The history of Pennsylvania, in North America, from the original institution and settlement of that province, under the first proprietor and governor William Penn, in 1681, till after the year 1742; : with an introduction, respecting, the life of the late W. Penn, prior to the grant of the province, and the religious society of the people called Quakers; --with the first rise of the neighbouring colonies, more particularly of West-New-Jersey, and the settlement of the Dutch and Swedes on Delaware. : To which is added, a brief description of the said province, and of the general state, in which it flourished, principally between the years 1760 and 1770. : The whole including a variety of things, useful and interesting to be known, respecting that country in early time, &c. : With an appendix. / Written principally between the years 1776 and 1780, by Robert Proud. ; [Four lines of quotations in Latin] ; Volume I[-II].

INTRODUCTION. PART THE SECOND. CONTAINING, A short preliminary sketch of the first colonization of continental America by the English;—Of the Dutch and Swedish settlements, pretensions and proceedings, on Hudson's or North river, and on the bay and river of Delaware;—But more particularly, of the rise, government, and early transactions of the colony of West New Jersey, previous to those of Pennsylvania.

THE first European discovery of some of the in|sular parts of America, in the year 1492,* 1.1 by Chris|topher Columbus, and the success of his subsequent voyages, as well as those of Americus Vespucius, between the years 1496 and 1499, to that conti|nent, both in the service of Spain, are now so well known as here to need no repetition; and, for the same reason, it is unnecessary to specify, in this place, how, or why, this newly discovered part of the world was called America, from the name of the latter of these persons; whose last voyage, in the employment of Portugal, gave that part of South America now called Brasil, to that kingdom; as the prior discoveries of Columbus and himself had added, besides the islands, immense tract of ter|ritory

to Spain, both in the northern and southern latitudes of continental America; according to that universally acknowledged law of nations, which assigns all waste and uncultivated countries to the prince, who is at the charge of the first discovery of them.* 1.2

* 1.3I shall only, therefore, in this place, previously mention, that, in the year 1497, John and Sebas|tian Cabot, father and son, in the service of king Henry the seventh of England, by the best accounts, are generally acknowledged to have been the first Europeans, who discovered that part of north Ame|rica, where the English colonies were afterwards settled, along the Atlantic shore, including New|foundland, from 60, or 68 degrees north, to so far south, as the isle of Cuba, or the latitude of Florida.† 1.4

All this extent of territory, or, least,* 1.5 from 34 to 45 degrees of north latitude, including all that tract of land, which is situated between the ex|treme bounds of New England and Carolina, north and south, was, in the reign of queen Elizabeth, named Virginia; which was then deemed to com|prehend all the habitable part of the British con|tinental territories in America. Which name is said so have been given it, either by the queen herself, or by Sir Walter Raleigh; who, in the year 1584,* 1.6 obtained a patent from the queen, for making a settlement in America. This was accordingly at|tempted, at different times; though at first unsuc|cessfully, in that part of the continent, which still retains the name of Virginia.* 1.7

In the year 1606,* 1.8 the whole extent of this ter|ritory was divided into two parts, or colonies, by a charter obtained of king James, for two compa|nies. The first was called the South Virginia com|pany, comprehending the now named provinces of Maryland, Virginia and Carolina; or all the country which is situated between 34 and 41 degrees of N. latitude, which includes part of Pennsylvania.

These were called the London adventurers. The second company were called the Plymouth adven|turers; who were empowered to plant and inhabi•• so far as to 45 degrees of N. latitude, in which compass was included what is now called Pennsyl|vania, in part, New Jersey, New York and New England.

* 1.9The first, or London company, which most pro|perly ought to be called the Virginia company, d•••• in this same year, 1606, or the next following, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fect a settlement near the mouth of Powhatan, no•• called James's river, within Chesapeak bay, whi•• they named James town; which name it still ••••+tains. This is said to have been the first Engl•• colony, on the continent of America, which to•••••• root, and has continued permanent to our days; a•• former attempts having proved abortive.

* 1.10From this time, till the year 1620, the planting of New-England, or the northern division, appe•••• not to have been succesfully undertaken; thou•••• there had been several voyages made during th•••••• interval, but mostly in a trading way, to that par•• of the continent.* 1.11 But in the year 1620, the first permanent plantation, or, which remains such to•• this time, appears to have been made in that coun|try; to which king Charles the first, then princ•• of Wales, is said to have given the name of New England:† 1.12 "For which purpose (says governor Hutchinson, in his history of Massachusetts bay) a new patent was granted, bearing date, Novem|ber third 1620, incorporating the adventurers t••

the northern colony, by the name of The Council for the affairs of New-England; the bounds of the country were expressed between forty and forty-eight degrees north."

In the year 1623, there were so many complaints made of bad management, that, on enquiry, a Quo warranto was issued against the Virginia char|ters, including both North and South Virginia; and it is said, after a trial in the King's Bench, they were declared forfeited.* 1.13

* 1.14"And about the year 1625,"—(says Anderson in his historical deduction of commerce,* 1.15 &c.)— "King Charles the first issued the following procla|mation, which first laudably established the prudent form of government, in which this, (i. e. South Virginia; or what is now called Virginia,) and the other regal colonies, have remained to this day (1761) viz.—That, whereas, in his royal father's time, the charter of the Virginia Company was by a Quo warranto annulled; and whereas, his said father was, and he himself also is of opinion, that the government of that colony by a company in|corporated, consisting of a multitude of persons of various dispositions, among whom affairs of the greatest moment are ruled by a majority of votes was not so proper for carrying on prosperously the affairs of the colony: wherefore, to reduce the government thereof to such a course, as might best agree with that form, which was held in his royal monarchy; and considering also that we hold the•• territories of Virginia, and the Somer Isles, as also that of New England, (lately planted) with the limits thereof, to be a part of our royal empire; We ordain, that the government of the colony of Virginia shall immediately depend on ourself, and not to be committed to any company or corporation, to whom it may be proper to trust matters of trade and commerce, but cannot be fit to commit the ordering of state affairs. Wherefore our commis|sioners for those affairs shall proceed as directed, till we establish a council here, for that colony, to be subordinate to our Privy Council."—"And, that we will also establish another council, to be resident in Virginia, who shall be subordinate to our council here, for that colony. And, at our own

charge we will maintain those public officers and ministers, and that strength of men, munition, and fortification, which shall be necessary for the de|fence of that plantation."

After the dissolution of the Virginia charters, the British continental territories, in America, that had before gone under the name of Virginia, being under the immediate direction of the crown, and at liberty to be granted to whom the crown thought proper, particular patents, in consequence thereof, for such parts as remained unplanted, were accord|ingly granted at various times, and on different occasions. And in the year 1628,* 1.16 on the fourth of March, the settlers on Massachusetts bay ob|tained their first royal charter, for the government of that colony; Matthew Cr••dock being appointed the first Governor, and Thomas Goffe,* 1.17 deputy Go|vernor; the patent, from the council of Plymouth having given them a right to the soil only, but no powers of government.

In the year 1609,* 1.18 the Dutch East India compa|ny, according to their own writers, employed Henry Hudson, an Englishman, to attempt the dis|covery of a north west passage to China; in this voyage he discovered Delaware bay;* 1.19 and also sailed to the place, where New York now stands, and up North river, called by him Hudson's river, so far north, as latitude 43 degrees.† 1.20 In consequence of

which, the Dutch, having purchased of him, as they say, his chart of discoveries, on the coast, obtained a patent from the states, in the year 1614, for an exclusive trade, on the said river; and made a settlement, in the province, now called New York; to which they gave the name of New Netherland; claiming within the same the country on Dela|ware:* 1.21—On the island, called Manhattans, at the mouth of the said river they erected a fort; where they afterwards, in the year 1656, laid out and began their town of New-Amsterdam, now New-York.

* 1.22In the year 1623, they erected several forts in different parts of the new territory, to which they had thus made claim; among which they built one on Delaware, (by them called South river) near Gloucester, in New-Jersey. But the commodious situation of New-York, for the sea and trade, in|duced most of them, who were settled on the Delaware, soon afterwards to quit it, and fix their settlements on both sides of North river, before any of the Swedes came into America.

In the year 1626,* 1.23 under the reign of Gustavus Adolphus, king of Sweden, a scheme was set on foot in that kingdom, for settling a colony in Ame|rica; This was chiefly promoted by the great com|mendation which William Useling, an eminent mer|chant, gave of this country; and the undertaking was, in the following year, 1627, principally through his means and persuasion, put in execu|tion.

The first landing of the Swedes and Fins, this year, was at cape Inlopen, the interior cape of De|laware;* 1.24 which, from its pleasant appearance to

them, they named Paradise-point. They are said to have purchased of some Indians, the land from cape Inlopen, to the falls of Delaware, on both sides of the river; which they called New-Swede|land stream; and made presents to the Indian chiefs, to obtain peaceable possession of the land so pur|chased:

—with whom they appear to have lived in much amity; but they were frequently disturbed by the Dutch; who, in the year 1630,* 2.1 built a fort within the capes of Delaware, at the place now called Lewis-town, but then, and sometime since,

Hoerkill;* 2.2—But both they and the Dutch appear to have agreed so far together, as to unite in expel|ling such English, as about this time, began to set|tle near, or on the east side of Delaware, and to prevent them from coming among them.

In 1631,* 2.3 the Swedes erected a fort on the west side of Delaware, at a place near Wilmington, upon the river, or creek, which still, from the name of the fort, is called Christina, or Christeen, where they had laid out a town, and made their first set|tlement.

* 2.4On the island Tenecum, in the river Delaware, sixteen miles above this town, they built a fort, which they called New Gottemburgh; here their Governor, John Printz, had a fine settlement, which was named Printz's Hall; and on the same island the principal settlers had their plantations. They had also other forts, as at Chester, Elsingburg near Salem, &c.

* 2.5On the twentieth of June 1632, the young lord Baltimore, Caecilius Calvert, obtained from king Charles, a grant of the unoccupied part of Virginia, from Potowmack river northward, including lands both on the east and west side of Chesapeak; of which his father, Sir George Calvert, Secretary of state, had before received a promise, but died be|fore the grant was made out; the king himself named it Maryland, in honor of his queen, Hen|rietta Maria.

* 2.6This province is situated between 37 and 40 de|grees of north latitude, and according to the words of the patent,—'Tis all that part of a Peninsula, lying between the ocean on the east, and the bay of Chesapeak, on the west, and divided from the other part, by a right line, drawn from the cape, called Watkins's point, situated in the aforesaid bay, near the river Wighco, on the west, unto the main ocean,

on the east; and between that bound, on the south, unto that part of Delaware bay, on the north, which lies under the fortieth degree of north lati|tude, &c. and all that tract of land, from the afore|said bay of Delaware, in a right line, by the de|gree aforesaid, to the true meridian of the first fountain of the river Potowmack, and from thence tending towards the south, to the further bank of the aforesaid river, and following the west and south side of it, to a certain place called Cinquack, situ|ated near the mouth of said river, where it falls into the bay of Chesapeak, and from thence by a straight line, to the aforesaid cape, called Watkins's point, &c."

These are the bounds of Maryland, as expressed in the patent;—concerning which afterwards there was so long a dispute between the Proprietaries of that province, and of Pennsylvania; arising prin|cipally from the different construction of the words, expressing the boundary between them, made by each party, and of the intention of the said grant: for, first, the extent of land, contained in the fortieth degree of latitude which was to be the north boundary of Maryland, by charter, was afterwards claimed by both provinces, as lying entirely within each of their respective grants; which made a very material difference.

Secondly,* 2.7 That part of the western shore of De|laware, which appears to come within the bounds of Lord Baltimore's grant, had, long before this time, been possessed and inhabited by both Dutch and Swedes successively; and was claimed by the former as a part of New Netherlands, and was then actually in possession of the latter; whereas it appears manifest, both from the Maryland patent, and the best documents, than only such lands were intended to be granted to the Lord Baltimore, as were uncultivated, and uninhabited by any people except Indians.—But as this affair will be further mentioned in the following his|tory of Pennsylvania, I shall only observe, in

this place, that, in consequence of this grant, the following year, the said Lord Baltimore (being a Roman Catholic) carried several hundred persons to his new colony, mostly Papists, that there they might enjoy quietly the exercise of their religion.* 2.8

* 2.9John Printz, continued Governor of the Swedes, on Delaware, from his arrival till about the year 1654, when he returned to Sweden, having first deputed his son-in-law, John Papegoia, Go|vernor in his stead; who also, sometime after, re|turned to his native country, and left the govern|ment to John Risingh.

It was during the administration of Printz, in in 1651, that the Dutch built fort Casimir, now called New Castle on Delaware,† 2.10 against which he

solemnly protested; and afterwards Risingh took it from them by stratagem.* 2.11 He likewise renewed the league of friendship with both the English and Dutch in the neighbourhood; and also with the Indians, at a meeting held with their chiefs, for that purpose, at Printz's hall, on Tenecum Island.

The Indians had before complained, that the Swedes had introduced much evil among them; in consequence of which they alledged, that many of the Indians, since their coming were dead. But the Swedes, at this treaty, by making them pre|sents, and treating them kindly,* 2.12 removed their murmurings, renewed and fixed a more strict and permanent friendship between them. Their chief, Noamen, expressed,—"That as formerly they had been but one body and one heart, they should be henceforward as one head;—It was concluded with mutual engagements to assist, and stand by each other, in all future attempts, that should be made against either party. This league, or agreement, is said to have been faithfully kept by the Indians.

But the Dutch, who, in the neighbouring settle|ment, had before been troublesome, to the Swedes,* 2.13 in the year 1655, fitted out six or seven vessels, from New Amsterdam, with six or seven hundred men; and, in the summer of this year, under the command of their Governor, Peter Stuyvesant came up Delaware, and compelled the Swedes, who were in an unprepared condition to oppose them, to de|liver up their forts, on terms. They destroyed New Gottemburg, with such houses as were without the fort; plundering the inhabitants, and killing their cattle. The officers and principal inhabitants among the Swedes, were carried prisoners to New Amsterdam; and thence to Holland; but the com|mon people, submitting to the Dutch, remained in the country. Thus the Dutch became pos|sessed again of that part of the west side of Dela|ware bay, &c. sice called the Three lower counties on Delaware.

* 2.14This country was afterwards under the command of Lieutenant Governors, subject to the controul of, and commissioned by, the Director General of New Amsterdam, (now New York) John Paul Jacquet was the first Vice Director, or Lieutenant Governor, of South River (now Delaware) his successors were Alricks, Hinojessa and William Beek|man.

* 2.15* 2.16These Lieutenants had power to grant lands, and their patents made a part of the ancient titles of the present possessors. Alricks's commission of the twelfth of April, 1657, shews the extent of the Dutch claim, on the west side of Delaware, at that time. He was appointed Director General of the Colony of South river of New Netherlands, and the fortress of Casimir,* 2.17 now called Niewer Amstel, (New Castle) with all the lands depending thereon, according to the first purchase and deed of release of the natives, dated July nineteenth, 1651, be|ginning at the west side of the Minquaas, or Chris|tina Kill, in the Indian language, Suspecough, to the mouth of the bay, or river, called Bompt-hook, in the Indian language, Canarasse; and so far in|land as the bounds and limits of the Minquaas land, with all the streams, &c. appurtenances and de|pendencies."

* 2.18"Of the country northward of the Kill no mention is made. In 1658, orders were given to William Beekman, to purchase Cape Hinlopen from the natives; and to settle and fortify it; which, for want of goods, was not done till the succeeding year."

* 2.19"In the year, 1659, fresh troubles arose from the Maryland claim to the lands on South river; and in September, Colonel Nathaniel Utie, as com|missioner from Fendal, Lord Baltimore's Governor, arrived at Niewer Amstel, from Maryland. The country was ordered to be evacuated; Lord Bal|timore claiming all the land between 38 and 40 degrees of latitude, from sea to sea."

This claim of Lord Baltimore appears to have laid long undetermined, and, in August, 1663, a ship arrived from Holland, at South river, with new planters, ammunition and implements of husban|dry. Lord Baltimore's son landed a little after, and was entertained by Beckman, at Niewer Amstel. This was Charles, the son of Caecilius, who, in 1661, had procured a grant and confirmation of the patent passed in favor of his father in 1632.* 2.20 The papistical principles of the Baltimore family, the charge of colonizing, the parliamentary war with Charles the first, and Oliver's usurpation, all conspired to impede the settlement of Maryland, till the year 1661, and these considerations account for the extention of the Dutch limits on the west side of Delaware."

Thus till the year 1664, New Sweden and New Netherland continued in possession, and under the government, of the Dutch; who, about one hundred and fifty miles up Hudson's or North river, at their fort Orange (now Albany) are said, then to have carried on a very profitable trade with the Indians, even, as far as Quebec.

King Charles the second,* 2.21 having no great re|gard for the Dutch, and being determined to pre|vent the consequences, that might arise from a set|tlement of that nation, in the midst of the British colonies, granted a patent to his brother James, Duke of York and Albany, dated March twentieth, 1664, for sundry tracts of land, in America, in|cluding what the Dutch claimed under the name of New Netherland, thus described and bounded,* 2.22 viz.—"All that part of the main land of New-England, beginning at a certain place, called, or known, by the name of St. Croix, next adjoining to New Scotland, in America; and from thence extending along the sea coast unto a certain place, Pemaquie, or Pemaquid, and so up the river thereof, to the furthermost head of the same, as it tendeth northward; and extending from thence to the river

of Kimbequin, and so upwards, and by the shortest course to the river Canada, northward: and also all that island, or islands, commonly called by the several name or names, of Meitowacks, or Long Island, situate and being towards the west of Cape Cod, and the narrow Higansetts, abutting upon the main land, between the two rivers, there called or known by the several names of Connecticut and Hudson rivers; and all the land from the west-side of Connecticut river to the east side of Delaware Bay; and also all those several Islands called or known by the name of Martin's Vineyard or Nan|tucks, otherwise Nantucket," &c.

