speak with them, who with many more Indians, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Burlington, where we had a conference with them, about the ••••tter. We told them, we came amongst them by their own consent, and had bought the land of them; for which we had honestly paid, as well as for all the commodities which we had, at any time bought of 〈◊〉〈◊〉; that we had been just, kind, and respectful to them, from the time of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 first coming; and therefore, know no reason that they had to make 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on us. To which one of them in, behalf of the rest, made the fol|lowing speech in answer."

  "Our young men may speak such words as we do not like, nor ap|p••••••e of; and we cannot help it. And some of your young men may speak such words as you do not like; and you cannot help that:— We are your brothers, and intend to live like brothers with you; we have no mind to have war, for when we have war, we are only skin and bones, the meat that we eat does us no good; we always are in fear, we have not the benefit of the sun to shine on us; we hide us in holes and corners; we are minded to live in peace. If we intend, at any time, to make war upon you, we will let you know of it, and the reasons why we make war with you; and if you make us satisfaction for the injury done us, for which the war was intended, then we will not make war on you; and if you intend at any time, to make war on us, we would have you let us know of it, and the reason; and if we do not make satisfaction for the injury done unto you, then you may make war on us; otherwise you ought not to do it: you are our brothers, and we are wil|ling to live like brothers with you; we are willing to have a bread path, for you and us to walk in; and if an Indian is asleep in this path, the Englishman shall pass by and do him no harm. And if an Englishman be asleep in this path, the Indian shall pass by him and say "he is an English|man; he is asleep, let him alone, he loves sleep." It shall be a plain path; ••here must not be in this path stump, to hurt our feet. And as to the small-pox, it was once in my grandfather's time; and it could not be the English, that could send it to us then; there being no English, in the country; and it was once in my father's time, they could not send it us then neither; and now it is in my time; I do not believe they have sent it to us now; I do believe it is the Man above that hath sent it us."

  "Some are apt to ask, how we can propose safely to live among such a Harthen people, as the Indians, whose principles and practices lead them to war and bloodshed; and ours on the contrary, to love enemies? I an|swer, that we settled by the Indians consent and goodliking, and bought the land of them, that we settle on; which they conveyed to us by deeds, under their hands and seals; and also submitted to several articles •• agreement with us, viz. not to do us any injury; but if it should so happe•• that any of their people, any time, should injure, or do harm to any 〈◊〉〈◊〉 us, then they were to make us satisfaction, for the injury done. There|fore if they break these covenants and agreements, then, in consequently thereof, they may be proceeded against, as other offenders, viz. to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in subjection to the Magistrate's power; into whose hands the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 justice is committed to be used by him, for the punishment of evil-doers, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the praise of them that do well: therefore I do believe it to be both ••••••+ful and expedient to bring offenders to justice, by the power of the ••••|gistrate's sword; which is not to be used in vain;—but may be used aga•••••••• such as raise rebellions and insurrections against the government of the c••••••+try, be they Christians or Indians, (now that these have so far agreed to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the laws of civil government) otherwise it is in vain for us to prov•••••• to magistracy, or government; it being that, which we own to be lawful both in principle and practice.

  —"The Indians have been very serviceable to us, by selling 〈◊〉〈◊〉 venison, Indian corn, peas and beans, fish and fowl:"—"The ••••|men plant the corn and carry burdens. There are many of them of a good understanding considering their education;—and in their 〈◊〉〈◊〉 meetings of business, they have excellent order; one speaking after ano+ther; and while one is speaking all the rest keep silent, and do not so much as whisper one to the other.

