A collection of the speeches of the president of the United States to both Houses of Congress, at the opening of every session, with their answers. Also, the addresses to the president, with his answers, from the time of his election: : with an appendix, containing the circular letter of General Washington to the governors of the several states, and his farewell orders, to the armies of America, and the answer. : Dedicated to the citizens of the United States of America. : Published according to act of Congress.

THE SPEECHES OF THE PRESIDENT, &c.

First Congress—First Session.

NEW-YORK, April 30, 1789.

THIS day the great and illustrious WASHING|TON, the favourite son of liberty, and deliverer of his country, entered upon the execution of the office of First Magistrate of the United States of America; to which important station he had been unanimously called by the united voice of the people. The ceremony which took place on this occasion was truly grand and pleasing, and every heart seemed anxious to testify the joy it felt on so memorable an event. His Excellency was escorted from his house, by a troop of light dragoons, and the le|gion under the command of colonel LEWIS, attended by a committee of the Senate and House of Representatives, to Federal Hall, where he was formally received by both houses of Congress, assembled in the Senate Chamber; after which he was conducted to the gallery in front of the hall, accompanied by all the members, when the oath pre|scribed by the Constitution was administered to him by the Chancellor of this State, who then said, "LONG LIVE GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United States;" which was answered by an immense concourse of citizens, assembled the occa|sion, by the loudest plaudit and acclamation, that love and veneration ever inspired. He then made the following speech.

The President's Speech.

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE, AND OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

AMONG the vicissitudes incident to life, no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a re|treat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision as the asylum of my declining years: A retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me, by the addition of habit to inclination, and of fre|quent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste com|mitted on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my coun|try called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens, a distrustful scrutiny in|to his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with des|pondence one, who, inheriting inferior endowments from nature, and unpractised in the duties of civil administra|tion, ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own defici|encies. In this conflict of emotions, all I dare aver is, that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is, that if in executing this task I have been too much swayed by a grateful remem|brance of former instance▪ or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens; and have thence too little consulted my incapa|city as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me; my error will be palliated by the mo|tives which misled me, and its consequences be judged by my country, with some share of the partiality in which they originated.

Such being the impressions under which I have, in obe|dience to the public summons, repaired to the present sta|tion,

it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act, my servent supplications to that Almighty Be|ing, who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can sup|ply every human defect, that his benediction may conse|crate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States, a government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration, to execute with success, the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this hom|age to the great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own; nor those of my fellow citizens at large, less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand, which conducts the affairs of men, more than the people of the United States. Every step, by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation, seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency. And in the import|ant revolution just accomplished in, the system of their united government, the tranquil deliberations and volun|tary consent of so many distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been established, without some return of pious gratitude along with an humble an|ticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present cri|sis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which, the pro|ceedings of a new and free government can more auspici|ously commence.

By the article establishing the executive department, it is made, the duty of the President "to recommend to your consideration, such measures as he shall judge neces|sary and expedient." The circumstances under which I now meet you, will acquit me from entering into that sub|ject farther than to refer you to the great Constitutional Charter under which we are assembled; and which, in de|••ining your powers, designates the objects to which your at|tention

is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feel|ings which actuate me, to substitute in place of a recom|mendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honourable qualifications, I behold the furest pledges, that as on one side, no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests: so, on another, that the foundations of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private moral|ity; and the pre-eminence of a free government be exem|plified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens, and command the respect of the world.

I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire; since there is no truth more thoroughly established, than that there ex|ists in the economy and course of nature, an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness—between duty and advantage—between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy, and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity. Since we ought to be no less per|suaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right, which Heaven itself has ordained. And since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the destiny of the republican model of government, are justly considered as deeply, perhaps, as finally staked, on the ex|periment entrusted to the hands of the American people.

Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an ex|ercise of the occasional power delegated by the Fifth Arti|cle of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particu|lar recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I

shall again give way to my entire confidence in your dis|cernment and pursuit of the public good: For I assure my|self, that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective gov|ernment, or which ought to await the future lessons of ex|perience; a reverence for the characteristic rights of free|men, and a regard for the public harmony, will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question, how far the former can be more impregnably fortified, or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.

To the preceding observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Represent|atives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honoured with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty, required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed. And being still under the impressions which pro|duced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself, any share in the personal emoluments, which may be indispensably in|cluded in a permanent provision for the executive depart|ment; and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary esti|mates for the station in which I am placed, may, during my continuation in it, be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.

Having thus imparted to you my sentiments, as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us to|gether, I shall take my present leave; but not without re|forting once more to the benign Parent of the human race, in humble supplication, that since he has been pleased to favour the American people with, opportunities for deliber|ating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their Union, and the advancement of their happiness; so his divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this government must depend.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Answer of the Senate.

SIR,

WE, the Senate of the United States, return you our sincere thanks for your excellent speech, delivered to both Houses of Congress, congratulate you on the com|plete organization of the federal government, and felicitate ourselves and our fellow-citizens, on your elevation to the office of President, an office, highly important by the pow|ers constitutionally annexed to it, and extremely honoura|ble from the manner in which the appointment is made. The unanimous suffrage of the elective body in your favour, is peculiarly expressive of the gratitude, confidence and af|fection of the citizens of America, and is the highest testi|monial at once of your merit, and of their esteem. We are sensible, Sir, that nothing but the voice of your fellow-citizens, could have called you from a retreat, chosen by the fondest predilection, endeared by habit, and consecrated to the repose of declining years; we rejoice, and with us, all America, that, in obedience to the call of our common country, you have returned once more to public life. In you all parties confide, in you all interests unite, and we have no doubt, that your past services, great as they have been, will be equalled by your future exertions; and that your prudence and sagacity as a statesman, will tend to avert the dangers to which we were exposed, to give sta|bility to the present government, and dignity and splendour to that country, which your skill and valour as a soldier, so eminently contributed to raise to independence and empire.

When we contemplate the coincidence of circumstances, and wonderful combination of causes, which gradually pre|pared the people of this country for independence; when we contemplate the rise, progress and termination of the late war, which gave them a name among the nations of the earth, we are, with you, unavoidably led to acknowl|edge and adore the great Arbiter of the universe, by whom empires rise and fall. A review of the many signal in|stances

of divine interposition in favour of this country, claims our most pious gratitude. And permit us, Sir, to observe, that among the great events which have led to the formation and establishment of a federal government, we esteem your acceptance of the office of President as one of the most propitious and important.

In execution of the trust reposed in us, we shall endeav|our to pursue that enlarged and liberal policy, to which your speech so happily directs. We are conscious that the prosperity of each State is inseparably connected with the welfare of all, and that in promoting the latter, we shall effectually advance the former. In full persuasion of this truth, it shall be our invariable aim to divest ourselves of local prejudices and attachments, and to view the great as|semblage of communities and interests committed to our charge with an equal eye. We feel, Sir, the force, and acknowledge the justness of the observation, that the foun|dation of our national policy should be laid in private mo|rality. If individuals be not influenced by moral princi|ples, it is in vain to look for public virtue; it is, therefore, the duty of legislators to enforce, both by precept and ex|ample, the utility as well as the necessity of a strict adher|ence to the rules of distributive justice. We beg you to be assured, that the Senate will at all times cheerfully co-oper|erate in every measure, which may strengthen the Union, conduce to the happiness, or secure and perpetuate the lib|erties of this great Consederated Republic.

We commend you, Sir, to the protection of Almighty GOD, earnestly beseeching him long to preserve a life so valuable and dear to the people of the United States; and that your administration may be prosperous to the nation and glorious to yourself.

In SENATE, May 16, 1789.

Signed by order, JOHN ADAMS, President of the Senate of the United States.

The President's Reply.

GENTLEMEN,

I THANK you for your address, in which the most affectionate sentiments are expressed in the most obliging terms. The coincidence of circumstances which led to this auspicious crisis; the confidence reposed in me by my fellow-citizens, and the assistance I may expect from coun|sels which will be dictated by an enlarged and liberal pol|icy, seem to presage a more prosperous issue to my admin|istration, than a diffidence of my abilities had taught me to anticipate. I now feel myself inexpressibly happy in a belief, that Heaven, which has done so much for our in|fant nation, will not withdraw its providential influence before our political felicity shall have been completed; and in a conviction that the Senate will at all times co-operate in every measure which may tend to promote the welfare of this Confederated Republic.

Thus supported by a firm trust in the great Arbiter of the universe, aided by the collected wisdom of the Union, and imploring the divine benediction on our joint exertions in the service of our country, I readily engage with you in the arduous but pleasing task of attempting to make a na|tion happy.

G. WASHINGTON.

Answer of the House of Representatives.

SIR,

THE Representatives of the people of the United States present their congratulations on the event by which your fellow-citizens have attested the pre-eminence of your merit. You have long held the first place in their esteem; you have often received tokens of their affection; you now possess the only proof that remained of their gratitude for

your service, of their reverence for your wisdom, and of their confidence in your virtues. You enjoy the highest, because the truest honour, of being the First Magistrate, by the unanimous choice of the freest people on the face of the earth.

We well know the anxieties with which you must have obeyed a summons, from the repose reserved for your de|clining years, into public scenes, of which you had taken your leave forever; but the obedience was due to the oc|casion. It is already applauded by the universal joy which welcomes you to your station, and we cannot doubt but that it will be rewarded with all the satisfaction, with which an ardent love for your fellow citizens must review successful efforts to promote their happiness.

This anticipation is not justified merely by the past ex|perience of your signal services. It is particularly suggest|ed by the pious impressions under which you commence your administration, and the enlightened maxims by which you mean to conduct it. We feel with you the strongest obligations to adore the invisible hand which has led the American people through so many difficulties, to cherish a conscious responsibility for the destiny of republican liberty, and to seek the only sure means of preserving and recom|mending the precious deposit in a system of legislation, founded on the principles of an honest policy, and directed by the spirit of a diffusive patriotism.

The question arising out of the Fifth Article of the Constitution, will receive all the attention demanded by its importance, and will, we trust, be decided under the influ|ence of all the considerations to which you allude.

In forming the pecuniary provisions for the executive department, we shall not lose sight of a wish resulting from motives which give it a peculiar claim to our regard. Your resolution in a moment critical to the liberties of your coun|try, to renounce all personal emolument, was among the many presages of your patriotic services, which have been amply fulfilled; and your scrupulous adherence now to the law then imposed on yourself, cannot fail to demonstrate the purity, whilst it increases the lustre of a character, which has so many titles to admiration.

Such are the sentiments which we have thought fit to address to you: They flow from our own hearts, and we verily believe, that among the millions we represent, there is not a virtuous citizen whose heart will disown them.

All that remains is, that we join in your fervent supplica|tion for the blessings of Heaven on our country; and that we add our own for the choicest of those blessings on the most beloved of her citizens.

The President's Reply.

GENTLEMEN,

YOUR very affectionate address produces emotions which I know not how to express. I feel that my past endeavours in the service of my country are far overpaid by its goodness; and I fear much that my future ones may not fulfil your kind anticipation. All that I can promise is, that they will be invariably directed by an honest and an ardent zeal. Of this resource my heart assures me. For all beyond, I rely on the wisdom and patriotism of those with whom I am to co-operate, and a continuance of the blessings of Heaven on our beloved country.

C. WASHINGTON.

First Congress—Second Session.

The President's Speech.

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE, AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

I EMBRACE with great satisfaction the opportunity which now presents itself, of congratulating you on the present favourable prospects of our public affairs. The re|cent accession of the important State of North-Carolina to the Constitution of the United States (of which official in|formation has been received) the rising credit and respecta|bility of our country, the general and increasing good-will towards the government of the Union, and the concord, peace and plenty, with which we are blessed, are circum|stances auspicious, in an eminent degree, to our national prosperity.

In resuming your consultations for the general good, you cannot but derive encouragement from the reflection, that the measures of the last session have been as satisfactory to your constituents, as the novelty and difficulty of the work allowed you to hope. Still further to realize their expec|tations, and to secure the blessings which a gracious Provi|dence has placed within our reach, will, in the course of the present important session, call for the cool and delibe|rate exertion of your patriotism, firmness, and wisdom.

Among the many ••nteresting objects which will engage your attention, that of providing for the common defence will merit particular regard. To be prepared for war is one of the most effectual means of preserving peace.

A free people ought not only to be armed, but disci|plined; to which end a uniform and well-digested plan is requisite: And their safety and interest require that they should promote such manufactories, as tend to render them

independent on others, for essential, particularly for mili|tary supplies.

The proper establishment of the troops which may be deemed indispensable, will be entitled to mature considera|tion. In the arrangements which may be made respecting it, it will be of importance to conciliate the comfortable support of the officers and soldiers, with a due regard to economy.

There was reason to hope, that the pacific measures adopted with regard to certain hostile tribes of Indians, would have relieved the inhabitants of our southern and western frontiers from their depredations. But you will perceive, by the informations contained in the papers, which I shall direct to be laid before you, (comprehending a communication from the Commonwealth of Virginia) that we ought to be prepared to afford protection to those parts of the Union; and, if necessary, to punish aggressors.

The interest of the United States requires, that our in|tercourse with other nations shall be facilitated by such pro|visions as will enable me to fulfil my duty in that respect, in the manner which circumstances may render most conducive to the public good: And to this end, that the compensa|tions to be made to the persons who may be employed, should, according to the nature of their appointments, be defined by law; and a competent fund designated for de|fraying the expenses incident to the conduct of our foreign affairs.

Various considerations also render it expedient, that the terms on which foreigners may be admitted to the rights of citizens, should be speedily ascertained by a uniform rule of naturalization.

Uniformity in the currency, weights and measures of the United States, is an object of great importance, and will, I am persuaded, be duly attended to.

The advancement of agriculture, commerce, and manu|factures, by all proper means, will not, I trust, need rec|ommendation. But I cannot forbear intimating to you the expediency of giving effectual encouragement as well to the introduction of new and useful inventions from abroad, as to the exertions of skill and genius in producing

them at home; and of facilitating the intercourse between the distant parts of our country, by a due attention to the post office and post roads.

Nor am I less persuaded, that you will agree with me in opinion, that there is nothing which can better deserve your patronage, than the promotion of science and literature. Knowledge is in every country the surest basis of public happiness. In one, in which the measures of government receive their impression so immediately from the sense of the community, as in ours, it is proportionably essential. To the security of a free constitution it contributes in vari|ous ways. By convincing those who are entrusted with the public administration, that every valuable end of govern|ment is best answered by the enlightened confidence of the people: And by teaching the people themselves to know, and to value their own rights; to discern and provide against invasions of them; to distinguish between oppression and the necessary exercise of lawful authority; between burthens proceeding from a disregard to their convenience, and those resulting from the inevitable exigencies of society; to dis|criminate the spirit of liberty from that of licentiousness, cherishing the first, avoiding the last, and uniting a speedy, but temperate vigilance against encroachments, with an in|violable respect to the laws.

Whether this desirable object will be the best promoted by affording aids to seminaries of learning already estab|lished, by the institution of a national university, or by any other expedients, will be well worthy of a place in the de|liberations of the Legislature.

GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

I SAW with peculiar pleasure, at the close of the last session, the resolution entered into by you, expressive of your opinion, that an adequate provision for the support of the public credit is a matter of high importance to the na|tional honour and prosperity. In this sentiment I entirely concur. And to a perfect confidence in your best endeav|ours to devise such a provision, as will be truly consistent with the end, I add an equal reliance on the cheerful co|operation

of the other branch of the legislature. It would be superfluous to specify inducements to a measure in which the character and permanent interests of the United States are so obviously and so deeply concerned; and which has received so explicit a sanction from your declaration.

GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE, AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

I HAVE directed the proper officers to lay before you respectively such papers and estimates as regard to affairs particularly recommended to your consideration, and neces|sary to convey to you that information of the state of the Union, which it is my duty to afford.

The welfare of our country is the great object to which our cares and efforts ought to be directed. And I shall derive great satisfaction from a co-operation with you, in the pleasing though arduous talk of ensuring to our fellow|citizens the blessings which they have a right to expect, from a free, efficient, and equal government.

G. WASHINGTON.

Answer of the Senate.

SIR,

WE, the Senate of the United States, return you our thanks for your speech delivered to both Houses of Congress. The accession of the State of North-Carolina to the confederation of the United States, gives us much pleasure; and we offer you our congratulations on that event, which at the same time adds strength to our Union, and affords a proof that the more the Constitution has been considered, the more the goodness of it has appeared. The information which we have received, that the measures of the last session have been as satisfactory to our constitu|ents as we had reason to expect from the difficulty of the business in which we were engaged, will afford us much consolation and encouragement in resuming our delibera|tions

in the present session for the public good; and every exertion on our part shall be made to reasize and secure to our country those blessings which a gracious Providence has placed within her reach. We are persuaded that one of the most essential means of preserving peace, is to be prepared for war, and our attention shall be directed to the objects of common defence, and to the adoption of such plans as shall appear the most likely to prevent our de|pendence on other countries for essential supplies. In the arrangements to be made respecting the establishment of such troops as may be deemed indispensable, we shall with pleasure provide for the comfortable support of the officers and soldiers, with a due regard to economy. We regret that the pacific measures adopted by government with re|gard to certain hostile tribes of Indians, have not been at|tended with the beneficial effects towards the inhabitants of our southern and western frontiers, which we had rea|son to hope; and we shall cheerfully co-operate in provid|ing the most effectual means for their protection; and if necessary, for the punishment of aggressors. The uniform|ity of the currency, and of weights and measures; the intro|duction of new and useful inventions from abroad, and the exertion of skill and genius in producing them at home; the facilitating the communication between the distant parts of our country, by means of the post office and post roads; a provision for the support of the department of foreign af|fairs, and a uniform rule of naturalization, by which for|eigners may be admitted to the rights of citizens, are ob|jects which shall receive such early attention as their re|spective importance requires. Literature and science are essential to the preservation of a free constitution; the meas|ures of government should therefore be calculated to strengthen the confidence that is due to that important truth. Agriculture, commerce and manufactures, forming the basis of the wealth and strength of our confederated re|public, must be the frequent subject of our deliberation, and shall be advanced by all proper means in our power. Pub|lic credit being an object of great importance, we shall cheer|fully co-operate in all proper measures for its support. Prop|er attention shall be given to such papers and estimates as

you may be pleased to lay before us. Our ••ares and ef|forts shall be directed to the welfare of our country; and we have the most perfect dependence upon your co-oper|ating with us, on all occasions, in such measures as will en|sure to our fellow-citizens the blessings which they have a right to expect from a free, efficient and equal government.

In SENATE, January 11, 1790.

Signed by order, JOHN ADAMS, Vice President of the United States, and President of the Senate.

The President's Reply.

GENTLEMEN,

I THANK you for your address, and for the assur|ances, which it contains, of attention to the several mat|ters suggested by me to your consideration.

Relying on the continuance of your exertions for the public good, I anticipate for our country the salutary ef|fects of upright and prudent counsels.

G. WASHINGTON.

Answer of the House of Representatives.

SIR,

THE Representatives of the people of the United States have taken into consideration your speech to both Houses of Congress at the opening of the present session.

We reciprocate your congratulations on the accession of the State of North-Carolina; an event which, while it is a testimony of the increasing good will towards the govern|ment of the Union, cannot fail to give additional dignity and strength to the American Republic, already rising in the esti••••••ion of the world in national character and re|spectability.

The information that our measures of the lust session have not proved dissatisfactory to our constituents, affords us much encouragement at this juncture, when we are re|suming the arduous task of legislating for so extensive an empire.

Nothing can be more gratifying to the Representations of a free people than the reflection, that their labours are rewarded by the approbation of their fellow-citizens. Un|der this impression we shall make every exertion to realize their expectations, and to secure to them those blessings which Providence has placed within their reach. Still prompted by the same desire to promote their interests which then actuated us, we shall, in the present session, dil|igently and anxiously pursue those measures which shall ap|pear to us conducive to that end.

We concur with you in the sentiment, that agriculture, commerce and manufactures, are entitled to legislative pro|tection; and that the promotion of science and literature will contribute to the security of a free government; in the progress of our deliberations, we shall not lose sight of objects so worthy of regard.

The various and weighty matters which you have judged necessary to recommend to our attention, appear to us es|sential to the tranquillity and welfare of the Union, and claim our early and most serious consideration. We shall proceed, without delay, to bestow on them that calm dis|cussion which their importance requires.

We regret that the pacific arrangements pursued with regard to certain hostile tribes of Indians, have not been attended with that success which we had reason to expect from them; we shall not hesitate to concur in such further measures as may best obviate any ill effects which might be apprehended from the failure of those negociations.

Your approbation of the vote of this House at the last session, respecting the provision for the public creditors, is very acceptable to us: The proper mode of carrying that resolution into effect, being a subject in which the future character and happiness of these States are deeply involv|ed, will be among the first to deserve our attention.

The prosperity of the United States is the primary ob|ject of all our deliberations, and we cherish the reflection, that every measure which we may adopt for its advance|ment, will not only receive your cheerful concurrence, but will at the same time derive from your co-operation, addi|tional efficacy, in ensuring to our fellow-citizens the bless|ings of a free, efficient, and equal government.

FREDERICK A. MUHLENBURG, Speaker of the House of Representatives.

The President's Reply.

GENTLEMEN,

I RECEIVE with pleasure the assurances you give me, that you will diligently and anxiously pursue such measures as shall appear to you conducive to the interests of your constituents; and that an early and serious con|sideration will be given to the various and weighty matters recommended by me to your attention.

I have full confidence, that your deliberations will con|tinue to be directed by an enlightened and virtuous zeal for the happiness of our country.

G. WASHINGTON.

First Congress—Third Session.

The President's Speech.

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE, AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

IN meeting you again, I feel much satisfaction, in being able to repeat my congratulations on the favourable pros|pects which continue to distinguish our public affairs. The abundant fruits of another year have blessed our country with plenty, and with the means of a flourishing commerce. The progress of public credit is witnessed by a considerable rise of American stock abroad, as well as at home; and the revenues allotted for this and other national purposes have been productive beyond the calculations by which they were regulated. This latter circumstance is the more pleasing, as it is not only a proof of the fertility of our resources, but as it assures us of a further increase of the national re|spectability and credit; and, let me add, as it bears an hon|ourable testimony to the patriotism and integrity of the mercantile and marine part of our citizens. The punctual|ity of the former in discharging their engagements has been exemplary.

In conforming to the powers vested in me by the acts of the last session, a loan of 3,000,000 of florins, towards which some provisional measures had previously taken place, has been completed in Holland. As well the celerity with which it has been filled, as the nature of the terms (con|sidering the more than ordinary demand for borrowing, cre|ated by the situation of Europe) give a reasonable hope, that the further execution of those powers may proceed with advantage and success. The secretary of the treas|ury has my directions to communicate such further partic|ulars as may be requisite for more precise information.

Since your last sessions, I have received communications by which it appears, that the district of Kentucky, at pres|ent a part of Virginia, has concurred in certain proposi|tions in a law of that State, in consequence of which the district is to become a distinct member of the Union; in case the requisite sanction of Congress be added. For this sanction application is now made. I shall cause the papers on this very important transaction to be laid before you. The liberality and harmony with which it has been con|ducted, will be found to do great honour to both the par|ties; and the sentiments of warm attachment to the Union and its present government, expressed by our fellow-citi|zens of Kentucky, cannot fail to add an affectionate con|cern for their particular welfare, to the great national im|pressions under which you will decide on the case submit|ted to you.

It has been heretofore known to Congress, that frequent incursions have been made on our frontier settlements by certain banditti of Indians, from the north-west side of the Ohio. These, with some of the tribes dwelling on and near the Wabash, have of late been particularly active in their depredations; and, being emboldened by the impunity of their crimes, and aided by such parts (the neighbouring tribes as could be seduced to join in their hostilities, or af|ford them a retreat for their prisoners and plunder, they have, instead of listening to the humane invitations and overtures made on the part of the United States, renewed their violences with fresh alacrity and greater effect. The lives of a number of valuable citizens have thus been sacri|ficed, and some of them under circumstances particularly shocking, whilst others have been carried into a deplorable captivity.

These aggravated provocations rendered it essential to the safety of the western settlements, that the aggressors should be made sensible that the government of the Union is not less capable of punishing their crimes, than it is dis|posed to respect their rights and reward their attachments. As this object could not be effected by defensive measures, it became necessary to put in force the act which empowers THE PRESIDENT to call out the militia for the protection

of the frontiers: And I have accordingly authorised an expedition, in which the regular troops in that quarter are combined with such drafts of militia as were deemed suf|ficient. The event of the measure is yet unknown to me. The Secretary at War is directed to lay before you a state|ment of the information on which it is founded, as well as an estimate of the expense with which it will be attended.

The disturbed situation of Europe, and particularly the critical posture of the great maritime powers, whilst it ought to make us more thankful for the general peace and security enjoyed by the United States, reminds us at the same time of the circumspection with which it becomes us to preserves these blessings. It requires also, that we should not overlook the tendency of a war, and even of preparations for a war among the nations most concerned in active commerce with this country, to abridge the means, and thereby at least enhance the price of transporting its valuable productions to proper markets. I recommend it to your serious reflections, how far and in what mode it may be expedient to guard against embarrassments from these contingencies, by such encouragements to our own navigation as will render our commerce and agriculture less dependent on foreign bottoms, which may fail us in the very moments most interesting to both of these great objects. Our fisheries, and the transportation of our own produce, offer us abundant means for guarding ourselves against this evil.

Your attention seems to be not less due to that particu|lar branch of our trade which belongs to the Mediterra|nean. So many circumstances unite in rendering the pres|ent state of it distressful to us, that you will not think any deliberations misemployed which may lead to its relief and protection.

The laws you have already passed for the establishment of a judiciary system, have opened the doors of justice to all descriptions of persons. You will consider in your wis|dom, whether improvements in that system may yet be made, and particularly whether an uniform process of exe|cution on sentences issuing from the federal courts, be not desirable through all the States.

The patronage of our commerce, of our merchants and seamen, has called for the appointment of confuls in foreign countries. It seems expedient to regulate by law the ex|ercise of that jurisdiction and those functions which are permitted them, either by express convention, or by a friendly indulgence in the places of their residence. The Consular Convention too, with his Most Christian Majesty, has stipulated, in certain cases, the aid of the national au|thority to his consuls established here. Some legislative provision is requisite to carry these stipulations into full effect.

The establishment of the militia, of a mint, of standards of weights and measures, of the post office and post roads, are subjects which (I presume) you will resume of course, and which are abundantly urged by their own im|portance.

GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

THE sufficiency of the revenues you have established for the objects to which they are appropriated, leaves no doubt that the residuary provisions will be commensurate to the other objects for which the public faith stands now pledged. Allow me, moreover, to hope, that it will be a favourite policy with you, not merely to secure a payment of the interest of the debt funded, but as far and as fast as the growing resources of the country will permit, to exon|erate it of the principal itself. The appropriation you have made of the western lands explains your dispositions on this subject, and I am persuaded the sooner that valuable fund can be made to contribute, along with other means, to the actual reduction of the public debt, the more salutary will the measures be to every public interest, as well as be more satisfactory to our constituents.

GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE, AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

IN perusing the various and weighty business of the present session, I indulge the fullest persuasion, that your consultations will be equally marked with wisdom, and an|imated by the love of your country. In whatever belongs to my duty you shall have all the co-operation which an

undiminished zeal for its welfare can inspire. It will be happy for us both, and our best reward, if, by a successful administration of our respective trusts, we can make the established government more and more instrumental in pro|moting the good of our fellow-citizens, and more and more the object of their attachment and confidence.