Upon this Sir Robert Carr, joined in commis|sion with Colonel Richard Nicolls, George Cart|wright and Samuel Maverick, were immediately sent with a small fleet and some land forces, to put the Duke in possession of the country, which they accordingly effected; for coming upon the Dutch at unawares,* 2.23 and unprepared, they were obliged to surrender up the country, and their town of New Amsterdam,* 2.24 on North river; which was thence forward called New-York, in honor of the Duke of York.

"Cartwright was commissioned to subdue the Dutch, at fort Orange; the garrison capitulated on the twenty-fourth of September, and he called it Albany, from the Duke's Scotch title. While Cart|wright was here,* 2.25 he had an interview with the Indians of the Five nations, and entered into a lea|gue of friendship with them, which remarkably continues to this day."

* 2.26The commissioners likewise sent Sir Robert Carr, with the ships under his command, to reduce the inhabitants on Delaware bay and river; which he effected without much difficulty; for, on his arri|val at New Amstel (New Castle) the Dutch and Swedes, on the first of October, 1664, capitulated and surrendered their fort; six of the principal per|sons

among them signing articles of agreement and submission to the British government.* 2.27

"The English being now possessed of all the country of New Netherland,* 2.28 Colonel Richard Ni|colls took the government upon him, with the stile of Deputy Governor, under the Duke of York, of all his territories in America:"—very few of the inhabitants chose to remove out of the country; and Governor Stuyvesant himself held his estate and died in it.

In the latter end of October,* 2.29 affairs being in a quiet situation at New York, Nicolls was commis|sioned by Cartwright and Maverick, to repair to Delaware bay, for the government of that place, by deputing such officers, civil and military, and for taking such other measures, as he should think

proper, till the King's pleasure should be further known. In which situation, affairs in this quarter, remained till the year 1668; when Nicolls and his Council, at New York, gave further directions, for a better settlement of the government on De|laware, which appears, at that time, to have been principally administered by Carr; who resided on the place.* 2.30

The Duke of York, having been thus seized of all that tract of land, before described, did,* 2.31 by his deeds of lease and release, bearing date the 23d. and 24th. days of June 1664, in considera|tion of a competent sum of money, grant and con|vey a part thereof, unto John, Lord Berkeley, Baron of Stratton, and Sir George Carteret, of Saltrum, in Devon; who were then members of the King's Council, and to their heirs and assigns forever, bounded and described as follows:—"All that tract of land adjacent to New-England, and lying and being to the westward of Long-Island, and Manhatta's-Island, and bounded, on the east, part by the main sea, and part by Hudson's river; and hath upon the West, Delaware bay, or river; and extendeth southward to the main ocean, as far as cape May, at the mouth of Delaware bay; and to the northward, as far as the northermost branch of the said bay, or river, of Delaware, which is in 41 degrees, 40 minutes of latitude, and crosseth over thence, in a straight line, to Hudson's river, in 41 degrees, of latitude, which said tract of land is hereafter to be called Nova Caesaria, or New-Jersey," &c. "in as full and am|ple manner as the same is granted unto the said Duke of York, by the before recited letters pa|tent."

Thus New Netherland became divided into New-Jersey and New-York;* 2.32 the former named from the isle of Jersey, in compliment to Sir George Carteret, whose family came from thence; the latter took its name in honor of James Duke of York.

Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret,* 2.33 having agreed upon certain constitutions or concessions, to such adventurers as should chuse to settle within their grant, (which was the first constitution of New Jersey,* 2.34) appointed Philip Carteret, the first

Governor; who arrived in the latter part of the summer, 1665; and these concessions or agree|ments with the people, were so well liked by them, that the eastern parts of the province were soon considerably peopled. In this situation the consti|tution and government continued till the year 1676, when the province was divided into East and West New-Jersey.

After a prudent administration of three years Nicolls returned to England; and colonel Francis Lovelace was appointed, by the Duke, to succeed Nicolls, in the government of New-York; which he began to exercise in May, 1667.* 2.35 During his time affairs appear to have been in a tranquil situ|ation, on Delaware, till about the year 1668; when a disturbance happened from some of the tribe of Mantas Indians, nigh the river, about the place where Burlington now stands, who had murdered the servants of one of the settlers.

* 2.36This appears to have been the consequence of drunkenness; by reason of the Indians themselves thereupon requesting an absolute prohibition, upon the whole river, of selling strong liquors to the Indians generally. Such were the early effects of strong liquor among this people; which ever since has been so ruinous and fatal to them; and so frequent|ly the source of pernicious evils to the European settlers, near them. Their ignorance of the nature and effects of drunkenness, to which at first they were absolute strangers, rendered them less prepar|ed to resist the temptation; and the extreme effects of madness, arising from intoxication, in a savage state, were consequently more unrestrained and brutish; and, when enraged, more shocking and barbarous than among civilized people:—never|theless, this request of an absolute prohibition of the sale of strong liquors among them, shews their sense of the introduction of the temptation, their weakness to resist it, and the best means, with them, to avoid the pernicious consequences of it; which

request, afterwards was, from time to time, fre|quently and earnestly repeated by the different na|tions, in these parts, before they were much cor|rupted by this, and other European vices.

Human nature,* 2.37 when destitute of a good edu|cation, and those benefits,* 2.38 which arise from a wise and early institution in the best knowledge and customs, being the more prone to imbibe and in|dulge low, immediate and sensual gratifications, than when it is aided by these excellent advantages; which teach to aspire after and pursue the more exalted and arduous paths of virtue and self-denial; views, which, as well as the present, also respect a future more high and lasting felicity, so far above the untutored ideas of savages, is a consideration, that may, in part, account for the greater depra|vity of the Indians, respecting this vice of drunken|ness, than is to be found among other people.

These Indians, along the Delaware,* 2.39 and the ad|jacent parts of New-Jersey and Pennsylvania, so far as appears by the best accounts of the early settlement of these provinces, when clear of the effects of the pernicious poison of strong liquor, and before they had much imbibed, and to their own natural depravity added, such European vices as before they were strangers to, were naturally, and in general, an inoffensive, faithful and hospi|table people.

Governor Lovelace writ to Carr,* 2.40 respecting this affair; giving him directions how to proceed in the government both of Christians and Indians; to consult with the Indians, and to send the state of the affair to the council at New-York. But it appears to have been afterwards neglected till the year 1671, when William Tomm and Peter Alricks ar|rived at New-York from Delaware, with the parti|culars of the affair; declaring that if special care was not taken, and effectual means used, the worst consequences would ensue.

Upon this the Governor and Council immedi|ately took measures to prevent further mischief; and from Alrick's advice, made proper dispositions to bring the offenders to justice:—The Governor pro|hibited, on pain of death, the selling of powder, shot, and strong liquors to the Indians; and writ to Carr, on the occasion, to use the utmost vigi|lance and caution.

* 2.41But the Indians themselves were determined, if possible, to bring the murderers to justice; and and accordingly one of them Tashiowycan, the chief offender, was shot to death, in the night by the Indians, who brought his body to Wicocoa; which was afterwards hung in chains at New-Castle; the other principal person, concerned in the murder, hearing the report of the gun, ran into the woods, and made his escape, not being heard of afterwards.

The Indians, on this affair, summoned many of their young men together, and, in the presence of the English, told them, that all should in like man|ner be treated, who should be found in the like practice:—This, at a time, when the Indians were numerous and strong, and the Europeans few and weak, was a memorable act of justice, and a proof of true friendship to the English, greatly alleviating the fear, for which they had so much reason among savages, in this then wilderness country.

* 2.42Beside this, there was another disturbance, about the same time; a Swede, at Delaware, who gave out that he was the son of Conningsmarke, the Swedish general, attempted to make an insurrec|tion, in order to throw off the English allegiance. With him was associated Henry Coleman, one of the Fins, on the same river, a man of property, and who well understood the Indian language. But by the timely care and vigilance of the go|vernment their intention was prevented. The former was taken and secured; as to the latter, who kept himself among the Indians, it does

not appear what became of him. Conningsmarke, commonly called the Long Fin, was condemned to die; but, in consideration that his death would involve many other deluded people in deep suffer|ing, his punishment was mitigated to a whipping, and branding with the letter R. for Rebellion, and to be sent abroad. He was accordingly brought fettered from Delaware, and kept prisoner in the Stadt-house, at New-York, for one year, and then transported to Barbadoes, for sale. It was further ordered, that the chief of his accomplices should forfeit to the King one half of their goods and chat|tels; and a smaller mulct to be laid on the rest; to be left at the discretion of Commissioners, ap|pointed to examine the matter.

At this time there is likewise an account of an Indian rape, committed on a Christian woman. The Indian was taken and condemned to death by by the Commissioners at Delaware; but he broke jail.—And one Douglas at Hoarkill, after this, for making a disturbance among the new settlers, by seditious practices, was secured in jail, and after|wards sent to New-York, where he had his trial; and was sent to the eastward, and ordered not to return.

Near the beginning of the year 1669,* 2.43 a com|mission and letters of instruction were sent from New-York, to the Hoarkill,* 2.44 authorizing Hermannus Frederickson to be Schout, Slander Matson, Otto Walgast, and William Cleason, to be Commissioners: who were to keep good order there; and to try all matters of difference, under ten pounds, among themselves:—Which seems to have been intended to save them the trouble of going to Newcastle, upon every trifling occasion; but for all matters above ten pounds they were to apply themselves to New-York; and so for all criminals. Governor Lovelace also gave an order to captain Martin Prieger, to receive the customs, for all European

goods, imported at the Hoarkill, and on the furs and peltry exported from thence, viz. ten pounds per cent. in the following words:

* 2.45"Whereas I am given to understand, that all Eu|ropean goods imported at the Hoarkill in Delaware bay, did heretofore pay custom, at the rate of ten pounds per cent. and all furs and peltry ex|ported from thence, at the same rate; which turned to some advantage towards the support of govern|ment; upon mature advice and consideration had thereof, I have thought fit to renew the former custom, and do, therefore, hereby order and ap|point Captain Martin Prieger, who is a person well versed in the trade of those parts, and very well known there, both to the Christians and In|dians, to be Receiver and Collector of the cus|toms at Hoarkill; where, by himself, or his depu|ty, he is to receive ten per cent. of all European goods, imported there, whether coming from this place, Newcastle in Delaware, or any other parts; and ten per cent. also for all furs, or peltry, ex|ported from thence, according to former custom and usage, on that behalf; and all persons what|soever, trading thither, or from thence, to any other place, are to take notice thereof, and obey this my commission, under the penalty of confis|cation of their goods, if they shall presume to do otherwise. ••he said Captain Prieger standing oblig|ed to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 answerable here, for all such customs, as shall be received by himself, or deputy, there; of which he is to render unto me a due and ex|act account."* 2.46

In the Spring of the year 1672,* 2.47 the town of Newcastle was, by the government of New-York, made a corporation; to be governed by a Bailiff, and six Associates; after the first year four old to go out, and four others to be chosen.* 2.48 The Bai|liff was President, and had a double vote: the Constable was chosen by the bench. They had power to try causes, as far as ten pounds, without appeal. The English laws were established in the town, and among the inhabitants, on both sides of Delaware. The office of Schout was conver|ted into that of Sheriff, for the Corporation and river, annually chosen. And they were to have free trade, without being obliged to make entry at New-York, as before.

About this time an act of violence was com|mitted, at Hoarkill,* 2.49 by a party of people from Maryland, led by one Jones; who seized on the Magistrates and other inhabitants, plundered them and carried off the booty. They were joined by one Daniel Brown, a planter of Hoarkill. Brown was taken, and sent to New-York; and there tried and convicted; but, on promise of amendment, and security given for his good behaviour in fu|ture, he was dismissed.

Governor Lovelace wrote a spirited letter to the Governor of Maryland, on the occasion,* 2.50 com|plaining of the outrage and injustice, and request|ing that the perpetrators might be duly punished. He likewise writ to Captain Carr, who presided at Delaware, on the same affair, advising him, for the present, to pass by what was done, till he heard from England; but in the mean time, that the inhabitants there should prepare, and put

themselves in a posture of defence against any fu|ture similar invasion.* 2.51

In this year the inhabitants of New-Castle and Hoarkill,* 4.1 being likewise plundered by the Dutch privateers, were permitted by the government at New-York, in reparation of their losses, to lay an imposition to the value of four guilders, in Wam|pum, upon each anker of strong rum, imported, or sold there; power being given to the Magistrates, to levy and receive the same. This was to continue only one year for tryal—Wampum was the chief currency of the country; of which, at this time,* 4.2 the Indians had carried so much away, that it was become scarce. To encrease the value of which, the Governor and Council, at New-York, in the year 1673, issued a proclamation; which was pub|lished

at Albany, Esopus, Delaware, Long-Island, and parts adjacent.* 4.3

The ambitious designs of Lewis the XIVth. king of France,* 4.4 against the Dutch, and the attachment of Charles the IId. of England, to the French court, gave rise to the war with the States General in 1672; which, in the summer of the next following year,* 4.5 extended itself to America; when a few Dutch ships arrived at New York, under the command of Commodores Cornelius Evertse and Jacob Benkes &c. The fort surrendered without any resistance, all the magistrates and constables from East Jersey, Long Island, Esopus and Albany were immediately summoned to New-York, and the major part of them swore allegiance to the States General and the prince of Orange, upon which colonel Lovelace returned to England.

From the Dutch records it appears that deputies were sent by the people, inhabiting the country, even, as far westward as Delaware river; who in the name of their principals, made a declaration of their submission; in return for which certain pri|vileges were granted them, and three judicatories erected at Niewer Amstel, (New Caste) Upland (Chester) and Hoarkill, (Lewistown) under An|thony Colve, who was commissioned Governor.† 4.6

The Dutch Governor enjoyed his office but a short time; for, on the 9th. of February 1674,* 5.1 the treaty of peace between England and the States Ge|neral was signed at Westminster; the sixth article of which restored this country to the English; the terms of it were generally, "that whatsoever countries, islands, towns, ports, castles or forts, have or shall be taken, on both sides, since the time that the late unhappy war broke out, either in Europe, or elsewhere, shall be restored to the former Lord and Proprietor, in the same condition, they shall be in, when the peace itself shall be proclaimed; after which time there shall be no spoil nor plunder of the inhabitants, no demolition of fortifications, nor carrying away of guns, powder or other mili|tary

stores, which belonged to any castle or fort, at the time when it was taken."

* 5.2Upon conclusion of the peace, in 1674, the Duke of York, to remove all controversy respecting his property, obtained a new patent from the King, dated the 29th. of June, for the lands granted, in 1664; and two days after commissioned Major, afterwards, Sir Edmund Andross to be Governor of his territories in America; which were resigned to him by the Dutch possessors, on his arrival at New-York, on the 31st. of October following. Up|on which he authorized captain Cantwell and Wil|liam Tomm, to take possession of the fort and stores at Newcastle, for the King's use; and gave them di|rections to take proper measures to establish order and tranquility there, and the other places on Dela|ware; enjoining all to comport themselves amica|bly to the neighbouring colonies.

Of West-New-Jersey, &c.

* 5.3As West New Jersey was, at first, settled princi|pally by the same kind of people as Pennsylvania, was afterwards, viz. by the people called Quakers, so a short introductory account of the first and ear|ly settlement of that colony by these people, &c. in which likewise William Penn was so much concern|ed may, in this place, not be improper.

* 5.4In or about the year 1675, the Lord Berkeley sold his half of the Province of New Jersey to a person named John Fenwicke, in trust for Edward Byllinge, and his assigns, in consequence of which the former, this year, arrived with a number of passengers, in a ship, called the Griffith from Lon|don, on a visit to his new purchase.* 5.5 He landed at

a place, in West Jersey, situated upon a creek, or small river, which runs into the river Delaware; to which place he gave the name of Salem; a name which both the place and creek still retain. This was the first English ship, which came to West-Jer|sey;* 5.6 and it was near two years before any more followed: This long interval is supposed to have occasioned by a disagreement between Fen|wicke and Byllinge; which was at last composed by the kind offices of William Penn.

Byllinge, having been reduced in his circum|stances, had agreed to present his interest, in New-Jersey, to his creditors; by whose entreaty and importunity, William Penn, though it is said, with reluctance, was prevailed upon to become joint trustee with two of them, viz. Gawen Lawrie,* 5.7 of London, and Nicholas Lucas, of Hertford, for the management thereof: These he invested with his own moiety of the province; it being all his re|maining fortune, for the satisfaction of his cre|ditors.

Hence William Penn became one of the chief instruments in settling West-New-Jersey;* 5.8 and there|by acquired some knowledge of the adjacent coun|try of Pennsylvania, before it had that name, or was granted to him. And though New-Jersey was still undivided, yet, from necessity, many shares of their propriety were soon sold to different pur|chasers; who consequently also became proprietors, in proportion to their different shares.