  "We had several meetings with them; one was in order to put down the sale of rum, brandy and other strong liquors, to them; they being a people, that have not government of themselves, so as to drink in mode|ration. At which time there were eight Kings, (one of them was Oka|nickon, a noted friend to the English) and many other Indians. The Kings sat on a form, and we on another, over against them. They had prepa|red four belts of Wampum (so their current money is called, being black and white beads, made of a fish shell) to give us as seals of the cove|nant, they made with us. One of the Kings by the consent and appoint|ment of the rest stood up, and made this following speech:

  —"The strong liquor was first sold us by the Dutch; and they are blind; they had no eyes, they did not see that it was for our hurt. The next people that came among us, were the Swedes, who continued the sale of these strong liquors to us; they were also blind; they had no eyes, they did not see it to be hurtful to us to drink it; although we know it to be hurtful to us; but if people will sell it to us, we are so in love with it, that we cannot forbear it. When we drink it, it makes us mad; we do not know what to do: we then abuse one another; we throw each other into the fire. Seven score of our people have been killed by reason of the drinking it, since the time it was first sold us. Those people that sell it are blind; they have no eyes:—But now there is a people come to live amongst us, that have eyes; they see it to be for our hurt, and we know it to be for our hurt; they are willing to deny themselves the pro|fit of it, for our good: Those people have eyes; we are glad such a peo|ple are come among us: we must put it down by mutual consent; the cask must be sealed up: it must be made fast; it must not leak by day nor by night, in light nor in the dark; and we give you these four belts of Wampum; which we would have you lay up safe, and keep by you, to be witnesses of this agreement, that we make with you; and we would have you tell your children, that these four belts of Wampum are given you, to be witnesses betwixt us and you, of this agreement."

  S. Smith's history of New Jersey.
• * 2.11

  1677.
• * 2.12

  The indi|ans kind helpful to the first and early setlers, &c.
• * 2.13

  Some masters of families, in this ship, were, Thomas Wright, William Goforth, John Lynam, Edward Season, William Black, Rich|ard Dungworth, George Miles, William Wood, Thomas Schooly, Richard Harrison, Thomas Hooton, Samuel Taylor, Marmaduke Hors|man, William Oxley, William Ley, and Nathanial Luke. The fami|lies of Robert Stacy and Samuel Odas; and Thomas Ellis and John Batts, servants sent by George Hutchinson, came in this ship.—Twenty of the passengers were said to be living 45 years afterwards.

  Ibid.

  Note, Many who came servants, and were industrious, succeeded better, than some who brought estates, or fortunes, &c. the former, being more generally better suited to encounter the hardships and diffi|culties of a new country, often acquired considerable possessions; while the latter, being accustomed to live, and depend, on their fortunes, and what they brought with them, had the disadvantage; and sometimes spent all they had, and were reduced to indigence, in a country, where servants were difficult to be had or kept: and the lower class of peo|ple naturally became more independant, than in old countries, &c.
• * 2.14

  Arrival of John Kin|sey, &c.
• * 2.15

  Account of his son J. Kinsey, &c.
• * 2.16

  1678.
• * 2.17

  Arrival of Shield, &c.
• * 2.18

  In this vessel came William Emley, the second time, with his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and children, and both men and women servants; Mahlon Stacy, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his wife and children, and several both men and women servants; Tho+mas Lambert, his wife, children, men and women servants; Jo•••• Lambert and servants; Thomas Revell, hit wife, children and servants, Godfrey Hancock, his wife, children and servants; Thomas Potts, his wife and children; John Wood, and four children; Robert Muffin, his wife and children; Robert Schooly, his wife and children; James Pharo, his wife and children; Susannah Fairnsworth, her children and two ser|vants; Richard Tattersal, his wife and children; Godfrey Newhold, John Dewsbury, Richard Green, Peter Fretwell, John Fretwell, John Newbold; one, by name, Barnes, a merchant, from Hull, Francis Berwick, George Parks, George Hill, John Heyre, and others.

  In this year (1678) also arrived a ship from London, which brought John Denn, Thomas Kent, John Hollingshead, with their families William Hewlings, Abraham Hewlings, Jonathan Eldridge, John Petty, Thomas Kirby, with others:—the former of these settled about Salem; the rest, at Burlington.