G. WASHINGTON.

United States, December 8, 1790.

Answer of the Senate.

WE receive, Sir, with particular satisfaction, the com|munications contained in your speech, which confirm to us the progressive state of the public credit, and afford at the same time a new proof of the solidity of the foundation on which it rests; and we cheerfully join in the acknowledg|ment which is due to the probity and patriotism of the mer|cantile and maritime part of our fellow-citizens, whose en|lightened attachment to the principles of government is not less conspicuous in this, than it has been in other import|ant respects.

In confidence that every constitutional preliminary has been observed, we assure you of our disposition to concur in giving the requisite sanction to the admission of Ken|tucky, as a distinct member of the Union; in doing which, we shall anticipate the happy effects to be expected from the sentiments of attachment towards the Union and its present government, which have been expressed by the pa|triotic inhabitants of that district.

While we regret that the continuance and increase of the hostilities and depredations which have distressed our north-western frontiers, should have rendered offensive measures necessary, we feel an entire confidence in the suf|ficiency of the motives which have produced them, and in the wisdom of the dispositions which have been concerted, in pursuance of the powers vested in you; and whatever may have been the event, we shall cheerfully concur in the provisions, which the expedition that has been undertaken

may require on the part of the legislature, and in any other which the future peace and safety of our frontier settle|ments may call for.

The critical situation of the European powers will en|gage a due portion of our attention; and we shall be ready to adopt any measures which a prudent circumspection may suggest, for the preservation of the blessings of peace. The navigation and the fisheries of the United States, are objects too interesting not to inspire a disposition to pro|mote them, by all the means which shall appear to us con|sistent with their natural progress and permanent prosperity.

Impressed with the importance of a free intercourse with the Mediterranean, we shall not think any deliberation mis|employed which may conduce to the adoption of proper measures for removing the impediments that obstruct it.

The improvement of the judiciary system, and the other important objects to which you have pointed our attention, will not fail to engage the consideration they respectively merit.

In the course of our deliberations upon every subject, we shall rely upon that co-operation, which an undimin|ished zeal and incessant anxiety for the public welfare, on your part, so thoroughly ensure; and as it is our anxious desire, so it shall be our constant endeavour, to render the established government more and more instrumental in pro|moting the good of our fellow-citizens, and more and more the object of their attachment and confidence.

The President's Reply.

GENTLEMEN,

THESE assurances of favourable attention to the subjects I have recommended, and of entire confidence is my views, make the impression on me, which I ought to feel. I thank you for them both, and shall continue to rely much, for the success of all our measures for the pub|lic good, on the aid they will receive from the wisdom and integrity of your counsels.

G. WASHINGTON.

Answer of the House of Representatives.

SIR,

THE Representatives of the people of the United States have taken into consideration your address to the two Houses at the opening of the present session of Congress.

We share in the satisfaction inspired by the prospects which continue to be so auspicious to our public affairs. The blessings resulting from the smiles of Heaven on our agriculture, the rise of public credit, with the further ad|vantages promised by it, and the fertility of resources which are found so little burdensome to the community, fully au|thorise our mutual congratulations on the present occasion. Nor can we learn without an additional gratification, that the energy of the laws for providing adequate revenues have been so honourably seconded by those classes of citizens whose patriotism and probity were more immediately con|cerned.

The success of the loan opened in Holland, under the disadvantages of the present moment, is the more import|ant, as it not only denotes the confidence already placed in the United States, but as the effect of a judicious applica|tion of that aid, will still further illustrate the solidity of the foundation on which the public credit rests.

The preparatory steps taken by the State of Virginia in concert with the district of Kentucky towards the erection of the latter into a distinct member of the Union, exhib|it a liberality mutually honourable to the parties. We shall bestow on this important subject the favourable con|sideration which it merits; and with the national policy which ought to govern our decision, shall not fail to min|gle the affectionate sentiments, which are awakened by by those expressed in behalf of our fellow-citizens of Ken|tucky.

Whilst we regret the necessity which has produced of|fensive hostilities against some of the Indian tribes north|west of the Ohio, we sympathize too much with our west|ern brethren not to behold with approbation the watchful|ness

and vigour which have been exerted by the executive authority, for their protection; and which, we trust, will make aggressors sensible that it is their interest to merit by a peaceable behaviour the friendship and humanity which the United States are always ready to extend to them.

The encouragement of our own navigation, has, at all times, appeared to us highly important. The point of view under which you recommended it to us is strongly en|forced by the actual state of things in Europe. It will be incumbent on us to consider in what mode our com|merce and agriculture can be best relieved from an injuri|ous dependence on the navigation of other nations, which the frequency of their wars renders a too precarious re|source for conveying the productions of our country to market.

The present state of our trade to the Mediterranean, seems not less to demand, and will accordingly receive, the attention which you have recommended.

Having already concurred in establishing a judiciary sys|tem, which opens the door of justice to all, without dis|tinction of persons, it will be our disposition to incorporate every improvement which experience may suggest: and we shall consider in particular, how far the uniformity which in other cases is found convenient in the administra|tion of the general government through all the States, may be introduced into the forms and rules of executing sen|tences issuing from the federal courts.

The proper regulation of the jurisdiction and functions which may be exercised by consuls of the United States in foreign countries, with the provisions stipulated to those of his Most Christian Majesty established here, are subjects of too much consequence to the public interest and honour, not to partake of our deliberations.

We shall renew our attention to the establishment of the militia and the other subjects unfinished at the last session, and shall proceed in them with all the dispatch, which the magnitude of all, and the difficulty of some of them, will allow.

Nothing has given us more satisfaction than to find that the revenues heretofore established have proved adequate to

the purposes to which they were allotted. In extending the provision to the residuary objects, it will be equally our care to secure sufficiency and punctuality in the payments due from the treasury of the United States. We shall also never lose sight of the policy of diminishing the public debt, as fast as the increase of the public resources will per|mit; and are particularly sensible of the many considera|tions which press a resort to the auxiliary resource furnish|ed by the public lands.

In pursuing every branch of the weighty business of the present session, it will be our constant study to direct our deliberations to the public welfare. Whatever our success may be, we can at least answer for the fervent love of our country, which ought to animate our endeavours. In your co-operation, we are sure of a resource, which fortifies our hopes, that the fruits of the established government will justify the confidence which has been placed in it, and rec|ommend it more and more to the affection and attachment of our fellow-citizens.

The President's Reply.

GENTLEMEN,

THE sentiments expressed in your Address, are en|titled to my particular acknowledgment. Having no ob|ject but the good of our country, this testimony of appro|bation and confidence, from its immediate representatives, must be amongst my best rewards, as the support of your enlightened patriotism has been among my greatest encour|agements. Being persuaded that you will continue to be actuated by the same auspicious principle, I look forward to the happiest consequences from your deliberations, during the present session.

G. WASHINGTON.

Second Congress—First Session.

The President's Speech.

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE, AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

I MEET you, upon the present occasion, with the feel|ings, which are naturally inspired by a strong impression of the prosperous situation of our common country, and by a persuasion equally strong, that the labours of the session, which has just commenced, will, under the guidance of the spirit, no less prudent than patriotic, issue in measures conducive to the stability and increase of national prosperity.

Numerous as are the providential blessings which de|mand our grateful acknowledgments; the abundance with which another year has again rewarded the industry of the husbandman, is too important to escape recollection.

Your own observations, in your respective situations, will have satisfied you of the progressive state of agriculture, manufactures, commerce and navigation: in tracing their causes, you will have remarked, with particular pleasure, the happy effects of that revival of confidence, public as well as private, to which the constitution and laws of the United States have so eminently contributed; and you will have observed, with no less interest, new and deci|sive proofs of the increasing reputation and credit of the nation. But you, nevertheless, cannot fail to derive satis|faction from the confirmation of these circumstances, which will be disclosed in the several official communications that will be made to you in the course of your deliberations.

The rapid subscriptions to the Bank of the United States, which completed the sum allowed to be subscribed in a single day, is among the striking and pleasing evidences which present themselves, not only of confidence in the government, but of resource in the community.

In the interval of your recess, due attention has been paid to the execution of the different objects which were specially provided for by the laws and resolutions of the last session.

Among the most important of these, is the defence and security of the Western Frontiers. To accomplish it on the most humane principles, was a primary wish.

Accordingly, at the same time that treaties have been provisionally concluded, and other proper means used to attach the wavering, and to confirm in their friendship, the well-disposed tribes of Indians—effectual measures have been adopted to make those of a hostile description sensi|ble, that a pacification was desired upon terms of modera|tion and justice.

These measures having proved unsucessful, it became necessary to convince the refractory of the power of the United States to punish their depredations; offensive operations have therefore been directed; to be conduct|ed, however, as consistently as possible with the dictates of humanity. Some of these have been crowned with full success, and others are yet depending. The expeditions which have been completed, were carried on under the authority and at the expense of the United States, by the militia of Kentucky; whose enterprise, intrepidity and good conduct are entitled to peculiar commendation.

Overtures of peace are still continued to the deluded tribes, and considerable numbers of individuals belonging to them have lately renounced all further opposition, re|moved from their former situations, and placed themselves under the immediate protection of the United States.

It is sincerely to be desired, that all need of coercion, in future, may cease; and that an intimate intercourse may succeed, calculated to advance the happiness of the In|dians, and to attach them firmly to the United States.

In order to this, it seems necessary—That they should experience the benefits of an impartial dispensation of jus|tice—That the mode of alienating their lands, the main source of discontent and war should be so defined and regulated, as to obviate imposition, and, as far as may be practicable, controversy, concerning the reality and extent

of the alienations which are made—That commerce with them should be promoted under regulations tending to se|cure an equitable deportment towards them, and that such rational experiments should be made, for imparting to them the blessings of civilization, as may, from time to time, suit their condition—That the Executive of the United States should be enabled to employ the means, to which the Indians have been long accustomed, for uniting their immediate interests with the preservation of peace—And that efficacious provision should be made for inflicting ade|quate penalties upon all those, who, by violating their rights, shall infringe the treaties, and endanger the peace of the Union.

A system corresponding with the mild principles of re|ligion and philanthropy towards an unenlightened race of men, whose happiness materially depends on the conduct of the United States, would be as honourable to the na|tional character, as conformable to the dictates of sound policy.

The powers specially vested in me by the act, laying certain duties on distilled spirits, which respect the subdi|visions of the districts into surveys, the appointment of offi|cers, and the assignment of compensations, have likewise been carried into effect. In a matter, in which both ma|terials and experience were wanting to guide the calcula|tion, it will be readily conceived that there must have been difficulty in such an adjustment of the rates of compensa|tion as would conciliate a reasonable competency, with a proper regard to the limits prescribed by the law. It is hoped that the circumspection which has been used will be found in the result to have secured the last of the two objects; but it is probable, that with a view to the first, in some instances a revision of the provision will be found adviseable.

The impressions with which this law has been received by the community, have been, upon the whole, such as were to be expected among enlightened and well-disposed citi|zens, from the propriety and necessity of the measure. The novelty, however, of the tax, in a considerable part of the United States, and a misconception of some of its provi|sions,

have given occasion in particular places to some de|gree of discontent. But it is satisfactory to know, that this disposition yields to proper explanations and more just apprehensions of the true nature of the law. And I en|tertain a full confidence, that it will, in all, give way to motives which arise out of a just sense of duty, and a vir|tuous regard to the public welfare.

If there are any circumstances, in the law, which, con|sistently with its main design, may be so varied as to re|move any well-intentioned objections that may happen to exist, it will consist with a wise moderation to make the proper variations. It is desirable, on all occasions, to unite with a steady and firm adherence to constitutional and ne|cessary acts of government, the fullest evidence of a dispo|sition, as far as may be practicable, to consult the wishes of every part of the community, and to lay the foundations of the public administration in the affections of the people.

Pursuant to the authority contained in the several acts on that subject, a district of ten miles square, for the per|manent seat of the government of the United States, has been fixed, and announced by proclamation; which dis|trict will comprehend lands on both sides of the river Po|towmac, and the towns of Alexandria and Georgetown. A city has also been laid out agreeably to a plan which will be placed before Congress; and as there is a prospect favoured by the rate of sales which have already taken place, of ample funds for carrying on the necessary build|ings, there is every expectation of their due progress.

The completion of the census of the inhabitants, for which provision was made by a law, has been duly notifi|ed, (excepting in one instance, in which the return has been informal; and another, in which it has been omitted or miscarried) and the returns of the officers who were charg|ed with this duty, which will be laid before you, will give you the pleasing assurance, that the present population of the United States borders on four millions of persons.

It is proper also to inform you, that a further loan of two millions and an half of florins has been completed in Holland; the terms of which are similar to those of the

one last announced, except as to a small reduction of charges. Another, on like terms, for six millions of flor|ins, had been set on foot, under circumstances that assured immediate completion.

GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE,

TWO treaties which have been provisionally concluded with the Cherokees, and Six Nations of Indians, will be laid before you for your consideration and ratification.

GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

IN entering upon the discharge of your Legislative trust, you must anticipate with pleasure, that many of the diffi|culties, necessarily incident to the first arrangement of a new government, for an extensive country, have been happily surmounted by the zealous and judicious exertions of your predecessors in co-operation with the other branch of the Legislature. The important objects which remain to be accomplished, will, I am persuaded, be conducted upon principles equally comprehensive, and equally well calculated for the advancement of the general weal.

The time limited for receiving subscriptions to the loans proposed by the act making provision for the debt of the United States, having expired, statements from the proper department, will, as soon as possible, apprize you of the ex|act result. Enough, however, is already known to afford an assurance that the views of that act have been substantially fulfilled. The subscription in the domestic debt of the United States, has embraced by far the greatest propor|tion of that debt; affording at the same time, proof of the general satisfaction of the public creditors with the system which has been proposed to their acceptance, and of the spirit of accommodation to the convenience of the gov|ernment with which they are actuated. The subscriptions in the debts of the respective states, as far as the provisions of the law have permitted, may be said to be yet more general. The part of the debt of the United States which remains unsubscribed, will naturally engage your further deliberations.

It is particularly pleasing to me to be able to announce to you, that the revenues which have been established, promise to be adequate to their objects, and may be per|mitted, if no unforeseen exigency occurs, to supersede, for the present, the necessity of any new burthens upon our constituents.

An object which will claim your early attention, is a provision for the current service of the ensuing year, to|gether with such ascertained demands upon the treasury as require to be immediately discharged, and such casualties as may have arisen in the execution of the public business, for which no specific appropriation may have yet been made; of all which, a proper estimate will be laid before you.

GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE, AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

I SHALL content myself with a general reference to former communications for several objects, upon which the urgency of other affairs has hitherto postponed any defin|itive resolution. Their importance will recal them to your attention; and I trust that the progress already made in the most arduous arrangements of the government will af|ford you leisure to resume them with advantage.

There are, however, some of them of which I cannot forbear a more particular mention; these are, the Militia —The Post-Office and Post-Roads—The Mint—Weights and Measures—a Provision for the Sale of the Vacant Lands of the United States.

The first is certainly an object of primary importance, whether viewed in reference to the national security, to the satisfaction of the community, or the preservation of order. In connexion with this, the establishment of com|petent magazines and arsenals, and the fortification of such places as are peculiarly important and vulnerable, naturally present themselves to consideration. The safety of the United States, under divine protection, ought to rest on the basis of systematic and solid arrangement; exposed as little as possible to the hazards of fortuitous circumstances.

The importance of the Post-Office and Post Roads, on a plan sufficiently liberal and comprehensive, as they re|spect

the expedition, safety and facility of communication, is increased by the instrumentality in diffusing a knowledge of the laws and proceedings of the government; which, while it contributes to the security of the people, serves also to guard them against the effects of misrepresentation and misconception. The establishment of additional cross posts, especially to some of the important points in the western and northern parts of the Union, cannot fail to be of material utility.

The disorders in the existing currency, and especially the scarcity of small change, a scarcity so peculiarly dis|tressing to the poorer classes, strongly recommend the carrying into immediate effect the resolution already en|tered into concerning the establishment of a Mint. Meas|ures have been taken pursuant to that resolution for pro|curing some of the most necessary articles, together with the requisite apparatus.

An uniformity in the weights and measures of the coun|try is among the important objects submitted to you by the Constitution, and if it can be derived from a standard at once invariable and universal, must be no less honourable to the public councils than conducive to the public conve|nience.

A provision for the sale of the vacant lands of the Uni|ted States, is particularly urged, among other reasons, by the important considerations—that they are pledged as a fund for reimbursing the public debt;—that if timely and judiciously applied, they may save the necessity of burthen|ing our citizens with new taxes for the extinguishment of the principal; and that being free to discharge the princi|pal, but in a limited proportion, no opportunity ought to be lost for availing the public of its rights.

G. WASHINGTON.

United States, Oct. 25, 1791.

Answer of the Senate.

SIR,

THE Senate of the United States have received with much satisfaction the assurance of public prosperity contained in your speech to both Houses. The multiplied blessings of Providence have not escaped our notice, or failed to excite our gratitude.

The benefits which flow from the restoration of public and private confidence, are conspicuous and important; and the pleasure with which we contemplate them is heigh|tened by your assurance of those farther communications, which shall confirm their existence, and indicate their source.

While we rejoice in the success of those military opera|tions which have been directed against the hostile Indians, we lament with you the necessity that has produced them; and we participate the hope that the present prospect of a general peace, on terms of moderation and justice, may be brought into complete and permanent effect; and that the measures of government, for the security of our frontiers, may equally embrace the general interests of humanity. Our solicitude to obtain, will ensure our zealous attention to an object so warmly espoused by the dictates of benev|olence, and so highly interesting to the honour and welfare of the nation.

The several subjects which you have particularly recom|mended, and those which remain of former sessions, will engage our early consideration. We are encouraged to presecute them with alacrity and steadiness, by the belief, that they will interest no passion but that for the general welfare, by the assurance of concert, and by a view of those arduous and important arrangements which have been al|ready accomplished.

We observe, Sir, the constancy and activity of your zeal for the public good. The example will animate our ef|forts to promote the happiness of our country.

Signed by order and in behalf of the Senate, JOHN ADAMS, Vice President of the United States, and President of the Senate.

The President's Reply.

GENTLEMEN,

THIS manifestation of your zeal for the honour and the happiness of our country, derives its full value from the share which your deliberations have already had in pro|moting both.

I thank you for the favourable sentiments with which you view the part I have borne in the arduous trust com|mitted to the government of the United States; and desire you to be assured that all my zeal will continue to second those further efforts for the public good, which ar ensured by the spirit in which you are entering on the present session.

G. WASHINGTON.

Answer of the House of Representatives.

SIR,

IN receiving your address at the opening of the present session, the House of Representatives have taken an ample share in the feelings inspired by the actual prosperity and flattering prospects of our country; and whilst, with be|coming gratitude to Heaven, we ascribe this happiness to the true source from which it flows, we behold with ani|mating pleasure, the degree in which the constitution and laws of the United States have been instrumental in dis|pensing it.

It yields us particular satisfaction to learn the success with which the different important measures of the gov|ernment have proceeded; as well those specially provided for at the last session, as those of preceding date.

The safety of our Western Frontiers, in which the lives and repose of so many of our fellow-citizens are involved,

being peculiarly interesting, your communications on that subject are proportionably grateful to us.

The gallantry and good conduct of the militia, whose services were called for, is an honourable confirmation of the efficacy of that precious resource of a free state; and we anxiously wish, that the consequences of their success|ful enterprizes, and of the other proceedings to which you have referred, may leave the United States free to pursue the most benevolent policy towards the unhappy and delu|ded race of people in our neighbourhood.

The amount of the population of the United States, deter|mined by the returns of the census, is a source of the most pleasing reflections, whether it be viewed in relation to our na|tional safety and respectabllity, or as a proof of that felicity in the situation of our country, which favours so unexampled a rapidity in its growth: nor ought any to be insensible to the additional motives suggested by this important fact, to perpetuate the free government established, with a wise ad|ministration of it, to a portion of the earth which promises such an increase of the number which is to enjoy these bles|sings within the limits of the United States.

We shall proceed, with all the respect due to your pat|riotic recommendations, and with a deep sense of the trust committed to us by our fellow-citizens, to take into con|sideration the various and important matters falling within the present session. And in discussing and deciding each, we shall feel every disposition, whilst we are pursuing the public welfare, which must be the supreme object with all our constituents, to accommodate, as far as possible, the means of attaining it to the sentiments and wishes of every part of them.

The President's Reply.

GENTLEMEN,

THE pleasure I derive from an assurance of your attention to the objects I have recommended to you, is doubled by your concurrence in the testimony I have borne to the prosperous condition of our public affairs. Relying

on the sanctions of your enlightened judgment, and on your patriotic aid, I shall be the more encouraged in all my endeavours for the public weal; and particularly in those which may be required on my part for executing the salutary measures I anticipate from your present delibe|rations.

G. WASHINGTON.

Second Congress—Second Session.

The President's Speech.

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE, AND OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

IT is some abatement of the satisfaction, with which I meet you on the present occasion, that in felicitating you on a continuance of the national prosperity, generally, I am not able to add to it information that the Indian hostil|ities, which have, for some time past distressed our north▪ western frontier, have terminated.

You will, I am persuaded learn, with no less concern than I communicate it, that reiterated endeavours towards effecting a pacification have hitherto issued only in new and outrageous proofs of persevering hostility on the part of the tribes with whom we are in contest. An earnest desire to procure tranquillity to the frontiers—to stop the further effusion of blood—to arrest the progress of expense—to forward the prevalent wish of the nation, for peace, has led to strenuous efforts, through various chan|nels, to accomplish these desirable purposes; in making which efforts, I consulted less my own anticipations of the event, or the scruples which some considerations were cal|culated to inspire, than the wish to find the object attaina|ble; or if not attainable, to ascertain, unequivocally, that such is the case.

A detail of the measures which have been pursued, and of their consequences, which will be laid before you, while it will confirm to you the want of success, thus far, will, I trust, evince that means, as proper and as efficacious as could have been devised, have been employed. The issue of some of them, indeed, is still depending; but a favour|able one, though not to be despaired of, is not promised by any thing that has yet happened.

In the course of the attempts which have been made, some valuable citizens have fallen victims to their zeal for the public service. A sanction commonly respected, even among savages, has been found, in this instance, insufficient to protect from massacre, the emissaries of peace; it will, I presume, be duly considered, whether the occasion does not call for an exercise of liberality towards the families of the deceased.

It must add to your concern, to be informed that besides the continuation of hostile appearances, among the tribes north of the Ohio, some threatening symptoms have of late been revived among some of those south of it.

A part of the Cherokees, known by the name of Chick|amagas, inhabiting five villages on the Tennessee river, have long been in the practice of committing depredations on the neighbouring settlements.

It was hoped that the treaty of Holston, made with the Cherokee nation, in July, 1791, would have prevented a repetition of such depredations. But the event has not an|swered this hope The Chickamagas, aided by some banditti of another tribe in their vicinity, have recently perpetrated wanton and unprovoked hostilities upon the citizens of the United States, in that quarter. The information which has been received on this subject will be laid before you. Hitherto defensive precautions, only have been strictly enjoined and observed.

It is not understood that any breach of treaty, or aggres|son whatsoever, on the part of the United States, or their citizens, is even alleged as a pretext for the spirit of hostility in this quarter.

I have reason to believe, that every practicable exertion has been made, (pursuant to the provision by law for that purpose) to be prepared for the alternative of a prosecution of the war, in the event of a failure of pacific overtures. A large proportion of the troops, authorized to be raised, have been recruited, though the number is still incomplete; and pains have been taken to discipline, and put them in condition for the particular ••ind of service to be performed. A delay of operations (besides being dictated by the measures which were pursuing towards a pacific termina|tion

of the war) has been in itself deemed preferable to im|mature efforts. A statement, from the proper department, with regard to the number of troops raised, and some other points which have been suggested, will afford more precise information, as a guide to the legislative consultations; and among other things, will enable Congress to judge whether some additional stimulus to the recruiting service may not be adviseable.

In looking forward to the future expense of the opera|tions, which may be found inevitable, I derive consolation from the information I receive, that the product of the revenues for the present year, is likely to supercede the necessity of additional burthens on the community, for the service of the ensuing year. This, however, will be better ascertained in the course of the session; and it is proper to add, that the information alluded to proceeds from the supposition of no material extension of the spirit of hostilities.

I cannot dismiss the subject of Indian affairs, without again recommending to your consideration the expediency of more adequate provision for giving energy to the laws throughout our interior frontier; and for restraining the commission of outrages upon the Indians; without which all pacific plans must prove nugatory To enable, by com|petent rewards, the employment of qualified and trusty persons to reside among them, as agents, would also con|tribute to the preservation of peace and good neighbour|hood. If in addition to these expedients, an eligible plan could be devised for promoting civilization among the friendly tribes, and for carrying on trade with them upon a scale equal to their wants, and under regulations calcu|lated to protect them from imposition and extortion, its influence in cementing their interests with ours could not but be considerable.

The prosperous state of our revenue has been intimated. This would be still more the case, were it not for the im|pediments which in some places continue to embarrass the collection of the duties on spirits, distilled within the United States. These impediments have lessened, and are lessening in local extent; and, as applied to the com|munity

at large, the contentment with the law appears to be progressive.

But symptoms of increased opposition having lately manifested themselves in certain quarters, I judged special interposition on my part, proper and adviseable; and under this impression have issued a Proclamation, warning against all unlawful combinations and proceedings, having for their object, or tending to obstruct the operation of the law in question, and announcing that all lawful ways and means would be strictly put in execution, for bringing to justice the infractors thereof, and securing obedience thereto.

Measures have also been taken for the prosecution of of|fenders. And Congress may be assured, that nothing within constitutional and legal limits, which may depend on me, shall be wanting to assert and maintain the just authority of the laws. In fulfilling this trust, I shall count entirely upon the full co-operation of the other departments of the government, and upon the zealous support of all good citizens.

I cannot forbear to bring again into the view of the legislature, the subject of a revision of the judiciary system. A representation from the Judges of the Supreme Court, which will be laid before you, points out some of the in|conveniences that are experienced. In the course of the execution of the laws, considerations rise out of the struc|ture of that system, which in some cases tend to relax their efficacy. As connected with this subject, provisions to facilitate the taking of bail upon processes out of the courts of the United States, and supplementary definition of offences against the constitution and laws of the Union, and of the punishment for such offences, will, it is pre|sumed, be found worthy of particular attention.

Observations on the value of peace with other nations are unnecessary. It would be wise, however, by timely provisions, to guard against those acts of our own citizens, which might tend to disturb it, and to put ourselves in a condition to give that satisfaction to foreign nations, which we may sometimes have occasion to require from them. I particularly recommend to your consideration the means of preventing those aggressions by our citizens on the ter|ritory

of other nations, and other infractions of the law of nations, which furnishes just subject of complaint, and might endanger our peace with them. And, in general, the maintenance of a friendly intercourse with foreign pow|ers will be presented to your attention by the expiration of the law for that purpose, which takes place, if not renew|ed, at the close of the present session.

In execution of the authority given by the legislature, measures have been taken for engaging some artists from abroad to aid in the establishment of our mint: others have been employed at home. Provision has been made of the requisite buildings, and these are now putting into prop|er condition for the purposes of the establishment. There has also been a small beginning in the coinage of half dimes; the want of small coins in circulation calling the first attention to them.

The regulation of foreign coins, in correspondency with the principles of our national coinage, as being essential to their due operation, and to order in our money concerns, will, I doubt not, be resumed and completed.