For the better promoting the distribution of rights to lands, an orderly settlement,* 5.9 and a regu|lar government of the colony, in March, 1676, a constitution was drawn up, under the name of, "Concessions and agreements of the proprietors, free|holders and inhabitants of West-New-Jersey, in Ame|rica," in 44 chapters; this was mutually agreed to, and signed, as laws, concessions and agree|ments,

by 162 names; and may be seen in the appendix to S. Smith's history of New-Jersey.

William Penn and the others, having agreed on a division of the province with Sir George Carteret,* 5.10 a Quintipartite deed, the instrument for dividing the same, between Sir George Carteret, on the one part, and Edward Byllinge, William Penn, Gawen Law|rie and Nicholas Lucas, on the other part, was signed by them, dated the first day of July, 1676. After which the latter wrote to Richard Hartshorne,* 5.11 a resident in the province, requesting his consent to be joined in commission with two others, James Wasse and Richard Guy; whom they authorized and empowered to act for them, furnishing them with instructions for their conduct, and engaged to ra|tify and confirm their proceedings, in prosecution of the same. In their letter to Hartshorne, dated, London, the 26th. of the sixth month, 1676, they say,

* 5.121. "We have divided with George Carteret; and have sealed deeds of partition, each to the other; and we have all that side on Delaware river, from one end to the other; the line of partition is from the east side of Little Egg Harbour, straight North, through the country, to the utmost branch of Delaware river; with all powers, privileges and immunities whatsoever:"—"Ours is called New West Jersey; his is called New East Jersey.† 5.13

2. "We have made concessions by ourselves; be|ing such as Friends here, and there (we question not) will approve of, having sent a copy of them by James Wasse: There we lay a foundation for after ages to understand their liberty, as men and christians; that they may not be brought into bon|dage, but by their own consent: for we put the power in the people; that is to say, They to meet, and choose one honest man, for each propriety, who hath subscribed to the concessions; all these men to meet, as an Assembly there, to make and repeal laws; to chuse a Governor, or a Commis|sioner, and twelve Assistants, to execute the laws during their pleasure. So every man is capable to chuse, or to be chosen; no man to be arrested, condemned, imprisoned, or molested, in his estate, or liberty, but by twelve men of the neighbour|hood: no man to lie in prison for debt; but that his estate satisfy, as far as it will go, and he be set at liberty, to work: no man to be called in ques|tion, or molested for his conscience; with many more things mentioned in the said concessions.

3. "We have sent over, by James Wasse, a com|mission, under our hands and seals; wherein we empower thyself, James Wasse and Richard Guy, or any two of you, to act and do according to the instructions, of which here is a copy; having also sent you goods, to buy and purchase some lands of the natives," &c.

The rest of this letter chiefly respected John Fen|wicke; who, as they apprehended, might probably

endeavour to obstrust their mode of proceeding, in settling the colony; that the Commissioners should immediately agree with the Indians for lands, and get them surveyed and taken up, before many more peo|ple arrived, and the price thereby advanced. The in|structions were dated the 18th. of the Sixth month, and purported the method of treating with John Fenwicke; the mode of taking up lands of the natives;—Which was all to be divided into one hundred parts, as agreed in England, and lots to be cast for the same; viz. ninety parts, for the use of William Penn, Gawen Lawrie and Nicholas Lu|cas; and ten parts for John Edridge and Edmond Warner, Fenwicke's heirs;* 5.14 and to provide a place for the settlement of a town, &c. The former was signed by Lawrie, Penn, Lucas, Byllinge, Ed|ridge and Warner; the latter, by all these, except Edridge.

East-Jersey, which was the property of Sir George Carteret, had, before this time, been con|siderably peopled, under its Governor, Philip Carteret, as already mentioned, in the year 1665; so upon the division of the province being now settled, in the present year 1676, the proprietors of West-New-Jersey published a description of the country; in consequence of which many people removed thither.

* 5.15But the western proprietors being of the people called Quakers, their part of the province conse|quently, through their influence, became settled principally by the same kind of people; but to pre|vent any of their religious society from rashly, or in|advertently, removing into this new country, or without due consideration, and contrary to the mind of their parents and nearest relatives, three of the principal persons among the proprietors, viz. W.

Penn, G. Lawrie and N. Lucas, wrote an epistle, of caution to their friends, the Quakers; which,* 5.16 as it further shews their right to this part of the province, the care of that people over one another, at that time, and their concern for an orderly settle|ment in it; that none might be deceived, and have occasion to repent of such an important undertak|ing, is not unworthy of the perusal of the poste|rity and descendants of those early adventurers, settlers and cultivators of the country.* 5.17

* 6.1On the 16th. day of the Sixth month 1677, arrived at New-Castle from London, the ship Kent, Gregory Marlow, master; with the other Commissioners; which the proprietors had before

mentioned, they intended to send. Their names were, Thomas Olive, Daniel Wills, John Kinsey,* 6.2 Joseph Helmsley, Robert Stacy, Benjamin Scott, Rich|ard Guy, and Thomas Foulke. They were empow|ered to purchase lands of the Indians; to inspect the rights of such as claimed property; to give directions for the laying out the lands; and, in general, to ad|minister the government, according to the conces|sions.* 6.3

* 6.4The number of passengers in this ship, was two hundred and thirty, mostly of the people called Quakers; and some of them had good estates in England.* 6.5 They landed about Rackoon creek, on Delaware; where the Swedes had some Scattered habitations, but insufficient to receive, or accom|modate them. This was the second ship, which arrived at West-Jersey with passengers. As this ship lay in the river Thames, with the passengers on board, ready to sail, king Charles the second, in his pleasure barge, coming along side, and observ|ing a great number of people on board, and being, informed where they were bound, asked whether they were all Quakers, and gave them his blessing.

* 6.6After their arrival, the Commissioners proceeded further up the river, to the place where Burlington was afterwards built, then called Chygoe's-Island, from an Indian sachem, who lived there. Here they treated with the Indians, and entered on the regulation of their settlements; for which, beside the commission of the proprietors, they had like|wise obtained that of Governor Andross; on whom, in their passage, they had waited, at New-York, to acquaint him with their business; who, as he had received no instructions from the duke of York, in the case, was unwilling to surrender the govern|ment of the place to them, without an order from the Duke. He had continued Governor of this country, since the Dutch surrender of it to the King, in 1673; and though the Duke soon after had a re-grant of it, as before observed, yet it was not till the year, 1678, that he, in consequence thereof, made a new grant of West-Jersey to the

assigns of Lord Berkeley, as well as also of East-Jersey, to Carteret, the proprietor of the same.

The Commissioners procured interpreters from the Swedes, Israel Helmes, Peter Rambo, and Lacy Cock; and afterwards Henrie Jacobson Falcombre: They made divers purchases of lands from the Indians; but not having goods sufficient to pay for all they bought, they agreed not to settle any part, till it was paid for.* 6.7

The town of Burlington was laid out by mutual agreement of the proprietors;* 6.8 and by the Commis|sioners, it was first named New-Beverly; but soon after it got the name of Burlington.* 6.9 It was first settled by a considerable number of reputable fami|lies, from Yorkshire, and other places in England;† 6.10

a fresh number of which arrived from Wickaco, the Swedes settlement on Delaware, in the latter en•• of October this year; but the season being so 〈◊〉〈◊〉 spent, they had only time to erect a kind of W••|wams, like those of the Indians, for their acco••+modation during the winter.

* 6.11The Indians supplied them with corn and ve••+son;* 6.12 which was their principal food. These ••••|tives were then not much corrupted with stro•••• liqours, and they were, in general, friendly, kin•• and helpful to the English; though at that ti•••• they were very numerous, and the latter, compan•• with them, but few and weak; and notwithstan••+ing endeavours had been used, as was suppo•••• by some persons, to render them otherwise, in ••••|ing to make them believe that the English had 〈◊〉〈◊〉 them the Small-pox in their match coats; yet, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 meeting, which they had on this affair, one of th•••• chiefs expressed himself thus:—"In my grand••••+thers time, the small-pox came; in my fathers ti•••• the small-pox came; and now, in my time, the small-pox is come;"—then stretching his hand

towards the skies, he said, "It came from thence:" to which the rest assented.

In November arrived another ship from London, with about sixty or seventy passengers, of which some settled at Salem; and others at Burlington Among the former are mentioned James Nevill▪

Henry Salter, and George Deacon, with their fami|lies.—And, in this year also arrived the Fly-Boat, Martha, of Burlington, in Yorkshire; which sailed from Hull, in the latter end of the summer, with one hundred and fourteen passengers.* 6.13

In one of these vessels, or about this time,* 6.14 came John Kinsey, then a young man; his father, hav|ing been one of the Commissioners, before menti|oned, who died on his arrival. He was afterwards a person of distinguished services,* 6.15 in divers public stations. His son of the same name, and likewise one of the people called Quakers, afterwards Chief Justice of Pennsylvania, and eminent in the law, was no less memorable for his useful and benefi|cent abilities and good qualities, both in his public and private life and character.

In the Tenth month, O. S. (December) 1678, ar|rived the Shield, from Hull, Daniel Towes, Com|mander, and anchored before Burlington. This was

the first ship, that came so far up the river Delaware: Opposite to Coaquanock, the Indian name of the place, where Philadelphia now stands, which was a bold and high shore, she went so near it, in tur|ning,* 6.16 that part of the tackling struck the trees some of the passengers expressing, "It was a fi••e situation for a town."* 6.17 The people, next morning went on shore upon the ice; so hard, and so sud|denly had it froze, in the space of one night!* 6.18

* 6.19The duty, which was imposed by the govern|ment of New-York on all exports and imports, a Hoarkill,* 6.20 remained a grievance till the year 1680. This duty was exacted of settlers, who came 〈◊〉〈◊〉 West-Jersey. But it was, this year, redressed, through the application of their friends, in En|gland, to the Duke of York: he referred the mas|ter to Council; where it rested for a considerabl••

time; but, at last, by the management and assiduity of William Penn, George Hutchinson, and others, it was reported in their favor; and Sir John Wer|den, on the Duke's behalf, wrote to have it dis|continued: William Penn and the rest having made it fully appear, that they had purchased the government of the country with the soil; which, therefore, of right, ought not to be subject to any imposition of duties, from the government of New-York; that the Duke of York, having granted all his right to the said country, to the assigns of Lord Barkeley, and these to them, in as ample a manner, as it was granted to the Duke by the King; which was expressly, "To make, ordain and establish, all manner of orders, laws, directions, instruments and forms of government, and Magistrates, fit and ne|cessary for the territory aforesaid;"—with this limi|tation, "so always as the same be not contrary to the laws and statutes of this our realm of England; but as near as may be, agreeably thereto;—it was there|by plain, that the colony, or any of its inhabi|tants, could not possibly be, of right, subject to any laws or impositions, but those of its own, and of Great Britain.* 6.21

In the settlement of new countries, people dif|ferently interested commonly characterize, of praise and dispraise them, as it suits their interest to encourage or discourage such colonization; but we find most of those early adventurers,* 7.1 who soon after their arrival, wrote to their friends, in England, appear to have been well pleased with the country, by giving a very favourable account of it,* 7.2 in many of their letters, and some of them, even, beyond their former expectation; of which the following extract from one, written by an ear|ly colonist and proprietor, in the year 1680, may serve as a specimen respecting the native produce of provisions of the country, in those early times, viz.

—But now a word or two of those strange reports you have of us,* 8.1 and our country: I affirm they are not true; and fear they were spoke from a spirit of envy. It is a country that produceth all the things for the support and sustenance of man, in a plentiful manner; if it were not so, I should be ashamed of what I have before written; but I can stand, having truth on my side, against and before the face of all gainsayers and evil spies.

I have travelled through most of the places that are settled, and some that are not; and in every place I find the country very apt to answer the expectation of the diligent. I have seen orchards laden with fruit to admiration, their very limbs torn to pieces with the weight, and most delicious to the taste, and lovely to behold. I have seen an apple-tree, from a pippin-kernel, yield a barrel of curious cyder; and peaches in such plenty, that some people took their carts a peach-gathering; I could not but smile at the conceit of it; they are very delicate fruit, and hang almost like our oni|ons, that are tied on ropes. I have seen and known, this summer, forty bushels of bold wheat of one bushel sown; and many more such instances I could bring, which would be too tedious here to mention. We have, from the time called May until Michaelmas, great store of very good wild fruits; as, strawberries, cranberries and hurtle-berries, which are like our bilberries in England, but far sweeter; they are very wholesome fruits. The cranberries, much like cherries, for color and bigness; which may be kept till fruit come again; an excellent sauce is made of them for ve|nison, turkeys, and other great fowl; and they are better to make tarts than either goosberries or cherries; we have them brought to our houses by the Indians, in great plenty. My brother Robert had as many cherries, this year, as would have loaded several carts. It is my judgment, by what I have observed, that fruit trees, in this country, destroy themselves by the very weight of their fruit.

As for venison and fowls, we have great plenty; we have brought home to our houses,* 8.2 by the Indians, seven or eight fat bucks in a day; and sometimes put by as many, having no occasion for them, and fish, in their season very plenteous. my cousin Revell and I, with some of my men, went last third month into the river to catch her|rings;

for, at that time, they came in great sholes into the shallows; we had neither rod nor net; but, after the Indian fashion, made a round pin|fold, about two yards over, and a foot high, but left a gap for the fish to go in at, and made a bush to lay in the gap, to keep the fish in; and when that was done, we took two long birches, and tied their tops together, and went about a stones-cast above our said pinfold; then hawling these birch boughs down the stream, where we drove thousands before us; but so many got into our trap as it would hold; and then we began to hawl them on shore, as fast as three or four of us could, by two or three at a time; and, after this manner, in half an hour, we could have filled a three bushel sack of as good large herrings as ever I saw. And as to beef and pork, here is great plenty of it, and cheap; and also good sheep. The common grass of this country feeds beef very fat. I have killed two this year; and there|fore I have reason to know it: besides, I have seen, this fall, in Burlington, killed eight or nine fat oxen and cows on a market day, and all very fat. And though I speak of herrings only, left any should think we have little other sorts, we have great plenty of most sorts of fish, that ever I saw in England: besides several other sorts that are not known there; as, rocks, cat-fish, shads, sheeps-heads, sturgeons; and fowls plenty; as, ducks, geese, tur|keys, pheasants, partridges; and many other sorts, that I cannot remember, and would be too tedi|ous to mention.

Indeed the country, take it as a wilderness, is a brave country, though no place will please all. But some will be ready to say,—He writes of con|veniences, but not of inconveniences.—In answer to these, I honestly declare there is some barren land, as, I suppose, there is in most places of the world; and more wood than some would have up|on their lands; neither will the country produce

corn without labour, nor cattle be got without something to buy them, nor bread with idleness; else it would be a brave country indeed; and I ques|tion not, but all then would give it a good word; For my part, I like it so well, I never had the least thought of returning to England, except on account of trade.

MALHON STACY.

West-New-Jersey being now become populous,* 8.3 and Edward Byllinge chosen Governor by the pro|prietors, in England,* 8.4 he commissioned Samuel Jen|ings, some time after his arrival, which was in 1680, to be his deputy. Jenings accordingly cal|led an Assembly, with which, in November 1681, he agreed upon certain fundamentals in govern|ment, passed a number of laws; and, with the Commissioners for settling and regulating lands, fixed on proper rules and methods, for that pur|pose, all which may be seen in S. Smith's history of that province."* 8.5* 8.6

After this large numbers of fresh settlers conti|nued coming into the province; and, in the year 1682, a ship of 550 tons burthen arrived at West-Jersey, with three hundred and sixty passengers; who landed between Philadelphia and Burlington, on the Jersey shore.

The representatives of West-Jersey, in general Assembly, continued to be annually elected, till the surrender of the proprietary government to the crown, in 1702; before which time the coun|cil, (who were Justices ex officio) Justices of peace, and inferior officers of government, were chosen by them; and the Governor was appointed by the proprietors.

As to the religious state of the first and early settlers of West New Jersey, it is observable,* 8.7 as before mentioned, they consisted principally of the people called Quakers; whose religious princi|ples, system, and general practice have been al|ready described: hence on their arrival at the place where Burlington now stands, and other places, we find it was their first and great concern public|ly to support their religious worship; on account of which many of them had suffered much, in their native country.* 8.8

* 8.9Before a house was built on the place, they con|stantly at stated times, held their religious meetings under a tent, covered with sail cloth, till John Woolston had got his house ready; which was the first framed house in Burlington; at whose house, and that of Thomas Gardiner, they afterwards con|tinued to hold their meetings both for divine wor|ship, and the discipline or order, or their religious society, till a suitable meeting house was built for that purpose; which was not till several years after their first arrival there, and a similar care and prac|tice appear to have been among them, in other places where they settled.

Among the first things that appear to have come under particular notice and regulation,* 8.10 in their meetings of discipline, after their arrival, were, the taking proper care and support of their poor; the ordering and passing of marriages, (thirteen couple having been married among them at Burlington, be|fore the year 1681,) and the discouraging of all their people from selling strong liquors to the In|dians.