  About this time, and a few years afterwards, arrived, at Burlington, the following settlers, from England, viz. John Butcher, Henry Gr|••bb, William Butcher, William Brightwen, Thomas Gardner, John Budd, John Burten, Seth Smith, Walter Pumphrey, Thomas Ellis, James Satterthwaite, Richard Arnold, John Woolman, John Stacy, Thomas Eves, Benjamin Duffeld, John Payne, Samuel Cleft, William Cooper, John Shinn, William Biles, John Skein, John Warrel, Anthony Morris, Samuel Bunting, Charles Reed, Francis Collins, Thomas Matthew, Christopher Wetherill, John Dewsbury, John Day, Richard Basnett, John Antrom, William Biddle, Samuel Furnace, John Ladd, Thomas Raper, Roger Huggins and Thomas Wood.

  Smith's history of New-Jersey.
• * 2.19

  1680.
• * 2.20

  The duty imposed at Hoarkill, discontinu|ed, &c.
• * 2.21

  In the present year 1680, arrived Sammuel Jenings, with his family, from Coder-Hill, in Buckinghamshire. He was person of some note and eminence; a preacher among the Quakers, and sometime Governor of the province;—His letter, after his arrival, directed to William Penn, Edward Byllinge, or G. Lawrie, further mentions the discontinuance of this imposition, as follows:

  Dear Friends,

  THIS may give you an account of mine, and my family's safe ar|rival in New-Jersey, with all the rest that came with us.—I might say something concerning our passage at sea, but I wave it, for want of time; and, in fine, may observe, all was well; for which I bless God; and the Lord keep us all sensible of it, with the rest of his mercies, for ever.

  Dear Friends, about six weeks since we arrived in Delaware river, where I expected to have met with a combat, in the denial of Customs. In our passage, at sea, I had communicated to all that had any conside|rable cargo on board, the opinion of Council, concerning the illegal demand thereof, with what else I thought might be for their information; which thus far prevailed, that most, if not all, concerned, seemed re|solved to deny the paying of custom here; having paid all the King's duties in England. In good time we came to anchor, in Delaware; where one Peter Alricks (collector of the customs) came aboard, and brought a handsome present to our Commander, and sent for me into the Round-house, where they both were; and Peter told me, he had nothing to say to us, relating to customs; he had no commission for it; nor did he know of any body that had; so we had all our goods safely landed after this unexpected easy manner.

  In pursuance of the trust committed to me after my arrival, I ac|quainted those nominated in the commission with me, of it; but in a short time after I received your letters, giving me an account of a new grant obtained, wherein the customs are taken off; a free port confirmed, and the government settled on Edward Byllinge; which I doubt not will be very acceptable to every honest man. But, as yet I have not had time to let the people, in general, know it: and now seeing the ports are made legally free, and the government settled, I would not have any thing to remain as a discouragement to planters; here are several good and convenient settlements already, and here is land enough, and good enough, for many more.

  SAMUEL JENINGS.

  New-Jersey, 17th. of October, 1680.
• * 3.1

  See S. Smith's history of N. Jersey.
• * 3.2

  The new Colonists well pleased with the country.
• * 4.1

  Extract of a letter res|pecting the provi|sions and native pro|duce of the country.
• * 4.2

  Plenty in New-Jer|sey, in 1680.
• * 4.3

  1681.
• * 4.4

  S. Jenings made De|puty Go|vernor un|der E. Byl|linge, &c.
• * 4.5

  Note. In the year 1683, Gawen Lawrie, arriving Deputy-Governor of East-Jersey, under Robert Barclay, writes thus from Elizabeth-town, to the proprietors, at London, viz.

  —"There is not a poor man in all the province, nor that wants; here is abundance of provision; pork and beef at two pence per pound; fish and fowl plenty; oysters, I think, would serve all England; wheat four shillings sterling per bushel; Indian wheat two shillings and six|pence; it is exceeding good for food every way; and two or three hun|dred fold increase: cyder good and plenty, for one penny per quart. Good drink, that is made of water and molasses, stands in about two shillings per barrel;—good venison plenty, brought in to us at eighteen pence the quarter; eggs at three pence per dozen; all things very plenty; la••d very good as ever I saw: vines, walnuts, peaches, strawberries, and many other things plenty in the woods."
• * 4.6

  About this time a large number of settlers, chiefly friends, or Quakers, from Dublin, and places adjacent, in Ireland, arrived at Elsing|burg, near Salem; some of whom, John and Andrew Thompson, and Robert Zane settled there: others went up to Burlington, and several of them settled at New-Town creek; where the Indians were shy, at first, but after becoming more acquainted, they were very kind, friendly and helpful to them.