It is represented that some provisions in the law, which establishes the post-office, operate, in experiment, against the transmission of newspapers, to distant parts of the coun|try. Should this, upon due inquiry, be found to be the fact, a full conviction of the importance of facilitating the circulation of political intelligence and information, will, I doubt not, lead to the application of a remedy.

The adoption of a constitution for the State of Kentucky, has been notified to me. The legislature will share with me in the satisfaction which arises from an event, interest|ing to the happiness of the part of the nation to which it relates, and conducive to the general order.

It is proper likewise to inform you, that since my last communication on the subject, and in further execution of the acts, severally making provision for the public debt, and for the reduction thereof, three new loans have been effect|ed, each for three millions of florins; one at Antwerp, at the annual interest of four and one half per cent. with an allowance of four per cent. in lieu of all charges; and the other two at Amsterdam, at the annual interest of four

per cent. with an allowance of five and one half per cent▪ in one case, and of five per cent. in the other, in lieu of all charges. The rates of these loans, and the circum|stances under which they have been made, are confirma|tions of the high state of our credit abroad.

Among the objects to which these funds have been di|rected to be applied, the payment of the debts due to cer|tain foreign officers, according to the provision made du|ring the last session, has been embraced.

GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

I ENTERTAIN a strong hope, that the state of the national finances is now sufficiently matured to enable you to enter upon a systematic and effectual arrangement for the regular redemption and discharge of the public debt, according to the right which has been reserved to the gov|ernment. No measure can be more desirable, whether view|ed with an eye to its intrinsic importance, or to the general sentiment and wish of the nation.

Provision is likewise requisite for the reimbursement of the loan which has been made for the Bank of the United States, pursuant to the eleventh section of the act by which it is incorporated. In fulfilling the public stipulations in this particular, it is expected a valuable saving will be made.

Appropriations for the current service of the ensuing year, and for such extraordinaries as may require provision, will demand, and I doubt not will engage your early at|tention.

GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE, AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

I CONTENT myself with recalling your attention, generally, to such objects, not particularized in my present, as have been suggested in my former communications to you.

Various temporary laws will expire during the present session. Among these, that which regulates trade and in|tercourse with the Indian tribes, will merit particular notice.

The results of your common deliberations hitherto, will, I trust, be productive of solid and durable advantages to our constituents; such as, by conciliating more and more

their ultimate suffrage, will tend to strengthen and confirm their attachment to that constitution of government, upon which, under Divine Providence, materially depend their union, their safety, and their happiness.

Still further to promote and secure these inestimable ends, there is nothing which can have a more powerful tendency, than the careful cultivation of harmony, combined with a due regard to stability in the public councils.

G. WASHINGTON.

United States, November 6, 1792.

Answer of the Senate.

ACCEPT, Sir, our grateful acknowledgments for your address at the opening of the present session. We participate with you in the satisfaction arising from the con|tinuance of the general prosperity of the nation; but it is not without the most sincere concern that we are informed, that the reiterated efforts which have been made to estab|lish peace with the hostile Indians have hitherto failed to accomplish that desired effect. Hoping that the measures still depending may prove more successful than those which have preceded them, we shall nevertheless concur in every necessary preparation for the alternative; and, should the Indians on either side of the Ohio persist in their hostilities, fidelity to the Union, as well as affection for our fellow-cit|izens on the frontiers, will ensure our decided co-operation in every measure, which shall be deemed requisite for their protection and safety.

At the same time ••hat we avow the obligation of the gov|ernment to afford its protection to every part of the U|nion, we cannot refrain from expressing our regret, that even a small portion of our fellow-citizens in any quarter of it, should have combined to oppose the operation of the law for the collection of duties on spirits distilled within the United States; a law repeatedly sanctioned by the author|ity of the nation, and at this juncture materially connect|ed

with the safety and protection of those who oppose it▪ Should the means already adopted, fail in securing obe|dience to this law, such further measures as may be thought necessary to carry the same into complete operation, can|not fail to receive the approbation of the Legislature, and the support of every patriotic citizen.

It yields us particular pleasure to learn, that the pro|ductiveness of the revenue of the present year, will proba|bly supersede the necessity of any additional tax for the service of the next.

The organization of the government of the State of Ken|tucky, being an event peculiarly interesting to a part of our fellow-citizens, and conducive to the general order, affords us peculiar satisfaction.

We are happy to learn, that the high state of our credit abroad has been evinced by the terms on which the new loans have been negociated.

In the course of the session, we shall proceed to take into consideration the several objects, which you have been pleas|ed to recommend to our attention; and, keeping in view the importance of union and stability in the public coun|cils, we shall labour to render our decisions conducive to the safety and happiness of our country.

We repeat with pleasure our assurances of confidence in your administrations, and our ardent wish that your una|bated zeal for the public good may be rewarded by the du|rable prosperity of the nation, and every ingredient of per|sonal happiness.

JOHN LANGDON, President, pro tempore, of the Senate.

The President's Reply.

I DERIVE much pleasure, gentlemen, from your very satisfactory address. The renewed assurances of your confidence in my administration, and the expression of your wish for my personal happiness, claim and receive my

particular acknowledgments. In my future endeavours for the public welfare, to which my duty may call me, I shall not cease to count upon the firm, enlightened and pat|riotic support of the Senate.

G. WASHINGTON.

Answer of the House of Representatives.

SIR,

THE House of Representatives, who always feel satisfaction in meeting you, are much concerned that the occasion for mutual felicitation, afforded by circumstances favourable to the national prosperity, should be abated by a continuance of the hostile spirit of many of the Indian tribes; and particularly, that the reiterated efforts for ef|fecting a general pacification with them, should have issu|ed in new proofs of their persevering enmity, and the bar|barous sacrifice of citizens who, as the messengers of peace, were distinguishing themselves by their zeal for the public service. In our deliberations on this important depart|ment of our affairs, we shall be disposed to pursue every measure that may be dictated by the sincerest desire on one hand, of cultivating peace, and manifesting, by every prac|ticable regulation, our benevolent regard for the welfare of those misguided people; and by the duty we feel, on the other, to provide effectually for the safety and protec|tion of our fellow-citizens.

While with regret we learn, that symptoms of opposition to the law imposing duties on spirits distilled within the Uni|ted States, have manifested themselves, we reflect, with con|solation, that they are confined to a small portion of our fellow-citizens. It is not more essential to the preservation of true liberty, that a government should be always ready to listen to the representations of its constituents, and to ac|comodate its measures to the sentiments and wishes of eve|ry part of them, as far as will consist with the good of the whole, than it is, that the just authority of the laws should be stedfastly maintained.

Under this impression, every department of the govern|ment, and all good citizens, must approve the measures you have taken, and the purpose you have formed, to execute this part of your trust with firmness and energy; and be assured, Sir, of every constitutional aid and co-operation which may become requisite on our part. And we hope, that while the progress of contentment under the law in question, is as obvious as it is rational, no particular part of the community may be permitted to withdraw from the general burthens of the country, by a conduct as irrecon|cileable to national justice, as it is inconsistent with public decency.

The productive state of the public revenue, and the con|firmation of the credit of the United States abroad, evin|ced by the loans at Antwerp and Amsterdam, are communi|cations the more gratifying, as they enforce the obligation to enter on systematic and effectual arrangements for dis|charging the public debt, as far as the conditions of it will permit. And we take pleasure in the opportunity to assure you of our entire concurrence in the opinion, that no measure can be more desireable, whether viewed with an eye to the urgent wish of the community, or the intrinsic importance of promoting so happy a change in our situation.

The adoption of a constitution for the State of Kentucky, is an event in which we join in all the satisfaction you have expressed. It may be considered as particularly interesting, since, besides the immediate benefits resulting from it, it is another auspicious demonstration of the facility and success with which an enlightened people are capable of providing, by free and deliberate plans of government, for their own safety and happiness.

The operation of the law establishing the Post-Office, as it relates to the transmission of newspapers, will merit our particular inquiry and attention; the circulation of polit|ical intelligence, through these vehicles, being justly reck|oned among the surest means of preventing the degeneracy of a free government, as well as of recommending every salutary public measure, to the confidence and co-operation of all virtuous citizens.

The several other matters which you have communicated and recommended, will in their order receive the attention due to them; and our discussion will, in all cases, we trust, be guided by a proper respect for harmony and stability in the public councils, and a desire to conciliate more and more, the attachment of our constituents to the constitu|tion, by measures accommodated to the true ends for which it was established.

The President's Reply.

GENTLEMEN,

IT gives me pleasure to express to you the satisfac|tion which your address affords me. I feel, as I ought, the approbation you manifest of the measures I have taken, and the purpose I have formed, to maintain, pursuant to the trust reposed in me by the constitution, the respect which is due to the laws, and the assurance which you, at the same time, give me of every constitutional aid and co|operation, that may become requisite on your part.

This is a new proof of that enlightened solicitude for the establishment and confirmation of public order, which, embracing a zealous regard for the principles of true liberty, has guided the deliberations of the House of Representa|tives; a perseverance, which can alone secure, under the divine blessing, the real and permanent felicity of our com|mon country.

G. WASHINGTON.

Third Congress—First Session.

The President's Speech.

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE, AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

SINCE the commencement of the term, for which I have been again called into office, no sit occasion has aris|en for expressing to my fellow-citizens at large, the deep and respectful sense, which I feel, of the renewed testimony of public approbation. While on the one hand, it awa|kened my gratitude for all those instances of affectionate partiality, with which I have been honoured by my coun|try; on the other, it could not prevent an earnest wish for that retirement, from which no private consideration should ever have torn me. But influenced by the belief, that my con|duct would be estimated according to its real motives; and that the people, and the authorities derived from them, would support exertions, having nothing personal for their object, I have obeyed the suffrage which commanded me to resume the executive power; and I humbly implore that Being, on whose will the fate of nations depends, to crown with success our mutual endeavours for the general hap|piness.

As soon as the war in Europe had embraced those pow|ers with whom the United States have the most extensive relation; there was reason to apprehend that our inter|course with them might be interrupted, and our disposition for peace, drawn into question, by the suspicions, too often entertained by belligerent nations. It seemed therefore to be my duty, to admonish our citizens of the consequen|ces of a contraband trade, and of hostile acts to any of the parties; and to obtain, by a declaration of the existing le|gal state of things, an easier admission of our rights to the immunities, belonging to our situation. Under these im|pressions,

the proclamation, which will be laid before you, was issued.

In this posture of affairs, both new and delicate, I resolv|ed to adopt general rules which should conform to the treaties, and assert the privileges of the United States. These were reduced into a system, which will be commu|nicated to you. Although I have not thought myself at liberty to forbid the sale of the prizes, permitted by our treaty of commerce with France to be brought into our ports; I have not refused to cause them to be restored, when they were taken within the protection of our territo|ry; or by vessels commissioned or equipped in a warlike form within the limits of the United States.

It rests with the wisdom of Congress to correct, improve or enforce this plan of procedure, and it will probably be found expedient to extend the legal code, and the juris|diction of the Courts of the United States, to many cases which, though dependent on principles already recognized, demand some further provisions.

When individuals shall, within the United States, array themselves in hostility against any of the powers at war; or enter upon military expeditions, or enterprizes within the jurisdiction of the United States; or usurp and exer|cise judicial authority within the United States; or where the penalties on violations of the law of nations may have been indistinctly marked, or are inadequate; these offences cannot receive too early and close an attention, and re|quire prompt and decisive remedies.

Whatsoever those remedies may be, they will be well administered by the Judiciary, who possess a long establish|ed course of investigation, effectual process, and officers in the habit of executing it. In like manner, as several of the courts have doubted, under particular circumstances, their power to liberate the vessels of a nation at peace, and even of a citizen of the United States, although seized under a false colour of being hostile property; and have denied their power to liberate certain captures within the protection of our territory; it would seem proper to regulate their jurisdiction in these points. But if the Executive is to be the resort in either of the two last mentioned cases, it is

hoped, that he will be authorized by law, to have facts ascertained by the courts, when, for his own information, he shall request it.

I cannot recommend to your notice measures for the fulfilment of our duties to the rest of the world, without again pressing upon you the necessity of placing ourselves in a condition of complete defence, and of exacting from them the fulfilment of their duties towards us. The United States ought not to indulge a persuasion, that, contrary to the order of human events, they will forever keep at a distance those painful appeals to arms with which the history of every other nation abounds. There is a rank due to the United States among nations; which will be withheld, if not absolutely lost, by the reputation of weak|ness. If we desire to avoid insult, we must be able to repel it; if we desire to secure peace, one of the most powerful instruments of our rising prosperity, it must be known, that we are at all times ready for war.

The documents which will be presented to you, will shew the amount, and kinds of arms and military stores now in our magazines and arsenals; and yet an addition even to these supplies cannot with prudence be neglected; as it would leave nothing to the uncertainty of procuring a warlike apparatus in the moment of public danger. Not can such arrangements, with such objects, be exposed to the censure or jealousy of the warmest friends of republican government. They are incapable of abuse in the hands of the militia, who ought to possess a pride in being the depos|itory of the force of the Republic, and may be trained to a degree of energy, equal to every military exigency of the United States. But it is an inquiry, which cannot be too solemnly pursued, whether the act, "more effectually to provide for the national defence by establishing an uniform militia throughout the United States," has organized them so as to produce their full effect; whether your own ex|perience in the several States has not detected some imper|fections in the scheme; and whether a material feature in an improvement of it, ought not to be to afford an oppor|tunity for the study of those branches of the military art, which can scarcely ever be attained by practice alone?

The connexion of the United States with Europe, has become extremely interesting. The occurrences which relate to it, and have passed under the knowledge of the Executive, will be exhibited to Congress in a subsequent communication.

When we contemplate the war on our frontiers, it may be truly affirmed that every reasonable effort has been made to adjust the causes of dissension with the Indians, north of the Ohio. The instructions given to the commissioners evince a moderation and equity, proceeding from a sincere love of peace, and a liberality having no restriction but the essential interests and dignity of the United States. The attempt, however, of an amicable negociation having been frustrated, the troops have marched to act offensively. Al|though the proposed treaty did not arrest the progress of military preparation, it is doubtful, how, far the advance of the season, before good faith justified active movements, may retard them, during the remainder of the year. From the papers and intelligence which relate to this important subject, you will determine, whether the deficiency in the number of troops, granted by law, shall be compensated by succours of militia; or additional encouragements shall be proposed to recruits. An anxiety has been also demon|strated by the Executive, for peace with the Creeks and the Cherokees. The former have been relieved with corn and with cloathing, and offensive measures against them prohibited, during the recess of Congress. To satisfy the complaints of the latter, prosecutions have been instituted for the violences committed upon them. But the papers, which will be delivered to you, disclose the critical foot|ing on which we stand in regard to both those tribes, and it is with Congress to pronounce what shall be done.

After they shall have provided for the present emer|gency, it will merit their most ferious labours, to render tranquillity with the savages, permanent, by creating ties of interest. Next to a rigorous execution of justice on the violators of peace, the establishment of commerce with the Indian nations in behalf of the United States, is most like|ly to conciliate their attachment. But it ought to be conducted without fraud, without extortion, with constant

and plentiful supplies, with a ready market for the com|modities of the Indians, and a stated price for what they give in payment, and receive in exchange. Individuals will not pursue such a traffic, unless they be allured by the hope of profit; but it will be enough for the United States to be reimbursed only. Should this recommenda|tion accord with the opinion of Congress, they will recol|lect, that it cannot be accomplished by any means yet in the hands of the Executive.

GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

THE commissioners, charged with the settlement of accounts between the United and individual States, con|cluded their important functions, within the time limited by law; and the balances, struck in their report, which will be laid before Congress, have been placed on the books of the treasury.

On the first day of June last, an installment of one mil|lion of florins became payable on the loans of the United States in Holland. This was adjusted by a prolongation of the period of reimbursement, in the nature of a new loan, at interest at five per cent, for the term of ten years; and the expenses of this operation were a commission of three per cent.

The first installment of the loan of two millions of dol|lars from the bank of the United States, has been paid, as was directed by law. For the second, it is necessary that provision should be made.

No pecuniary consideration is more urgent, than the regular redemption and discharge of the public debt; on none, can delay be more injurious, or an economy of time more valuable.

The productiveness of the public revenues hitherto, has continued to equal the anticipations which were formed of it; but it is not expected to prove commensurate with all the objects which have been suggested. Some auxiliary provisions will, therefore, it is presumed, be requisite; and it is hoped that these may be made, consistently with a due regard to the convenience of our citizens, who cannot but

be sensible of the true wisdom of encountering a small present addition to their contribution, to obviate a future accumulation of burdens.

But here I cannot forbear to recommend a repeal of the tax on the transportation of public prints. There is no resource so firm for the government of the United States, as the affections of the people, guided by an en|lightened policy; and to this primary good, nothing can produce more, than a faithful representation of public proceedings, diffused without restraint, throughout the United States.

An estimate of the appropriations, necessary for the cur|rent service of the ensuing year, and a statement of a pur|chase of arms and military stores, made during the recess, will be presented to Congress.

GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE, AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

THE several subjects, to which I have now referred, open a wide range to your deliberations; and involve some of the choicest interests of our common country. Permit me to bring to your remembrance the magnitude of your task. Without an unprejudiced coolness, the welfare of the government may be hazarded; without harmony, as far as consists with freedom of sentiment, its dignity may be lost. But as the legislative proceedings of the United States will never, I trust, be reproached for the want of temper or of candour; so shall not the public happiness languish, from the want of my strenuous and warmest co|operations.

G. WASHINGTON.

United States, Dec. 3, 1793.

Answer of the Senate.

ACCEPT, Sir, the thanks of the Senate, for your Speech delivered to both Houses of Congress at the open|ing of the session. Your re-election to the Chief Magistra|cy of the United States, gives us sincere pleasure. We

consider it as an event every way propitious to the happi|ness of our country; and your compliance with the call, as a fresh instance of the patriotism which has so repeated|ly led you to sacrifice private inclination to the public good. In the unanimity which a second time marks this impor|tant national act, we trace with particular satisfaction, be|sides the distinguished tribute paid to the virtues and abil|ities which it recognizes, another proof of that just dis|cernment, and constancy of sentiments and views, which have hitherto characterized the citizens of the United States.

As the European powers with whom the United States have the most extensive relations, were involved in war, in which we had taken no part—it seemed necessary that the disposition of the nation for peace, should be promulgated to the world, as well for the purpose of admonishing our citizens of the consequences of a contraband trade, and of acts hostile to any of the belligerent parties, as to obtain, by a declaration of the existing legal state of things, an ea|sier admission of our right to the immunities of our situa|tion; we therefore contemplate with pleasure, the Proc|lamation by you issued, and give it our hearty approbation. We deem it a measure well timed, and wise; manifest|ing a watchful solicitude for the welfare of the nation, and calculated to promote it.

The several important matters presented to our consider|ation, will, in the course of the session, engage all the at|tention to which they are respectively entitled; and as the public happiness will be the sole guide of our deliberations, we are perfectly assured of receiving your strenuous and most zealous co-operation.

JOHN ADAMS, Vice President of the United States, and President of the Senate.

The President's Reply.

GENTLEMEN,

THE pleasure expressed by the Senate, on my re-elec|tion to the station which I fill, commands my sincere and warmest acknowledgments. If this be an event, which

promises the smallest addition to the happiness of our coun|try, as it is my duty, so shall it be my study, to realize the expectation.

The decided approbation, which the Proclamation now receives from your House, by completing the proof, that this measure is considered as manifesting a vigilant attention to the welfare of the United States, brings with it a pe|culiar gratification to my mind.

The other important subjects, which have been commu|nicated to you, will, I am confident, receive a due discus|sion, and the result will, I trust, prove fortunate to the United States.

G. WASHINGTON.

Answer of the House of Representatives.

SIR,

THE Representatives of the people of the United States, in meeting you for the first time since you have been again called by an unanimous suffrage to your present station, find an occasion which they embrace with no less sincerity than promptitude, for expressing to you their congratulations on so distinguished a testimony of public approbation, and their entire confidence in the purity and patriotism of the motives which have produced this obedience to the voice of your country. It is to virtues which have commanded long and universal reverence, and services from which have flowed great and lasting benefits, that the tribute of praise may be paid without the reproach of flattery; and it is from the same sources that the fairest anticipations may be derived in favour of the public happiness.

The United States having taken no part in the war which has embraced in Europe the power with whom they have the most extensive relations, the maintenance of peace was justly to be regarded as one of the most important du|ties of the Magistrate charged with the faithful execution of the laws. We accordingly witness with approbation and pleasure the vigilance with which you have guarded against an interruption of that blessing, by your Proclama|tion,

admonishing our citizens of the consequences of illi|cit or hostile acts towards the belligerent parties; and pro|moting, by a declaration of the existing legal state of things, an easier admission of our right to the immunities belong|ing to our situation.

The connexion of the United States with Europe has evidently become extremely interesting. The communi|cations which remain to be exhibited to us, will, no doubt, assist in giving us a fuller view of the subject, and in guid|ing our deliberations to such results as may comport with the rights and true interests of our country.

We learn with deep regret that the measures dictated by a love of peace for obtaining an amicable termination of the afflicting war on our frontier should have been frustrated, and that a resort to offensive measures should have again be|come necessary. As the latter, however, must be rendered more satisfactory in proportion to the solicitude for peace manifested by the former, it is to be hoped, they will be pursued under the better auspices on that account, and be finally crowned with more happy success.

In relation to the particular tribes of Indians, against whom offensive measures have been prohibited, as well as on all the other important subjects which you have present|ed to our view, we shall bestow the attention which they claim. We cannot, however, refrain at this time, from particularly expressing our concurrence in your anxiety for the regular discharge of the public debts, as fast as circum|stances and events will permit; and in the policy of remo|ving any impediments that may be found in the way of a faithful representation of public proceedings throughout the United States, being persuaded with you, that on no subject more than the former, can delay be more injurious, or an economy of time more valuable, and that with respect to the latter, no resource is so firm for the government of the United States, as the affections of the people, guid|ed by an enlightened policy.

Throughout our deliberations we shall endeavour to cherish every sentiment which may contribute to render them conducive to the dignity, as well as to the welfare of the United States; and we join with you in imploring that Being, on whose will the fate of nations depends, to crown with success our mutual endeavours.

The President's Reply.

GENTLEMEN,

I SHALL not affect to conceal the cordial satisfaction which I derive from the address of the House of Repre|sentatives. Whatsoever those services may be which you have sanctioned by your favour, it is a sufficient reward, that they have been accepted, as they were meant. For the fulfilment of your anticipations of the future, I can give no other assurance, than that the motives, which you ap|prove, shall continue unchanged.

It is truly gratifying to me, to learn, that the Procla|mation has been considered as a seasonable guard against the interruption of the public peace. Nor can I doubt, that the subjects which I have recommended to your at|tention, as depending upon legislative provisions, will re|ceive a discussion suited to their importance. With eve|ry reason, then, it may be expected, that your deliberations, under the Divine blessing, will be matured to the honour and happiness of the United States.

G. WASHINGTON.

Third Congress—Second Session.

The President's Speech.

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE, AND OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

WHEN we call to mind the gracious indulgence of Heaven, by which the American People became a nation; when we survey the general prosperity of our country, and look forward to the riches, power and happiness, to which it seems destined; with the deepest regret do I announce to you, that during your recess, some of the citizens of the United States have been found capable of an insurrection. It is due, however, to the character of our government, and to its stability, which cannot be shaken by the enemies of or|der, freely to unfold the course of this event.

During the session of the year 1790, it was expedient to exercise the legislative power granted by the constitution of the United States, "to lay and collect excises." In a ma|jority of the States, scarcely an objection was heard to this mode of taxation. In some, indeed, alarms were at first conceived, until they were banished by reason and patriot|ism. In the four western counties of Pennsylvania, a prej|udice, fostered and embittered by the artifice of men who laboured for an ascendency over the will of others, by the guidance of their passions, produced symptoms of riot and violence. It is well known, that Congress did not hesitate to examine the complaints which were presented, and to relieve them, as far as justice dictated, or general convenience would permit. But the impression which this moderation made on the discontented did not correspond with what it deserved; the arts of delusion were no longer continued to the efforts of designing individuals.

The very forbearance to press prosecutions, was misin|terpreted into a fear of urging the execution of the laws;

and associations of men began to denounce threats against the officers employed. From a belief that, by a more for|mal concert, their operation might be defeated, certain self-created societies assumed the tone of condemnation. Hence, while the greater part of Pennsylvania itself were conforming themselves to the acts of excise, a few counties were resolved to frustrate them. It was now perceived, that every expectation from the tenderness which had hitherto been pursued, was unavailing, and that further delay could only create an opinion of impotency, or irresolution in the government. Legal process, was, therefore, delivered to the Marshal, against the rioters and delinquent distillers.

No sooner was he understood to be engaged in this duty, than the vengeance of armed men was aimed at his per|son, and the personal property of the Inspector of the Rev|enue. They fired upon the Marshal, arrested him, and detained him for some time as a prisoner. He was obli|ged, by the jeopardy of his life, to renounce the service of other process, on the west side of the Allegany moun|tain; and a deputation was afterwards sent to him to de|mand a surrender of that which he had served. A nume|rous body repeatedly attacked the house of the Inspector, seized his papers of office, and finally destroyed, by fire, his buildings, and whatsoever they contained. Both of these officers, from a just regard to their safety, fled to the seat of government; it being avowed, that the motives of such out|rages were, to compel the resignation of the Inspector; to withstand by the force of arms, the authority of the United States, and thereby to extort a repeal of the laws of excise, and an alteration in the conduct of government.

Upon the testimony of these facts, an associate justice of the supreme court of the United States notified to me, that "in the counties of Washington and Allegany, in Penn|sylvania, laws of the United States were opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, by combinations, too power|ful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial pro|ceedings, or by the powers vested in the Marshal of that district." On this call, momentous in the extreme, I sought and weighed what might best subdue the crisis. On the one hand, the judiciary was pronounced to be stript of

its capacity to enforce the laws: Crimes, which reached the very existence of social order, were perpetrated with|out control; the friends of government were insulted, abu|sed, and overawed into silence, or an apparent acquiescence; and to yield to the treasonable fury of so small a portion of the United States, would be to violate the fundamental prin|ciple of our constitution, which enjoins, that the will of the majority shall prevail. On the other, to array citizen a|gainst citizen—to publish the dishonour of such excesses— to encounter the expense, and other embarrassments of so distant an expedition, were steps too delicate, too closely interwoven with many affecting considerations, to be lightly adopted. I postponed, therefore, the summoning the mi|litia immediately into the field; but I required them to be held in readiness, that if my anxious endeavours to reclaim the deluded, and to convince the malignant of their dan|ger, should be fruitless, military force might be prepared to act, before the season should be too far advanced.

My proclamation of the 7th of August last, was accord|ingly issued, and accompanied by the appointment of com|missioners, who were charged to repair to the scene of in|surrection. They were authorised to confer with any bod|ies of men, or individuals. They were instructed to be candid and explicit, in stating the sensations which had been excited in the Executive, and his earnest wish to avoid a resort to coercion; to represent, however, that without submission, coercion must be the resort; but to invite them, at the same time, to return to the demeanor of faithful citi|zens, by such accommodations as lay within the sphere of the executive power—pardon, too, was tendered to them by the government of the United States, and that of Penn|sylvania; upon no other condition, than a satisfactory assu|rance of obedience to the laws.