In the year 1680, in an epistle from their month|ly meeting at Burlington,* 8.11 to the yearly meeting in Lon|don, which was the first regular correspondence of that nature, established between the society, in this part of the world, and the said yearly meeting, they were particularly urgent, among other things, that

none of their friends, or members of the same so|ciety in England, or elsewhere, should remove to them, without certificates, or well authenticated recommendation, from the society, where they last lived, prior to their removal; in order to pre|vent imposture, idle, disorderly and designing per|sons from coming among them, and taking advan|tage of the innocent and well-meaning; and that they might be well advised in such important under|taking.* 8.12

* 8.13The first general yearly meeting of the people called Quakers, in this country, for regulating the affairs of their religious society, was held, or met, at Burlington, on the 28th. day of the Sixth month, 1681.† 8.14 It was constituted of such of their religi|ous meetings as were then established, or settled, in New-Jersey, as, at Shrewsbury, Salem, Burling|ton, Rankokas, &c. and on the west side of De|laware, (where divers English settlements of this people appear to have been, prior to those under William Penn) as, at Shackamaxon; (or nigh the place where Kensington stands, in the vicinity of

Philadelphia) near the falls of Delaware; and at Upland, since called Chester, &c.* 8.15

This yearly meeting of the society on both sides of Delaware, was afterwards, from the year 1684,* 8.16 held alternately at Burlington and Philadelphia, till the year 1761 when it was removed entirely to Philadelphia; since which time it continues to be annually held there, and maintains a constant re|gular intercourse and correspondence with that of the same society in London.

* 8.17As to the proportion, which the number of these people, in later years, bears with the rest of the inhabitants, in West-Jersey, who have since flocked into it and increased among them, it ap|pears by S. Smith's history of New-Jersey, publish|ed in 1765, from which the major part of what has here been said of it is taken, that in the eight counties, of which West-Jersey consists, there then were meeting-houses, where meetings were held for divine worship, of the Quakers thirty-two, of the Presbyterians thirty-two, of the different Bap|tists thirteen, of the Episcopalians, or church of England ten, of the low Dutch, Germans and Swedes, both Lutheran and Presbyterian congre|gations, ten, and one of the Moravians.

* 8.18In the same history, the whole number of the inhabitants of both East and West-Jersey, were then supposed to be about one hundred thousand.

* 8.19East-Jersey was, by the last Will of its proprie|tor, Sir George Carteret, ordered to be sold, at his death, to pay his debts.* 8.20—He died in 1679; and

it was accordingly disposed of, and conveyed, to twelve persons, or proprietors, and to their heirs and assigns, by indenture of lease and release, bearing date the first and second of February, 1681-2:— Of which Philip Carteret had remained Governor ever since the quintipartite division, in 1676, as well as before, till about this time; Elizabeth-town being then the capital, or the place of the Gover|nor's residence. The names of the twelve pro|prietors were, William Penn, Robert West,* 8.21 Tho|mas Rudyard, Samuel Groome, Thomas Hart, Richard Mew, Thomas Wilcox, of London, Gold|smith, Ambrose Rigg, John Haywood, Hugh Hartshorne, Clement Plumsted and Thomas Coo|per.

These twelve proprietors soon took in twelve others, making, in all, twenty-four.* 8.22 The names of the latter twelve proprietors were, James, Earl of Perth, John Drummond, Robert Barclay, Ro|bert Gordon, Aarent Sonmans, Gawen Lawrie, Edward Byllinge, James Braine, William Gibson, Thomas Barker, Robert Turner, and Thomas Warne. They published an account of their coun|try, a fresh project for a town, (Perth Amboy) and a method of disposing of their lands. Their plan was popular; and many, especially of the Scotch, resorted thither: and to these proprietors the Duke of York made a fresh grant of East-Jersey, bear|ing date, the 14th. of March, 1682.

Many, if not most, of these proprietors were Friends, or Quakers; Robert Barclay of Urie,* 8.23 in Scotland, a very noted person in that society, as before mentioned, being one or them, was by the rest of the proprietors, in 1683, made Governor of East-Jersey, for life; Thomas Rudyard, of the same society, from London, likewise a proprietor,

being his deputy; who, either at, or before, this time, had arrived in the province; but he was soon after succeeded by Gawen Lawrie of London, (one of the proprietors of both East and West-Jersey) under Robert Barclay.* 8.24

* 9.1East and West-Jersey thus continued, in an in|creasing and prosperous state, for a number of years, or till about the year 1701; when the na|ture of their governments, which were invested in such a large number of proprietors, occasioned so

much inconveniency, dispute; party and confusion, that, in the following year, the proprietors of both divisions agreed to surrender the government; which was accordingly done by them, to Queen Ann, by an instrument, dated the 15th. day of April, 1702. Since which time they both have continued, in prosperity, united in one government, immediately under the Crown.

It may be further observed from S. Smith's ac|count of this province,

"That the whole extent of it,* 9.2 from North to South, or from Cape May, in latitude 39 degrees, to the north station point, in latitude 41 degrees, 40 minutes, at 69 ½ miles to a degree, is about 184 miles; and its greatest breadth, about 60 miles; but supposing it, at a medium, to be 150, in length, and 50, in breadth, the whole province, must then contain 4,800,000 acres; of which one-fourth part (probably more) is poor, barren, land, in respect to tillage; but, in part, abounding with pines and cedars, and some few tracts of swamp, that will make meadow.

East Jersey is divided into five Counties,* 9.3 viz. Middlesex, Monmouth, Essex, Somerset, and Bergen. West-Jersey, into eight, as, Burlington, Gloucester, Salem, Cumberland, Cape May, Hunterdon, Mor|ris and Sussex.

"It is supposed that West-Jersey,* 9.4 contains more acres, than the eastern division, and, in return, took more barren land. East-Jersey, now in 1765, is supposed to have located nearly 468,000 acres, good land, and 96,000 acres of pine land. The proprietors of West-Jersey, soon after their arrival, divided among them 500,000 acres; which they called the first dividend: since which, at different times, they have issued directions for each proprie|tor's taking his part of four other dividends, of the like quantity, amounting in the whole, with allowance of five per cent. for roads, to 2,625,000;

conjectured by many to be full as much as the division contains; of this the far greater part is already surveyed; what yet remains are chiefly the rights of minors and people abroad."

* 9.5The vicinity of the cities of New-York to East-Jersey, and of Philadelphia to West-Jersey, has carried most of their foreign trade to these two places; to which the inhabitants resort, in that respect, as to the capitals of each respective divi|sion; so that there is no town of very considerable trade, size, or importance, in that otherwise rich, plentiful and flourishing colony of New-Jersey.

Notes

• * 1.1

  1492. Discovery of America by Colum|bus, and by Americus, &c.
• * 1.2

  See Justinian, Grotius, &c. on this subject.

  Columbus is said to be buried in the cathedral of Seville, in Spain, with this inscription on his tomb.

  "Columbus has given a new world To the kingdoms of Castile and Leon."

  Herrera, the great Spanish historian of America, expressly affirm, "That neither on the continent, nor isles of the West Indies (the name the Spaniards usually give to all America) were there either silk, wine, su|gar, olives, wheat, barley or pulse; all which (adds Herrera) and ma|ny other things have been transported thither from Spain." Their own sole original productions were tobacco, indigo, cocheneal, cotton, gin|ger, cocoa, piemento, sundry useful drugs and woods for dying, furni|ture, physic," &c.

  ANDERSON'S historical deduction of commerce, &c.
• * 1.3

  1497. British dis|coveries, by the Cabots, &c.
• † 1.4

  "The main end of the above attempt of the Cabols, from England, was said by the writers of, or near, these times, to have been to discover a north-west passage to the Indies, or spice islands, or, to Cathaia; as they then termed a country, since known to be China; whither some traveller had gone over by land, in the eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth centuries Cabot having sailed so far north as 67½ degrees, the land which he first saw, was the country between the mouth of the river of Canada and Hudson's strait; and which he, therefore, named Prima vista; (i. e. first discovered) which name it soon lost; and next got the name of Corteria|l••s, from a Portugueze; who, from Lisbon, fell in with that coast, an••o 1500, calling also the north part of it Eslotiland. After the French had settled in Canada, they freely called the country New France, Lastly, the English discoveries, on the north parts of that country, deep into the bay of Hudson, called it New Britain; though the Portugueze, in some of their maps, called it Terra di Labrador: its only produce hitherto being poltry, surs and fe••ther••."

  ANDERSON, &c.
• * 1.5

  The ancient Virginia.
• * 1.6

  1584.
• * 1.7

  "In the year 1584, Sir Walter Raleigh formed his scheme with a number of gentlemen and merchants, for making a settlement in America; for which purpose queen Elizabeth, on lady day, this year, grants him, &c. a charter for the possessing of such remote heathen lands, not then inhabited by Christians, as they should discover in six years; of which they thereby had the property granted to them for ever, reserving to the crown the fifth part of all the gold and silver are found therein, with power to seize, to their proper use, all ships, with their merchandize, that shall without leave, plant within two hundred miles of this intend|ed settlement; excepting however, the quton's subjects and allies, fishing at Newfoundland," &c. "Grants free denixation to the planters and their posterity residing there."—"Powers are also granted to the patentees, for making Bye-laws there, not repugnant to those of England."—Amidas and Barlow, with two vessels, were accordingly sent the same year."— They arrived at a part of what is now called Virginia; which name, either the queen herself, or Sir Walter Ruleigh, gave that country; where making some insignificant trade with the natives, they returned home."

  "N. B. In this, and some other patents of those times, there was no distinct place, longitude nor latitude, fixed or limited, for such plantation, although, undoubtedly, North America was the country intended."

  Anderson, &c.
• * 1.8

  1606. Virginia divided into two colo|nies.
• * 1.9

  Planting of Virginia.
• * 1.10

  1620. Planting of N. England &c.
• * 1.11

  "It is evident, from the charter, that the original design of it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to constitute a corporation in England, like that of the East Indies, and other great companies, with powers to settle plantations within the limi•••• of the territory, under 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••orms of government and magistracy as should be fit and necessary."

  Hutchinson's history of Massachussetts Bay.
• † 1.12

  "Captain John Smith, having surveyed the inland country, and presented a map of it to Charles, prince of Wales, the prince gave the country the name of New England."

  Anderson, &c.
• * 1.13

  "In volume seventeenth of Rymer's Faedera, page 608, we have a more distinct view of the condition of the colony of Virginia; in a com|mission from King James, to many lords and gentlemen, as follows, viz.—"WE, having by letters patent of the fourth year of our reign, granted powers to divers knights, gentlemen and others, for the more speedy accomplishment of the plantation of Virginia, that they should divide themselves into two colonies; the one to consist of Londoners, called the First Colony; and the other, of those of Bristol, Exeter and Plymouth, called the Second Colony. And we did, by several letters under our privy seal, prescribe orders and constitutions, for directing the affairs of said colony.

  "And whereas, afterwards, upon the petition of divers adventurers and planters of the said First (or London) colony, WE, by letters patent in the seventh year of our reign, (anno 1610) incorporated divers no|blemen, knights, &c. by the name of The Treasurer and Company of Ad|venturers and Planters of the city of London, for the first Colony of Virginia; granting them divers lands, territories, &c. to be conveyed by them to the adventurers and planters; with power to have a council there resi|dent, for the affairs of the colony; and also to place and displace officers.

  "And afterwards, in the tenth year of our reign, (1613) by letters patent, did further mention to give that Company divers Isles, on that coast"

  "And whereas, WE, finding the courses taken, for the settling of the said colony, have not taken the good effect, we intended, did, by a late commission to sundry persons of quality and trust, cause the state of the said colony to be examined into; who, after much pains taken, reported, that most of our people sent thither, had died by sickness and famine, and by massacrees by the natives; and that such as are still living, were in a lamentable necessity and want; though they (the Commissi|oners) conceived the country to be both fruitful and healthful; and that, if industry were used, it would produce many good staple commodities."— "But by neglect of the Governors and Managers here, it had, as yet, produced few, or none"—"That the said plantations are of great importance; and would, as they hoped, remain a lasting monument of our most gracious and happy government to all posterity, if the same were prosecuted to those ends, for which they were first undertaken."— "Whereupon, We, entering into mature consideration of the premises, did, by advice of our Privy Council, resolve to alter the charter of the said Company, as to points of government:—but the said Treasurer and Company not submitting thereto, The said charters are now avoided by a Quo Warranto. Wherefore, We direct you to consider the state of the said colony, and what points are fitting to be inserted in the intended new charter, and to report to Us."—"And in the meantime to take care to supply the Planters there with necessaries, and to do all other acts needful for maintaining the colony."

  "Moreover the King (Ibidem page 618) appoints Sir Francis Wy••••, Governor of the colony, with eleven Counsellors, residing in the colony."

  Anderson, &c. vol. 2. page 18.
• * 1.14

  1625.
• * 1.15

  The present form of go|vernment settled in Virginia.
• * 1.16

  And in New-En|gland.
• * 1.17

  Hutchim|son's history of Massa|chusetts bay
• * 1.18

  1609. Dutch dis|covery, or claim, &c. of New-York, &c.
• * 1.19

  "Sir Thomas West, Lord Delaware, made Captain General of Virginia, in 1609, in his second voyage to that colony, in the year 1618, died at sea; and I think, (says Stith, in his history of Virginia,) I have somewhere seen, that he died about the mouth of Delaware bay, which thence took its name from him."

  Stith's history of Virginia.

  But I find, in an old Sweedish manuscript, it was called Poutaxat by the Indians.
• † 1.20

  "Henry Hudson, an Englishman, according to our authors, in the year 1608, under a commission from the king, his master, discovered Long-Island, New-York, and the river that still bears his name; and afterwards sold the country, or rather his right, to the Dutch."

  Smith's history of New-York.
• * 1.21

  "The extent of New-Netherland, (says Smith, in his history of New-York,) was to Delaware, then called South river, and beyond it; For I find in the Dutch records, a copy of a letter from William Kieft, their Governor, at New-Amsterdam, May sixth, 1638, directed to Peter Mi|nuit, who seems, by the tenor of it, to be the Swedish Governor of New-sweden, "Asserting that the whole south river of New-Nether|lands had been in the Dutch possession many years, above and below, beset with forts, and sealed with their blood."—"Which (Kieft adds) has happened, even, during your administration, in New-Netherland, and so well known to you."

  "In the year 1642, Kieft fitted out two Sloops to drive the English out of Schuylkill, of which the Marylanders had lately possessed them|selves. The instructions, dated, May twenty second, to Jan Janson Alpendam, who commanded in that enterprize, are upon record, and strongly assert the right of the Dutch both to the soil and trade there."

  Smith's history of New-York.

  The Dutch are reported, about the year 1623, to have furnished the Indians with Fire-arms, and to have taught them the use thereof, that by their assistance, they might expel the English, when they began to settle around them.

  Smith's history of New-Jersey, and others.
• * 1.22

  1623.
• * 1.23

  1627. The Swedes settlement and claim on the De|laware, &c.
• * 1.24

  This cape is frequently confounded with cape Hinlopen, the exte|rior, or the False-cape, in Fenwick's island, being written in the same manner, and sometimes, Henlopen;—said to be a Swedish word, signi|fying, Entering in:—It was also formerly, sometimes called cape Corna|li••••, and afterwards by William Penn, cape James.—It is situated in north latitude 38 degrees, 56 minutes.

  In the notes to Smith's history of New-Jersey, is inserted an extract from a pamphlet, said there to have been published is 1648, entitled, "A description of the province of New-Albien,—in North America," &c. [which country, extending from the west bank of North-river to the bounds of Virginia, is said to have been granted by king James the first to sir Edward Plocyden, made earl Palatine of the same,] giving, among other things, an account of the country, on the bay and river of Dela|ware: and though part of it, at this time, appears not very intelligible, yet, as it is somewhat curious, and exhibits what notion, of knowledge, of this country, was then propagated, the following extract therefrom, may probably be entertaining to some.

  The author, giving an account of the discoveries of Cabot, further says,

  "The said Cabot took possession in latitude 37 degrees, of that part called Virginia and Chesapeak bay,—and of the next great bay, in, or near 39 degrees, called now by the Dutch, cape Henlopen, the South-river, and by us cape James, and Delaware bay, of the baron of Delaware's name, being then governor of Virginia; who, by sir Thomas Dale, and sir Samuel Argoll, forty years since, took possession and atternment of the Indian kings; and sixty years since, sir Walter Raleigh seated and left thirty men, and four pieces of ordnance; and the creek, near cape James, by the Dutch called Horchill, by us Roymount, and by the Indians, Cui Achomeca;"—(speaking of the Dutch, in New-Netherland, he says,)— "and in general they endanger all his majesties adjoining countries, most wickedly, feloniously, and traiterously, contrary to the marine and ad|miral laws of all christians, sell, by wholesale, guns, powder, shot and ammunition to the Indians, instructing them in the use of our fights and arms;—likewise, the Swedes hiring out three of their soldiers to the Susquahannocks, have taught them the use of our arms and fights."—

  "Whereas, that p••rt of America, or North-Virginia, lying about 39 degrees, on Delawar•• bay, called The province of New-Albion, is situ|ated in the best, and same temper as Italy, between too cold Germany, and too hot Barbary: so this lying just midway between New-England, two hundred miles north; and Virginia, one hundred and fifty miles south; where now are settled eight thousand English, and one hundred and forty ships in trade, is freed from the extreme cold and barrenness of the one, and heat and aguish marshes of the other; and is like Lam|bardy; and a rich, fat soil, plain, and having thirty-four rivers, on the main land; seventeen great isles; and partaketh of the healthiest air, and most excellent commodities of Europe, and replenished with the good|liest woods of oak, and all timber for ships and masts, mulberries, sweet cyprus, cedars, pines and firs; four sorts of grapes, for wine and raisins and with the greatest variety of choice fruits, fish and fowl; stored with all sorts of corn, yielding five, seven and ten quarters an acre: silk grass, salt, good mines, and dyers ware; five sorts of deer, buffs, and huge ells, to plow and work, all bringing three young at once. The uplands co|vered many months with berries, roots, chesnuts, walnuts, beech and oak-mast, to feed them, hogs and turkies, five hundred in a flock; and having, near the colony of Manteses, four hundred thousand acres of plain mead land, and mere level, to be flowed and flooded by that river, for corn, rice, grapes, flax and hemp. After seventeen years trading, and discovering there, and trial made, is begun to be planted and stored by the governor and company of New-Albion, consisting of forty-four lords, baronets, knights and merchants; who, for the true informing of themselves, their friends, adventurers and partners, by residents and traders there four several years, out of their journal books, namely cap|tain Brou••e, a ship master, and master Stafford, his mate, and by cap|tain Claybourn, fourteen years there trading, and Constantine his Indian, there born and bred, and by master Robert Evelin, four years there, yet by eight of their hands subscribed and enrolled, do testify this to be the true state of the country of the land and Delaware bay, or Charles's ri|ver; which is further witnessed by captain Smith, and other books of Virginia, and by New-England prospect, New-Canaan, captain Powell's map, and other descriptions of New-England and Virginia."