  In the year 1682, the names of the members of Assembly, which was the second Assembly, under Jenings, were,

  "Thomas Olive, Speaker, Mahlon Stacy, Joshua Wright, John Lam|bert, Thomas Lambert, William Emley, Godfrey Hancock, Daniel Leeds, Thomas Wright, Samuel Borcen, Robert Stacy, Thomas Budd, Daniel Wills, senior, Thomas Gardiner, John Crips, John White, John Chaffin, Bernard Davenish, Isaac Marriott, William Peachy, William Cooper, Mark Newby, Thomas Thackery, Robert Zane, James Nevill, Richard Guy, Mark Reeves, Richard Hancock, John Smith, John Pledger, Edward Wade, George Deacon, and Samuel Hedge.

  Those of the Council were,

  "Thomas Olive, Robert Stacy, Mahlon Stacy, William Biddle, Thomas Budd, John Chaffin, James Nevill, Daniel Wills, Mark Newby, Elias Farre.

  Justices for Burlington.

  "William Biddle, Robert Stacy, Elias Farre, Mahlon Stacy, John Chaffin, Thomas Budd, Benjamin Scott, John Crips, Thomas Thack|ery.

  Justices for Salem,

  "James Nevill, George Deacon, Richard Hancock, Edward Wade.

  Commissioners for laying out lands, &c.

  "Elias Farre, William Biddle, Thomas Budd, Thomas Gardiner, Mark Newby, James Nevill, Thomas Olive, Robert Stacy, Benjamin Scott, William Cooper.

  Sheriff for Burlington, John White.

  Sheriff for Salem, Thomas Woodruffe.

  Provincial Clerk and Recorder for Burlington, Thomas Revell.

  Ditto for Salem, Samuel Hedge.

  Surveyor, Daniel Leads.

  Constables, Robert Schooly, John Pancoast, John Burten, William Brightwen, Thomas Sharp."

  Among the laws, passed in West-Jersey, under the administration of Jenings, anno 1683, the following indicates their views and care for an orderly, industrious and reputable settlement, &c. viz.

  "And whereas, it hath pleased God to commit this country and pro|vince into the hands of such, who (for the generality of them) are fearing God, and painful and industrious, in the promoting and im|proving the said province; and, for the better preventing of such as are profane, loose and idle and scandalous, from settling amongst us, who are, and will be, not only unserviceable, but greatly burdensome to the province: It is therefore hereby enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that all person and persons, who shall transport him, or themselves into this province, shall, within eighteen months after he, or they, shall arrive, in the said province, procure and produce a certificate, under the hands of such of that religious society, to whom he or they did be|long, or otherwise, from two Magistrates, if procurable, or two Con|stables, or Overseers of the poor, with three, or more, creditable per|sons of the neighbourhood, who inhabit, or belong to the place, where he, or they, did last reside, as may give satisfaction, that is to say, that he, or they came not clandestinely, or fraudently away; and if un|married, that he, or she, are clear from former engagements, in that particular; and also, that he, or she, are such as live soberly and honestly, to the best of their knowledge; and that no Justice shall presume to marry any such person or persons, who shall come into this province, before such certificate be produced; or that it be laid before the Governor, or two Justices, and give them sufficient satisfaction concerning their clearness; and that all such person and persons, who shall settle in the said province, and shall refuse, or neglect to produce such certificate, as aforesaid, within the said eighteen months, shall be fined at the discre|tion of the Governor and Council of the said province, not exceeding twenty pounds; the same to be levied by distress and sale on the offend|er's goods, and to be paid into the hands of the Treasurer of the said Province."
• * 4.7

  Religious state of W. N. Jersey, in early time.
• * 4.8

  The following is an extract from a manuscript, written by one of the passengers, in the Shield, from Hull, in 1678.