Although the report of the Commissioners marks their firmness and abilities, and must unite all virtuous men, by shewing that the means of conciliation have been exhaust|ed; all of those who had committed, or abetted the tu|mults, did not subscribe the mild form, which was propo|sed as the atonement; and the indications of a peaceable temper were neither sufficiently general, nor conclusive to

recommend or warrant a further suspension of the march of the militia.

Thus the painful alternative could not be discarded. I ordered the militia to march, after once more admonishing the insurgents, in my proclamation of the 25th of Septem|ber last.

It was a task, too difficult to ascertain, with precision, the lowest degree of force competent to the quelling of the insurrection. From a respect, indeed, to economy and the ease of my fellow-citizens▪ belonging to the militia, it would have gratified me to accomplish such an estimate. My very great reluctance to ascribe too much importance to the op|position, had its extent been accurately seen, would have been a decided inducement to the smallest efficient num|bers. In this uncertainty, therefore, I put into motion fifteen thousand men, as being an army, which, according to all human calculation, would be prompt, and adequate, in every view, and might perhaps, by rendering resistance desperate, prevent the effusion of blood. Quotas had been assigned to the States of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Mary|land and Virginia; the Governor of Pennsylvania having declared on this occasion, an opinion which justified a re|quisition to the other States.

As Commander in Chief of the militia, when called in|to the actual service of the United States, I have visited the places of general rendezvous, to obtain more exact information, and to direct a plan for ulterior movements. Had there been room for a persuasion that the laws were secure from obstruction; that the civil magistrate was able to bring to justice such of the most culpable as have not embraced the proffered terms of amnesty, and may be deemed fit objects of example; that the friends of peace and good government were not in need of that aid and countenance, which they ought always to receive, and I trust ever will receive, against the vicious and turbulent, I should have caught with avidity the opportunity of resto|ring the militia to their families and home. But succeed|ing intelligence has tended to manifest the necessity of what has been done; it being now confessed, by those who were not inclined to exaggerate the ill conduct of the insurgents,

that their malevolence was not pointed merely to a partic|ular law, but that a spirit inimical to all order, has actua|ted many of the offenders. If the state of things had af|forded reason for the continuance of my presence with the army, it would not have been withholden; but every appearance assuring such an issue as will redound to the rep|utation and strength of the United States, I have judged it most proper to resume my duties at the seat of govern|ment, leaving the chief command with the Governor of Virginia.

Still, however, as it is probable, that in a commotion like the present, whatsoever may be the pretence, the pur|poses of mischief and revenge may not be laid aside; the stationing of a small force for a certain period, in the four western counties of Pennsylvania, will be indispensable, whether we contemplate the situation of those who are connected with the execution of the laws, or of others, who may have exposed themselves by an honourable attach|ment to them.

Thirty days from the commencement of this session, be|ing the legal limitation of the employment of the militia, Congress cannot be too early occupied with this subject.

Among the discussions which may arise from this as|pect of our affairs, and from the documents which will be submitted to Congress, it will not escape their observation, that not only the Inspector of the Revenue, but other offi|cers of the United States in Pennsylvania, have, from their fidelity in the discharge of their functions, sustained mate|rial injuries to their property. The obligation and policy of indemnifying them, are strong and obvious. It may also merit attention, whether policy will not enlarge this provision to the retribution of our citizens, who, though not under the ties of office, may have suffered damage by their generous exertions for upholding the constitution and the laws. The amount, even if all the injured were included, would not be great; and on future emergencies, the gov|ernment would be amply repaid by the influence of an ex|ample, that he who incurs a loss in its defence, shall find a recompense in its liberality.

While there is cause to lament that occurrences of this nature should have disgraced the name, or interrupted the tranquillity of any part of our community, or should have diverted to a new application, any portion of the public resources, there are not wanting real and substantial conso|lations for the misfortune. It has demonstrated that our prosperity rests on solid foundations; by furnishing an ad|ditional proof, that my fellow-citizens understand the true principles of government and liberty; that they feel their inseparable union; that, notwithstanding all the devices that have been made use of to sway them from their inter|est and duty, they are now as ready to maintain the author|ity of the laws against licentious invasions, as they were to defend their rights against usurpation. It has been a spec|tacle, displaying to the highest advantage, the value of re|publican government, to behold the most and least wealthy of our citizens standing in the same ranks as private sol|diers; pre-eminently distinguishing by being the army of the constitution; undeterred by a march of three hundred miles, over rugged mountains, by the approach of an in|clement season, or by any other discouragement. Nor ought I to omit to acknowledge the efficacious and patri|otic co-operation which I have experienced from the Chief Magistrates of the States to which my requisitions have been addressed.

To every description, indeed, of citizens, let praise be given; but let them persevere in their affectionate vigilance over that precious depository of American happiness, the Constitution of the United States. Let them cherish it too, for the sake of those, who, from every clime, are daily seeking a dwelling in our land. And when, in the calm moments of reflection, they shall have retraced the origin and progress of the insurrection, let them determine, wheth|er it has not been fomented by combinations of men, who, careless of consequences, and disregarding the unerring truth, that those who rouse, cannot always appease a civil convulsion, have disseminated, from an ignorance or perver|sion of facts, suspicions, jealousies, and accusations of the whole government.

Having thus fulfilled the engagement which I took, when I entered into office, "to the best of my ability to preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States," on you, gentlemen, and the people by whom you are deputed, I rely for support.

In the arrangements to which the possibility of a similar contingency will naturally draw your attention, it ought not to be forgotten, that the militia laws have exhibited such striking defects, as could not have been supplied but by the zeal of our citizens. Besides the extraordinary expense and waste, which are not the least of the defects, every appeal to those laws is attended with a doubt of its success.

The devising and establishing of a well-regulated militia, would be a genuine source of legislative honour, and a per|fect title to public gratitude. I therefore entertain a hope, that the present session will not pass, without carrying to its full energy, the power of organizing, arming and disciplining the militia; and thus providing, in the language of the constitution, for calling them forth to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrection, and repel invasion.

As auxiliary to the state of our defence to which Con|gress cannot too frequently recur, they will not omit to in|quire whether the fortifications which have been already licensed by law, be commensurate with our exigencies.

The intelligence from the army under the command of General Wayne, is a happy presage to our military ope|rations against the hostile Indians north of the Ohio. From the advices which have been forwarded, the advance he has made must have damped the ardour of the savages, and weakened their obstinacy in waging war against the United States; and yet, even at this late hour, when our power to punish them cannot be questioned, we shall not be unwilling to cement a lasting peace, upon terms of can|dour, equity, and good neighbourhood.

Towards none of the Indian tribes have overtures of friendship been spared. The Creeks in particular are cov|ered from encroachment by the interposition of the Gene|ral Government, and that of Georgia. From a desire also to remove the discontents of the Six Nations, a settlement,

meditated at Presque Isle, or Lake Erie, has been suspend|ed; and an agent is now endeavouring to rectify any mis|conceptions into which they may have fallen. But I can|not refrain from again pressing upon your deliberations, the plan which I recommended at the last session, for the improvement of harmony within our limits, by the fixing and conducting of trading houses, upon the principles then expressed.

GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

THE time which has elapsed since the commencement of our fiscal measures, has developed our pecuniary resour|ces, so as to open a way for a definitive plan for the re|demption of our public debt. It is believed, that the re|sult is such as to encourage Congress to consummate this work without delay. Nothing can more promote the per|manent welfare of the nation, and nothing would be more grateful to our constituents. Indeed, whatsoever is unfin|ished of our system of public credit, cannot be benefited by procrastination, and, as far as may be practicable, we ought to place that credit on grounds which cannot be disturbed, and to prevent that progressive accumulation of debt, which must ultimately endanger all governments.

An estimate of the necessary appropriations, including the expenditures into which we have been driven by the insurrection, will be submitted to Congress.

GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE, AND OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

THE Mint of the United States has entered upon the coinage of the precious metals, and considerable sums of de|fective coins and bullion have been lodged with the di|rector by individuals. There is a pleasing prospect, that the institution will, at no remote day, realize the expecta|tion which was originally formed of its utility.

In subsequent communications, certain circumstances of our intercourse with foreign nations will be transmitted to Congress; however, it may not be unseasonable to an|nounce, that my policy, in our foreign transactions, has been,

to cultivate peace with all the world—to observe treaties with pure and absolute faith—to check every deviation from the line of impartiality—to explain what may have been misapprehended, and correct what may have been in|jurious to any nation; and having thus acquired the right, to lose no time in acquiring the ability, to insist upon jus|tice being done ourselves.

Let us unite, therefore, in imploring the Supreme Ruler of nations to spread his holy protection over these United States—to turn the machinations of the wicked to the con|firming of our constitution—to enable us at all times to root out internal sedition, and put invasion to flight—to perpetuate to our country that prosperity which his good|ness has already conferred, and to verify the anticipation•• of this government being a safeguard to human rights.

G. WASHINGTON.

United States, Nov. 19, 1794.

Answer of the Senate.

SIR,

WE receive, with pleasure, your speech to the two Houses of Congress. In it we perceive renewed proofs of that vigilant and paternal concern for the prosperity, honour and happiness of our country, which has uniformly distinguished your past administration.

Our anxiety, arising from the licentious and open resist|ance to the laws, in the western counties of Pennsylvania, has been increased by the proceedings of certain self-cre|ated societies, relative to the laws and administration of the government; proceedings, in our apprehension, founded in political error, calculated, if not intended, to disorga|nize our government, and which, by inspiring delusive hopes of support, have been influential in misleading our fellow-citizens in the scene of insurrection.

In a situation so delicate and important, the lenient and persuasive measures, which you adopted, merit and receive

our affectionate approbation. These failing to procure their proper effects, and coercion having become inevita|ble; we have derived the highest satisfaction from the en|lightened patriotism, and animating zeal, with which the citizens of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland and Vir|ginia have rallied around the standard of government, in opposition to anarchy and insurrection.

Our warm and cordial acknowledgments are due to you, Sir, for the wisdom and decision, with which you arrayed the militia, to execute the public will; and to them, for the disinterestedness and alacrity with which they obeyed your summons.

The example is precious to the theory of our govern|ment, and confers the brightest honour upon the patriots who have given it.

We shall readily concur in such farther provisions for the security of internal peace, and a due obedience to the laws, as the occasion manifestly requires.

The effectual organization of the militia, and a prudent attention to the fortifications of our ports and harbours, are subjects of great national importance, and, together with the other measures you have been pleased to recom|mend, will receive our deliberate consideration.

The success of the troops, under the command of Gen|eral Wayne, cannot fall to produce essential advantages. The pleasure, with which we acknowledge the merits of that gallant General and army, is enhanced by the hope, that their victories will lay the foundation for a speedy and durable peace with the Indian tribes.

At a period, so momentous in the affairs of nations, the temperate, just and firm policy, that you have pursued in respect to foreign powers, has been eminently calculated to promote the great and essential interests of our country, and has created the fairest title to the public gratitude and thanks.

JOHN ADAMS, Vice President of the United States, and President of the Senate.

November 22, 1794.

The President's Reply.

GENTLEMEN,

AMONG the occasions, which have been afforded for expressing my sense of the zealous and stedfast co-ope|ration of the Senate, in the maintenance of government, none has yet occurred, more forcibly demanding my un|qualified acknowledgments, than the present.

Next to the consciousness of upright intentions, it is the highest pleasure to be approved by the enlightened Repre|sentatives of a free nation. With the satisfaction, there|fore, which arises from an unalterable attachment to public order, do I learn, that the Senate discountenances those pro|ceedings, which would arrogate the direction of our af|fairs without any degree of authority derived from the people.

It has been more than once the lot of our government, to be thrown into new and delicate situations; and of these the insurrection has not been the least important. Having been compelled, at length, to lay aside my repugnance to resort to arms, I derive much happiness, from being con|firmed, by your judgment, in the necessity of decisive measures, and from the support of my fellow-citizens of the militia, who were the patriotic instruments of that necessity.

With such demonstrations of affection for our constitu|tion—with an adequate organization of the militia—with the establishment of necessary fortifications—with a con|tinuance of those judicious and spirited exertions, which brought victory to our western army—with a due attention to public credit, and an unsullied honour towards all nations, we may meet, under every assurance of success, our enemies from within and from without.

G. WASHINGTON.

Answer of the House of Representatives.

SIR,

THE House of Representatives, calling to mind the blessings of the people of the United States, and espe|cially the happiness of living under constitutions and laws, which rest on their authority alone, could not learn, with other emotions than those you have expressed, that any part of our fellow-citizens should have shewn themselves capa|ble of an insurrection; and we learn, with the greatest concern, that any misrepresentations, whatever, of the gov|ernment and its proceedings, either by individuals, or com|binations of men, should have been made, and so far cred|ited, as to foment the flagrant outrage, which has been committed on the laws.

We feel with you the deepest regret, at so painful an occurrence in the annals of our country. As men, re|gardful of the tender interests of humanity, we look with grief at scenes which have stained our land with civil blood. As lovers of public order, we lament that it has suffered so flagrant a violation. As zealous friends of a re|publican government, we deplore every occasion which, in the hands of its enemies, may be turned into calumny against it.

This aspect of the crisis, however, is happily not the only one which it presents. There is another which yields all the consolations which you have drawn from it. It has demonstrated to the candid world, as well as to the American people themselves, that the great body of them, every where, are equally attached to the luminous and vital principle of our constitution, which enjoins, that the will of the majority shall prevail; that they understand the in|dissoluble union between true liberty and regular govern|ment; that they feel their duties no less than they are watchful over their rights; that they will be as ready at all times to crush licentiousness, as they have been to defeat usurpation. In a word, that they are capable of carrying into execution that noble plan of self-government which

they have chosen as the guarantee of their own happiness, and the asylum for that of all from every clime, who may wish to unite their destiny with ours.

These are the just inferences flowing from the prompti|tude with which the summons to the standard of the laws has been obeyed; and from the sentiments which have been witnessed in every description of citizens, in every quarter of the Union. The spectacle, therefore, when viewed in its true light may well be affirmed to display in equal lustre the virtues of the American character, and the value of Republican government. All must particu|larly acknowledge and applaud the patriotism of that por|tion of citizens, who have freely sacrificed every thing less dear than the love of their country, to the meritorious task of defending its happiness.

In the part which you yourself have borne through this delicate and distressing period, we trace the additional proofs it has afforded of y•••••• solicitude for the public good. Your laudable and successful endeavours to ren|der lenity in executing the laws conducive to their real energy, and to convert tumult into order, without the ef|fusion of blood, form a particular title to the confidence and praise of your constituents. In all that may be found necessary, on our part to complete this benevolent purpose, and to secure the ministers and friends of the laws against the remains of danger, our due co-operation will be af|forded.

The other subjects which you have recommended, or communicated, and of which several are particularly in|teresting, will all receive the attention which they demand. We are deeply impressed with the importance of an effec|tual organization of the Militia.

We rejoice at the intelligence of the advance and suc|cess of the army under the command of General Wayne. Whether we regard it as a proof of the perse|verance, prowess and superiority of our troops, or as a happy presage to our military operations against the hos|tile Indians, as a probable prelude to the establishment of a lasting peace, upon terms of candour, equity and good neighbourhood—we receive it with the greater pleasure,

as it increases the probability of sooner restoring a part of the public resources to the desirable object of reducing the public debt.

We shall on this, as on all occasions, be disposed to adopt any measure which may advance the safety and prosperity of our country.

In nothing can we more cordially unite with you than imploring the Supreme Ruler of Nations to multiply his blessings on the United States—to guard our free and hap|py Constitution against every machination and danger— and to make it the best source of public happiness, by ver|ifying its character of being the best safeguard of human rights.

The President's Reply.

GENTLEMEN,

I ANTICIPATED with confidence, the concur|rence of the House of Representatives, in the regret pro|duced by the insurrection. Every effort ought to be used to discountenance what has contributed to foment it, and thus discourage a repetition of like attempts. For, not|withstanding the consolations which may be drawn from the issue of this event, it is far better that the artful ap|proaches on such a situation of things should be checked by the vigilant and duly admonished patriotism of our fel|low-citizens, than that the evil should increase until it be|come necessary to crush it by the strength of their arm.

I am happy that the part which I have myself borne on this occasion, receives the approbation of your house. For the discharge of a constitutional duty, it is a sufficient reward to me to be assured that you will unite in consum|mating what remains to be done.

I feel also great satisfaction in learning that the other subjects which I have communicated or recommended, will meet with due attention; that you are deeply im|pressed

with the importance of an effectual organization of the militia; and that the army under the command of General Wayne, is regarded by you, no less than myself, as a proof of the perseverance, prowess and superiority of our troops.

G. WASHINGTON.

Fourth Congress—First Session.

The President's Speech.

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE, AND OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

I TRUST I do not deceive myself, while I indulge the persuasion, that I have never met you at any period, when, more than at the present, the situation of our public affairs has afforded just cause for mutual congratulation, and for inviting you to join with me in profound gratitude to the Author of all good, for the numerous and extraordinary blessings we enjoy.

The termination of the long, expensive and distressing war, in which we have been engaged with certain Indians, northwest of the Ohio, is placed in the option of the United States, by a treaty, which the commander of our army has concluded provisionally, with the hostile tribes in that region.

In the adjustment of the terms, the satisfaction of the Indians was deemed an object worthy no less of the policy, than of the liberality of the United States, as the necessa|ry basis of durable tranquillity. This object, it is believed, has been fully attained. The articles agreed upon, will immediately be laid before the Senate, for their consid|eration.

The Creek and Cherokee Indians, who alone of the southern tribes had annoyed our frontiers, have lately con|firmed their pre-existing Treaties with us; and were giv|ing evidence of a sincere disposition to carry them into ef|fect, by the surrender of the prisoners and property they had taken. But we have to lament, that the fair pros|pect in this quarter, has been once more clouded by wan|ton murders, which some citizens of Georgia are represent|ed

to have recently perpetrated on hunting parties of the Creeks; which have again subjected that frontier to disqui|etude and danger; which will be productive of further ex|pense, and may occasion more effusion of blood. Meas|ures are pursuing to prevent or mitigate the usual conse|quences of such outrages; and with the hope of their suc|ceeding, at least to avert general hostility.

A letter from the Emperor of Morocco announces to me his recognition of our Treaty, made with his father the late Emperor; and, consequently, the continuance of peace with that power. With peculiar satisfaction I add, that information has been received from an Agent deputed on our part to Algiers, importing that the terms of the Trea|ty with the Dey and Regency of that country had been adjusted in such a manner, as to authorise the expectation of a speedy Peace, and the restoration of our unfortunate fellow-citizens, from a grievous captivity.

The latest advices from our Envoy at the court of Mad|rid, give, moreover, the pleasing information, that he had received assurances of a speedy and satisfactory conclusion of his negociation. While the event depending upon un|adjusted particulars, cannot be regarded as ascertained, it is agreeable to cherish the expectation of an issue, which, securing amicably very essential interests of the United States, will at the same time, lay the foundation of lasting harmony with a power whose friendship we have uniform|ly and sincerely desired to cultivate.

Though not before officially disclosed to the House of Representatives, you, gentlemen, are all apprized, that a Treaty of Amity, Commerce and Navigation, has been negociated with Great Britain; and that the Senate have advised and consented to its ratification, upon a condition which excepts part of one article. Agreeably thereto, and to the best judgment I was able to form of the public interest, after full and mature deliberation, I have added my sanction. The result on the part of his Britannic Majesty, is unknown. When received, the subject will, without delay, be placed before Congress.

This interesting summary of our affairs, with regard to the foreign powers, between whom and the United States

controversies have subsisted; and with regard also to those of our Indian neighbours with whom we have been in a state of enmity or misunderstanding, opens a wide field for consoling and gratifying reflections. If by prudence and moderation on every side, the extinguishment of all the causes of external discord, which have heretofore menaced our tranquillity, on terms compatible with our national rights and honour, shall be the happy result; how firm and how precious a foundation will have been laid for accele|rating, maturing and establishing the prosperity of our country.

Contemplating the internal situation, as well as the ex|ternal relations of the United States, we discover equal cause for contentment and satisfaction. While many of the nations of Europe, with their American dependencies, have been involved in a contest unusually bloody, exhaust|ing and calamitous; in which the evils of foreign war have been aggravated by domestic convulsion and insurrec|tion; in which many of the arts most useful to society have been exposed to discouragement and decay; in which scarcity of subsistence has embittered other sufferings; while even the anticipations of a return of the blessings of peace and repose, are alloyed by the sense of heavy and accumulating burthens, which press upon all the depart|ments of industry, and threaten to clog the future springs of government;—our favoured country, happy in a strik|ing contrast, has enjoyed general tranquillity; a tranquil|lity the more satisfactory, because maintained at the ex|pense of no duty. Faithful to ourselves, we have violated no obligation to others. Our agriculture, commerce and manufactures prosper beyond former example; the moles|tations of our trade (to prevent a continuance of which, however, very pointed remonstrances have been made) being overbalanced by the aggregate benefits which it de|rives from a neutral position. Our population advances with a celerity which, exceeding the most sanguine cal|culations, proportionally augments our strength and re|sources, and guarantees our future security. Every part of the Union displays indications of rapid and various im|provement, and with burthens so light as scarcely to be

perceived; with resources fully adequate to our present exigencies; with governments founded on the genuine principles of rational liberty, and with mild and wholesome laws;—is it too much to say, that our country exhibits a spectacle of national happiness never surpassed, if ever be|fore equalled?

Placed in a situation every way so auspicious, motives of commanding force impel us, with sincere acknowl|edgment to Heaven, and pure love to our country, to unite our efforts to preserve, prolong and improve, our im|mense advantages. To co-operate with you in this de|sirable work, is a fervent and favourite wish of my heart.

It is a valuable ingredient, in the general estimate of our welfare, that the part of our country, which was late|ly the scene of disorder and insurrection, now enjoy the blessings of quiet and order. The misled have abandoned their errors, and pay the respect to our constitution and laws which is due from good citizens to the public au|thorities of the society. These circumstances have in|duced me to pardon, generally, the offenders here refer|red to; and to extend forgiveness to those who had been adjudged to capital punishment. For though I shall al|ways think it a sacred duty, to exercise with firmness and energy the constitutional powers with which I am vested; yet it appears to me no less consistent with the public good, than it is with my personal feelings, to mingle in the operations of government every degree of moderation and tenderness which the national justice, dignity and safety may permit.

GENTLEMEN,

Among the objects which will claim your attention in the course of the session, a review of our military establish|ment is not the least important. It is called for by the events which have changed, and may be expected still further to change the relative situation of our frontiers. In this review, you will doubtless allow due weight to the considerations, that the questions between us and certain foreign powers, are not yet finally adjusted; that the war in Europe is not yet terminated; and that our Western

Posts, when recovered, will demand provision for garri|soning and securing them. A statement of our present military force will be laid before you by the department of war.

With the review of our army establisment is naturally connected that of the militia. It will merit inquiry, what imperfections in the existing plan, further experience may have unfolded. The subject is of so much moment in my estimation, as to excite a constant solicitude, that the con|sideration of it may be renewed, till the greatest attainable perfection shall be accomplished. Time is wearing away some advantages for forwarding the object, while none better deserves the persevering attention of the public councils.

While we indulge the satisfaction, which the actual con|dition of our Western borders so well authorizes, it is ne|cessary that we should not lose sight of an important truth, which continually receives new confirmations, namely, that the provisions heretofore made with a view to the protec|tion of the Indians from the violences of the lawless part of our frontier inhabitants are insufficient. It is demon|strated that these violences can now be perpetrated with impunity; and it can need no argument to prove, that un|less the murdering of Indians can be restrained by bring|ing the murderers to condign punishment, all the exertions of the government to prevent destructive retaliations by the Indians, will prove fruitless, and all our present agreeable prospects illusory. The frequent destruction of innocent women and children, who are chiefly the victims of retal|iation, must continue to shock humanity; and an enor|mous expense, to drain the treasury of the Union.

To enforce upon the Indians the observance of justice, it is indispensable that there shall be competent means of rendering justice to them. If these means can be devised by the wisdom of Congress; and especially if there can be added an adequate provision for supplying the necessities of the Indians, on reasonable terms, (a measure, the mention of which I the more readily repeat, as in all the conferen|ces with them, they urge it with solicitude) I should not hesitate to entertain a strong hope of rendering our tran|quillity permanent. I add, with pleasure, that the proba|bility

even of their civilization, is not diminished by the experiments which have been thus far made, under the auspices of government. The accomplishment of this work, if practicable, will reflect undecaying lustre on our nation|al character, and administer the most grateful consolations that virtuous minds can know.

GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

THE state of our revenue, with the sums which have been borrowed and re-imbursed, pursuant to different acts of Congress, will be submitted from the proper departments; together with an estimate of the appropriations necessary to be made for the service of the ensuing year.

Whether measures may not be adviseable to reinforce the provision for the redemption of the public debt, will naturally engage your examination. Congress have dem|onstrated their sense to be, and it were superfluous to re|peat mine, that whatsoever will tend to accelerate the hon|ourable extinction of our public debt, accords as much with the true interest of our country as with the general sense of our constituents.

GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE, AND OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

THE statements which will be laid before you relative to the mint, will shew the situation of that institution; and the necessity of some further legislative provisions, for car|rying the business of it more completely into effect, and for checking abuses which appear to be arising in particu|lar quarters.

The progress in providing materials for the frigates, and in building them; the state of the fortifications of our harbours; the measures which have been pursued for ob|taining proper scites for arsenals, and for replenishing our magazines with military stores; and the steps which have been taken towards the execution of the law for opening a trade with the Indians, will likewise be presented for the information of Congress.

Temperate discussion of the important subjects which may arise in the course of the session; and mutual for|bearance where there is a difference of opinion, are too ob|vious and necessary for the peace, happiness and welfare of our country, to need any recommendation of mine.

G. WASHINGTON.

United States, Dec. 8, 1795.

Answer of the Senate.

SIR,

IT is with peculiar satisfaction that we are informed by your Speech to the two Houses of Congress, that the long and expensive war, in which we have been engaged with the Indians northwest of the Ohio, is in a situation to be finally terminated; and though we view with con|cern the danger of an interruption of the peace so recently confirmed with the Creeks, we indulge the hope, that the measure you have adopted to prevent the same, if followed by those legislative provisions that justice and humanity equally demand, will succeed in laying the foundation of a lasting peace with the Indian tribes, on the Southern as well as on the Western frontiers.

The confirmation of our treaty with Morocco, and the adjustment of a treaty of peace with Algiers, in conse|quence of which our captive fellow-citizens shall be de|livered from slavery, are events that will prove no less in|teresting to the public humanity, than they will be im|portant in extending and securing the navigation and com|merce of our country.

As a just and equitable conclusion of our depending negociations with Spain will essentially advance the in|terest of both nations, and thereby cherish and confirm the good understanding and friendship which we have at all times desired to maintain, it will afford us real pleasure to receive an early confirmation of our expectations on this subject.

The interesting prospect of our affairs with regard to the foreign powers, between whom and the United States controversies have subsisted, is not more satisfactory, than the review of our internal situations; if from the former we derive an expectation of the extinguishment of all the causes of external discord, that have heretofore endanger|ed our tranquillity, and on terms consistent with our na|tional honour and safety; in the latter we discover those numerous and wide spread tokens of prosperity, which in so peculiar a manner distinguish our happy country.

Circumstances thus every way auspicious, demand our gratitude and sincere acknowledgment to Almighty God, and require that we should unite our efforts in imitation of your enlightened, firm, and persevering example, to establish and preserve the peace, freedom, and prosperity of our country.