  Master Evelin's letter.

  Good Madam,

  Sir Edmund, our noble governor and lord, ear! Palatine, persisting still in his noble purpose, to go on with his plantation, on De|laware or Charles's river, just midway between New-England and Vir|ginia, where, with my unkle Young, I several years resided, hath often informed himself, both of me and master Stratton, as I perceive by the hands subscribed, of Edward Monmouth, Tenis Palec, and as master Buck|ham, master White, and other ship masters and sailors, whose hands I know, and it to be true, that there lived and traded with me, and is sufficiently instructed of the state of the country and people there. And I should very gladly, according to his desire, have waited upon you into Hampshire, to have informed your honor, in person, had I not, next week, been passing to Virginia. But nevertheless, to satisfy you of the truth, I thought good to write unto you my knowledge, and first, to describe to you, from the north side of Delaware, unto Hudson's river, in sir Edmund's patent, called New-Albion; which lyeth just between New-England and Maryland, and that ocean-sea; I take it to be about one hundred and sixty miles; I find some broken land, isles and inlets, and many small isles at Egg-bay. But, going to Delaware-bay, by cape May; which is twenty-four miles, at most, and is, as I understand, very well set out, and printed in captain Powell's map of New-England, done, as is told me, by a draught I gave to M. Daniel, the plot maker; which, sir Edmund saith, you have at home;—on that north side, about five miles within, a port, or road, for any ships, called the Nook; and within lyeth the king of Kechemeches, having, as I suppose, about fifty men; and twelve leagues higher, a little above the bay and bar, is the river of Manteses, which hath twenty miles on Charles's river, and thirty miles running up a fair navigable, deep river, all a flat level of rich and fat black marsh mould; which I think to be three hundred thousand acres. In this sir Ed|mund intends, as he saith, to settle; and there the king of Manteses hath about one hundred bowmen. Next above, about six leagues higher, is a fair deep river, twelve miles navigable; where is Free-stone, and there, over against it, is the king of Sikonesses; and next is Asomoches river and king, with an hundred men; and next is Eriwoneck, a king of forty men; where we sat down; and five miles above is the king of Ramcock, with one hundred men; and four miles higher the king of Axion, with two-hundred men; and next to him, ten leagues over land, an inland king Calcefar, with one hundred and fifty men; and then there is, in the mid|dle of Charle's river, two fair woody islands, very pleasant and fit for parks, one of one thousand acres, the other of one thousand four hundred, or thereabouts; and six leagues higher, near a creek, called Mosilian, the king having two hundred men; and then we come to the Falls, made by a rock of limestone; as I suppose, it is about sixty-five leagues from the sea:—near to which is an isle, fit for a city; all materials there to build; and above, the river fair and navigable, as the Indians inform me; for I went but ten miles higher. I do account all the Indians to be about eight hundred; and are in several factions and war against the Susquaban|nocks; and are all extreme fearful of a gun, naked and unarmed against our shot, swords and pikes. I had some bickering with some of them; and they are of so little esteem, as I durst, with fifteen men, sit down, or trade in despight of them; and since my return eighteen Swedes are set|tled there; and so sometimes sixteen Dutchmen do, in a boat, trade with|out fear of them.

  I saw there an infinite quantity of bustards, swans, geese and fowl, covering the shores; as within, the like multitude of pidgeons, and store of turkies; of which I tried one to weigh forty-six pounds. There is much variety and plenty of delicate fresh sea fish, and shell fish, and whales or grampus; elks, deer that bring three young at a time, and the woods bestrewed many months with chesnuts, walnuts and mast of se|veral sorts, to seed them and hogs, that would increase exceedingly. There the barren grounds have four kinds of grapes, and many mulber|ries, with ash, elms, and the tallest and greatest pines and pitch trees, that I have seen. There are cedars, cypress and sassafras, with wild fruits, pears, wild-cherries, pine-apples, and the dainty Parsemenas; and there is no question but Almonds, and other fruits of Spain, will prosper, as in Virginia. And (which is a good comfort) in four and twenty hours, you may send, or go by sea, to New-England, or Virginia, with a fair wind; you may have cattle, and from the Indians two thousand bushels of corn, at twelve pence a bushel, in truck; so as victuals are there cheaper and better than to be transported; neither do I conceive any great need of a fort, or charge, where there is no enemy.

  If my lord Palatine will bring with him three hundred men, or more, there is no doubt, but he may do very well, and grow rich; for it is a most pure healthful air, and such pure wholesome springs, rivers and waters, as are delightful of a desert, as can be seen; with so many va|rieties of several flowers, trees and forests, for swine; so many fair risings and prospects, all green and verdant: and Maryland, a good friend and neighbour, in four and twenty hours, ready to comfort and supply.

  And truly 〈◊〉〈◊〉 believe, my lord of Baltimore will be glad of my lord Palatine's 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••on and assistance, against any enemy, or bad neigh|bour: and if my lord Palatine employ some men to sow slax, hemp and rapes in these rich marshes, or build ships, and make pipe staves, and load some ships with these wares, or fish, from the northward, he may have any money, ware, or company, brought him, by his own ships, or the ships of Virginia, or New-England, all the year.

  And because your honour is of the noble house of the Pawlets, and, as I am informed, desire to lead many of your friends and kindred thi|ther, whom, as I honour, I desire to serve, I shall entreat you to believe me, as a gentleman and christian, I write to you nothing but the truth, and hope there to take opportunity, in due season to visit you, and do all the good offices, in Virginia, my place and friends can serve you in: And thus tendering my service, I rest, madam, your honours most hum|ble, faithful servant,

  Robert Evelin.

  "Now since master Elmes's letter, and seven years discoveries of the lord governor in person, and by honest traders with the Indians, we find, beside the Indian kings, by him known and printed, in this province, there are, in all twenty-three Indian kings, or chief commanders, and besides the number of eight hundred by him named, there are, at least, one thousand two hundred, under the Raritan kings, on the north side, next to Hudson's river; and those come down to the ocean, about Little-egg-bay, and Sandy Barnegate, and about the south cape, two small kings of forty men a piece, called Tirans, or Tiascons; and a third reduced to fourteen men, at Roymount: The Susquchannocks are not now, of the na|turals, left above one hundred and ten, though with their forced auxilia|ries, the Ihon-a-Does, and Wycomeses, they can make two hundred and fifty;—These together are counted valiant and terrible to other cowardly dull Indians; which they beat with the sight of guns only."

  "The eighth seat is Kildorpy, near the falls of Charles river, near two hundred miles up from the ocean; it hath clear fields to plant and sow; and near it are sweet, large meads of Clover, or Huney-suckle, no where else in America, to be seen, unless transported from Europe; a ship of one hundred and forty tons may come up to these falls; which is the best seat for health, and a trading house to be built on the rocks; and ten leagues higher are Lead-mines, in stony hills."

  "The ninth is called mount Ployden, the seat of the Raritan kings, on the north side of this province, twenty miles from Sand-bay sea, and ninety from the ocean, next to Amara-hill, the retired Paradise of the children of the Ethiopian emperor, a wonder; for it is a square rock, two miles compass, one hundred and fifty feet high, a wall-like precipice, a strait entrance, easily made invinsible; where he keeps two hundred for his guard; and under it is a flat valley, all plain, to plant and sow."

  "The Susquehannock's new town is also a rare, healthy and rich place, with it a chrystal broad river; but some falls below hinder navigation; and the Hook-hill, on the ocean, with its clear fields, near Hudson's river, on the south side is much commended for health and fish, were it not so northerly."

  "The bounds are one thousand miles compass, of this most temperate rich province; for our south bound, is Marylands north bound;—and be|ginning at Aquats, or the southermost, or first cape of Delaware bay, in 38 degrees, 40 minutes, and so runneth by, or through, or including Kent isle, through Chesapeak bay, to Piscataway, including the falls of Petowmack river, to the head, or northermost branch of that river, being three hundred miles due west; and thence northward to the head of Hud|son's river, fifty leagues; and so down Hudson's river, to the ocean, sixty leagues, and thence to the ocean and isles across Delaware bay, to the south cape, fifty leagues; in all seven hundred and eighty miles. Then all Hudson's river, isles, Long-isle, or Pamunke, and all isles within ten leagues of the said province being. And note, Long-island alone is twenty miles broad, and one hundred and eighty long; so that alone is four hundred miles compass. Now I have examined all former patents, some being surrendered, and some adjudged void, as gotton on false sug|gestions; as, that at the council table was, at master Gonges suit of Man|tachusets; and, as captain Clayborn, heretofore secretary, and now trea|surer, of Virginia, in dispute with master Leonard Calvert, alledgeth; that of Maryland is likewise void, in part, as gotten on false suggestions; for, as captain Clayborn sheweth, the Maryland patent, in the first part, declareth the king's intention to be, to grant a land, thereafter described, altogether dishabited and unplanted, though possessed with Indians. Now Kent-isle was with many households of English by captain C. Clayborn before seated; and because his majesty, by his privy signet, shortly after declared, it was not his intention to grant any lands before seated and habited: and for that it lyeth, by the Maryland printed card, clean northward, within Albion, and not in Maryland: and not only late seaman, but old Depo|sitions, in Clayborn's hand, shew it to be out of Maryland: and for that, Albions privy signet is elder, and before Maryland patent; Clayborn, by force, entered and thrust out master Calvert out of Kent; next Maryland patent, coming to the ocean, saith, along by the ocean, upon Delaware bay; that is, the first cape of the two, most plain in view, and expressed in all the late English and Dutch cards; and unto Delaware bay is not into the bay, nor farther than the cape, heading the bay, being in 38 degrees, 40 minutes, or, at most, by seven observations I have seen, 38 degrees 50 minutes; so as undoubtedly, that is the true intended, and ground bound and line, and further; for the words following are not words of grant, but words of declaration, that is, Which Delaware-bay lyeth in 40 degrees, where New-England ends; these are both untrue, and so being declarative, as a false suggestion, is void; for no part of Dela|ware bay lyeth in 40 degrees; now if there were but the least doubt of these true bounds, I should wish, by consent, or commission, and peram|bulation and boundary; not but there is land enough for all; and I hold Kent-isle, having lately but twenty men in it, and tbe mill and fort pul|led down, and in war with all the Indians near it, is not worth the keeping."
• * 2.1

  1630.
• * 2.2

  The Swedes and Dutch unite a|gainst the English, &c.
• * 2.3

  1631. The Swedes erect a fort at Christeen &c.
• * 2.4

  1631, &c. Swedish improve|ments.
• * 2.5

  1632. The first rise of the colony of Maryland.
• * 2.6

  1632. Situation and bounds of Mary|land.
• * 2.7

  1632. On the bounds be|tween Ma|ryland and Pennsylva|nia, &c.
• * 2.8

  "The year 1632 (says Anderson, before quoted) gave rise to the colony of Maryland, being a part of what was then reckoned Virginia. Sir George Calvert, secretary of state, (he, or his son, being afterwards created lord Baltimore) having, in the years 1621 and 1622, obtained of king James, a grant of part of Newfoundland, he, some time after, re|moved thither, with his family; but he soon found it to be one of the worst countries, in the habitable world. Whereupon he returned back to England, and, he being a conscientious Roman catholic, (says sir William Keith, in his history of Virginia) was inclined to retire, with his family, to some part of Virginia, there quietly to enjoy the free exercise of his religion; for which purpose he went thither himself;" (in, or about the year 1631) "but being discouraged by the universal dislike, which he perceiving the people of Virginia had to the very name of a Papist, he left Virginia, and went further up the bay of Cheaspeak; and finding there a very large tract of land, commodiously watered with many fine rivers, and not yet planted by any Christians, he returned for England, and represented to the king, that the colony of Virginia had not, as yet, occupied any lands beyond the south bound of Potowmack river; whereupon he obtained a promise of the king's grant, but dying before it was made out, his son Caecilius took it out in his own name, on the twentieth of June, 1632; the king himself naming it Maryland, in honour of his queen, Henrietta Maria. It is held by the lords Baltimore of the crown, in free and common sociage, as of the kings honour of wirdsor, yielding and paying yearly for ever (if demanded) two Indian arrows;—by which charter this lord proprietary has as plenary, or sovereign, a power, as any in America; having the sole right to all the quit rents of land there|in, which he shall grant out to his Land-holders; who, however, are empowered by the crown, to lay on all proper taxes, &c. in their general courts, composed of their representatives duly elected, and of the coun|cil: and the governor is always to be appointed by the said lord propri|etary, with the king's approbation, &c."
• * 2.9

  1654, &c. Of the Swedes on Delaware, Smith's his|tory of New Jersey.
• † 2.10

  This place, after it came into the hands of the English, was some|times called Delaware town.
• * 2.11

  Smith's history of New-York.
• * 2.12

  Treaty be|tween the Swedes and Indians.
• * 2.13

  The Dutch reduce the Swedes on Delaware, &c.
• * 2.14

  Smith's his|tory of New York.
• * 2.15

  1657, &c.
• * 2.16

  Ibid.
• * 2.17

  Extent of the Dutch claim on Delaware, &c.
• * 2.18

  Ibid.
• * 2.19

  Lord Bal|timore's claim on Delaware, &c.
• * 2.20

  Impedi|ments to the advance|ment of Maryland, &c. Ibid.
• * 2.21

  Grant of K. Charles the second to the Duke of York, &c.
• * 2.22

  Bounds of the grant.
• * 2.23

  Reduced under the British go|vernment.
• * 2.24

  Smith's his|tory of New York, &c.
• * 2.25

  First league of friend|ship with the Indians, &c.
• * 2.26

  Inhabitants on Dela|ware redu|ced, &c.
• * 2.27

  These articles were as follow, viz.

  "ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT between the honorable Sir Robert Carr, knight, on behalf of his majesty of Great Britain, and the Burgo Masters, on behalf of themselves and all the Dutch and Swedes, in|habitants on Delaware bay, and Delaware river.

  1. "That all Burgesses and Planters will submit themselves to his Ma|jesty without any resistance.

  2. "That whoever, or what nation soever, doth submit to his Ma|jesty's authority, shall be protected in their estates, real and personal whatsoever, by his Majesty's laws and justice.

  3. "That the present Magistrates shall be continued in their offices and jurisdictions, to exercise their civil power as formerly.

  4. "That if any Dutchman, or other person, shall desire to depart from this river, it shall be lawful for him so to do, with his goods, within six months after the date of these articles.

  5. "That the Magistrates, and all the inhabitants (who are included in these articles) shall take the oaths of allegiance to his Majesty.

  6. "That all people shall enjoy the liberty of their consciences, in Church discipline, as formerly.

  7. "That whoever shall take the oaths, is, from that time, a free denizen, and shall enjoy all the privileges of trading into any of his Majesty's dominions, as freely as any Englishman, and may require a cer|tificate for so doing.

  8. "That the Schout, the Burgo Master, Sheriff and other inferior Magistrates shall use and exercise their customary power, in administra|tion of justice, within their precincts, for six months, or until his Ma|jesty's pleasure is further known.

  "Dated October 1st. 1664."
• * 2.28

  1664. English go|vernment at New-York, and on Dela|ware.
• * 2.29

  Smith's history of New Jer|sey.
• * 2.30

  These directions were:—

  "That it is necessary to hold up the name and countenance of a gar|rison, in Delaware, with twenty men, and one commission officer.

  "That the commission officer shall undertake to provide all sorts of provisions for the whole garrison, at the rate of five pence per day, viz. wholesome bread, beer, pease, or beef, that no just complaint be made of either; that the soldiers (so far as conveniently may be) be lodged in the fort, and keep the stockades up, in defence; that the civil govern|ment, in the respective plantations, be continued till further orders.

  "That, to prevent all abuses, or oppositions, in civil Magistrates, so often as complaint is made, the commission officer, captain Carr, shall call the Schout, with Hans Block, Israel Holme, Peter Rambo, Peter Cock, Peter Aldrick, or any two of them, as counsellors, to advise and deter|mine, by the major vote, what is just, equitable and necessary, in the case and cases, in question.