  "The first settlers were mostly of the people called Quakers, who were well beloved where they came from, and had valuable estates: and though while they lived in their native country, they had plenty of all necessaries, yet their desire to remove to America was so strong, that they could not be content without going thither; and chose to ven|ture themselves, their wives, children, and all they had, in the under|taking."—

  —"But, notwithstanding the masters of families were men of good estates, yet, before they could get their land in order, and corn and stock about them, they endured great hardships, and went through many diff••••••ties and straits; nevertheless I never perceived any of them to repine, or repent of their coming."—

  "As it is said in holy writ, the preparations of the heart, in ma•••••• of the Lord, so it may well be believed, that the hearts of these people were prepared for this service; even, to labor for the replenishing of the land; it being a wilderness indeed, and they unacquainted with the na|ture of the soil, and also with the inhabitants; altogether pilgrims and strangers, at their first coming among them."

  "A providential hand was very visible and remarkable, in many in|stances, that might be mentioned;—and the Indians were, even, rendered our benefactors and protectors!—Without any carnal weapon we entered the land; and inhabited therein, as safe as if there had been thousands of garrisons;—For the most High preserved us from harm both of man and beast:—and as the English increased more and more, there came such a sore distemper among the Indians that they died so fast that, in some places, their bodies wasted above ground."

  "Many were the instances, whose consideration might be useful to future generations, and the steps of their forefathers and elders, instruc|tive to posterity."

  —"The aforesaid people were zealous in performing their religious service; for having, at first, no meeting-house to keep public meetings in, they made a tent, or covert, of sail cloth, to meet under; and after they got some little houses to dwell in, then they kept their meetings in one of them, till they could build a meeting house."—Thomas Olive and William Peachy were two of the first settlers, who had a public Ministry.

  "Samuel Jenings and his wife, Ann, were early comers to American and of worthy memory, endued with both spiritual and temporal wis|dom;—some part of his time he was made Governor of West-Jersey;—he was a suppressor of vice, and an encourager of virtue;—sharp towards evil doers, but tender and loving to them that did well; giving good counsel, and wholesome advice to friends and neighbours;—an able minister of the gospel; and laboured much therein; to the comfort and edification of many people, both in this province, and other places," &c. M. S.

  Note. Among those of this society, who arrived in this province, before the grant of Pennsylvania to William Penn, in 1681, or soon after|wards, the following persons appear to be mentioned, as active and useful, not only in their own religious society, but most of them also in a civil capacity, in and about Burlington, viz.

  John Butcher, Henry Grubb, William Butcher, William Brightwen, Thomas Gardiner, Thomas Foulke, John Bourten, Samuel Jenings, Seth Smith, Walter Pomphrey, Thomas Ellis, James Satterthwaite, Richard Arnold, John Woolman, John Stacy, Thomas Eves, John Payne, Sa|muel Cleft, William Cooper, John Shinn and William Biles.—And about this time, or soon afterwards, arrived John Skein, Anthony Mor|ris, Samuel Bunting, Francis Collins, Thomas Matthews, Christopher Wetherill, John Dewsbury, John Day, Richard Basnett, John Antrom, William Biddle and Samuel Furnace.

  Among the women of worthy and eminent character, in the same society, at this time, appear to have been, Elizabeth Gardiner, Sarah Biddle, Elizabeth Hooten, Helen Skein, Ann Butcher, Susannah Bright|wen, Mary Crips, Frances Antrom, Frances Taylor, Ann Jenings, Joan Atkinson, Susannah Budd, Judith Noble, Ann Peachy, &c.

  John Woolston is said to have been a person of good esteem among his friends, the Quakers at Burlington; and that during more than twenty years fatigue of a new settlement, he ever proved himself a ready friend kind neighbour, and a valuable member of society till his death, in 1698.

  Thomas Gardiner was a man of eminence among the Quakers and early settlers in Burlington and West-Jersey. He served in several public offi|ces, in the government, with honor and fidelity;—was very skilful in a variety of business;—a good surveyor, and a very useful member of society;—several years, one of the Council; Treasurer of the western division, and the first Speaker of the Assembly, after the union of the governments of East and West-Jersey, in 1703, He died at Burlington, in 1712.