The objects which you have recommended to the notice of the Legislature, will, in the course of the session, re|ceive our careful attention; and with a true zeal for the public welfare, we shall cheerfully co-operate in every measure that shall appear to us best calculated to promote the same.

JOHN ADAMS, Vice President of the United States, and President of the Senate.

December 12, 1795.

The President's Reply.

GENTLEMEN,

WITH real pleasure I receive your address, recog|nizing the prosperous situation of our public affairs, and giving assurances of your careful attention to the objects demanding legislative consideration; and that with a true zeal for the public welfare, you will cheerfully co-operate in every measure which shall appear to you best calculated to promote the same.

But I derive peculiar satisfaction from your concurrence with me in the expressions of gratitude to Almighty God,

which a review of the auspicious circumstances that dis|tinguish our happy country have excited; and I trust that the sincerity of our acknowledgments will be evinced by a union of efforts to establish and preserve peace, freedom and prosperity.

G. WASHINGTON.

Answer of the House of Representatives.

SIR,

AS the Representatives of the People of the United States, we cannot but participate in the strongest sensibility to every blessing which they enjoy, and cheerfully join with you in profound gratitude to the Author of all good, for the numerous and extraordinary blessings which he has conserved on our favoured country.

A final and formal termination of the distressing war which has ravaged our northwestern frontier, will be an event which must afford a satisfaction proportioned to the anxiety with which it has long been sought; and in the adjustment of the terms, we perceive the true policy of making them satisfactory to the Indians, as well as to the United States, as the best basis of a durable tranquillity. The disposition of such of the southern tribes, as had also heretofore annoyed our frontier, is another prospect in our situation so important to the interest and happiness of the United States, that it is much to be lamented that any clouds should be thrown over it, more especially by exces|ses on the part of our own citizens.

While our population is advancing with a celerity which exceeds the most sanguine calculations—while every part of the United States displays indications of rapid and vari|ous improvements—while we are in the enjoyment of pro|tection and security, by mild and wholesome laws, admin|istered by governments founded on the genuine principles of rational liberty, a secure foundation will be laid for ac|celerating,

maturing, and establishing the prosperity of our country, if, by treaty and amicable negociation, all those causes of external discord which heretofore menaced our tranquillity shall be extinguished on terms compatible with our national rights and honour, and with our constitutional, and great commercial interest▪

Among the various circumstances in our internal situa|tion, none can be viewed with more satisfaction and exul|tation, than that the late scene of disorder and insurrection, has been completely restored to the enjoyment of order and repose. Such a triumph of reason and of law, is wor|thy of the free government under which it happened, and was justly to be hoped from the enlightened and patriotic spirit which pervades and actuates the people of the Uni|ted States.

In contemplating that spectacle of national happiness which our country exhibits, and of which, you, Sir, have been pleased to make an interesting summary, permit us to acknowledge and declare the very great share which your zealous and faithful services have contributed to it, and to express the affectionate attachment which we feel for your character.

The several interesting subjects which you recommend to our consideration will receive every degree of attention which is due to them: and whilst we feel the obligation of temperance and mutual indulgence in all our discussions, we trust and pray that the result to the happiness and wel|fare of our country may correspond with the pure affection we bear to it.

The President's Reply.

GENTLEMEN,

COMING as you do from all parts of the United States, I receive great satisfaction from the concurrence of your testimony in the justness of the interesting summary of our national happiness, which, as the result of my in|quities, I presented to your view. The sentiments we

have mutually expressed of profound gratitude to the source of those numerous blessings, the Author of all good, are pledges of our obligations to unite our sincere and zealous endeavours, as the instruments of Divine Providence, to preserve and perpetuate them.

Accept, gentlemen, my thanks for your declaration, that to my agency you ascribe the enjoyment of a great share of these benefits. So far as my services contribute to the happiness of my country, the acknowledgment thereof by my fellow-citizens, and their affectionate attachment, will ever prove an abundant reward.

G. WASHINGTON.

Important and Interesting Message Of the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES to the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES, in conse|quence of their requesting the Papers relative to the British Treaty.* 1.1

GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

WITH the utmost attention I have considered your resolution of the 24th inst. requesting me to lay before your House a copy of the instructions to the minister of the United States, who negociated the treaty with the king of Great Britain, together with the correspondence and other documents relative to that treaty, excepting such of the said papers as any existing negociation may render im|proper to be disclosed.

In deliberating on this subject, it was impossible for me to lose sight of the principle which some have avowed in its discussion, or to avoid extending my views to the consequences which must flow from the admission of that principle.

I trust that no part of my conduct has ever indicated a disposition to withhold any information which the Con|stitution has enjoined upon the President as a duty to give, or which could be required of him by either House of Con|gress as a right; and with truth I affirm, that it has been, as it will continue to be while I have the honour to pre|side in the government, my constant endeavour to harmo|nize with the other branches thereof, so far as the trust delegated to me by the people of the United States, and my sense of the obligation it imposes to "preserve, pro|tect, and defend the Constitution," will permit.

The nature of foreign negociations requires caution; and their success must often depend on secrecy, and even when brought to a conclusion, a full disclosure of all the measures, demands or eventual concessions which may

have been proposed or contemplated, would be extremely impolitic; for this might have a pernicious influence on future negociations, or produce immediate inconveniences; perhaps danger and mischief, in relation to other powers. The necessity of such caution and secrecy was one cogent reason for vesting the power of making treaties in the President, with the advice and consent of the Senate; the principle on which that body was formed, confining it to a small number of members. To admit, then, a right in the House of Representatives, to demand, and to have, as a matter of course, all the papers respecting a negocia|tion with a foreign power, would be to establish a danger|ous precedent.

It does not occur, that the inspection of the papers asked for, can be relative to any purpose under the cog|ni••ance of the House of Representatives, except that of an impeachment, which the resolution has not expressed. I repeat, that I have no disposition to withhold any in|formation which the duty of my station will permit, or the public good shall require, to be disclosed; and, in fact, all the papers affecting the negociation with Great Britain, were laid before the Senate, when the treaty itself was communicated for their consideration and advice.

The course which the debate has taken on the reso|lution of the House, leads to some observations on the mode of making treaties under the Constitution of the United States.

Having been a member of the General Convention, and knowing the principles on which the Constitution was formed, I have ever entertained but one opinion on this subject; and from the first establishment of the gov|ernment to this moment, my conduct has exemplified that opinion, that the power of making treaties is ex|clusively vested in the President, by and with the advice of the Senate, provided two-thirds of the Senators present concur; and that every treaty so made and promulgated, thenceforward became the law of the land. It is thus that the treaty making power has been understood by foreign nations; and in all treaties made with them, we have declared, and they have believed, that when ratified

by the President, with the advice and consent of the Senate, they became obligatory. In this construction of the Constitution, every House of Representatives has heretofore acquiesced; and until the present time, not a doubt or suspicion has appeared to my knowledge, that this construction was not the true one. Nay, they have more than acquiesced; for until now, without contro|verting the obligation of such treaties, they have made all the requisite provisions for carrying them into effect.

There is also reason to believe that this construction agrees with the opinions entertained by the State Con|ventions, when they were deliberating on the Constitu|tion; especially by those who objected to it, because there was not required in commercial treaties the consent of two-thirds of the whole Senate, instead of two-thirds of the Senators present; and because in treaties respect|ing territorial and certain other rights and claims, the concurrence of three-fourths of the whole number of the members of both Houses respectively was not made necessary.

It is a fact declared by the General Convention, and universally understood, that the Constitution of the United States was the result of a spirit of amity and mutual con|cession. And it is well known that under this influ|ence, the smaller States were admitted to an equal rep|resentation in Senate, with the larger States; and that this branch of the government was invested with great powers; for on the equal participation of those powers the sovereignty and political safety of the smaller States were deemed essentially to depend.

If other proofs than these, and the plain letter of the Constitution itself be necessary to ascertain the point under consideration, they may be found in the journals of the General Convention, which I have deposited in the office of the department of state. In those journals it will appear that a proposition was made, "that no treaty should be binding on the United States which was not ratified by a law;" and that the proposition was ex|plicitly rejected.

As, therefore, it is perfectly clear to my understand|ing, that the assent of the House of Representatives is not necessary to the validity of a treaty; as the treaty with Great Britain exhibits, in itself, all the objects requiring legislative provision, and on which these papers called for can throw no light; and as it is essential to the due administration of the government, that the boundaries fix|ed by the Constitution, between the different departments should be preserved—a just regard to the Constitution, and to the duty of my office, under all the circum|stances of this case, forbid a compliance with your re|quest.

G. WASHINGTON.

United States, March 30, 1796.

Address Of the CITIZENS of BALTIMORE to GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.

SIR,

WE feel the honour you have this day conferred on the town of Baltimore, by favouring it with your pres|ence, infinitely heightened and enhanced by the desirable event which has produced it. Happy to behold your el|evation permit us to re-assure you of our purest love and affection.

In considering the occasion that has once more drawn you from the scenes of domestic ease and private tranquil|lity, our thoughts naturally turn on the situation of our country, previous to the expedient of the late General Convention. When you became a member of that body which framed our new and excellent Constitution, you dissipated the fears of good men, who dreaded the dis|union of the States, and the loss of our liberties in the death of our enfeebled and expiring Confederation: and now, Sir, by accepting the high authorities of President of the United States of America, you teach us to expect every blessing that can result from the wisest recommenda|tions to Congress, and the most prudent and judicious ex|ercise of those authorities; thus relieving us, in the one instance, from the most gloomy apprehensions, as when, in a different capacity, you re-crossed the Delaware; and in the other, opening to our view the most animating pros|pects, as when you captured Cornwallis.

But it is from the tenor of your own life, and your uniform and upright political principles and conduct, that we derive the fullest assurance that our hopes will be re|alized. Believing that a faithful performance of public engagements is essential to the prosperity of a people, and their implicit reliance on the promises of government, to

its stability, we recollect with pleasure your well known sentiments on this subject, and have no doubt but the other branches of Congress will concur with you in placing public credit on the most solid foundation. We have al|so every reason to conclude, that under the administration of a WASHINGTON, the useful and ingenious arts of peace▪ the agriculture, commerce, and manufactures of the United States, will be duly favoured and improved, as being far more certain sources of national wealth than the richest mines; and surer means to promote the felicity of a people, than the most successful wars. Thus, Sir, we behold a new era springing out of our independence, and a field dis|played, where your talents for governing will not be ob|scured by the splendour of the greatest military exploits. We behold too, an extraordinary thing in the annals of mankind, a free and enlightened people, choosing, by a free election, without one dissenting voice, the late Com|mander in Chief of their armies, to watch over and guard their civil rights and privileges.

We sincerely pray that you may long enjoy your pres|ent health, and the citizens of the United States have frequent opportunities to testify their veneration of your virtues, by continuing you through many successive elec|tions in the first station of human honour and dignity. In these expressions of our affections and attachment, we are sensible we do not speak the wishes of a town only, but the united feelings of a whole people.

In behalf of the citizens of Baltimore, we have the honour to be, &c. &c.

• JAMES M'HENRY,
• NICHOLAS ROGERS,
• JOSHUA BARNEY,
• PAUL BENTALAU,
• JOHN BANKSON,
• ISAAC GRIEST▪
• ROBERT SMITH,
• O. H. WILLIAMS,
• THOROWGOOD SMITH,
• WILLIAM CLEMM,
• JOHN SWANN.

The Answer. To the CITIZENS of BALTIMORE.

GENTLEMEN,

THE tokens of regard and affection which I have often received from the citizens of this town, were always acceptable because I believed them always sincere. Be pleased to receive my best acknowledgments for the renew|al of them on the present occasion.

If the affectionate partiality of my fellow-citizens has prompted them to ascribe greater effects to my conduct and character than were justly due, I trust the indulgent sentiment on their part, will not produce any presumption on mine.

I cannot now, gentlemen, resist my feelings so much as to withhold the communication of my ideas respecting the actual situation of our national affairs. It appears to me that little more than common sense and common honesty in the transactions of the community at large, would be necessary to make us a happy nation. For if the general government, lately adopted, shall be arranged and admin|istered in such a manner as to acquire the full confidence of the American people, I sincerely believe they will have greater advantages from their natural, moral and political circumstances, for public felicity, than any other people ever possessed.

In the contemplation of those advantages, now soon to be realized, I have reconciled myself to the sacrifice of my fondest wishes, so far as to enter again upon the stage of public life. I know the delicate nature of the duties incident to the part which I am called to perform, and I feel my incompetence, without the singular assistance of Providence, to discharge them in a satisfactory manner. But having undertaken the task, from a sense of duty, no fear of encountering difficulties, and no dread of losing popularity, shall ever deter me from pursuing what I con|••••ive to be the true interests of my country.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address To the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES, from the PRESIDENT and SUPREME EXECUTIVE COUNCIL of PENNSYLVANIA.

SIR,

THE President and Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, cheerfully embrace this interesting oc|casion to congratulate you upon the establishment of the Federal Constitution, and to felicitate ourselves and our country upon your unanimous appointment to the Presi|dency of the United States.

In reflecting upon the vicissitudes of the late war—in tracing its difficulties, and in contemplating its success, we are uniformly impressed with the extent and magnitude of the services which you have rendered to your country; and by that impression, we are taught to expect that the exercise of the same virtues and abilities which have been thus happily employed in obtaining the prize of liberty and independence, must be effectually instrumental in se|curing to your fellow-citizens and their posterity, the per|manent blessings of a free and efficient government. And although the history of the revolution will furnish the best evidence of the invariable attachment of this Common|wealth to the interests and honour of the Union, yet we cannot resist this favourable opportunity of personally assuring you, that in every measure which tends to advance the national character, you may rely on the zealous co-operation of the executive authority of Pennsylvania.

In discharging the duties of your present important sta|tion, it must, Sir, be a never-failing source of consolation and support, that the unbounded love and confidence of the people, will produce a favourable construction of all your actions, and will contribute to the harmony and suc|cess of your administration. For we know, that eventu|ally your happiness must depend upon the happiness of

your country; and we believe that in wishing an adequate execution of your intentions and designs, we comprehend all that is necessary to both.

Uniting with our sister States in the admiration of those motives, which, at this interesting era of our affairs, have induced you again to relinquish the enjoyment of domestic peace, for a conspicuous and laborious partici|pation in the cares and toils of public life,—we fervently pray for the preservation of your health; and we confi|dently hope that the consummation of a patriot's wishes, the glory and felicity of your country, will crown the period of a long and illustrious existence, and prepare you for the enjoyment of an everlasting reward.

THOMAS MIFFLIN.

Council-Chamber.

The Answer. To the PRESIDENT and SUPREME EXECU|TIVE COUNCIL of PENNSYLVANIA.

GENTLEMEN,

I RECEIVE with great satisfaction the affectionate congratulations of the President and Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, on my appointment to the Presi|dency of the United States.

If, under favour of the Divine Providence, and with the assistance of my fellow-citizens, it was my fortune to have been in any degree instrumental in vindicating the liberty and confirming the independence of my country, I now find a full compensation for my services in a belief that those blessings will be permanently secured by the establishment of a free and efficient government. And you will permit me to say, on this occasion, that as nothing could add to the evidence I have formerly received of the invariable attachment of your Commonwealth to the interests and honour of the Union, so nothing could have

been more agreeable to me at this time than the assurances you have given me of the zealous co-operation of its ex|ecutive authority in facilitating the accomplishment of the great objects which are committed to my charge.

While I feel my sensibility strongly excited by the ex|pressions of affection and promises of support, which I eve|ry where meet with from my countrymen, I entertain a consolatory hope, that the purity of my intentions, and the perseverance of my endeavours to promote the happi|ness of my country, will atone for any of the slighter defects which may be discovered in my administration. For, whatever may be the issue of our public measures, or however I may err in opinion, I trust it will be believed, that I could not have been actuated by any interests sep|arate from those of my country.

Suffer me, Gentlemen, to conclude by assuring you that I am well pleased with the justice you have done to the motives from which I have acted, and by thanking you for the tender concern you have been pleased to manifest for my personal felicity.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address To GEORGE WASHINGTON, President and Com|mander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States of America, &c.

SIR,

WE, the Judges of the Supreme Court of the State of Pennsylvania, do most heartily congratulate your accession to the high and important office of President of the Uni|ted States.

We are deeply sensible of what we owe to Almighty God, for the great deliverance he hath wrought for us by your Excellency, when General and Commander in

Chief of the armies of our country, and for having in|spired the people with the wisdom of appointing you, by an unanimous suffrage, to the chair of First Magistrate over them.

The tender regard which heretofore you always paid to the laws and liberties of these States, when you possess|ed almost dictatorial power, gives us a certain prospect of a mild, legal, and upright government in future. We are duly impressed with the mercies of God in preserving you hitherto, in so many public and private dangers to which your person hath been exposed; and we hope and pray the same Providence will carry you through the great work (which seems reserved for you) of establishing jus|tice, ensuring tranquillity, promoting the general welfare, and securing the blessings of liberty and independence to the good people of your native country, and their latest posterity.

We want words to express our satisfaction on this oc|casion; and beg leave to assure you of our affectionate at|tachment to your person, and our best endeavours to ren|der your administration happy and glorious.

• THOMAS M'KEAN, C. J.
• WILLIAM A. ATLEE,
• JACOB RUSH,
• GEORGE BRYAN.

Philadelphia, April 20, 1789.

The Answer. To the JUDGES of the SUPREME COURT of PENNSYLVANIA.

GENTLEMEN,

IT affords me the most sensible pleasure to be inform|ed, that my accession to the Chief Magistracy of the Uni|ted States has met the approbation of my fellow-citizens in general, and particularly that of the Judges of the Su|preme Court of Pennsylvania.

Your recapitulation of the deliverance, in which Al|mighty God hath been pleased, in some sort, to make use of me as his instrument, ought only to awaken the deepest gratitude for his mercies in the time past, and an humble reliance on them for the time to come.

Feeling how greatly I shall stand in need of the patri|otic assistance of every good citizen of America, the con|fidence they continue to express in the rectitude of my dispositions will always be, as it ever has been, an unfailing source of consolation to me, in every hour of difficulty or distress. While the whole course of my part conduct will be a better security for my future transactions than any verbal assurances I can give, I will only say, that I should find myself singularly happy in contributing to realize the glorious work, which your partiality for me has been in|dulgent enough to anticipate, of establishing justice, en|suring tranquillity, promoting the general welfare, and ensuring the blessings of liberty and independence to the good people of our native country, and their latest posterity.

I entreat you to be persuaded, Gentlemen, that, al|though it was with the utmost difficulty I could prevail upon myself to enter again on the stage of public life, yet, since I have done it, the unequivocal encouragement of support, given by the most respectable citizens and mag|istrates, will tend very much to remove my embarrass|ments, and I hope to open the way for a prosperous ad|ministration.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the TRUSTEES and FACULTY of the UNIVER|SITY of the State of PENNSYLVANIA, to GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of the United State of America, Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, &c.

PERMIT, Sir, the University of the State of Penn|sylvania to join in the general joy, occasioned by your ac|cession to the first office in the FEDERAL EMPIRE. It is by this honour (the highest that America can bestow) that a grateful people express the affection which your eminent services have excited in their bosoms. It is this that has given them but ONE VOICE in their, delegation of this im|portant trust, and that unites the homage of the heart with the duty of the citizen. To be the first magistrate of a great empire, is a station that many have attained: but to acquire it by the UNANIMOUS VOICE of a free people, is an event in the history of the world, as rare as those illus|trious virtues, of which it is the just reward. We rejoice in an event so auspicious to our country; and we confi|dently hope, that your endeavours to extend the blessings of good government will be crowned with a success as brilliant as that which distinguished your exertions in de|fence of our freedom.

As guardians of this University, (which boasts the hon|our of enrolling the name of your Excellency among those of her sons) we anticipate the encouragement which such institutions will receive under your administration. The influence of sound learning on religion and manners— on government, liberty and laws, will make it a favourite object in every civilized society: and the sciences having experienced your protection amidst the convulsions of war, reasonably expect a distinguished patronage in the calm of peace.

We devoutly pray the Almighty Ruler of the Universe, that you may long enjoy the felicity of that country which

you have rescued from tyranny, and established in the bles|sings of freedom and independence; and that finally you may meet the reward which awaits his good and faithful servants.

THOMAS M'KEAN, President.

Philadelphia, April 20, 1789.

The Answer. To the TRUSTEES and FACULTY of the UNI|VERSITY of the State of PENNSYLVANIA.

GENTLEMEN,

I ACCEPT with peculiar pleasure the Address of the University of the State of Pennsylvania, upon my appointment to the first office in the Union.

Notwithstanding I had most seriously determined never more to take any part in transactions of a public nature, yet a conviction of duty would not suffer me, on the pres|ent occasion, to refuse a compliance with the unanimous call of my country.

Nor could I remain insensible to the honour that was con|ferred upon me by this fresh and distinguished proof of its approbation. Probably my fellow-citizens anticipate too many and too great advantages from the appointment. It will, however, be an object indeed near to my heart, to verify, as far as may be in my power, those favourable presentiments, by endeavouring to secure the liberty, and promote the happiness, of the American people.

I am not a little flattered by being considered by the patrons of literature as one of their number. Fully ap|prized of the influence which sound learning has on religion and manners, on government, liberty and laws, I shall only lament my want of ability to make it still more exten|sive, I conceive hopes, however, that we are at the eve of a very enlightened era. The same unremitting exer|tions, which, under all the blasting storms of war, caused

the arts and sciences to flourish in America will doubtless bring them nearer to maturity when they shall have been sufficiently invigorated by the milder rays of peace.

I return you my hearty thanks for your devout inter|cession at the throne of grace, for my felicity both here and hereafter. May you also, Gentlemen, after having been the happy instruments of diffusing the blessings of lit|erature, and the comforts of religion, receive the just com|pensation for your virtuous deeds.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address To GEORGE WASHINGTON, President and Com|mander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States of America, &c. &c.

SIR,

THE Standing Committee of the Pennsylvania State Society of the Cincinnati, embrace this early opportunity of waiting on your Excellency with their congratulations on your unanimous appointment, by the People, to the office of First Magistrate of this great empire; it being the strongest evidence of your unrivalled merit, and of their exalted wis|dom. Permit us to express our peculiar joy and pride upon the occasion, that our beloved General, and the Pres|ident General of our Society, has received the free suf|frage of each of our fellow-citizens of these States. We have now the most perfect assurance, that the inestimable rights and liberties of human nature, for which we have toiled, fought and bled, under your command, will be preserved inviolate; and we felicitate our country, that their national safety and dignity are secure, and that they have the best grounded prospects of all that happiness, which a good Constitution, under a wise and virtuous ad|ministration, can afford. As we have the fullest confi|dence that our Society, whose basis is friendship and char|ity,

will, equally with others, enjoy these blessings, and partake of your regard, so we beg leave to assure you, that we shall never be wanting in our endeavours to contribute all in our power to your personal comfort and honour, and the prosperity and glory of your government.

Signed by order of the Committee. THOMAS M'KEAN, Vice President.

Philadelphia, April 20, 1789.

The Answer. To the STATE SOCIETY of the CINCINNATI of PENNSYLVANIA.

GENTLEMEN,

THE congratulations of my fellow-soldiers and faith|ful followers in the military line of this State, on my elec|tion to the Chief Magistracy of the Union, cannot but be exceedingly flattering and pleasing to me; for my mind has been so deeply affected with a grateful sense of the attachment and aid I have experienced from them, during the course of our arduous struggle for liberty, that the im|pression will never be effaced.

Heaven alone can foretell whether any, or what advan|tages are to be derived by my countrymen from my hold|ing the office, which they have done me the honour of conferring upon me, not only without my solicitations, but even contrary to my inclinations.

I promise nothing but an unremitted attention to the duties of the office. If by that attention I may be so for|tunate as still to continue to possess the affectionate regard of my fellow-citizens, and particularly of that body of which you are the representatives, it will be no small addi|tion to my happiness. The support which they and you have promised cannot fail, under the smiles of Providence, to contribute largely to the accomplishment of my wishes, by promoting the prosperity of our common country. In

the mean time I thank you, Gentlemen, for the interest you so kindly take in my personal comfort and honour, as well as in the prosperity and glory of the general govern|ment.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the MAYOR, CORPORATION and CITIZENS of ALEXANDRIA to the PRESIDENT of the UNI|TED STATES.

SIR,

AGAIN your country demands your care. Obedient to its wishes—unmindful of your own ease—we see you again relinquishing the bliss of retirement; and this, too, at a period of life, when nature itself seems to authorise a preference of repose!

Not to extol your glory as a Soldier—not to pour forth our gratitude for past services—not to acknowledge the justice of the unexampled honour, which has been conferred upon you, by the spontaneous and unanimous suffrage of Three Millions of Freemen, in your election to the Supreme Magistracy—not to admire the patriotism which directs your conduct,—do your neighbours and friends now address you. Themes less splendid, but more endearing, impress our minds. The first and best of citi|zens must leave us. Our aged must loss their ornament!— our youth their model!—our agriculture its improv|er!—our commerce its friend!—our infant academy its patron! our poor their benefactor!—and the interi|our navigation of the Potowmak (an event replete with the most extensive utility, already, by your unremitted ex|ertions, brought into partial use) its institutor and pro|moter!

Farewell!—Go, and make a grateful people happy;— a people who will be doubly grateful when they contem|plate this recent sacrifice for their interest.

To that Being, who maketh and unmaketh at his will, we commend you; and, after the accomplishment of the arduous business to which you are called, may he restore to us again the best of men, and the most beloved fellow-citizen.

In behalf of the People of Alexandria, D. RAMSAY, Mayor.

April 16, 1789.

The Answer. To the MAYOR, CORPORATION, and CITIZENS of ALEXANDRIA.

GENTLEMEN,

ALTHOUGH I ought not to conceal, yet I can|not describe, the painful emotions which I felt, in being called upon to determine whether I would accept or refuse the Presidency of the United States. The unanimity in the choice—the opinion of my friends, communicated from different parts of Europe as well as of America—the apparent wish of those who were not entirely satisfied with the Constitution in its present form—and an ardent desire on my own part to be instrumental in conciliating the good will of my countrymen towards each other, have induced an acceptance.

Those who know me best, (and you, my fellow-citizens, are, from your situation, in that number) know better than any others, my love of retirement is so great, that no earth|ly consideration, short of a conviction of duty, could have prevailed upon me to depart from my resolution "never more to take any share in transactions of a public nature." For, at my age, and in my circumstances, what possible ad|vantage could I propose to myself, from embarking again in the tempestuous and uncertain ocean of public life?

I do not feel myself under the necessity of making pub|lic declarations in order to convince you, Gentlemen, of my attachment to yourselves, and regard for your interests. The whole tenor of my life has been open to your in|spection; and my past actions rather than my present declarations, must be the pledge of my future conduct.

In the mean time, I thank yon most sincerely for the expressions of kindness contained in your valedictory ad|dress. It is true just after having bade adieu to my do|mestic connexions, this tender proof of your friendship is but too well calculated still further to awaken my sen|sibility, and increase my regret, at parting from the en|joyments of private life.

All that now remains for me, is, to commit myself and you to the protection of that beneficent Being, who, on a former occasion, hath happily brought us together, after a long and distressing separation. Perhaps ihe same gra|cious Providence will again indulge us with the same heart-felt felicity. But words, my fellow-citizens, fail me. Unutterable sensations must then be left to more expressive silence; while, from an aching heart, I bid you all, my affectionate friends and kind neighbours, farewell!