  "That the same persons also, or any two or more of them, be cal|led to advise and direct what is best to be done in all cases of difficulty, which may arise from the Indians, and to give their council and orders, for the arming of the several plantations and planters, who must obey and attend their summons upon such occasion.

  "That two-thirds, at least, of the soldiers remain constantly in and about Newcastle at all hours.

  "That the fines or premunires, and light offences be executed with moderation; though it is also necessary that ill men be punished, in an exemplary manner.

  "That the commission officer captain Carr, in the determination of civil affairs, whereunto the temporary, before mentioned, counsellors are ordered, shall have a casting voice, where votes are equal.

  "That the new appointed counsellors are to take the oath to his Royal Highness.

  "That the laws of the government, established by his Royal Highness be shewed, and frequently communicated to the said counsellors, and all others, to the end that, being therewith acquainted, the practice of them may also, in convenient time, be established: which conduceth to the public welfare and common justice.

  "That no offensive war be made against any Indians, before you re|ceive directions from the government for so doing.

  "That in all matters of difficulty and importance, you must have recourse, by way of appeal, to the Governor and Council at New-York.
• * 2.31

  First rise, extent and bounds of New-Jer|sey.
• * 2.32

  New-Ne|therland divided into New-Jer|sey and New-York.
• * 2.33

  Smith's history of New-Jer|sey.
• * 2.34

  These concessions, or constitutions, may be seen in the appendix to Smith's history of New-Jersey, No 1.
• * 2.35

  1667.
• * 2.36

  Transac|tions on De|laware re|specting the Indians, &c.
• * 2.37

  1668.
• * 2.38

  Why the Indians are so prone to drunken|ness, &c.
• * 2.39

  Since the Europeans came among them.
• * 2.40

  Governor Lovelace gives direc|tions to Carr, &c.
• * 2.41

  Remark|able act of Justice among the Indians.
• * 2.42

  Other dis|turbances on Dela|ware, &c.
• * 2.43

  1669.
• * 2.44

  Further proceed|ings on De|laware, &c.
• * 2.45

  1669. Appoint|ment of Collector, &c. at Hoarkill, or Lewis|town.
• * 2.46

  Hoarkill, the settlement so called, from a small river, or creek, near Cape-Inlopen, or Henlopen, at the mouth of Delaware bay, was a place of considerable importance to the Swedes, about that time, though since chiefly become a residence for pilots only, and called Lewis-town; before which, at the entrance of the bay, is the road, for ships, &c.

  This place (from an old M. S.) is said to have been named Hoarkill by the Dutch, from the Indians prostituting their young women to the Netherlanders:—otherwise it is by David Piertersz de Uries, who, about the year, 1630, first endeavoured to settle there, called Swanendale.

  Other accounts affirm, That the original of the name arose from the winding and turning of the creek, much in the shape of a horn, whence the Dutch word, Hoarnkill:—This is the tradition of the inhabitants there, &c. But soon after it came into the hands of the English, it took the above name of Lewis-town:—and the creek appears to be much diminished, &c.
• * 2.47

  1672. New-Castle incorporat|ed.
• * 2.48

  Smith's his|tory of N. Jersey.
• * 2.49

  The Mary|landers dis|turb the in|habitants at Hoarkill.
• * 2.50

  Governor Lovelace's conduct on the occa|sion.
• * 2.51

  The first of these letters is dated the twelth of August 1672, and is as follows, viz.

  To Philip Calvert, Esquire, Governor of Maryland.

  SIR,

  I thought it had been impossible, now in these portending bei|sterous times, wherein all true hearted Englishmen are buckling on their armour, to vindicate their honors, and to assert the imperial interest of his sacred Majesty's rights and dominions; that now, without any just grounds, either given or pretended, such horrid outrages should be com|mitted on his majesty's liege subjects, under the protection of his Royal Highness's authority, as was exercised by one Jones; who, with a party, as dissolute as himself, took the pains to ride to the Hoarkills, where in derision and contempt of the Duke's authority, he bound the Magistrates and inhabitants, despitefully treated them, rifled and plundered them of their goods; and when it was demanded, by what authority he acted, he answered in no other language, but a cocked pistol to his brea•••• which if it had spoke, had, for ever silenced him. I do not remember I have heard of a greater outrage and riot, committed on his Majesty's subjects, in America, but once before in Maryland; You cannot but imagine his Royal Highness will not be satisfied with these violent pro|ceedings; in which the indignity rebounds on him; neither can you but believe it as easy an undertaking to me, to retaliate the same affront on Jones's head, and accomplices, as he did on those indefensible inha|bitants: but I rather chuse to have first a more calm redress from you; to whom I now appeal, and from whom I may, in justice, expect that right, in the castigation of Jones cum sociis, that your nature and the law has provided for; otherwise I must apply myself to such other reme|dies, as the exigence of this indignity shall perswade me to; thus, leav|ing it to your consideration, I shall remain your very humble servant,

  Fr. Lovelace.

  The following is his letter to Carr, on the same occasion, viz.

  SIR,

  The letters you sent me, by the express over laud, came safe to my hands, with the enclosed relation and papers, concerning the Hoarkill, and the Marylanders forceably possessing themselves of the place; as also of the goods and estates of some of the inhabitants; of which we had some rumours before, but did not give much credit to it; supposing what was done before to be the rash action of some private person, not think|ing the authority of Maryland would invade his royal highness's terri|tories; which he hath been possessed of for near eight years, without giving the least overture of it to me, who am his Royal Highness's de|puty. Their former violent action and force upon those poor unarmed people, together with the particulars of their plunders, I had immedi|ate opportunity of transmitting to his Royal Highness, by a ship then bound away for London; the which I made use of, and recommended their case; and I hope, it hath long ere this arrived at his hands, so that some directions, about it, may be expected in a short time; till when, I think it best, for the present, to leave matters there as they are; but, as to the cloud, which hangs over your heads, at Delaware, which, it is said, they are making preparations to invade, my instructions and orders to you, and the officers in general, are, that you put yourselves in the best posture of defence possibly you can, by fitting up the fort in the town; keeping your companies in arms, both there and up the river; who are to provide themselves with fitting ammunition; and that all soldiers be at an hours warning, upon any alarm, or order given; and that, at the town especially, you make your guards as strong as you can, and keep a strict watch; and if any enemy come to demand the place, that you first desire to know their authority and commission, and how it comes to pass those of Maryland should now make such an invasion, after so long quiet possession of those parts by his Royal Highness's Deputies, under his Majesty's obedience, and by other nations before that, several years be|fore the date of the Lord Baltimore's patent; whom they never disturbed by arms; and whose right is now devolved upon the Duke. Stand well upon your guard, and do not begin with them; but, if they first break the peace, by firing upon your guards, or any such hostile action, then use all possible means to defend yourselves and the place; and command all his Majesty's good subjects to be aiding and assisting to you; who, I hope, will not be wanting to their abilities. In all matters of concern, you are to take advice of the chief officers there.

  This will come to you by your Bailiff, Mr. Peter Alricks, who is hastening over land, to secure his affairs there, in this portending inva|sion, and to give his best help for the safeguard of the place, and his Royal Highness's interest, upon all occasions. Fail not to send an express to me, by whom I shall give you such further directions and assistance as will be requisite; and, if occasion should be, will come over myself in person; though the spring would be more suitable for me, than a winter voyage; so recommending all things to your care and vigilance, of which I expect a good account, I conclude, being your very loving friend,

  Francis Lovelace,

  Fort James, in New-York, this 7th. of October, 1672.
• * 4.1

  Dutch pri|vateers, &c.
• * 4.2

  Wampum their chief currency. &c.
• * 4.3

  "This is the Indian money, by them called Wampum; by the Dutch S••want. It is worked out of shells, into the form of beads, and perfo|rated to string on leather. Six beads were formerly valued at a Stiver; twenty Stivers made what they called a Guilder; which was about six|pence currency, or four pence, sterling. The white Wampum was worked out of the inside of the great Conques. The black, or purple was formed out of the inside of the Musile, or Clam-shell. These, being strung on leather, are sometimes formed into belts, about four inches broad, and thirty in length; which are commonly given and received at treaties, at seals of friendship.—Wampum has been long made by certain poor Indian families at Albany; who support themselves by coming this cash for the traders."
• * 4.4

  1673. New-York &c. taken by the Dutch.
• * 4.5

  Smith's his|tory of N. York.
• † 4.6

  Colve's commission, translated as follows, shews the extent of the Dutch claim, at that time in this country, viz.

  "The honourable and awful council of war, for their High Mighti|nesses, the States General of the United Netherlands and his Serene Highness the Prince of Orange, over a squadron of ships, now at anchor in Hudson's river, in New Netherlands; to all those who shall see or hear these Greeting. As it is necessary to appoint a fit and able person to car|ry the chief command over the conquest of New Netherlands, with all its appendencies, from cape Hinlopen on the south side of the South or Dela|ware bay, and fifteen miles more southerly, with the said bay and South river, included, so as they were formerly possessed by the directors of the city of Amsterdam, and after by the English government, in the name and right of the Duke of York, and further from the said Cape Hinlopen along the Great Ocean to the east end of Long Island and Shelter Island, from thence westward to the middle of the sound, to a town called Greenwich, on the Main, and to run landward in northerly; provided that such line shall not come within ten miles of North River, conformable to a Provin|cial Treaty, made in 1650, and ratified by the States General, Februa|ry 22d. 1656, and January 23d. 1664; with all Lands, Rivers, Lakes, Kills, Creeks, Fresh and Salt Waters, Fortresses, Cities, Towns and Plantations, therein comprehended. So it is, that we, being sufficiently assured of the capacity of Anthony Colve, captain of a company of foot, in the service of their High Mightinesses, the States General of the United Netherlands, and his Serene Highness the Prince of Orange, &c. by virtue of our Commission, granted us by their before men|tioned High Mightinesses, and his Highness, have appointed and qua|lified, as we do by these presents, appoint and qualify, the said captain Anthony Colve to govern and rule the lands, with the appendencies and dependencies thereof as Governor General; to protect them from all invasions of enemies, as he shall judge most necessary; hereby charging all high and low officers, justices and magistrates, and others in authority, soldiers, burghers, and all the inhabitants of this land to acknowledge, honour, respect and obey, the said Anthony Colve, as Governor General; for such we judge necessary for the service of the country, waiting the approbation of our principals. This done at fort William Hendrisk, the 12th. day of August, 1673."

  Signed by CORNELUIS EVERTSE, junior. JACOB BENKES.
• * 5.1

  1674. By the peace, New-York, &c. is restored to the En|glish, &c.
• * 5.2

  Edm. An|dross, ap|pointed Go|vernor of New York, &c.
• * 5.3

  W. Penn concerned in the set|tlement of West-New-Jersey, &c.
• * 5.4

  1675. Lord Berkeley fells West-Jersey, &c.
• * 5.5

  Both Fenwicke and Byllinge are said to have been of the people cal|led Quakers; respecting whose particular characters, nothing very mate|rial appears.—Fenwicke brought with him two daughters, and many ser|vants:—two of the latter, viz. Samuel Hodge and John Adams afterwards married his daughters. Some of the others in this ship, were Edmund Champness, Fenwicke's son in law, Edward Wade, Samuel Wade, John Smith and wife, Samuel Nicholson, Richard Guy, Richard Noble, Richard Hancock, John Pledger, Hipolite Lufever, and John Matlack; these, and others with them, were masters of families.
• * 5.6

  First En|glish ship arrives at W. Jersey.
• * 5.7

  Names of the propri|etors.
• * 5.8

  1675.
• * 5.9

  1676. Proceed|ings res|pecting W. N. Jersey.
• * 5.10

  Division of New-Jer|sey, into East and West, &c.
• * 5.11

  Richard Hartshorne lived in Middletown, in East-Jersey; he was one of the people called Quakers, of good reputation, public character, and of a benevolent disposition, in those early times. He came thither from London, in the seventh month, old style, 1669; where he lived many years. There are several of his descendants, still inhabitants of these parts.
• * 5.12

  Extract of the proprie|tor's letter to R. Harts|horne.
• † 5.13

  The division line between East and West-Jersey, as it was afterwards run and marked out, about the year 1687, and agreed to, in the next following year, by Coxe and Barclay, the respective Governors of each divi|sion, more particularly, proceeded from Little Egg Harbour, N. by W. and 30 degrees and 5 minutes more westerly 60 miles, to the corner of John Do|bie's plantation, on the south branch of Raritan river; from thence con|tinuing behind that and other plantations, to that of James Dundas: It proceeded from the most north westerly part thereof, north-eastward, to the north branch of said river; thence by the largest branch thereof, to its north end; from thence to the nearest part of Pasaick river; whence following its course, and that of Paquanick river, so long as it runs northerly, or northwesterly; those rivers still being the bounds be|tween both provinces; and if the latter do not run far enough to the la|titude of 41 degrees, then from said river, by a straight line northward to the latitude, the utmost north partition point, from which point, a straight line drawn due east, to the partition point, on Hudson's river, to be the boundary between East-Jersey and New York."

  S. Smith's history of New-Jersey.
• * 5.14

  To these two persons the said ten parts had been conveyed by Fen|wicke; being together with a certain sum of money, the proportion, or satisfaction, agreed on between him and Byllinge, and conveyed to him by the latter, for his service and trouble, in the concern.
• * 5.15

  Proprietors of West-Jersey were Quakers.
• * 5.16

  Their con|cern for an orderly set|tlement, &c.
• * 5.17

  This epistle was as follows, viz.

  Dear friends and Brethren,

  In the pure love and precious fellowship of our Lord Jesus Christ we very dearly salute you;—Forasmuch as there was a paper printed se|veral months ago, entitled, "The description of New-West-Jersey, in which our names were mentioned, as Trustees for one undivided moiety of the said province, and because it is alledged, that some, partly on this ac|count, and others apprehending that the paper, by the manner of its expression, came from the body of Friends, as a religious society of people, and not from particulars, have, through these mistakes, weakly concluded, that the said description, in matter and form, might be writ, printed and recommended on purpose to prompt and allure people to dis-settle and transplant themselves, as its also by some alledged; and because we are informed that several have, on that account, taken encouragement and resolution to transplant themselves and families to that province; and left any of them (as is feared by some) should go out of a curious and unsettled mind; and others to shun the testimony of the blessed Cross of Jesus; of which several weighty friends have a godly jealousy upon their spirits, left an unwarrantable forwardness should act or hurry, any be|side, or beyond, the wisdom and counsel of the Lord, or the freedom of his light and spirit, in their own hearts, and not upon good and weighty grounds; it truly laid upon us to let Friends know how the matter stands; which we shall endeavour to do with all clearness and fidelity.

  1. That there is such a place as New-Jersey is certain.

  2. That it is reputed of those, who have lived and travelled in that country to be wholesome of air, and fruitful of soil, and capable of sea trade, is also certain; and it is not right, in any, to despise it, or disswade those, that find freedom from the Lord, and necessity put upon them, on going.

  3. That the Duke of York sold it to those called Lord Berkeley, Ba|ron of Stratton, and Sir George Carteret; equally to be divided between them, is also certain.

  4. One moiety, or half part, of the said province, being the right of the Lord Berkeley, was sold by him to John Fenwicke, in trust for Edward Byllinge, and his assigns.

  5. Forasmuch as Edward Billinge (after William Penn had ended the ••••erence between E. Byllinge and J. Fenwicke) was willing to present his interest, in the said province, to his creditors, as all that he had left him, towards their satisfaction, he desired W. Penn (though every way unconcerned) and Gawen Lawrie and Nicholas Lucas, two of his credi|tors, to be trustees, for performance of the same; and because several of his creditors, particularly and very importunately pressed W. Penn to accept of the trust, for their sakes and security, we did, all of us, comply with these, and the like requests, and accepted of the trust.

  6. Upon this we became trustees for one moiety of the said province, yet undivided; and after do little labour, trouble and cost, a division was obtained between the said Sir George Carteret and us, as trustees: the country is situated and bounded, as is expressed in the printed description.

  7. This now divided moiety is to be cast into one hundred parts, lots or proprieties; ten of which, upon the agreement, made betwixt E. Billinge and J. Fenwicke, his executors and assigns, with a consider|able sum of money by way of satisfaction, for what he became concerned in the purchase from the said Lord Berkeley, and by him afterwards con|veyed to John Edridge and Edmond Warner, their heirs and assigns.

  8. The ninety parts remaining are exposed to sale; on behalf of the creditors of the said Edward Byllinge. And forasmuch several friends are concerned as creditors, as well as others, and the disposal of so great a part of this country being in our hands; we did in real tenderness and regard to friends, and especially to the poor and necessitous, make friends the first offer; that if any of them, though particularly those, who being low in the world, and under trials about a comfortable livelihood for themselves and families, should be desirous of dealing for any part or parcel thereof, that they might have the refusal.

  9. This was the real and honest intent of our hearts, and not to prompt, or allure any out of their places, either by the credit our names might have with our people throughout the nation, or by representing the thing otherwise than it is in itself.

  As to the printed paper, some time since set forth by the creditors, as a description of that province, we say, as to two passages in it, they are not so clearly and safely worded as ought to have been; particularly in seeming to hint, the Winter season to be so short a time; when, on fur|ther information, we hear it is sometimes longer, and sometimes shorter, than therein expressed; and the last clause, relating to liberty of conscience, we would not have any to think, that it is promised or intended, to main|tain the liberty of the exercise of religion by force of arms; though we shall never consent to any the least violence on conscience; yet it was never designed to encourage any to expect by force of arms, to have liberty of conscience fenced against invaders thereof.