  John Skein, was a native of Scotland; a person of great service and integrity, both in his religious and civil conduct; he was near two years Governor of West-Jersey, and died in the year 1687. He was a preacher among the Quakers; had suffered much for his religion, in his native country; where he had distinguished himself in its cause.
• * 4.9

  At first they meet under a tent, &c.
• * 4.10

  First objects of their care in their meetings of discipline, &c.
• * 4.11

  They write to the Y. meeting in London, &c.
• * 4.12

  This epistle was signed by John Woolston, Daniel Leeds, John But|cher, Henry Grubb, William Butcher, Seth Smith, Walter Pomphrey, Thomas Ellis, James Satterthwaite, Thomas Budd, William Peachy, William Brightwen, Thomas Gardiner, Robert Stacy, John Hollings|head, Robert Powell, John Burton, Samuel Jenings;—and by Rich|ard Arnold, John Woolman, John Stacy, Abraham Hulings, Peter Fretwell, Thomas Eves, John Payne, John Crips, Thomas Lambert, John Kinsey, Samuel Cleft, William Cooper, John Shin, William Biles, Thomas Harding, William Hulings.
• * 4.13

  The first general yearly meeting, &c. in 1681.
• † 4.14

  On the 31st. this yearly meeting entered upon regulating such affairs of the society, as then appeared first necessary, &c. particularly the ap|pointment of times and places of the different meetings for religious worship, and the discipline, or other business of the society:—among which a general meeting for worship was then agreed to be held yearly at Salem, on the second first day of the week in the Second month, &c.
• * 4.15

  The first religious meetings of this people, in New-Jersey, were re|gularly settled, first, at Shrewsbury, in 1670; second at Salem, in 1675. At the former place, in 1667, the settlers are said to have been either all, or most of them, Friends, or Quakers;—among whom Lewis Mor|ris, a Friend from Barbadoes, was one of the most considerable, &c. As to the latter place, or Salem, the Friends, who came with John Fen|wicke, in 1675, first settled a meeting there, on their arrival.

  Note. It may be further observed, that, among the records of early time, viz. about the years 1681 and 1682, there are several papers of religious advice, addressed,—"To the planters, and such as are transporting them selves to the plantations, in America," among the Quakers, by George Fox, the first and chief preacher, in that society; tending to inculcate such a principle and motive of acting and general practice, in life and man|ners, as, if duly adhered to, would render laws and punishments less necessary, by preventing the causes of them:—These exhorted to a due performance of certain Christian duties, both in a religious and civil ca|pacity; pointing out the infallible means of executing the same;—In which, that the reader may see a specimen of the nature of these advices, among other things, it is there expressed and advised, viz.

  1 "That, while they were making outward plantations, in America, they should not neglect the more important cultivation of their own minds, and that more excellent improvement, in heavenly riches, and true mental felicity; which is of more lasting duration, than all worldly objects; by faithfully discharging their duty to God, as well as to each other; and their inviting and instructing the Indians, and all people, where they came, in the knowledge and practice of true Christianity.

  2 "To keep to truth and uprightness, in all their dealings; taking no advantage from the distress of others, or the circumstances of the times; not to oppress any, through lucrative views, when in their power; nor to be elevated in mind by their temporal acquisitions; which the same hand of Providence, that gave them, could as easily take away:—and that their lives and conversations should be consistent with their professi|on, in all things, and not administer any real occasion for report, that they were become worse, through the increase of their worldly posses|sions; to the incumbering of their minds, and drawing them into a practice, incompatible with their real felicity.

  3. "That none should go beyond their abilities and capacities, in trade, and thereby risk the property of others, to their hurt; nor strive to be great, in the world; but to keep to moderation, in all things.

  4. "That all, who were in offices of government, as Governors, Judges, Justices, &c. should strictly adhere to justice and equity, distinguish|ing themselves by the faithful discharge of their duty, especially in helping the poor, fatherless and distressed, &c. (with many quotations out of the S. Scriptures, on this head) and, that, such as rule over others, should, in the first place, govern well their own families; recommending the examples of Daniel, Joseph, &c. to those in authority; and the Apostle's advice, "To submit to every ordinance of man, whether it be to the King, as supreme, or to Governors, as to them that are sent by them, &c.