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the MAYOR, RECORDER, ALDERMEN and COMMON COUNCIL of the city of PHILADEL|PHIA, in Common Council assembled, to GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.

SIR,

WE, the Mayor, Recorder, Aldermen and Common Council of the city of Philadelphia, have assembled, to present you our sincere congratulations on your appoint|ment

to the station of President of the United States of America.

We rejoice, Sir, that the citizens of America, so long accustomed to claim your services in every hour of pub|lic difficulty, have again given the most affectionate and honourable testimony to your distinguished worth, by call|ing you, with united suffrage, to take the highest seat, of power amongst freemen.

When the gloom which overcast the cause of liberty at the opening of the late war, occasioned by the alarm of a mighty nation, armed to suppress the voice of freedom in this infant land, for a moment sunk the spirits of its sons— you. Sir, arose! instantaneous confidence possessed the minds of your fellow-citizens; under your auspices, they fought, they bled, and, through unparalleled distress of war, you led them to freedom, the choicest gift of Heaven.

Scarce had that solemn scene passed over, when a tri|umphant victor returned his sword to the hands of the civil rulers of his country.

Scarce had you retired to the calm retreat of domestic peace, when the civil rule, which we had suddenly estab|lished amidst the busy tumult of war, proved unequal to secure the blessings to be derived from a well-digested Constitution. You, Sir, were again called forth; and, pre|siding over our wisest councils, have handed to your coun|try a system of civil policy, happily uniting civil liberty with effective government.

What then remained undone, is now accomplished; and you are called to preside in dispensing the blessings of that government, in the forming of which you took so distinguished a part.

May your administration derive blessings to your coun|try, and honour and happiness to yourself.

In the name of the citizens of Philadelphia, we bid you welcome; and assure you, that we, and those we repre|sent, have the warmest personal attachment to you, and shall always rejoice to meet you singly, or connected with that august body over whom you are going to preside.

Signed by order of the Mayor, Aldermen, &c. A. WILCOCKS, Recorder.

The Answer. To the MAYOR, RECORDER, ALDERMEN and COMMON COUNCIL of the City of PHILA|DELPHIA.

I CONSIDER myself particularly obliged to you, Gentlemen, for your congratulatory address on my ap|pointment to the station of President of the United States.

Accustomed as I have been to pay a respectful regard to the opinion of my countrymen, I did not think myself at liberty to decline the acceptance of the high office, to which I had been called by their united suffrage.

When I contemplate the interposition of Providence, as it was visibly manifested, in guiding us through the Revolution, in preparing us for the reception of a general government, and in conciliating the good will of the people of America towards one another after its adoption; I feel myself oppressed, and almost overwhelmed with a sense of the divine munificence. I feel that nothing is due to my personal agency in all these complicated and wonderful events, except what can simply be attributed to the exertions of an honest zeal for the good of my country.

If I have distressing apprehensions, that I shall not be able to justify the too exalted expectations of my country|men, I am supported under the pressure of such uneasy re|flections by a confidence, that the most gracious Being, who hath hitherto watched over the interests and averted the perils of the United States, will never suffer so fair an inheritance to become a prey to anarchy, despotism, or any other species of oppression.

I thank you sincerely for your kind wishes, that my ad|ministration may be honourable and happy to myself and country.

I pray you, Gentlemen, will accept, on your own be|half, as well as on that of the citizens you represent, my heart-felt acknowledgments for the polite welcome I have

received upon my arrival in your city. In tendering these acknowledgments, I must also desire it may be fully understood, that I entertain the same reciprocal sensatione of attachment for the good people of Philadelphia, which they have on all occasions evinced in my favour.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the MINISTERS and ELDERS of the GERMAN REFORMED CONGREGATIONS in the UNITED STATES, at their General Meeting, held at Philadelphia, to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

WHILST the infinite goodness of Almighty God, in his gracious providence over the people of the United States of America, calls for our sincerest and most cor|dial gratitude to him that ruleth supremely, and ordereth all things in heaven and on earth in unerring wisdom and righteousness; the happy, the peaceable establishment of the new government, over which you so deservedly pre|side, cannot fail but inspire our souls with new and the most lively emotions of adoration, praise and thanksgiving unto his holy name.

As it is our most firm purpose to support in our per|sons a government founded in justice and equity, so it shall be our constant duty to impress the minds of the peo|ple entrusted to our care, with a due sense of the necessity of uniting reverence to such a government and obedience to its laws, with the duties and exercise of religion. Thus we hope, by the blessing of God, to be in some measure instrumental of alleviating the burthen of that weighty and important charge, to which you have been called by the unanimous voice of your fellow-citizens, and which your love to your country has constrained you to take upon you.

Deeply possessed of a sense of the goodness of God in the appointment of your person to the high station in the national government, we shall continue, in our public wor|ship and all our devotions before the throne of grace, to pray that it may please God to bless you in your person, your family, and your government, with all temporal and spiritual blessings in Christ Jesus.

Signed by order of the meeting,

• W. HENDEL, p. t. Praeses.
• F. DELLIKER, p. t. Scriba.

The Answer. To the MINISTERS and ELDERS of the GERMAN REFORMED CONGREGATIONS in the UNITED STATES.

GENTLEMEN,

I AM happy in concurring with you in the sentiments of gratitude and piety towards Almighty God, which are expressed with such fervency of devotion in your address; and in believing that I shall always find in you and the German Reformed Congregations in the United States, a conduct correspondent to such worthy and pious ex|pressions.

At the same time I return you my thanks for the man|ifestation of your firm purpose to support in your persons a government founded in justice and equity; and for the promise that it will be your constant study to impress the minds of the people entrusted to your care with a due sense of the necessity of uniting reverence to such a gov|ernment, and obedience to its laws, with the duties and exercises of religion. Be assured, Gentlemen, it is by such conduct, very much in the power of the virtuous members of the community to alleviate the burden of the impor|tant office which I have accepted, and to give me occa|sion to rejoice in this world, for having followed therein the dictates of my conscience.

Be pleased also to accept my acknowledgments for the interest you so kindly take in the prosperity of my person, family, and administration. May your devotions before the throne of grace be prevalent in calling down the blessings of Heaven upon yourselves and your country.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the MINISTERS, CHURCH WARDENS and VESTRYMEN of the GERMAN LUTHERAN CON|GREGATION, in and near the City of PHILADELPHIA, to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

IT is with inexpressible satisfaction, that we, the Minis|ters, Church Wardens, and Vestrymen of the German Lutheran Congregation, in and near the city of Philadel|phia, address your Excellency on the present great occa|sion. The entire esteem, the exalted consideration with which we view your character, delightfully combine with the duty we owe to this our country, and the love we bear to every fellow-citizen throughout these States, in exciting us to announce the joy we entertain on your ap|pointment to the station of President in Chief.

The affairs of America, in which your Excellency bore so illustrious a part from the very beginning of a most arduous contest—all along exhibited more than the symptoms of a great and general prosperity to be at length completed. The most clouded portions of our time were not without some rays of hope; and numerous oc|currences, through the blessings of Divine Providence, were brilliant and eminently fortunate. The present happy crisis sheds a lustre on the past events of our Union, and it seems to be the presage of every thing desirable to

come. Pleasingly do we anticipate the blessings of a wise, efficient government—equal freedom—perfect safety—a sweet contentment spreading through the whole land— irreproachable manners with pure religion, and that right|eousness which exalteth a nation. Though as individ|uals we can be but very little known to you, yet as rep|resentat••ves, in some respect, of a numerous people in this city▪ and being so situated as to know well the minds of our German brethren nearly through this State, we can with some propriety come forward in this manner. It is therefore with assurance and pleasure we affirm, that there is no body of people whatsoever, that can or ever shall exceed those with whom we are connected, in affection for your person, and confidence in your abilities, patriotism and distinguished goodness. You are the MAN of their bosoms and veneration. On this ground may we be entitled to some excuse for what might seem to be an intrusion in the midst of your numerous weighty en|gagements. And here permit us to subjoin, that we shall never cease to address the throne of grace, with the same warmth and sincerity of heart for your present and ever|lasting happiness, as for our own.

The Answer. To the MINISTERS, CHURCH WARDENS and VESTRYMEN of the GERMAN LUTHERAN CON|GREGATION, in and near the City of PHILADELPHIA.

GENTLEMEN,

WHILE I request you to accept my thanks for your kind address, I must profess myself highly gratified by the sentiments of esteem and consideration contained in it. The approbation my past conduct has received from so worthy a body of citizens as that whose joy for my appointment you announce, is a proof of the indul|gence with which my future transactions will be judged by them.

I could not, however, avoid apprehending, that the partiality of my countrymen in favour of the measures now pursued, had led them to expect too much from the present government; did not the same Providence which has been visible in every stage of our progress to this in|teresting crisis, from a combination of circumstances, give us cause to hope for the accomplishment of all our reason|able desires.

Thus partaking with you in the pleasing anticipation of the blessings of a wise and efficient government, I flat|ter myself that opportunities will not be wanting for me to show my disposition to encourage the domestic and pub|lic virtues of industry, economy, patriotism, philanthropy, and that righteousness which exalteth a nation.

I rejoice in having so suitable an occasion to testify the reciprocity of my esteem for the numerous people whom you represent. From the excellent character for dili|gence, sobriety and virtue, which the Germans in general, who are settled in America, have ever maintained; I cannot forbear felicitating myself on receiving from so respectable a number of them such strong assurances of their affection for my person, confidence in my integrity, and zeal to support me in my endeavours for promoting the welfare of our common country.

So long as my conduct shall merit the approbation of the wise and the good, I hope to hold the same place in your affections, which your friendly declarations induce me to believe I possess at present; and amidst all the vi|cissitudes that may await me in this mutable existence, I shall earnestly desire the continuation of an interest in your intercession at the throne of grace.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the DELAWARE SOCIETY for PROMOTING DOMESTIC MANUFACTURES, to GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT GENERAL of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

WE, the members of the Delaware Society for pro|moting domestic manufactures, beg leave to present your Excellency with our warmest congratulations on your ap|pointment to the presidency of the United States.

Deeply penetrated with the most indelible sentiments of gratitude for your former inestimable services, we partici|pate the lively effusions of joy so universally communicated by your consenting to accept the high trust to which you have been so honourably elected.

We are sensible that the establishment of a general gov|ernment, in which freedom and energy are so happily blended, is an object of the highest consequence, and will require the restoration of that confidence in the admin|istration of public affairs, which the general opinion of your disinterested virtue, moderation, and other eminent qualities alone can inspire.

As your Excellency has been pleased to relinquish the enjoyment of a dignified retirement, and in compliance with the ardent solicitations of a numerous and grateful people, once more to afford us the benefit of your sage direction and illustrious example, we contemplate with peculiar satisfaction the credit and renown our new gov|ernment will acquire, even in distant nations, by its com|mencement under the glorious auspices of your distinguish|ed abilities and celebrated name.

We are conscious of our unspeakable obligation to Providence for the preservation of your invaluable life to a period so important; and our most fervent wishes will be unceasing that your Excellency may long preside in the councils of America, with uninterrupted harmony, and the

superior delight of promoting the happiness and prosperity of a rising empire.

Being fully convinced of your Excellency's indulgent attention to whatever is designed to be of public utility, we flatter ourselves, the Society who have the honour to present this Address, having associated under an engage|ment to clothe themselves in complete suits of domestic manufactures, and encourage every branch of the same in America, will meet your Excellency's approbation, and be favourably considered as an additional instance of the federal and patriotic sentiments of the citizens of Delaware.

In behalf of the Society, THOMAS MAY, Vice-President.

The Answer. To the DELAWARE SOCIETY, for PROMOTING DOMESTIC MANUFACTURES.

GENTLEMEN,

I RETURN you my sincere thanks for your con|gratulations and good wishes on my appointment to the Presidency of the United States.

Convinced that the happy effects which may be de|rived from our government, must depend, in a considera|ble degree, on the determination of the people to support the person entrusted with the administration, I shall re|joice to find that my acceptance has met with their ap|probation.

The promotion of domestic manufactures, will, in my conception, be among the first consequences which may naturally be expected to result from an energetic govern|ment. For myself, having equal regard for the prosper|ity of the farming, trading, and manufacturing interests, I will only observe, that I cannot conceive the extension of the latter (so far as it may afford employment to a

great number of hands which would be otherwise idle) can be detrimental to the former. On the contrary, the concurrence of virtuous individuals, and the combination of economical societies to rely as much as possible on the resources of our own country, may be productive of great national advantages, by establishing the habits of industry and economy. The objects, therefore, of your institution are, in my opinion, highly commendable; and you will permit me to add, Gentlemen, that I propose to demon|strate the sincerity of my opinion, on this subject, by the uniformity of my practice, in giving a decided preference to the produce and fabrics of America, whensoever it may be done without involving unreasonable expenses, or very great inconveniences.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the MAYOR, ALDERMEN and COMMONAL|TY of the City of NEW YORK to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

THE Mayor, Aldermen and Commonalty of the City of New York, beg leave to offer you our most re|spectful and affectionate congratulations on your safe arri|val in this metropolis, and at the same time to express the general joy of our fellow-citizens, of every order, on this auspicious event.

In thus presenting ourselves before you, we experience all the emotions which naturally arise from a high venera|tion for your character—an exalted sense of your services —and a perfect conviction that a trust, the most moment|ous which could be conferred by a free people, has been committed to a citizen, who has given unequivocal proofs

of his possessing all the good and great qualities, requisite to its successful discharge.

With peculiar pleasure, Sir, we recal to mind that il|lustrious display of wisdom, virtue and valor, which distin|guished your military command. With equal pleasure we recollect the exemplary moderation which marked your retreat from the head of a victorious army to the shade of private life. Permit us to add that we contemplate with pious gratitude that unparalleled coincidence of circum|stances which has constrained you, by motives that patri|otism could not resist, to re-engage in the arduous duties of a public station.

Long in the habit of revering you as the Father of our country, we rejoice at the happiness of being once more placed under your protection; we consider the unanimity which prevailed in your appointment, as a presage that our national government will be firmly established in the hearts of all the people, and receive their united and zealous sup|port; and we are fully persuaded that under the Divine favour, its operation will be productive of the most exten|sive benefits and blessings, and render the Union respectable in peace, as, under your auspices, it was triumphant in war.

To our most servent wishes for your personal happiness, and for the success of your administration, we should not do justice to the sentiments of our fellow-citizens, if we did not add the strongest assurances of their inviolable attach|ment to you, and of their earnest disposition to render you all the support which can flow from the most cordial re|spect, gratitude and confidence.

Signed in behalf of the Corporation. JAMES DUANE, Mayor.

May 9, 1789.

The Answer. To the MAYOR, ALDERMEN and COMMONAL|TY of the City of NEW YORK.

GENTLEMEN,

THE affectionate Address presented by the Magis|trates, and the general joy testified by the citizens of New York, on my arrival in this metropolis, have filled my mind with the mingled emotions of gratitude and satisfaction.

In accepting the momentous trust, which has been spon|taneously committed to me by a free people, it was not enough to have felt a consciousness of having acted in con|formity to the dictates of patriotism; it was not enough to have known that I met the wishes of my fellow-citizens; but it seemed that these farther pledges were wanting to overcome the diffidence I had in my own abilities, and the reluctance I experienced at engaging in such new and ar|duous affairs.

Unelated by your too favourable appreciation of my past services, I can only pour forth the effusions of a grateful heart to Heaven, if I have been made in any degree an instrument of good to my country. And, although I am far from claiming any merit for retiring in the manner I did, from a military command, to the shade of private life; yet I am pleased to find that your candour has done jus|tice to the principles by which I have been actuated on the present occasion: No circumstance, in my concep|tion, can be more consolatory to a public man, especially to one truly sensible that the purest intentions cannot al|ways preserve him from error, than a knowledge that his countrymen are disposed to consider the motives for his conduct with that liberality, which is reciprocally necessary for all who are subject to the frailties of human nature.

In this place I cannot avoid expressing an anxious ap|prehension, that the partiality of my countrymen in my fa|vour has induced them to expect too much from the ex|ertions of an individual. It is from their co-operation alone, I derive all my expectations of success. Indeed, the

unanimity which has prevailed in some instances, is a hap|py presage that our national government will be firmly established in the hearts of the people, and receive their united and zealous s••pport. From the accommodating spirit which has been displayed in respect to the constitu|tion, I anticipate that the government will, in its opera|tion, be productive of the most extensive utility, by ren|dering the Union as respectable in peace as it was tri|umphant in war.

I feel a just sense of your servent wishes for my per|sonal happiness and the success of my administration. I pray you, Gentlemen, to accept in return, my cordial thanks for these demonstrations of your affection, as well as for the assurances you have given of the attachment of our fellow-citizens.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the GENERAL ASSEMBLY of the PRESBY|TERIAN CHURCH to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

THE General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, in the United States of America, embrace the earliest op|portunity in their power, to testify the lively and un|seigned pleasure which they, with the rest of their fellow-citizens, feel on your appointment to the first office in the nation.

We adore Almighty God, the author of every perfect gift, who hath endued you with such a rare and happy as|semblage of talents, as hath rendered you equally necessa|ry to your country in war and in peace.

Your military achievements ensured safety and glory to America, in the late arduous conflict for freedom;

while your disinterested conduct, and uniformly just dis|cernment of the public interest, gained you the entire con|fidence of the people. And in the present interesting period of public affairs, the influence of your personal character moderates the divisions of political parties, and promises a permanent establishment of the civil gov|ernment.

From a retirement more glorious to you than thrones and sceptres, you have been called to your present ele|vated station, by the voice of a great and free people; and with an unanimity of suffrage that has few if any ex|amples in history. A man more ambitious of fame, or less devoted to his country, would have refused an office in which his honours could not be augmented, and where they might possibly be subject to a reverse.

We are happy that God hath inclined your heart to give yourself once more to the public. And we derive a favourable presage of the event from the zeal of all classes of the people, and their confidence in your virtues; as well as from the knowledge and dignity with which the federal councils are filled. But we derive a presage even more flattering from the piety of your character. Public virtue is the most certain mean of public felicity, and re|ligion is the surest basis of virtue. We therefore esteem it a peculiar happiness to behold in our Chief Magistrate a steady, uniform, avowed friend of the Christian religion; who has commenced his administration in rational and exalted sentiments of piety, and who, in his private con|duct, adorns the doctrines of the gospel of Christ; and on the most public and solemn occasions devoutly ac|knowledges the government of Divine Providence.

The example of distinguished characters will ever pos|sess a powerful and extensive influence on the public mind; and when we see, in such a conspicuous station, the amia|ble example of piety to God, of benevolence to men, and of a pure and virtuous patriotism, we naturally hope that it will diffuse its influence, and that eventually the most happy consequences will result from it. To the force of imitation we will endeavour to add the wholesome in|structions of religion. We shall consider ourselves as

doing an acceptable service to God in our profession, when we contribute to render men sober, honest, and in|dustrious citizens, and the obedient subjects of a lawful gov|ernment. In these pious labours, we hope to imitate the most worthy of our brethren of other Christian denominations, and to be imitated by them; assured, that if we can, by mutual and generous emulation, promote truth and virtue, we shall render essential service to the Republic; we shall receive encouragement from every wise and good citizen, and above all, meet the approbation of our Divine Master.

We pray Almighty God to have you always in his holy keeping. May he prolong your valuable life, an or|nament and a blessing to your country; and at last bestow on you the glorious reward of a faithful servant.

Signed by order of the General Assembly. JOHN RODGERS, Moderator.

Philadelphia, May 26, 1789.

The Answer. To the GENERAL ASSEMBLY of the PRESBY|TERIAN CHURCH in the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.

GENTLEMEN,

I RECEIVE, with great sensibility, the testimonial given by the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America, of the lively and unfeigned pleasure experienced by them, on my ap|pointment to the first office in the nation.

Although it will be my endeavour to avoid being elated, by the too favourable opinion which your kindness for me may have induced you to express of the impor|tance of my former conduct, and the effect of my future services: yet, conscious of the disinterestedness of my mo|tives, it is not necessary for me to conceal the satisfaction

I have felt upon finding that my compliance with the call of my country, and my dependence on the assistance of Heaven to support me in my arduous undertakings, have, so far as I can learn, met the universal approbation of my countrymen.

While I reiterate the professions of my dependence upon Heaven as the source of all public and private bles|sings; I will observe that the general prevalence of piety, philanthropy, honesty, industry and economy seems, in the ordinary course of human affairs, particularly necessary for advancing and confirming the happiness of our coun|try. While all men within our territories are protected in worshipping the Deity according to the dictates of their consciences; it is rationally to be expected from them in return, that they will all be emulous of evincing the sincerity of their professions, by the innocence of their lives and the beneficence of their actions. For no man who is profligate in his morals, or a bad member of the civil community, can possibly be a true Christian or a cred|it to his own religious society.

I desire you to accept my acknowledgments for your laudable endeavours to render men sober, honest and good citizens, and the obedient subjects of a lawful govern|ment; as well as for your prayers to Almighty God for his blessing on our common country, and the humble in|strument which he has been pleased to make use of in the administration of its government.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the BISHOPS of the METHODIST EPISCO|PAL CHURCH to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

WE, the Bishops of the Methodist Episcopal Church, humbly beg leave, in the name of our Society collectively, in these United States, to express to you the warm feel|ings of our hearts, and our sincere congratulations on your appointment to the Presidentship of these States. We are conscious, from the signal proofs you have already given, that you are a friend of mankind; and, under this established idea, place as full a confidence in your wisdom and integrity, for the preservation of those civil and re|ligious liberties which have been transmitted to us by the providence of God and the glorious Revolution, as we believe ought to be reposed in man.

We have received the most grateful satisfaction from the humble and entire dependence on the great Governor of the Universe, which you have repeatedly expressed, ac|knowledging him the source of every blessing, and partic|ularly of the most excellent Constitution of these States, which is at present the admiration of the world, and may in future become its great exemplar for imitation. And hence we enjoy a holy expectation, that you will always prove a faithful and impartial patron of genuine, vital religion—the grand end of our creation and present probationary existence. And we promise you our fervent prayers to the throne of grace, that God Almighty may endue you with all the graces and gifts of his Holy Spirit that may enable you to fill up your important station to his glory, the good of his church, the happiness and pros|perity of the United States, and the welfare of mankind.

Signed in behalf of the Methodist Episcopal Church.

• THOMAS COKE,
• FRANCIS ASBURY.

New York, May 29, 1789.

The Answer. To the BISHOPS of the METHODIST EPIS|COPAL CHURCH in the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.

GENTLEMEN,

I RETURN to you individually, and (through you) to your Society collectively, in the United States, my thanks, for the demonstration of affectio••, and the expres|sions of joy, offered in their behalf, o•• my late appoint|ment. It shall still be my endeavour to manifest the pu|rity of my inclinations, for promoting the happiness of mankind; as well as the sincerity of my desires to con|tribute whatever may be in my power towards the preser|vation of the civil and religious liberties of the American people. In pursuing this line of conduct, I hope, by the assistance of Divine Providence, not altogether to disap|point the confidence which you have been pleased to re|pose in me.

It always affords me satisfaction, when I find a con|currence in sentiment and practice between all conscien|tious men, in acknowledgments of homage to the great Governor of the Universe, and in professions of support to a just civil government. After mentioning that, I trust the people of every denomination, who demean them|selves as good citizens, will have occasion to be convinc|ed, that I shall always strive to prove a faithful and im|partial patron of genuine, vital religion; I must assure you in particular, that I take in the kindest part the promise you make of presenting your prayers at the throne of grace for me, and that I likewise implore the divine benedic|tions on yourselves and your religious community.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address To the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

WE, the Corporation of Visitors and Governors, and the Principal and Faculty of Professors of Washington College, in the State of Maryland, actuated by the sincerest personal affection, as well as the purest public consider|ations, beg leave to embrace the present occasion of our Anniversary Meeting and Commencement, to felicitate our|selves and our country, upon your unanimous appointment to the Chief Magistracy in the general government of the United States.

Revolving upon the vicissitudes and eventful history of the late war, every page of which bears ample and hon|ourable testimony to the services which you have render|ed to your country, and the exertion of those virtues and talents which have exalted your name to the first rank among the Heroes and Benefactors of mankind; we can|not but recal to mind the occasion of our former Address to you, and your benevolent Answer to the same.

The General Assembly of Maryland, upon the estab|lishment of this Seminary, having dignified the same with the auspicious name of "Washington College, in honour|able and perpetual memory of the services of the illustri|ous and virtuous Commander in Chief of the armies of the United States;" we expressed our confidence—"that, amidst all the public monuments which your country fought to erect to you even while living, none would be more acceptable than a Seminary of universal learning, expressly dedicated to your name, with a view to instruct and animate the youth of many future generations, to ad|mire and to imitate those public virtues and patriot la|bours which had created for you a monument in the heart of every good citizen; that we hope you would permit your name to be placed at the head of the Visitors and

Governors of the college, trusting that the time was then not very remote, when, by the termination of war, the in|fant institution might be enabled to salute you in person, and, like a dutiful child, as one of its first works, present the olive wreath and other emblems of peace, to its Fa|ther, Guardian and Friend."

Highly encouraging to us was your answer—"That, with pleasure, you would consent to have your name en|rolled among the Visitors and Governors of the college, if it were not to the exclusion of some other, whose prox|imity and other circumstances might enable him to be a more useful member; and that as the act of the General Assembly, which had given your name to the college, would remain a monument of their esteem, it made an impression on your mind which could only be exceeded by the flattering assurance of the lasting and extensive use|fulness of the seminary; and when that period should ar|rive when we could hail the blest return of Peace, it would add to your pleasure to see the infant seat of learning ri|sing into consistency and proficiency in the sciences, under the nurturing hands of its founders."

The happy period is now arrived when, through the blessing of God, upon the return of peace, this seat of learning hath attained to such proficiency in the sciences, as to wait upon you with the promised wreath of literary honour,* 1.2 which we trust you will not reject, although from

an institution of inferior standing, yet not of inferior grati|tude and affection, to the chief of those which have alrea|dy dignified themselves by presenting you with the like honours.

Bearing an ardent and unfeigned part in the admiration and applause of those virtuous and magnanimous senti|ments, which in obedience to the voice of your country have led you forth once more from the enjoyment of do|mestic happiness to a laborious and conspicuous participa|tion of the cares of public life, at a most interesting crisis of our affairs; we fervently pray that the glory and felici|ty of our country—the true consummation of the patriot's labours, may be your crown in this world, and assure you an everlasting crown in the world to come!

Signed by order, WILLIAM SMITH, D. D. President of the Corporation, and Principal of the Faculty.

June 24, 1789.

The Answer. To the CORPORATION of VISITORS and GOV|ERNORS, and the PRINCIPAL and FACULTY of PROFESSORS of WASHINGTON COLLEGE, in the State of MARYLAND.

GENTLEMEN,

YOUR very affectionate Address, and the honorary testimony of your regard which accompanied it, call forth my grateful acknowledgments.

A recollection of past events, and the happy termina|tion of our glorious struggle for the establishment of the rights of man, cannot fall to inspire every feeling heart with veneration and gratitude towards the great RULER of events, who has so manifestly interposed in our behalf.

Among the numerous blessings which are attendant upon Peace, and as one whose consequences are of the most important and extensive kind, may be reckoned the prosperity of Colleges and Seminaries of Learning.

As, in civilized societies, the welfare of the State and happiness of the people are advanced or retarded, in pro|portion as the morals and education of the youth are at|tended to; I cannot forbear, on this occasion, to express the satisfaction which I feel on seeing the increase of our seminaries of learning through this extensive country, and the general wish which seems to prevail for establishing and maintaining these valuable institutions.