  And be it known unto you all, in the name and fear of Almighty God, his Glory and Honor, Power and Wisdom, Truth and Kingdom, is dearer to us, than all visible things; and as our eye has been single, and our hearts sincere, in the living God, in this, as in other things, so we desire all, whom it may concern, that all groundless jealousies may be judged down, and watched against; and that all extremes may be avoided, on all hands, by the power of the Lord; that nothing which hurts or grieves the holy life of truth in any that goes or stays, may be adhered to, nor any provocation given to break precious unity.

  This am I, William Penn, moved of the Lord to write unto you, left any bring a temptation upon themselves, or others; and, in offend|ing the Lord, slay their own Peace. Blessed are they that can see and behold him their Leader, their Orderer, their Conductor and Preserver in staying and going; whose is the earth and the fulness thereof, and the cattle upon a thousand hills. And, as we formerly writ, we cannot but repeat our request unto you, that, in whomsoever a desire is to be con|cerned in this intended plantation, such would weigh the thing before the Lord, and not headily, or rashly, conclude on any such remove; and that they do not offer violence to the tender love of their near kindred and relations, but soberly and conscientiously endeavour to obtain their good wills; the unity of friends, where they live; that, whether they go, or stay, it may be of good favour before the Lord, and good people; from whom only can all heavenly and earthly blessings come;—This we thought good to write, for the preventing all misunderstandings, and to declare the real truth of the matter; and so we recommend you all to the Lord, who is the watchman of his Israel. We are your real friends and bre|thren.

  WILLIAM PENN. GAWEN LAWRIE. NICHOLAS LUCAS.
• * 6.1

  1667. Arrival of the Kent, &c.
• * 6.2

  Names of the Com|missioners.
• * 6.3

  Of these Commissioners, Richard Guy came in the first ship; John Kinsey died at Shackamaxon, (the Indian name of the place, where Ken|sington stands, near Philadelphia) soon after his landing.

  Among the purchasers of the West-Jersey lands, were two companies, both consisting of friends, or Quakers; the one of persons from Yorkshire, the other from London. These contracted for large shares, and had patents for them.—See the concessions, in Smith's appendix to the history of New-Jersey, No. 2, &c.

  Those of the county of York, were, Thomas Hutchinson of Beverly, Thomas Pearson of Bonwicke, Joseph Helmsley of Great Kelle, George Hutchinson of Sheffield, and Mahion Stacy of Hansworth. All these were principal creditors of Edward Byllinge; and to these, several of the other creditors made assignments of their debts, which together amounted to 3500 pounds sterling; and they took, in satisfaction for the sum, one-tenth part of West-Jersey; which was conveyed to them by Willam Penn, Gawen Lawrie and Nicholas Lucas, and Edward Byllinge, in two different deeds, dated the first of the month called March, 1676.

  Smith's history of New-Jersey.

  The Yorkshire Commissioners were Joseph Helmsley, William Emley, and Robert Stacy;—those of London, were John Penford. Thomas Olive, Daniel Wills and Benjamin Scots.

  ibid.
• * 6.4

  Passengers on board the Kent, &c.
• * 6.5

  They and|ed at Rac|koon-creek, &c.
• * 6.6

  The Com|missioners treat with the Indians, &c.
• * 6.7

  Thomas Olive, the first mentioned of these Commissioners, by the Kent, was afterwards Governor of West-Jersey, and in other respects, a man of importance; being both a preacher and writer among the Quakers. While he was in the magistracy, by his skill and prudent management, he acquired an universally good character; and in both his religious and civil capacity and deportment, through life, he is said to have merited and obtained the general love and esteem of all people, till his death; which was about the year 1692, at Rankokas, where he had lived.

  To form an idea of the price of lands, then purchased of the Indians, the following instance may suffice, viz.

  "The price of the lands, situated between Oldman's-creek, and Timber-creek, extending about twenty miles on the river Delaware, purchased this year, (1677) consisted of thirty matchcoats, twenty guns, thirty kettles, and one great one, thirty pair of hose, twenty fathom of duffelds, thirty petticoats, thirty narrow hoes, thirty bars of lead, fifteen small barrels of powder, seventy knives, thirty Indian axes, seventy combs, sixty pair of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tongs, sixty pair of scizzars, sixty Tinshaw looking glasses, one hundred and twenty awl blades, one hundred and twenty fish hooks, two grasps of red paint, one hundred and twenty needles, sixty tobacco boxes, two hundred bells, one hundred Jews harps, sixty anchors of rum."

  Smith's history of New-Jersey.

  In the same history it is mentioned in another place, about the year, 1703, when the price of lands was consequenly much advanced, viz.

  "The council (of proprietors) have made two purchases, amounting to, according to our best computation, the number of one hundred and fifty thousand acres, at least; the cost thereof to the Indians, with other inci|dental charges, will amount to about the sum of seven hundred pounds."

  Ibid.
• * 6.8

  Burlington laidout, &c.
• * 6.9

  S. Smith, &c.
• † 6.10

  Some of the masters of families, who came in the ship last menti|oned, and settled in and about Burlington, were Thomas Olive, Daniel Wills, William Peachy, William Clayton, John Crips, Thomas Eve••, Thomas Harding, Thomas Nositer, Thomas Fairnsworth, Morgan Drewet, William Pennton, Henry Jennings, William Hibes, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Lovett, John Woolston, William Woodmancy, Christopher Saund•••• and Robert Powel;—John Wilkinson and William Perkins died in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 passage.—Perkins, early in life, joined in society with the Quarkers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lived well, in Leicestershire;—and in the fifty-second year of his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with his wife, four children, and some servants, embarked in this ship— among his servants was one, by name, Marshall, a Carpenter, a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 serviceable person, in fitting up the new habitations."

  Smith's history of New-J••••.

  Extract from John Crips's letter, dated, Burlington, on Delaware, 26th. 8th. month, 1677, to his friend Henry Stacy, in England.

  "Here is a town (Burlington) laid out for twenty proprieties, and a straight line, drawn from the river side (Delaware) up the land, which is to be the main street, and a market place about the middle. The York|shire ten proprietors are to build on one side, and the London ten, on the other side; and they have ordered one street to be made along the river side; which is not divided with the rest, but in small lots by itself, and every one that hath any part in a propriety, is to have his share in it. The town lots for every propriety will be about ten or eleven 〈◊〉〈◊〉 which is only for a house, orchard and gardens, &c."

  Thomas Budd, who owned a share of propriety in West Jersey, being ancestor to a large family there; and who arrived at Burlington in 1678, in a Pamphlet, describing the country about nine or ten years afterwards, says,

  "The Indians told us, in a conference at Burlington, shortly after we came into the country, they were advised to make war on us, and cut 〈◊〉〈◊〉 off, while we were but few; for that we sold them the Small Pox, with the Match coat they had bought of us:—Which caused our peo|ple to be in fears and jealousies concerning them: therefore we sent for the Indian Kings, to speak with them, who with many more Indians, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Burlington, where we had a conference with them, about the ••••tter. We told them, we came amongst them by their own consent, and had bought the land of them; for which we had honestly paid, as well as for all the commodities which we had, at any time bought of 〈◊〉〈◊〉; that we had been just, kind, and respectful to them, from the time of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 first coming; and therefore, know no reason that they had to make 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on us. To which one of them in, behalf of the rest, made the fol|lowing speech in answer."

  "Our young men may speak such words as we do not like, nor ap|p••••••e of; and we cannot help it. And some of your young men may speak such words as you do not like; and you cannot help that:— We are your brothers, and intend to live like brothers with you; we have no mind to have war, for when we have war, we are only skin and bones, the meat that we eat does us no good; we always are in fear, we have not the benefit of the sun to shine on us; we hide us in holes and corners; we are minded to live in peace. If we intend, at any time, to make war upon you, we will let you know of it, and the reasons why we make war with you; and if you make us satisfaction for the injury done us, for which the war was intended, then we will not make war on you; and if you intend at any time, to make war on us, we would have you let us know of it, and the reason; and if we do not make satisfaction for the injury done unto you, then you may make war on us; otherwise you ought not to do it: you are our brothers, and we are wil|ling to live like brothers with you; we are willing to have a bread path, for you and us to walk in; and if an Indian is asleep in this path, the Englishman shall pass by and do him no harm. And if an Englishman be asleep in this path, the Indian shall pass by him and say "he is an English|man; he is asleep, let him alone, he loves sleep." It shall be a plain path; ••here must not be in this path stump, to hurt our feet. And as to the small-pox, it was once in my grandfather's time; and it could not be the English, that could send it to us then; there being no English, in the country; and it was once in my father's time, they could not send it us then neither; and now it is in my time; I do not believe they have sent it to us now; I do believe it is the Man above that hath sent it us."

  "Some are apt to ask, how we can propose safely to live among such a Harthen people, as the Indians, whose principles and practices lead them to war and bloodshed; and ours on the contrary, to love enemies? I an|swer, that we settled by the Indians consent and goodliking, and bought the land of them, that we settle on; which they conveyed to us by deeds, under their hands and seals; and also submitted to several articles •• agreement with us, viz. not to do us any injury; but if it should so happe•• that any of their people, any time, should injure, or do harm to any 〈◊〉〈◊〉 us, then they were to make us satisfaction, for the injury done. There|fore if they break these covenants and agreements, then, in consequently thereof, they may be proceeded against, as other offenders, viz. to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in subjection to the Magistrate's power; into whose hands the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 justice is committed to be used by him, for the punishment of evil-doers, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the praise of them that do well: therefore I do believe it to be both ••••••+ful and expedient to bring offenders to justice, by the power of the ••••|gistrate's sword; which is not to be used in vain;—but may be used aga•••••••• such as raise rebellions and insurrections against the government of the c••••••+try, be they Christians or Indians, (now that these have so far agreed to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the laws of civil government) otherwise it is in vain for us to prov•••••• to magistracy, or government; it being that, which we own to be lawful both in principle and practice.

  —"The Indians have been very serviceable to us, by selling 〈◊〉〈◊〉 venison, Indian corn, peas and beans, fish and fowl:"—"The ••••|men plant the corn and carry burdens. There are many of them of a good understanding considering their education;—and in their 〈◊〉〈◊〉 meetings of business, they have excellent order; one speaking after ano+ther; and while one is speaking all the rest keep silent, and do not so much as whisper one to the other.

  "We had several meetings with them; one was in order to put down the sale of rum, brandy and other strong liquors, to them; they being a people, that have not government of themselves, so as to drink in mode|ration. At which time there were eight Kings, (one of them was Oka|nickon, a noted friend to the English) and many other Indians. The Kings sat on a form, and we on another, over against them. They had prepa|red four belts of Wampum (so their current money is called, being black and white beads, made of a fish shell) to give us as seals of the cove|nant, they made with us. One of the Kings by the consent and appoint|ment of the rest stood up, and made this following speech:

  —"The strong liquor was first sold us by the Dutch; and they are blind; they had no eyes, they did not see that it was for our hurt. The next people that came among us, were the Swedes, who continued the sale of these strong liquors to us; they were also blind; they had no eyes, they did not see it to be hurtful to us to drink it; although we know it to be hurtful to us; but if people will sell it to us, we are so in love with it, that we cannot forbear it. When we drink it, it makes us mad; we do not know what to do: we then abuse one another; we throw each other into the fire. Seven score of our people have been killed by reason of the drinking it, since the time it was first sold us. Those people that sell it are blind; they have no eyes:—But now there is a people come to live amongst us, that have eyes; they see it to be for our hurt, and we know it to be for our hurt; they are willing to deny themselves the pro|fit of it, for our good: Those people have eyes; we are glad such a peo|ple are come among us: we must put it down by mutual consent; the cask must be sealed up: it must be made fast; it must not leak by day nor by night, in light nor in the dark; and we give you these four belts of Wampum; which we would have you lay up safe, and keep by you, to be witnesses of this agreement, that we make with you; and we would have you tell your children, that these four belts of Wampum are given you, to be witnesses betwixt us and you, of this agreement."

  S. Smith's history of New Jersey.
• * 6.11

  1677.
• * 6.12

  The indi|ans kind helpful to the first and early setlers, &c.
• * 6.13

  Some masters of families, in this ship, were, Thomas Wright, William Goforth, John Lynam, Edward Season, William Black, Rich|ard Dungworth, George Miles, William Wood, Thomas Schooly, Richard Harrison, Thomas Hooton, Samuel Taylor, Marmaduke Hors|man, William Oxley, William Ley, and Nathanial Luke. The fami|lies of Robert Stacy and Samuel Odas; and Thomas Ellis and John Batts, servants sent by George Hutchinson, came in this ship.—Twenty of the passengers were said to be living 45 years afterwards.

  Ibid.

  Note, Many who came servants, and were industrious, succeeded better, than some who brought estates, or fortunes, &c. the former, being more generally better suited to encounter the hardships and diffi|culties of a new country, often acquired considerable possessions; while the latter, being accustomed to live, and depend, on their fortunes, and what they brought with them, had the disadvantage; and sometimes spent all they had, and were reduced to indigence, in a country, where servants were difficult to be had or kept: and the lower class of peo|ple naturally became more independant, than in old countries, &c.
• * 6.14

  Arrival of John Kin|sey, &c.
• * 6.15

  Account of his son J. Kinsey, &c.
• * 6.16

  1678.
• * 6.17

  Arrival of Shield, &c.
• * 6.18

  In this vessel came William Emley, the second time, with his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and children, and both men and women servants; Mahlon Stacy, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his wife and children, and several both men and women servants; Tho+mas Lambert, his wife, children, men and women servants; Jo•••• Lambert and servants; Thomas Revell, hit wife, children and servants, Godfrey Hancock, his wife, children and servants; Thomas Potts, his wife and children; John Wood, and four children; Robert Muffin, his wife and children; Robert Schooly, his wife and children; James Pharo, his wife and children; Susannah Fairnsworth, her children and two ser|vants; Richard Tattersal, his wife and children; Godfrey Newhold, John Dewsbury, Richard Green, Peter Fretwell, John Fretwell, John Newbold; one, by name, Barnes, a merchant, from Hull, Francis Berwick, George Parks, George Hill, John Heyre, and others.

  In this year (1678) also arrived a ship from London, which brought John Denn, Thomas Kent, John Hollingshead, with their families William Hewlings, Abraham Hewlings, Jonathan Eldridge, John Petty, Thomas Kirby, with others:—the former of these settled about Salem; the rest, at Burlington.

  About this time, and a few years afterwards, arrived, at Burlington, the following settlers, from England, viz. John Butcher, Henry Gr|••bb, William Butcher, William Brightwen, Thomas Gardner, John Budd, John Burten, Seth Smith, Walter Pumphrey, Thomas Ellis, James Satterthwaite, Richard Arnold, John Woolman, John Stacy, Thomas Eves, Benjamin Duffeld, John Payne, Samuel Cleft, William Cooper, John Shinn, William Biles, John Skein, John Warrel, Anthony Morris, Samuel Bunting, Charles Reed, Francis Collins, Thomas Matthew, Christopher Wetherill, John Dewsbury, John Day, Richard Basnett, John Antrom, William Biddle, Samuel Furnace, John Ladd, Thomas Raper, Roger Huggins and Thomas Wood.

  Smith's history of New-Jersey.
• * 6.19

  1680.
• * 6.20

  The duty imposed at Hoarkill, discontinu|ed, &c.
• * 6.21

  In the present year 1680, arrived Sammuel Jenings, with his family, from Coder-Hill, in Buckinghamshire. He was person of some note and eminence; a preacher among the Quakers, and sometime Governor of the province;—His letter, after his arrival, directed to William Penn, Edward Byllinge, or G. Lawrie, further mentions the discontinuance of this imposition, as follows:

  Dear Friends,

  THIS may give you an account of mine, and my family's safe ar|rival in New-Jersey, with all the rest that came with us.—I might say something concerning our passage at sea, but I wave it, for want of time; and, in fine, may observe, all was well; for which I bless God; and the Lord keep us all sensible of it, with the rest of his mercies, for ever.

  Dear Friends, about six weeks since we arrived in Delaware river, where I expected to have met with a combat, in the denial of Customs. In our passage, at sea, I had communicated to all that had any conside|rable cargo on board, the opinion of Council, concerning the illegal demand thereof, with what else I thought might be for their information; which thus far prevailed, that most, if not all, concerned, seemed re|solved to deny the paying of custom here; having paid all the King's duties in England. In good time we came to anchor, in Delaware; where one Peter Alricks (collector of the customs) came aboard, and brought a handsome present to our Commander, and sent for me into the Round-house, where they both were; and Peter told me, he had nothing to say to us, relating to customs; he had no commission for it; nor did he know of any body that had; so we had all our goods safely landed after this unexpected easy manner.

  In pursuance of the trust committed to me after my arrival, I ac|quainted those nominated in the commission with me, of it; but in a short time after I received your letters, giving me an account of a new grant obtained, wherein the customs are taken off; a free port confirmed, and the government settled on Edward Byllinge; which I doubt not will be very acceptable to every honest man. But, as yet I have not had time to let the people, in general, know it: and now seeing the ports are made legally free, and the government settled, I would not have any thing to remain as a discouragement to planters; here are several good and convenient settlements already, and here is land enough, and good enough, for many more.

  SAMUEL JENINGS.