  5. "And, that all these things, with many others, (too tedious here to particularize,) should be observed and done, from a sense, principle, or motive, of conscientious duty; which is a more noble and stronger ob|ligation, on the human mind, and far above what any slavish fear, or mere external force, or power of laws and punishments alone, is able to induce, or effect."
• * 4.16

  Y. M. since removed to Philadel|phia, &c.
• * 4.17

  Proportion of Quakers, meetings with others, &c.
• * 4.18

  Number of inhabitants, &c.
• * 4.19

  E. Jersey sold to 12 proprietors, &c.
• * 4.20

  "His Will is dated, December 5th. 1678; he devises to Edward, Earl of Sandwich, John Earl of Bath, Bernard Grenville, Sir Thomas Crew, Sir Robert Atkins and Edward Atkins, Esquire, and their heirs, among other lands, all his plantation of New-Jersey, upon trust and confidence, that they, and the survivors, or survivor of them, should make sale of all the said premises; and out of the money, that should, upon such sale, arise, pay and discharge debts, &c. as therein mentioned."

  Smith's history of New-Jersey.

  Note. George Keith, a scotchman, sometime Surveyor General of East-Jersey, and a noted person among the Quakers, is thought to have ar|rived about this time, (1682) or soon afterwards.

  Ibid.
• * 4.21

  Their names.
• * 4.22

  Names of other twelve, &c.
• * 4.23

  Robert Barclay in 1683, made Governor of East Jersey, &c.
• * 4.24

  Barclay's Commission was in the following words, viz.

  The proprietors of the province of East-New-Jersey to our trusty and well beloved fellow proprietor, Robert Barclay send Greeting:

  Whereas, the powers of government of the province of East-New-Jersey is devolved upon us, and assigned to us, by James duke of York, with power to constitute and appoint such Governor and Commissioners, for the well governing of the said province, as we shall see meet; and we having heretofore, out of the confidence, we had of Robert Barclay, his skill, prudence and integrity, constituted him Governor of the said province, to appoint a deputy, during his absence therefrom; to be ap|proved by sixteen of the proprietors: upon the same reason and confi|dence, we do hereby confirm to him the government of the said pro|vince, during all the days of his life; as to have the power of the govern|ment of all the said province, and of all isles, rivers, islands and seas, within the same, or belonging thereto; to do all, and every thing, or things, which to the charge and office of a Governor doth appertain; command|ing all inferior officers to obey him, as their Governor, according to this our commission, and the power hereby given him, and according to the laws and constitutions made, or confirmed, by us, or to be made; which he himself is to observe and follow; as unto his duty and office doth ap|pertain. And whereas, we have agreed, and are satisfied, for certain good reasons and considerations, moving us thereunto, to commit this trust unto him, and give him this character, without laying any neces|sity upon him, to repair to the said province; so likewise we have, and do hereby give him power, from time to time, as need shall be, during his absence, to name and constitute, and grant commission to a Deputy Governor to serve in the said province; he being always approved by six|teen of us the proprietors, and following the orders, he receives from us, according to the laws and constitutions of the said province.

  Given under the seal of the said province, and signed by our hands;

  dated at London, the 17th. of the Fifth month, cal|led July, in the year of our Lord, according to the English account, 1683.

  Note. "R. Barclay never came to the province. He died on the third of October 1690; having continued Governor till 1685▪—when Lord Neil Campbell, uncle to the Duke of Argyle, was appointed Governor, and came over to the province."—"In 1698, Sir Thomas Lane was Governor of East-Jersey."

  Smith's history of New-Jersey.
• * 5.1

  Govern|ment of E. and W. Jer|sey surren|dered to the crown anno 1702.
• * 5.2

  Extent of, and num|ber of acres in, N. Jer|sey.
• * 5.3

  Number of counties, &c.
• * 5.4

  Number of acres in W. Jersey, &c.

  S. Smith.
• * 5.5

  The trade of N. Jer|sey centers in Philadel|phia and N. York.