It affords me peculiar pleasure to know that the seat of learning under your direction hath attained to such proficiency in the sciences since the peace; and I sin|cerely pray that the great Author of the Universe may smile upon the institution, and make it an extensive bless|ing to this country.

G. WASHINGTON.

New York, July 11, 1789.

Address Of the GOVERNOR and COUNCIL of the STATE of NORTH CAROLINA, to GEORGE WASHING|TON, PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

AMIDST the congratulations which surround you from all quarters, we, the Governor and Council of the State of North Carolina, beg leave to offer ours, with equal sincerity and fervency with any which can be pre|sented to you. Though this State be not yet a member of the Union under the new form of government, we look forward with the pleasing hope of its shortly becoming such; and in the mean time consider ourselves bound in a

common interest and affection with the other States, wait|ing only for the happy event of such alterations being pro|posed as will remove the apprehensions of many of the good citizens of this State, for those liberties for which they have fought and suffered in common with others. This happy event, we doubt not, will be accelerated by your Excellency's appointment to the first office in the Union, since we are well assured the same greatness of mind, which in all scenes has so eminently characterized your Excellency, will induce you to advise every measure calculated to compose party divisions, and to abate any animosity that may be excited by a mere difference in opinion. Your Excellency will consider (however others may forget) how extremely difficult it is to unite all the people of a great country in one common sentiment upon almost any political subject, much less upon a new form of government materially different from one they have been accustomed to, and will therefore rather be disposed to re|joice that so much has been effected, than regret that more could not all at once be accomplished. We sincerely be|lieve America is the only country in the world where such a deliberate change of government could take place under any circumstances whatever.

We hope your Excellency will pardon the liberty we take in writing so particularly on this subject; but this State, however it may differ in any political opinions with the other States, cordially joins with them in sentiments of the utmost gratitude and veneration for those distinguished talents and that illustrious virtue, which we feel a pride in saying we believe, under God, have been the principal means of preserving the liberty and procuring the inde|pendence of our country. We cannot help considering you, Sir, in some measure, as the father of it, and hope to experience the good effects of that confidence you so justly have acquired, in an abatement of the party spirit which so much endangers a union on which the safety and happiness of America can alone be founded. May that union, at a short distance of time, be as perfect and more safe than ever! And in the mean while, may the State of North Carolina be considered, as it truly deserves

to be, attached with equal warmth with any State in the Union, to the true interest, prosperity and glory of A|merica, differing only in some particulars in opinion as to the means of promoting them.

SAMUEL JOHNSON.

By order and on behalf of the Council, JAMES IREDELL, PRESIDENT.

By order, WILLIAM JOHNSTON DAWSON, Clerk Council.

May 10, 1789.

The Answer. To the GOVERNOR and COUNCIL of the State of NORTH CAROLINA.

GENTLEMEN,

IT was scarcely possible for any Address to have given me greater pleasure than that which I have just re|ceived from you; because I consider it not only demon|strative of your approbation of my conduct in accepting the first office in the Union, but also indicative of the good dispositions of the citizens of your State towards their sister States, and of the probability of their speedily acceding to the new General Government.

In justification of the opinion which you are pleased to express of my readiness to advise every "measure calcu|lated to compose party divisions, and to abate any animosi|ty that may be excited by mere difference of opinion," I take the liberty of referring you to the sentiments com|municated by me, to the two Houses of Congress. On this occasion, I am likewise happy in being able to add the strongest assurances, that I entertain a well-grounded expectation that nothing will be wanting on the part of the different branches of the General Government to ren|der the union as perfect and more safe than ever it has been.

A difference of opinion on political points is not to be imputed to freemen as a fault; since it is to be presumed that they are all actuated by an equally laudable and sa|cred regard for the liberties of their country. If the mind is so formed in different persons as to consider the same object to be somewhat different in its nature and conse|quences, as it happens to be placed in different points of view; and if the oldest, the ablest, and the most virtuous statesmen have often differed in judgment as to the best forms of government,—we ought, indeed, rather to rejoice that so much has been effected, than to regret that more could not all at once be accomplished.

Gratified by the favourable sentiments which are evin|ced in your Address to me, and impressed with an idea that the citizens of your State are sincerely attached to the interest, the prosperity, and the glory of America, I most earnestly implore the divine benediction and guid|ance in the councils which are shortly to be taken by their delegates on a subject of the most momentous consequence; I mean the political relation which is to subsist hereafter, between the State of North Carolina, and the States now in union under the new General Government.

G. WASHINGTON.

New York, June 19, 1789.

Address To the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

WE, the Bishops, the Clergy, and Laity of the Prot|estant Episcopal Church in the States of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, and South Carolina, in General Convention assembled, beg leave, with the highest veneration and the most animated national considerations, at the earliest moment in our pow|er,

to express our cordial joy on your election to the Chief Magistracy of the United States.

When we contemplate the short but eventful history of our nation—when we recollect the series of essential ser|vices performed by you in the course of the revolution, the temperate, yet efficient exertion of the mighty powers with which the nature of the contest made it necessary to invest you—and especially when we remember the voluntary and magnanimous relinquishment of those high authorities at the moment of peace—we anticipate the happiness of our country under your future administration.

But it was not alone from a successful and virtuous use of those extraordinary powers that you were called from your honourable retirement, to the first dignities, of out government. An affectionate admiration of your private character, the impartiality, the persevering fortitude, and the energy with which your public duties have been in|variably performed, and the paternal solicitude for the happiness of the American people, together with the wis|dom and consummate knowledge of our affairs, manifested in your last military communication, have directed to your name the universal wish, and have produced, for the first time in the history of mankind, an example of unanimous consent in the appointment of the governor of a free and enlightened nation.

To these considerations, inspiring us with the most pleasing expectations, as private citizens, permit us to add, that as the representatives of a numerous and extended church, we most thankfully rejoice in the election of a civil ruler deservedly beloved, and eminently distinguished among the friends of genuine religion, who has happily united a tender regard for other churches with an inviola|ble attachment to his own.

With unfeigned satisfaction we congratulate you on the establishment of the new Constitution of government for the United States, the mild, yet efficient operations of which, we confidently trust, will remove every remaining apprehension of those, with whose opinions it may not en|tirely coincide, and will confirm the hopes of its numerous friends. Nor do these expectations appear too sanguine,

when the moderation, patriotism, and wisdom of the hon|ourable members of the federal legislature are duly consid|ered.

From a body thus eminently qualified, harmoniously co-operating with the executive authority in constitutional concert, we confidently hope for the restoration of order and our ancient virtues; the extension of genuine religion, and the consequent advancement of our respectability a|broad, and of our substantial happiness at home.

We devoutly implore the Supreme Ruler of the Uni|verse to preserve you long in health and prosperity an ani|mating example of all public and private virtues—the friend and guardian of a free, enlightened, and grateful people; and that you may finally receive the reward which will be given to those, whose lives have been spent in promoting the happiness of mankind.

WILLIAM WHITE, Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the Common|wealth of Pennsylvania, and President of the Convention.

SAMUEL PROVOST, D. D. Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church, in the State of New York, though prevented, by indisposition, from attend|ing the late General Convention, he concurs sincerely in this particular act, and subscribes the present Address with the greatest satisfaction.

NEW YORK.

BENJAMIN MOORE, D. D. Assistant Minister of Trin|ity Church in the city of New York.

ABRAHAM BEACH, D. D. Assistant Minister of Trin|ity Church in the city of New York.

MOSES ROGERS.

NEW JERSEY.

WILLIAM FRAZIER, Rector of St. Michael's Church, Trenton, and St. Andrew's Church, Amwell.

UZAL OGDEN, Rector of Trinity Church, in Newark.

HENRY WADDELL, Rector of the Churches of Shrewsbury and Middleton, New Jersey.

GEORGE H. SPIEREN, Rector of St. Peter's Church, Perth Amboy, New Jersey.

JOHN COX.

SAMUEL OGDEN.

R. STRETTELL JONES.

PENNSYLVANIA.

SAMUEL MAGAW, D. D. Rector of St. Paul's, and Vice Provost of the University of Pennsylvania.

ROBERT BLACKWELL, D. D. Senior Assistant Min|ister of Christ Church, and St. Peter's, Philadelphia.

JOSEPH PILMORE, Rector of the United Churches of Trinity, St. Thomas, and All Saints.

JOSEPH G. T. BEND, Assistant Minister of Christ Church, and St. Peter's, Philadelphia.

FRANCIS HOPKINSON.

GERARDUS CLARKSON.

TENCH COXE.

SAMUEL POWELL.

DELAWARE.

SAMUEL COUDON, Rector of St. Ann's.

STEPHEN SYKES, A. M. Rector of the United Churches of St. Peter, and St. Matthew, in Sussex county.

JAMES SYKES.

MARYLAND.

WILLIAM SMITH, D. D. now Provost of the College and Academy of Philadelphia; but appointed Clerical Deputy for Maryland, as Rector of Chester Parish, in Kent county.

THOMAS JOHN CLAGGET, Rector of St. Paul's, Prince George county.

COLIN FERGUSON, D. D. Rector of St. Paul's.

JOHN BISSET, A. M. Rector of Shrewsbury Parish, Kent county.

WILLIAM FRISBY.

RICHARD B. CARMICHAEL.

VIRGINIA.

ROBERT ANDREWS.

SOUTH CAROLINA.

BOBERT SMITH, Rector of St. Philip's Church, Charleston.

W. W. BURROWS.

WILLIAM BRISBANE.

The Answer. To the BISHOPS, CLERGY, and LAITY of the PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH in the States of NEW YORK, NEW JERSEY, PENNSYLVANIA, DELAWARE, MARYLAND, VIRGINIA, and SOUTH CAROLINA, in General Convention assembled.

GENTLEMEN,

I SINCERELY thank you for your affectionate congratulations, on my election to the Chief Magistracy of the United States.

After having received from my fellow-citizens in gen|eral the most liberal treatment—after having found them disposed to contemplate, in the most flattering point of view, the performance of my military services, and the manner of my retirement at the close of the war, I feel that I have a right to console myself, in my present ardu|ous undertakings, with a hope that they will still be incli|ned to put the most favourable constructions on the motives which may influence me in my future public transactions.

The satisfaction arising from the indulgent opinion en|tertained by the American people of my conduct, will, I trust, be some security for preventing me from doing any thing which might justly incur the forfeiture of that opinion. And the consideration that human happiness and moral duty are inseparably connected, will always continue to prompt me to promote the progress of the former, by inculcating the practice of the latter.

On this occasion it will ill become me to conceal the joy I have felt in perceiving the fraternal affection which appears to increase every day among the friends of genuine religion. It affords edifying prospects indeed, to see Christians of different denominations dwell together in more charity, and conduct themselves in respect to each other with a more Christian-like spirit than ever they have done in any former age, or in any other nation.

I receive with the greater satisfaction your congratula|tions on the establishment of the new Constitution of Gov|ernment, because I believe its mild yet efficient opera|tions will tend to remove every remaining apprehension of those with whose opinions it may not entirely coincide, as well as to confirm the hopes of its numerous friends: and because the moderation, patriotism, and wisdom of the present federal legislature, seem to promise the restora|tion of order and our ancient virtues; the extension of genuine religion, and the consequent advancement of our respectability abroad, and of our substantial happiness at home.

I request, most reverend and respected Gentlemen, that you will accept my cordial thanks for your devout suppli|cations to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe in behalf of me. May you, and the people whom you represent, be the happy subjects of the Divine benedictions both here and hereafter.

G. WASHINGTON.

August 19, 1789.

Address Of the REPRESENTATIVES of the FREEMEN of the Commonwealth of PENNSYLVANIA, in General Assembly met, to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

THE Representatives of a free people cannot comply with their duty to their constituents more to their satis|faction, than by paying a just tribute to the merits of one, whose important exertions, unexampled perseverance, and distinguished military talents, have eminently contributed to the establishment of their liberties. Impressed with the most lively sense of your love for your country, inva|riably evidenced in the course of your past services, and of which you have given a new proof, by sacrificing your predilection for private life to the desires of your fellow-citizens, and again appearing on the public stage, we most sincerely congratulate you on your elevation to the high station you now fill.

The citizens of this State, having been among the first to adopt the system of federal government on which they so much depend for their portion of the national prosper|ity, cannot but be highly gratified by the progress which has been made towards its complete organization; and they have a pleasing addition to their satisfaction, by your having been so unanimously placed at the head of it. We are confident that we declare the sense of the people of Pennsylvania, when we assure you of the firm and constant support of this State in all measures, in which its aid shall be necessary, for rendering your administration easy to yourself, and beneficial to your country.

We deem it a circumstance which strongly marks the good sense and virtue of our countrymen, that they peace|ably and deliberately concurred in a frame of general gov|ernment, which, we firmly trust, will, in its operation,

dignify our character, entitle us to respect among the na|tions, and ensure happiness and safety to us and our pos|terity. With hearts expanded beyond the limits of our own country, we most ardently hope that the influence of this novel but bright example, may be extended, till free|dom, under governments of laws, not of men, shall bless the oppressed of every climate and country. The old will then be experimentally taught by the new world, that reason, virtue, union, moderation and patriotism, can, under the smiles of Heaven, without the sword, accom|plish the happiness of nations by pacific revolutions in their political systems, whensoever they require them.

With the warmest wishes for your personal happiness, we fervently beseech the great Author and Supporter of our existence, that he will, by granting you a continu|ance of health, long preserve a life so dear to your coun|try, and exemplary to mankind.

The Answer. To the REPRESENTATIVES of the FREEMEN of the Commonwealth of PENNSYLVANIA, in General Assembly met.

GENTLEMEN,

WHEN the Representatives of a free people, deliv|ering the sense of their constituents, give such marks of affectionate attachment to an individual as are contained in your Address to me, it must call forth the warmest ac|knowledgment of a grateful heart. Under this impres|sion, I beg you to believe that your favourable opinion of my past conduct, and kind congratulations on my elevation to the high station which I now fill, are indelibly marked on my mind.

The early and decided part which the citizens of Penn|sylvania took in behalf of the present system of govern|ment, cannot be forgotten by the people of these United

States; and, in acknowledging the grateful sense which I have of your assurances of the firm and constant support of your State, in all measures in which its aid shall be ne|cessary, for rendering my administration easy to myself and beneficial to our country, I trust that I meet the concur|rence of all good citizens.

The virtue, moderation and patriotism which have marked the steps of the American people, in framing, adopting, and thus far carrying into effect our present system of government, has excited the admiration of na|tions; and it now only remains for us to act up to those principles which should characterize a free and enlightened people, that we may gain respect abroad, and ensure hap|piness to ourselves and to our posterity. It should be the highest ambition of every American to extend his views beyond himself, and to bear in mind that his conduct will not only affect himself, his country, and his immediate posterity; but that its influence and effect, may be co|extensive with the world, and stamp political happiness or misery on ages yet unborn. To obtain this desirable end, and to establish the government of laws, the union of these States is absolutely necessary; therefore, in every proceed|ing, this great, this important object should ever be kept in view; so long as our measures tend to this, and are marked with the wisdom of a well-informed, enlightened people, we may reasonably hope, under the smiles of Heaven, to convince the world, that the happiness of na|tions can be accomplished by pacific revolutions in their political systems, without the destructive intervention of the sword.

Your wishes for my personal happiness, and fervent prayers for the preservation of my existence, have made a grateful impression upon me; and I shall not fail to im|plore the Divine Author of the Universe to bestow those blessings upon you and your constituents that can make a people happy.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the Religious Society of QUAKERS, from their Yearly Meeting for PENNSYLVANIA, NEW JERSEY, DELA|WARE and the Western Parts of MARYLAND and VIR|GINIA, to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

BEING met in this our annual Assembly, for the well ordering the affairs of our religious society, and the pro|motion of universal righteousness, our minds have been drawn to consider, that the Almighty, who ruleth in Heaven and in the kingdoms of men, having permitted a great revolution to take place in the government of this country; we are fervently concerned that the Rulers of the people may be favoured with the counsel of God, the only sure means of enabling them to fulfil the important trust committed to their charge; and in an especial man|ner, that divine wisdom and grace, vouchsafed from above, may qualify thee to fill up the duties of the exalted sta|tion to which thou art appointed.

We are sensible thou hast obtained great place in the esteem and affections of people of all denominations over whom thou presidest; and many eminent talents being committed to thy trust, we much desire they may be fully devoted to the Lord's honour and service—that thus thou mayest be an happy instrument in his hand, for the suppres|sion of vice, infidelity and irreligion, and every species of oppression on the persons or consciences of men, so that righteousness and peace which truly exalteth a nation, may prevail throughout the land, as the only solid foundation that can be laid for the prosperity and happiness of this or any country.

The free toleration which the citizens of these States enjoy in the public worship of the Almighty, agreeable to the dictates of their consciences, we esteem among the

choicest of blessings; and as we desire to be filled with fervent charity for those who differ from us in matters of faith and practice, believing that the general assembly of Saints is composed of the sincere and upright hearted of all nations, kingdoms and people—so, we trust, we may justly claim it from others; and in a full persuasion that the divine principle we profess, leads unto harmony and concord, we can take no part in carrying on war on any occasion, or under any power, but are bound in conscience to lead quiet and peaceable lives, in godliness and honesty, amongst men, contributing freely our proportion to the in|digencies of the poor, and to the necessary support of civil government, acknowledging those that rule well to be worthy of double honour; and if any professing with us, are or have been of a contrary disposition or conduct, we own them not therein, having never been chargeable, from our first establishment as a religious society, with foment|ing or countenancing tumults or conspiracies, or disrespect to those who are placed in authority over us.

We wish not improperly to intrude on thy time or pa|tience, nor is it our practice to offer adulation to any; but as we are a people whose principles and conduct have been misrepresented and traduced, we take the liberty to as|sure thee, that we feel our hearts affectionately drawn to|wards thee and those in authority over us, with prayers that thy Presidency may, under the blessing of Heaven, be happy to thyself and to the people; that through the increase of morality and true religion, divine Providence may condescend to look down upon our land with a pro|pitious eye, and bless the inhabitants with the continuance of peace, the dew of Heaven, and the fatness of the earth; and enable us gratefully to acknowledge his manifold mercies; and it is our earnest concern, that he may be pleased to grant thee every necessary qualification to fill thy weighty and important station to his glory, and that finally, when all terrestrial honours shall fail and pass away, thou and thy respectable consort may be found worthy to

receive a crown of unfading righteousness in the mansions of peace and joy forever.

Signed in and on behalf of the said meeting, held in Philadel|phia by adjournments from the 28th of the 9th month, to the third day of the 10th month, inclusive, 1789. RICHARD WALN, Clerk.

The Answer. To the Religious Society of QUAKERS, convened at their Yearly Meeting for PENNSYLVANIA, NEW JERSEY, DELAWARE, and the Western Parts of MARYLAND and VIRGINIA.

GENTLEMEN,

I RECEIVE with pleasure your affectionate ad|dress, and thank you for the friendly sentiments and good wishes which you express for the success of my adminis|tration and for my personal happiness.

We have reason to rejoice in the prospect, that the na|tional government which by the favour of divine Provi|dence was formed by the common councils, and peaceably established with the common consent of the people, will prove a blessing to every denomination of them; to ren|der it such my best endeavours shall not be wanting. Gov|ernment being among other purposes instituted to protect the persons and consciences of men from oppression, it cer|tainly is the duty of rulers not only to abstain from it themselves, but according to their stations to prevent it in others.

The liberty enjoyed by the people of these States of wor|shipping Almighty God agreeably to their consciences, is not only among the choicest of their blessings, but also of their rights. While men perform their social duties faithfully, they do all that society or the State can with propriety ex|pect or demand, and remain responsible only to their Ma|ker

for the religion or mode of faith which they may pre|fer or profess. Your principles and conduct are well known to me, and it is doing the people called Quakers no more than justice to say, that (except their declining to share with others the burthens of the common defence) there is no denomination among us who are more exem|plary and useful citizens. I assure you very explicitly that in my opinion the conscientious scruples of all men should be treated with great delicacy and tenderness; and it is my wish and desire that the laws may always be as extensively accommodated to them as a due regard to the protection and essential interests of the nation may justify and permit.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the Society of CINCINNATI in the STATE of RHODE ISLAND, to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

EXPRESSIONS of respect and attachment are a tribute which the citizens of America owe to your pru|dence, your patriotism, and valor; to the successful dis|play of which, they are already indebted for their free|dom; and from a continuance of the exercise of those qualities they may anticipate the highest state of political happiness. Under these impressions, Sir, we the Society of the Cincinnati of the State of Rhode Island, most sincerely congratulate you upon your appointment to the Chief Magistracy of the Union, by the unanimous suffrage of more than three millions of free citizens; an appoint|ment rendered the more dignified by the manner in which it was conferred, and the more pleasing to your fellow-citi|zens from a conviction that they could no where place

the sacred deposit, for which they have so long and ardu|ously contended, with equal safety to themselves, and hon|our to their country. We cannot help expressing at the same time the strong obligations we feel for the sacrifice of domestic ease and retirement, to which we are sensible the love of your country alone could have prompted you. And although we are not admitted to a participation of the good effects of the government over which you so de|servedly preside, yet we fondly flatter ourselves that the period is not far distant, when the mistaken zeal which has lately prevailed in this State will give way to a more enlightened policy. We can only add, Sir, our ardent wishes for your health and happiness. Long, long may the United States be blessed with a life to which they are so highly indebted, and may the close of your days be as peaceful and happy to yourself, as the meridian of them has been useful and glorious to your country.

• ISAAC SENTER, President.
• ROBERT ROGERS, Secretary.

Rhode Island, September 3, 1789.

The Answer. To the PRESIDENT and MEMBERS of the RHODE ISLAND STATE SOCIETY of the CINCINNATI.

GENTLEMEN.

IN returning my grateful thanks for the flattering and affectionate sentiments expressed in your address of the 3d instant, I beg you will do justice to the sincerity of my regard, which reciprocates, with great pleasure, the warmest wishes for your happiness, political and personal.

Under a persuasion of the candour and support of my fellow-citizens, I yielded obedience to the voice of my country; and, impressed with a sense of duty, I forsook the

pleasures of domestic retirement, to promote (if my best exertions can have such tendency) the object of a dearer interest. Those expectations of support have been amply fulfilled, and my fondest hope of their candour has been gratified by a kind and partial country.

I am much pleased, Gentlemen, with the hope which you entertain, that mistaken zeal will give way to enlight|ened policy; and I desire to repeat to your society, assur|ances of the most affectionate esteem.

G. WASHINGTON.

United States, September 14, 1789.

Address Of the MAYOR, ALDERMEN, and COMMON COUNCIL of the City of HARTFORD to GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

THE Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council of the city of Hartford, beg leave most respectfully to congrat|ulate the President of the United States on his accession to the high office of Chief Magistrate, and with cordial hearts to welcome his arrival in this city.

We feel ourselves bound by every tie of duty and patriotism to acknowledge, in common with the people of America, our gratitude for your signal and disinterested services during the late war, by which the citizens of the United States have been protected in their claims for liberty and independence; that you have been pleased to relinquish the pleasures of retirement, to ensure, by a wise administration, the continuance of those blessings to the people. Also to profess our sincere attachment to your person, and determination to support the honour and welfare of your government.

THOMAS SEYMOUR▪ Mayor.

The Answer. To the MAYOR, ALDERMEN, and COMMON COUNCIL of the City of HARTFORD.

GENTLEMEN,

GRATEFUL for the favourable disposition dis|covered towards me in your Address, I receive your con|gratulations with pleasure, and I thank your goodness with sincerity.

The indulgent partiality with which my fellow-citizens are pleased to regard my public services, is the most ac|ceptable compensation they can receive, and amply re|ward them.

While industry gives an assurance of plenty, and re|spect for the laws maintains the harmony of society, there is every reason to hope for the individual happiness of our citizens, and the dignity of our government, in conduct like yours.

G. WASHINGTON.

Hartford, October 21, 1789.

Address Of the FIRST PRESBYTERY of the EASTWARD, to GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

"WE, the Ministers and ruling Elders, delegated to represent the churches in Massachusetts and New Hamp|shire, which compose the first Presbytery of the Eastward, now holding a stated session in this town, beg leave to approach your presence with genuine feelings of the deep|est veneration and highest esteem.

"In unison with rejoicing millions, we felicitate our country, and ourselves, on your unanimous election to the highest office a nation can bestow; and on your accept|ance of the trust, with every evidence which a citizen can give, of being actuated thereto by the purest princi|ples of patriotism, of piety, and of self-denial.

"Great was the joy of our hearts to see the late tedious and destructive war at length terminated, in a fair and honourable peace—to see the liberty and independence of our country happily secured—to see wise constitutions of civil government peaceably established in the several States —and especially to see a confederation of them all, final|ly agreed on by the general voice.

"But, amid all our joys, we ever contemplated with regret the want of efficiency in the federal government; we ardently wished for a form of national union, which should draw the cord of amity more closely around the several States; which should concentrate their interests, and reduce the freemen of America to one great body, ruled by one head, and animated by one soul.

"And now we devoutly offer our humble tribute of praise and thanksgiving, to the all-gracious Father of Lights, who has inspired our public councils with a wis|dom and firmness which have effected that desirable pur|pose, in so great a measure, by the national Constitution; and who has fixed the eyes of all America on you, as the worthiest of their citizens, to be entrusted with the exe|cution of it.

"Whatever any have supposed wanting in the original plan, we are happy to see so wisely providing in its amend|ments: and it is with peculiar satisfaction that we behold how easily the entire confidence of the people, in the man who sits at the helm of government, has eradicated every remaining objection to its form.

"Among these we never considered the want of a re|ligious test, that grand engine of persecution in every ty|rant's hand: but, we should not have been alone in re|joicing, to have seen some explicit acknowledgment of the only true God and Jesus Christ whom he hath sent,

inserted, somewhere, in the Magna Charta of our coun|try.

"Under the nurturing hand of a Ruler of such vir|tues, and one so deservedly revered by all ranks, we joy|fully indulge the hope, that virtue and religion will revive and flourish; that infidelity, and the vices ever attendant in its train, will be banished every polite circle; and that national piety will soon become fashionable there, and from thence be diffused among all ranks in the community,"

Newbury Port, Oct. 28, 1739.

The Answer.

GENTLEMEN,

THE affectionate welcome, which you are pleased to give me to the eastern parts of the Union, would leave me without excuse, did I fail to acknowledge the sensi|bility which it awakens, and to express the most sincere return that a grateful sense of your goodness can suggest.

To be approved by the praise-worthy, is a wish as nat|ural to becoming ambition as its consequence is flattering to our self love.

I am, indeed, much indebted to the favourable senti|ments which you entertain towards me, and it will be my study to deserve them.

The tribute of thanksgiving, which you offer to the gracious Father of Lights, for his inspiration of our public councils with wisdom and firmness to complete the nation|al Constitution, is worthy of men, who, devoted to the pi|ous purposes of religion, desire their accomplishment by such means as advance the temporal happiness of their fel|low men. And here, I am persuaded, you will permit me to observe, that the path of true piety is so plain as to require but little political direction.

To this consideration we ought to ascribe the absence of any regulation respecting religion from the Magna Char|ta

of our country. To the guidance of the Ministers of the Gospel, this important object is, perhaps, more prop|erly committed. It will be your care to instruct the ig|norant, and to reclaim the devious: and in the progress of morality and science, to which our government will give every furtherance, we may confidently expect the advance|ment of true religion, and the completion of our happi|ness.