  New-Jersey, 17th. of October, 1680.
• * 7.1

  See S. Smith's history of N. Jersey.
• * 7.2

  The new Colonists well pleased with the country.
• * 8.1

  Extract of a letter res|pecting the provi|sions and native pro|duce of the country.
• * 8.2

  Plenty in New-Jer|sey, in 1680.
• * 8.3

  1681.
• * 8.4

  S. Jenings made De|puty Go|vernor un|der E. Byl|linge, &c.
• * 8.5

  Note. In the year 1683, Gawen Lawrie, arriving Deputy-Governor of East-Jersey, under Robert Barclay, writes thus from Elizabeth-town, to the proprietors, at London, viz.

  —"There is not a poor man in all the province, nor that wants; here is abundance of provision; pork and beef at two pence per pound; fish and fowl plenty; oysters, I think, would serve all England; wheat four shillings sterling per bushel; Indian wheat two shillings and six|pence; it is exceeding good for food every way; and two or three hun|dred fold increase: cyder good and plenty, for one penny per quart. Good drink, that is made of water and molasses, stands in about two shillings per barrel;—good venison plenty, brought in to us at eighteen pence the quarter; eggs at three pence per dozen; all things very plenty; la••d very good as ever I saw: vines, walnuts, peaches, strawberries, and many other things plenty in the woods."
• * 8.6

  About this time a large number of settlers, chiefly friends, or Quakers, from Dublin, and places adjacent, in Ireland, arrived at Elsing|burg, near Salem; some of whom, John and Andrew Thompson, and Robert Zane settled there: others went up to Burlington, and several of them settled at New-Town creek; where the Indians were shy, at first, but after becoming more acquainted, they were very kind, friendly and helpful to them.

  In the year 1682, the names of the members of Assembly, which was the second Assembly, under Jenings, were,

  "Thomas Olive, Speaker, Mahlon Stacy, Joshua Wright, John Lam|bert, Thomas Lambert, William Emley, Godfrey Hancock, Daniel Leeds, Thomas Wright, Samuel Borcen, Robert Stacy, Thomas Budd, Daniel Wills, senior, Thomas Gardiner, John Crips, John White, John Chaffin, Bernard Davenish, Isaac Marriott, William Peachy, William Cooper, Mark Newby, Thomas Thackery, Robert Zane, James Nevill, Richard Guy, Mark Reeves, Richard Hancock, John Smith, John Pledger, Edward Wade, George Deacon, and Samuel Hedge.

  Those of the Council were,

  "Thomas Olive, Robert Stacy, Mahlon Stacy, William Biddle, Thomas Budd, John Chaffin, James Nevill, Daniel Wills, Mark Newby, Elias Farre.

  Justices for Burlington.

  "William Biddle, Robert Stacy, Elias Farre, Mahlon Stacy, John Chaffin, Thomas Budd, Benjamin Scott, John Crips, Thomas Thack|ery.

  Justices for Salem,

  "James Nevill, George Deacon, Richard Hancock, Edward Wade.

  Commissioners for laying out lands, &c.

  "Elias Farre, William Biddle, Thomas Budd, Thomas Gardiner, Mark Newby, James Nevill, Thomas Olive, Robert Stacy, Benjamin Scott, William Cooper.

  Sheriff for Burlington, John White.

  Sheriff for Salem, Thomas Woodruffe.

  Provincial Clerk and Recorder for Burlington, Thomas Revell.

  Ditto for Salem, Samuel Hedge.

  Surveyor, Daniel Leads.

  Constables, Robert Schooly, John Pancoast, John Burten, William Brightwen, Thomas Sharp."

  Among the laws, passed in West-Jersey, under the administration of Jenings, anno 1683, the following indicates their views and care for an orderly, industrious and reputable settlement, &c. viz.

  "And whereas, it hath pleased God to commit this country and pro|vince into the hands of such, who (for the generality of them) are fearing God, and painful and industrious, in the promoting and im|proving the said province; and, for the better preventing of such as are profane, loose and idle and scandalous, from settling amongst us, who are, and will be, not only unserviceable, but greatly burdensome to the province: It is therefore hereby enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that all person and persons, who shall transport him, or themselves into this province, shall, within eighteen months after he, or they, shall arrive, in the said province, procure and produce a certificate, under the hands of such of that religious society, to whom he or they did be|long, or otherwise, from two Magistrates, if procurable, or two Con|stables, or Overseers of the poor, with three, or more, creditable per|sons of the neighbourhood, who inhabit, or belong to the place, where he, or they, did last reside, as may give satisfaction, that is to say, that he, or they came not clandestinely, or fraudently away; and if un|married, that he, or she, are clear from former engagements, in that particular; and also, that he, or she, are such as live soberly and honestly, to the best of their knowledge; and that no Justice shall presume to marry any such person or persons, who shall come into this province, before such certificate be produced; or that it be laid before the Governor, or two Justices, and give them sufficient satisfaction concerning their clearness; and that all such person and persons, who shall settle in the said province, and shall refuse, or neglect to produce such certificate, as aforesaid, within the said eighteen months, shall be fined at the discre|tion of the Governor and Council of the said province, not exceeding twenty pounds; the same to be levied by distress and sale on the offend|er's goods, and to be paid into the hands of the Treasurer of the said Province."
• * 8.7

  Religious state of W. N. Jersey, in early time.
• * 8.8

  The following is an extract from a manuscript, written by one of the passengers, in the Shield, from Hull, in 1678.

  "The first settlers were mostly of the people called Quakers, who were well beloved where they came from, and had valuable estates: and though while they lived in their native country, they had plenty of all necessaries, yet their desire to remove to America was so strong, that they could not be content without going thither; and chose to ven|ture themselves, their wives, children, and all they had, in the under|taking."—

  —"But, notwithstanding the masters of families were men of good estates, yet, before they could get their land in order, and corn and stock about them, they endured great hardships, and went through many diff••••••ties and straits; nevertheless I never perceived any of them to repine, or repent of their coming."—

  "As it is said in holy writ, the preparations of the heart, in ma•••••• of the Lord, so it may well be believed, that the hearts of these people were prepared for this service; even, to labor for the replenishing of the land; it being a wilderness indeed, and they unacquainted with the na|ture of the soil, and also with the inhabitants; altogether pilgrims and strangers, at their first coming among them."

  "A providential hand was very visible and remarkable, in many in|stances, that might be mentioned;—and the Indians were, even, rendered our benefactors and protectors!—Without any carnal weapon we entered the land; and inhabited therein, as safe as if there had been thousands of garrisons;—For the most High preserved us from harm both of man and beast:—and as the English increased more and more, there came such a sore distemper among the Indians that they died so fast that, in some places, their bodies wasted above ground."

  "Many were the instances, whose consideration might be useful to future generations, and the steps of their forefathers and elders, instruc|tive to posterity."

  —"The aforesaid people were zealous in performing their religious service; for having, at first, no meeting-house to keep public meetings in, they made a tent, or covert, of sail cloth, to meet under; and after they got some little houses to dwell in, then they kept their meetings in one of them, till they could build a meeting house."—Thomas Olive and William Peachy were two of the first settlers, who had a public Ministry.

  "Samuel Jenings and his wife, Ann, were early comers to American and of worthy memory, endued with both spiritual and temporal wis|dom;—some part of his time he was made Governor of West-Jersey;—he was a suppressor of vice, and an encourager of virtue;—sharp towards evil doers, but tender and loving to them that did well; giving good counsel, and wholesome advice to friends and neighbours;—an able minister of the gospel; and laboured much therein; to the comfort and edification of many people, both in this province, and other places," &c. M. S.

  Note. Among those of this society, who arrived in this province, before the grant of Pennsylvania to William Penn, in 1681, or soon after|wards, the following persons appear to be mentioned, as active and useful, not only in their own religious society, but most of them also in a civil capacity, in and about Burlington, viz.

  John Butcher, Henry Grubb, William Butcher, William Brightwen, Thomas Gardiner, Thomas Foulke, John Bourten, Samuel Jenings, Seth Smith, Walter Pomphrey, Thomas Ellis, James Satterthwaite, Richard Arnold, John Woolman, John Stacy, Thomas Eves, John Payne, Sa|muel Cleft, William Cooper, John Shinn and William Biles.—And about this time, or soon afterwards, arrived John Skein, Anthony Mor|ris, Samuel Bunting, Francis Collins, Thomas Matthews, Christopher Wetherill, John Dewsbury, John Day, Richard Basnett, John Antrom, William Biddle and Samuel Furnace.

  Among the women of worthy and eminent character, in the same society, at this time, appear to have been, Elizabeth Gardiner, Sarah Biddle, Elizabeth Hooten, Helen Skein, Ann Butcher, Susannah Bright|wen, Mary Crips, Frances Antrom, Frances Taylor, Ann Jenings, Joan Atkinson, Susannah Budd, Judith Noble, Ann Peachy, &c.

  John Woolston is said to have been a person of good esteem among his friends, the Quakers at Burlington; and that during more than twenty years fatigue of a new settlement, he ever proved himself a ready friend kind neighbour, and a valuable member of society till his death, in 1698.

  Thomas Gardiner was a man of eminence among the Quakers and early settlers in Burlington and West-Jersey. He served in several public offi|ces, in the government, with honor and fidelity;—was very skilful in a variety of business;—a good surveyor, and a very useful member of society;—several years, one of the Council; Treasurer of the western division, and the first Speaker of the Assembly, after the union of the governments of East and West-Jersey, in 1703, He died at Burlington, in 1712.

  John Skein, was a native of Scotland; a person of great service and integrity, both in his religious and civil conduct; he was near two years Governor of West-Jersey, and died in the year 1687. He was a preacher among the Quakers; had suffered much for his religion, in his native country; where he had distinguished himself in its cause.
• * 8.9

  At first they meet under a tent, &c.
• * 8.10

  First objects of their care in their meetings of discipline, &c.
• * 8.11

  They write to the Y. meeting in London, &c.
• * 8.12

  This epistle was signed by John Woolston, Daniel Leeds, John But|cher, Henry Grubb, William Butcher, Seth Smith, Walter Pomphrey, Thomas Ellis, James Satterthwaite, Thomas Budd, William Peachy, William Brightwen, Thomas Gardiner, Robert Stacy, John Hollings|head, Robert Powell, John Burton, Samuel Jenings;—and by Rich|ard Arnold, John Woolman, John Stacy, Abraham Hulings, Peter Fretwell, Thomas Eves, John Payne, John Crips, Thomas Lambert, John Kinsey, Samuel Cleft, William Cooper, John Shin, William Biles, Thomas Harding, William Hulings.
• * 8.13

  The first general yearly meeting, &c. in 1681.
• † 8.14

  On the 31st. this yearly meeting entered upon regulating such affairs of the society, as then appeared first necessary, &c. particularly the ap|pointment of times and places of the different meetings for religious worship, and the discipline, or other business of the society:—among which a general meeting for worship was then agreed to be held yearly at Salem, on the second first day of the week in the Second month, &c.
• * 8.15

  The first religious meetings of this people, in New-Jersey, were re|gularly settled, first, at Shrewsbury, in 1670; second at Salem, in 1675. At the former place, in 1667, the settlers are said to have been either all, or most of them, Friends, or Quakers;—among whom Lewis Mor|ris, a Friend from Barbadoes, was one of the most considerable, &c. As to the latter place, or Salem, the Friends, who came with John Fen|wicke, in 1675, first settled a meeting there, on their arrival.

  Note. It may be further observed, that, among the records of early time, viz. about the years 1681 and 1682, there are several papers of religious advice, addressed,—"To the planters, and such as are transporting them selves to the plantations, in America," among the Quakers, by George Fox, the first and chief preacher, in that society; tending to inculcate such a principle and motive of acting and general practice, in life and man|ners, as, if duly adhered to, would render laws and punishments less necessary, by preventing the causes of them:—These exhorted to a due performance of certain Christian duties, both in a religious and civil ca|pacity; pointing out the infallible means of executing the same;—In which, that the reader may see a specimen of the nature of these advices, among other things, it is there expressed and advised, viz.

  1 "That, while they were making outward plantations, in America, they should not neglect the more important cultivation of their own minds, and that more excellent improvement, in heavenly riches, and true mental felicity; which is of more lasting duration, than all worldly objects; by faithfully discharging their duty to God, as well as to each other; and their inviting and instructing the Indians, and all people, where they came, in the knowledge and practice of true Christianity.

  2 "To keep to truth and uprightness, in all their dealings; taking no advantage from the distress of others, or the circumstances of the times; not to oppress any, through lucrative views, when in their power; nor to be elevated in mind by their temporal acquisitions; which the same hand of Providence, that gave them, could as easily take away:—and that their lives and conversations should be consistent with their professi|on, in all things, and not administer any real occasion for report, that they were become worse, through the increase of their worldly posses|sions; to the incumbering of their minds, and drawing them into a practice, incompatible with their real felicity.

  3. "That none should go beyond their abilities and capacities, in trade, and thereby risk the property of others, to their hurt; nor strive to be great, in the world; but to keep to moderation, in all things.

  4. "That all, who were in offices of government, as Governors, Judges, Justices, &c. should strictly adhere to justice and equity, distinguish|ing themselves by the faithful discharge of their duty, especially in helping the poor, fatherless and distressed, &c. (with many quotations out of the S. Scriptures, on this head) and, that, such as rule over others, should, in the first place, govern well their own families; recommending the examples of Daniel, Joseph, &c. to those in authority; and the Apostle's advice, "To submit to every ordinance of man, whether it be to the King, as supreme, or to Governors, as to them that are sent by them, &c.

  5. "And, that all these things, with many others, (too tedious here to particularize,) should be observed and done, from a sense, principle, or motive, of conscientious duty; which is a more noble and stronger ob|ligation, on the human mind, and far above what any slavish fear, or mere external force, or power of laws and punishments alone, is able to induce, or effect."
• * 8.16

  Y. M. since removed to Philadel|phia, &c.
• * 8.17

  Proportion of Quakers, meetings with others, &c.
• * 8.18

  Number of inhabitants, &c.
• * 8.19

  E. Jersey sold to 12 proprietors, &c.
• * 8.20

  "His Will is dated, December 5th. 1678; he devises to Edward, Earl of Sandwich, John Earl of Bath, Bernard Grenville, Sir Thomas Crew, Sir Robert Atkins and Edward Atkins, Esquire, and their heirs, among other lands, all his plantation of New-Jersey, upon trust and confidence, that they, and the survivors, or survivor of them, should make sale of all the said premises; and out of the money, that should, upon such sale, arise, pay and discharge debts, &c. as therein mentioned."

  Smith's history of New-Jersey.

  Note. George Keith, a scotchman, sometime Surveyor General of East-Jersey, and a noted person among the Quakers, is thought to have ar|rived about this time, (1682) or soon afterwards.

  Ibid.
• * 8.21

  Their names.
• * 8.22

  Names of other twelve, &c.
• * 8.23

  Robert Barclay in 1683, made Governor of East Jersey, &c.
• * 8.24

  Barclay's Commission was in the following words, viz.

  The proprietors of the province of East-New-Jersey to our trusty and well beloved fellow proprietor, Robert Barclay send Greeting:

  Whereas, the powers of government of the province of East-New-Jersey is devolved upon us, and assigned to us, by James duke of York, with power to constitute and appoint such Governor and Commissioners, for the well governing of the said province, as we shall see meet; and we having heretofore, out of the confidence, we had of Robert Barclay, his skill, prudence and integrity, constituted him Governor of the said province, to appoint a deputy, during his absence therefrom; to be ap|proved by sixteen of the proprietors: upon the same reason and confi|dence, we do hereby confirm to him the government of the said pro|vince, during all the days of his life; as to have the power of the govern|ment of all the said province, and of all isles, rivers, islands and seas, within the same, or belonging thereto; to do all, and every thing, or things, which to the charge and office of a Governor doth appertain; command|ing all inferior officers to obey him, as their Governor, according to this our commission, and the power hereby given him, and according to the laws and constitutions made, or confirmed, by us, or to be made; which he himself is to observe and follow; as unto his duty and office doth ap|pertain. And whereas, we have agreed, and are satisfied, for certain good reasons and considerations, moving us thereunto, to commit this trust unto him, and give him this character, without laying any neces|sity upon him, to repair to the said province; so likewise we have, and do hereby give him power, from time to time, as need shall be, during his absence, to name and constitute, and grant commission to a Deputy Governor to serve in the said province; he being always approved by six|teen of us the proprietors, and following the orders, he receives from us, according to the laws and constitutions of the said province.

  Given under the seal of the said province, and signed by our hands;

  dated at London, the 17th. of the Fifth month, cal|led July, in the year of our Lord, according to the English account, 1683.

  Note. "R. Barclay never came to the province. He died on the third of October 1690; having continued Governor till 1685▪—when Lord Neil Campbell, uncle to the Duke of Argyle, was appointed Governor, and came over to the province."—"In 1698, Sir Thomas Lane was Governor of East-Jersey."

  Smith's history of New-Jersey.
• * 9.1

  Govern|ment of E. and W. Jer|sey surren|dered to the crown anno 1702.
• * 9.2

  Extent of, and num|ber of acres in, N. Jer|sey.
• * 9.3

  Number of counties, &c.
• * 9.4

  Number of acres in W. Jersey, &c.

  S. Smith.
• * 9.5

  The trade of N. Jer|sey centers in Philadel|phia and N. York.