I pray the munificent Rewarder of virtue, that your agency in this good work may receive its compensation here and hereafter.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the SYNOD of the REFORMED DUTCH CHURCH, in NORTH AMERICA, to GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

THE Synod of the Reformed Dutch Church in North America, embrace the occasion of their annual session, being the first since your appointment, to present you their sincere congratulation, and to join in that great and gen|eral joy testified by all descriptions of citizens on your ac|ceptance of the highest office in the nation.

We cannot forbear expressing our gratitude to God for preserving your valuable life amidst so many dangers till this time; for inspiring you with a large portion of the martial spirit, and forming you also for the milder and more agreeable arts of government and peace; for en|dowing you with great virtues, and calling them into ex|ercise by great events; for distinguishing you with honours, and giving you remarkable prudence and mod|eration;

and for making your extraordinary talents the more conspicuous, useful and durable, by superinducing the noble ornament of humility. Your country has, with one voice, attested your excellence by inviting you again to public life, and you have confirmed its judgment by re|turning to fresh scenes and toils after you had retired to the shade from the burden and heat of a long day.

Among the many signal interpositions of Divine Prov|idence, we remark the late important change in the Gen|eral Government; a change neither effected by accident, nor imposed by force; but adopted in the bosom of peace, after a free and mature deliberation; and in which a peo|ple widely extended, and various in their habits, are united beyond the most raised expectations. In these re|spects the United States of America stand single among all the nations of the earth. Other revolutions may have been more diversified and splendid, but none more honourable to human nature, and none so likely to produce such happy effects. This government being now completely organiz|ed, and all its departments filled, we trust that, God will give wisdom to its councils, and justice to its administra|tion; and that we shall at length realize those blessings which animated our hopes through a difficult and ruinous war.

To our constant prayers for the welfare of our country, and of the whole human race, we shall esteem it our duty and happiness, to unite our earnest endeavours to promote the pure and undefiled religion of Christ; for as this se|cures eternal felicity to men in a future state, so we are persuaded that good Christians will always be good citi|zens, and that where righteousness prevails among indi|viduals, the nation will be great and happy. Thus while just government protects all in their religious rights, true religion affords to government its surest support.

We implore the Lord God to be your sun and shield, May your administration be prosperous. May the bles|sings of millions come upon you, and your name be grate|ful to all posterity. Above all, may you finish your course

with joy, be numbered among the redeemed of the Lord, and enter into everlasting rest.

In the Name and by the Order of the Synod,

• JOHN H. LIVINGSTON,
• WILLIAM LINN,
• GERARDUS A. KUYPERS,
• PETER LOUW,
• DIRCK LEFFERTS,
• ISAAC ROSEVELT,
• RICHARD VARICK,
• HENRY ROOME.

New York, October 9, 1789.

The Answer. To the SYNOD of the REFORMED DUTCH CHURCH in NORTH AMERICA.

GENTLEMEN,

I RECEIVE with a grateful heart your pious and affectionate Address; and with truth declare to you that no circumstance of my life has affected me more sensibly, or produced more pleasing emotions than the friendly con|gratulations and strong assurances of support which I have received from my fellow-citizens of all descriptions, upon my election to the Presidency of these United States.

I fear, Gentlemen, your goodness has led you to form too exalted an opinion of my virtues and merits. If such talents as I possess have been called into action by great events, and those events have terminated happily for our country, the glory should be ascribed to the manifest in|terposition of an over-ruling Providence. My military services have been abundantly recompensed by the flatter|ing approbation of a grateful people; and if a faithful dis|charge of my civil duties can ensure a like reward, I shall

feel myself richly compensated for any personal sacrifice I may have made, by engaging again in public life.

The citizens of the United States of America have given as signal a proof of their wisdom and virtue in fra|ming and adopting a constitution of government without bloodshed or the intervention of force, as they, upon a former occasion, exhibited to the world of their valor, for|titude, and perseverance; and it must be a pleasing circum|stance to every friend of good order and social happiness, to find that our new government is gaining strength and respectability among the citizens of this country, in propor|tion as its operations are known and its effects felt.

You, Gentlemen, act the part of pious Christians and good citizens, by your prayers and exertions to preserve that harmony and good will among men, which must be the basis of every political establishment; and I readily join with you, that "while just government protects all in their religious rights, true religion affords to government its surest support."

I am deeply impressed with your good wishes for my present and future happiness; and I beseech the Almighty to take you under his special care.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the LEGISLATURE, of MASSACHUSETTS to GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.

SIR,

YOUR acceptance of your present exalted and impor|tant station, affords universal joy to the people of Massa|chusetts. They have felt the most grateful veneration for your character, and attachment to your person; and

they reflect with pleasure on the ardour which your pres|ence inspired in the alarming and novel circumstances of a war within their country, and on their civil security, so soon restored, by the discipline and success of the army under your command.

The unaninity of the suffrages of these States in your election, is no less a testimony of your merit, than of the gratitude of this extensive community. They have de|clared, by investing you with the powers of their Presi|dent, their confidence in you from their experience of your wisdom and virtues, and they delight to honour you; for your services in their estimation will yet exceed their rewards.

The union of these States by a form of government in|tended to secure the blessings of liberty, is rendered more perfect under you, as their Chief. All the advantages of that government, of our national independence and civil liberty, may be rationally expected under your administra|tion. From you, we shall receive those examples of public and private economy, of prudence, fortitude and patriotism, of justice, morality and religion, which, by the aid of Divine Providence, ensure the welfare of the community.

To express the voice of our constituents, we join in the congratulations of United America, on this great event; and we earnestly implore the protection of Almighty God, upon your person and family, that he would afford you his divine aid in the duties of your important station, and would long continue you as a blessing to the United States.

The Answer. To the SENATE and HOUSE of REPRESENTA|TIVES of the STATE of MASSACHUSETTS.

GENTLEMEN,

YOUR Address with which I have been honoured, has made a most sensible impression upon me. That my acceptance of the Presidency of these United States, should have given joy to the people of Massachusetts— and that my conduct through our late arduous struggle for liberty and independence, hath met the approbation of the citizens of that Commonwealth,—will be con|sidered by me, as among the most pleasing circumstances of my life.

In executing the duties of my present important sta|tion, I can promise nothing but purity of intentions; and in carrying these into effect, fidelity and diligence. If these, under the guidance of a superintending Providence, shall continue to me the approbation and affection of my fellow-citizens of the Union, it will be the highest grat|ification and the most ample reward that my mind can form any conception of, in this life.

The adoption of the present government by so large a majority of the States, and their citizens—and the grow|ing dispositions which are discoverable among all descrip|tions of men, to give support and energy to it, are indica|tions of its merit, auspicious of the future greatness and welfare of the empire, which will grow under it—and is the foundation on which I build my hopes of public fe|licity. The best efforts of mine towards the accomplish|ment of these great and glorious objects, can only be sec|ondary.

For the benedictions which you have been pleased to implore the Parent of the Universe on my person and family, I have a grateful heart; and the most ardent wish, that we may all, by rectitude of conduct, and a

perfect reliance on his beneficence, draw the smiles of Heaven on ourselves and posterity to the latest gen|eration.

G. WASHINGTON.

New York, July 9, 1789.

Address Of the GOVERNOR and COUNCIL of the Com|monwealth of MASSACHUSETTS, to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

WE meet you, at this time, with our hearts replete with the warmest affection and esteem, to express the high satisfaction we feel in your visit to the Common|wealth of Massachusetts.

We can never forget the time, when, in the earliest stage of the war, and the day of our greatest calamity, we law you at the head of the army of the United States, commanding troops determined, though then undiscipli|ned, by your wisdom and valor preventing a sanguinary and well appointed army of our enemies from spreading de|vastation through our country, and sooner than we had reason to expect, obliging them to abandon the capital.

We have since seen you in your high command, superi|or to the greatest fatigues and hardships, successfully con|ducting our armies through a long war, until our enemies were compelled to submit to terms of peace, and acknowl|edge that independence which the United States in Con|gress assembled had before asserted and proclaimed.

We now have the pleasure of seeing you in a still more exalted station, to which you have been elected by the unanimous suffrages of a free, virtuous and grateful coun|try. From that attachment which you manifestly discov|ered

while in your military command, to the civil liber|ties of your country, we do assure ourselves that you will ever retain this great object in your view, and that your administration will be happy and prosperous.

It is our earnest prayer that the divine benediction may attend you here and hereafter; and we do sincerely wish that you may, through this life, continue to enjoy that greatest of earthly blessings, to be accepted by the multi|tude of your brethren.

Council Chamber, Boston, October 27, 1789.

The Answer. To his EXCELLENCY the GOVERNOR and the HON|OURABLE the MEMBERS of COUNCIL of the COMMONWEALTH of MASSACHUSETTS.

GENTLEMEN,

TO communicate the peculiar pleasure which I de|rive from your affectionate welcome of me to the Com|monwealth of Massachusetts, requires a force of expression beyond that which I possess. I am truly grateful for your goodness towards me, and I desire to thank you with the unfeigned sincerity of a feeling heart.

Your obliging remembrance of my military services is among the highest compensation they can receive; and, if rectitude of intention may authorize the hope, the fa|vourable anticipations which you are pleased to express of my civil administration, will not, I trust, be disappointed.

It is your happiness, Gentlemen, to preside in the coun|cils of a Commonwealth, where the pride of independence is well assimilated with the duties of society, and where the industry of the citizens gives the fullest assurance of public respect and private prosperity. I have observed too, with singular satisfaction, so becoming an attention to the militia of the State, as presents the fairest prospects of

support to the invaluable objects of national safety and peace. Long may these blessings be continued to the com|monwealth of Massachusetts! And may you, Gentlemen, in your individual capacities, experience every satisfaction which can result from public honour and private happiness.

G. WASHINGTON.

Boston, October 27, 1789.

Address Of the MEMBERS of the SOCIETY of the CINCIN|NATI in the Commonwealth of MASSACHUSETTS, to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

AMIDST the various gratulations which your arrival in this metropolis has occasioned, permit us, the Members of the Society of the Cincinnati in this Commonwealth, most respectfully to assure you of that ardour of esteem and affection which you have so indelibly fixed in our hearts as our glorious leader in war, and illustrious exem|plar in peace.

After the solemn and endearing farewell on the banks of the Hudson, which our anxiety presaged as final, most peculiarly pleasing is the present unexpected meet|ing. On this occasion we cannot avoid the recollection of the various scenes of toil and danger through which you conducted us; and while w•• contemplate the trying periods of the war, and the triumphs of peace, we rejoice to behold you, induced by the unanimous voice of your country, entering upon other trials and other services alike important, and, in some points of view, equally haz|ardous. For the completion of the great purposes which a grateful country has assigned you, long very long, may your invaluable life be preserved. And as an admiring world, while considering you as a soldier have long want|ed

a comparison, may your virtues and talents as a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 man leave them again without a parallel.

It is not in words to express an attachment founded li••e ours. We can only say, that when soldiers, our greatest pride was a promptitude of obedience to your orders—〈◊〉〈◊〉 citizens, our supreme ambition is to maintain the character of firm supporters of that noble fabric of Federal Govern|ment, over which you preside.

As Members of the Society of the Cincinnati, it will be our endeavour to cherish those sacred principles of charity and fraternal attachment which our institution inculcates. And while our conduct is thus regulated, we can never want the patronage of the first of patriots and the best of men.

WILLIAM EUSTIS, Vice President.

Boston, October 27, 1789.

The Answer. To the MEMBERS of the SOCIETY of the CIN|CINNATI, in the COMMONWEALTH of MASSA|CHUSETTS.

GENTLEMEN,

IN reciprocating with gratitude and sincerity the multiplied and affecting gratulations of my fellow-citizens of this Commonwealth, they will all of them with justice allow me to say that none can be dearer to me than the affectionate assurances which you have expressed. Dear indeed is the occasion which restores an intercourse with my faithful associates in prosperous and adverse fortune; and enhanced are the triumphs of peace, participated with those whose virtue and valor so largely contributed to procure them. To that virtue and valor your coun|try has confessed her obligations. Be mine the grateful task to add the testimony of a conviction, which it was my

pride to own in the field, and it is now my happiness to acknowledge in the enjoyments of peace and freedom.

Regulating your conduct by those principles which have heretofore governed your actions as men, soldiers and citizens, you will repeat the obligations conferred on your country, and you will transmit to posterity an ex|ample which must command their admiration, and obtain their grateful praise. Long may you continue to enjoy the endearments of fraternal attachment, and the heart-felt happiness of reflecting that you have faithfully done your duty.

While I am permitted to possess the consciousness of that worth which has long bound me to you by every tie of affection and esteem, I will continue to be your sincere and faithful friend.

G. WASHINGTON.

Boston, October 27, 1789.

Address Of the TRUSTEES of DARTMOUTH COLLEGE, to GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

A PROVIDENCE, that overrules the affairs of men and of nations, has made in every age of the world some extraordinary display of power and goodness in favour of the human race. Greater events have been assigned for the eighteenth century, than ever before took place in the annals of time. Among these events, the revolution of our day in North America may be recorded as the most important. The discovery of the new world was made by a spirit of enterprise and perseverance; the advance|ment of it in people, in arts, and in wealth, was effected

by prudence, economy and industry:—But a revolution from a state of oppression to that of freedom and independ|ency; and a political resurrection from a state without harmony, dispatch and power, to that of order, vigour and glory, have been the achievements of all the combi|ned virtues, which can adorn the statesman and the hero. Through these most interesting scenes the eyes of man|kind were turned to you, and in you they confided. Guarded and directed by the auspices of our Divine Pa|rent, you have justly merited those sublime and endearing epithets—the Saviour of your Country, and the Founder of a new Empire.

Influenced by those ideas, and impressed with a sense of that duty and gratitude which are claimed by services for humanity, and arts unrivalled in the annals of fame, we embrace the first opportunity, as a Corporation, to express those feelings of obligation, which can never be erased through the devastations of time. We beg, Sir, of you to accept our sincere desire, that the Father of Mer|cies may protract your life and health to a remote period of time, before you are invited to angelic joys and sub|limer triumphs. We pray, that you may uninterruptedly experience all that felicity, which the virtuous, wise and beloved Chief of millions has reason to expect or desire; and that every blessing may be extended to your illustrious family.

In the sincerest sentiments of duty and gratitude, we use the liberty of subscribing ourselves, Sir, your most obe|dient and very humble servants.

Signed in behalf of the Board of Trustees of Dartmouth College, at their annual meeting at said college, this 22d day of August, 1789. JOHN WHEELOCK.

The Answer. To the BOARD of TRUSTEES of DARTMOUTH COLLEGE.

GENTLEMEN,

IN assigning so important an agency to the endeav|ours of an individual, as mentioned in your Address, you render a tribute to my services which a sense of propriety forbids me to assume. For the flattering terms in which you are pleased to express your sentiments of those ser|vices, and for the kind wishes which you prefer in my behalf, I thank you with grateful sincerity.

To the animated spirit of freedom that pervaded our country, and to the firm temper of our citizens, which braved all dangers in defence of their privileges (under the protecting care of Divine Providence) are we indebted for the blessings of political independence. To the enlighten|ed policy which has directed our public councils, we owe the reform and establishment of our Federal Constitution. Under its auspicious influence, aided by the industry of those citizens, who compose the great family of our U|nion, we may hope for the substantial enjoyments of indi|vidual happiness and national honour. From your super|intending care, Gentlemen, as the guardians of a seminary and an important source of science, we are to derive great assistance in accomplishing these desiderata.

That your labour may be crowned with success, and render you happy in its consequences, is my sincere prayer.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the LEGISLATURE of CONNECTICUT to GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.

SIR,

IMPRESSED with the sentiments which animate the millions of our fellow-citizens, we, the Legislature of the State of Connecticut, cannot, on this occasion, be silent.

Your presence recals to our admiration that assemblage of talents, which with impenetrable secrecy, and unvary|ing decision, under the smiles of Divine Providence, guided to victory and peace the complicated events of the late long and arduous war.

The scenes of perilous horror through which you con|ducted the American arms, taught your country and mankind to receive you as the greatest of heroes. Your sacred regard to the rights of freemen, and the virtues of humanity, inspired the united voic•• of all America to hail you as the first and worthiest of citizens.

With grateful veneration we behold the father of his country—our friend—our fellow-citizen—our supreme magistrate.

When peace had succeeded to the vicissitudes of war, your ardent desire for retirement was sanctioned by the voice of patriotism.

Your country has again solicited your aid. In obe|dience to her wishes, you have sacrificed the felicity of dignified retirement, and have hazarded on the tempestu|ous ocean of public life the rich treasure of your fame. This display of patriot zeal gives you a new right to what you before possessed, the hearts of all your fellow-citizens.

While we thus express our sentiments, and those of the freemen whom we represent, we beg liberty to as|sure

you of our zeal to support your public adminis|trations.

May the Divine Being, who has given you as an ex|ample to the world, ever have you in his holy keeping. May he long preserve you, the happiness and the glory of our country. May the assurance, that the government formed under your auspices will bless future generations, rejoice the evening of your life; and may you be finally rewarded with the full glories of immortality.

In the name and behalf of the Legislature of the State of Connecticut,

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, Governor.

The Answer. To the LEGISLATURE of the State of CONNECTICUT.

GENTLEMEN,

COULD any acknowledgments which language might convey, do iustice to the feelings excited by your partial approbation of my past services, and your affection|ate wishes for my future happiness, I would endeavour to thank you: But to minds disposed as yours' are, it will suffice to observe, that your Address meets a most grateful reception, and is reciprocated in all its wishes with un|seigned sincerity.

If the prosperity of our common country has in any degree been promoted by my military exertions, the toils which attended them, have been amply rewarded by the approving voice of my fellow-citizens. I was but the humble agent of favouring Heaven, whose benign inter|ference was so often manifested in our behalf, and to whom the praise of victory alone is due.

In launching again on the ocean of events, I have obey|ed a summons to which I can never be insensible. When

my country demands the sacrifice, personal ease will al|ways be a secondary consideration.

I cannot forego this opportunity to felicitate the Legis|lature of Connecticut on the pleasing prospect which an abundant harvest presents to its citizens. May industry like theirs ever receive its reward, and may the smiles of Heaven crown all endeavours which are prompted by virtue, among which it is justice to estimate your assur|ance of supporting our equal government.

G. WASHINGTON.

New Haven, October 17, 1789.

Address Of the CONGREGATIONAL MINISTERS of the City of NEW HAVEN, to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

THE Congregational Ministers of the city of New Haven, beg leave to make their most respectful address to the President of the United States. We presume that we join with the whole collective body of the congrega|tional Pastors and presbyterian ministers throughout these States, in the most cordial congratulations of themselves, of their country, and of mankind, on your elevation to the head of the combined American Republic. As Ministers of the blessed Jesus, the Prince of Peace, we rejoice, and have inexpressible pleasure in the demonstrations you have given of your sincere affection towards the holy religion, which is the glory of Christian States, and will become the glory of the world itself, at that happy period, when liberty, public right, and the veneration of the Most High, who presides in the Universe with a most holy and benev|olent sovereignty, shall triumph among all the Nations,

Kingdoms, Empires, and Republics on earth. We most sincerely rejoice in the kind and gracious providence of Almighty God, who hath been pleased to preserve your life, during your late dangerous sickness, and to restore you to such a degree of health, as gives us this opportuni|ty to express our joy, and affords us the most pleasing hopes that your health may be firmly established. We pray the Lord of Hosts, by whose councils and wisdom you have been carried triumphantly and gloriously through the late war, terminating in the establishment of American Liberty, and perhaps in the liberty of all nations,—that he would be please 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to have you under his holy protec|tion, continue you a blessing to Church and State, support you under your arduous cares, and perpetuate that estima|tion and honour which you have justly acquired of your country. May this new and rising Republic become, un|der your auspices, the most glorious for population, per|fection of policy and happy administration of government, that ever appeared on earth. And may you, Sir, having finished a course of distinguished usefulness, receive the reward of public virtue in the kingdom of eternal glory,

• EZRA STILES,
• JAMES DANA,
• JONATHAN EDWARDS,
• SAMUEL WALES,
• SAMUEL AUSTIN, jun.

City of New Haven, October 17, 1789.

The Answer. To the CONGREGATIONAL MINISTERS of the City of NEW HAVEN.

GENTLEMEN,

THE kind congratulations contained in your Address, claim and receive my grateful and affectionate thanks.

Respecting, as I do, the favourable opinions of men dis|tinguished for science and piety, it would be false delicacy to disavow the satisfaction, which I derive from their ap|probation of my public services and private conduct.

Regarding that deportment, which consists with true re|ligion, as the best security of temporal peace, and the sure mean of attaining eternal felicity, it will be my earnest endeavour (as far as human frailty can resolve) to incul|cate the belief and practice of opinions which lead to the consummation of those desirable objects.

The tender interest which you have taken in my per|sonal happiness, and the obliging manner in which you ex|press yourselves on the restoration of my health, are so forcibly impressed on my mind, as to render language in|adequate to the utterance of my feelings. If it shall please the Great Disposer of Events to listen to the pious sup|plication which you have presented in my behalf, I trust the remainder of my days will evince the gratitude of a heart devoted to the advancement of those objects which receive the approbation of Heaven, and promote the hap|piness of our fellow-men.

My best prayers are offered to the throne of grace for your happiness, and that of the Congregations committed to your care.

G. WASHINGTON.

City of New Haven, October 17, 1789.

Address To GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.

SIR,

IT is with singular pleasure that we, the President and Fellows of Harvard University in Cambridge, embrace the

opportunity, which your most acceptable visit to this part of the country gives us, of paying our respects to the First Magistrate of the United States.

It afforded us the highest satisfaction, to find this large and respectable nation unanimous, in placing at the head of the new government, the firm and disinterested Patriot —the illustrious and intrepid Soldier, who, during her struggles in the cause of liberty, braving every difficulty and danger in the field, under the smiles of a kind Provi|dence, led her armies to victory and triumph, and finally established her freedom and independence. Nor were we less gratified, when we found, that the person whose mili|tary skill and exertions had been so happily succeeded, actuated by the same spirit of patriotism, did not decline the arduous and toilsome office; but, listening to the voice of his country, left the tranquil scenes of private life, to secure those national blessings we were in the utmost dan|ger of losing. We were fully persuaded, that the Man, who during so great a length of time, and in the most try|ing circumstances, had been accepted by the multitude of his brethren, would, in this new station, enjoy their entire confidence, and ensure their highest esteem; nor have we been disappointed.

Permit us, Sir, to congratulate you on the happy estab|lishment of the Government of the Union, on the patri|otism and wisdom, which have marked its public trans|actions, and the very general approbation, which the peo|ple have given to its measures.

At the same time, Sir, being fully sensible that you are strongly impressed with the necessity of religion, virtue and solid learning, for supporting freedom and good govern|ment, and fixing the happiness of the people upon a firm and permanent basis, we beg leave to recommend to your favourable notice, the University entrusted to our care, which was early founded for promoting these important ends.

When you took the command of the troops of your country, you saw the University in a state of depression— its members dispersed—its literary treasures removed—and the Muses fled from the din of arms, then heard within its

walls. Happily restored, in the course of a few months, by your glorious successes, to its former privileges, and to a state of tranquillity, it received its returning members; and our youth have since pursued, without interruption, their literary courses, and fitted themselves for usefulness in Church and State. The public rooms, which you for|merly saw empty, are now replenished with the necessary means of improving the human mind in literature and science; and every thing within the walls wears the aspect of peace, so necessary to the cultivation of the liberal arts.

While we exert ourselves, in our corporate capacity, to promote the great objects of this institution, we rest assured of your protection and patronage.

We wish you, Sir, the aid and support of Heaven, while you are discharging the duties of your most impor|tant station. May your success, in promoting the best in|terests of the nation, be equal to your highest wishes! And after you shall have long rejoiced in the prosperity and glory of your country, may you receive the approba|tion of Him, who ruleth among the nations!

JOSEPH WILLARD, President of the University.

Oct. 27, 1789.

The Answer. To the PRESIDENT and FELLOWS of HAR|VARD UNIVERSITY in CAMBRIDGE.

GENTLEMEN,

REQUESTING you to accept my sincere thanks for the Address with which you have thought proper to honour me, I entreat you to be persuaded of the respect|ful and affectionate consideration with which I receive it.

Elected by the suffrages of a too partial country to the eminent and arduous situation, which I now hold, it is

peculiarly flattering to find an approbation of my conduct in the judgment of men, whose reverend characters must sanction the opinions they are pleased to express.

Unacquainted with the expression of sentiments which I do not feel, you will ••o me justice by believing confident|ly in my disposition to promote the interests of science and true religion.

It gives me sincere satisfaction to learn the flourishing state of your literary Republic—assured of its efficiency in the past events of our political system, and of its further influence on those means which make the best support of good government, I rejoice that the direction of its meas|ures is lodged with men, whose approved knowledge, in|tegrity and patriotism, give an unquestionable assurance of their success.

That the Muses may long enjoy a tranquil residence within the walls of your University, and that you, Gentle|men, may be happy in contemplating the progress of im|provement through the various branches of your important departments, are among the most pleasing of my wishes and expectations.

G. WASHINGTON.

Boston, October 27, 1789.

Address Of the INHABITANTS of the Town of BOSTON, to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.

SIR,

WE beg leave to express our happiness in the honour you confer upon us by your visit to this capital.

We are happy in the opportunity of again making our personal acknowledgments to a character, to which, on every principle, we are so deeply indebted.

Every motive of esteem, duty and affection have con|spired to form in our minds the strongest attachment that the freest people can feel to the most deserving citizen.

As men, we have long since considered you, under God, as the great and glorious Avenger of the violated rights of humanity—as citizens, we have observed with peculiar sat|isfaction, that you have unvariably respected those liberties, which you have so successfully defended—and as inhab|itants of a great commercial town, we attribute the secu|rity we enjoy to the singular merit and success of those measures, in the progress of the war, which you had the honour to conduct.

It cannot but afford you the highest pleasure, when you compare our present situation with the signal distresses to which we were exposed during the period in which this town was in the possession of an exasperated enemy. In|dignant at the multiplied restraints of hostile domination, we sought an asylum among our friends and connections in the country, and cheerfully abandoned our property and possessions in the common cause of America—that we were so soon happily reinstated, may be justly imputed to the wisdom of those arrangements which compelled our invaders, in their retreat, to adopt a less destructive policy than that, which on other occasions, they so wantonly practised.

In every trying vicissitude, we have remarked the con|spicuous and unaffected piety of your heart, and the wisdom and moderation of your counsels.

We have seen you relinquish the ease and independence of private fortune to lead in the untried dangers of a war, at the risque of your life and reputation. With pleasure we have viewed you retiring in victory, and exhibiting a new example of patriotic virtue to an admiring world; and we now feel a still higher satisfaction at your having once more sacrificed the sweets of domestic retirement in obedience to the united voice of your countrymen.

These, Sir, are the sentiments and reflections which nat|urally occur on an attentive consideration of your past conduct. To the future we look for those virtues which adorn the Man, and mark the wise and accomplished

Legislator. We anticipate from your discernment the happy union of liberty and law, lenity and vigour, mercy and justice: the enlightened policy of a mind calm amidst the influence, of power, and uncorrupted by the fascinating allurements of avarice or ambition.

With these impressions, the preservation of your life through the varied scenes in which you have been enga|ged, demands our grateful acknowledgments to the benefi|cent Disposer of human events.

It is one of the first wishes of our hearts, that you may be as happy in your present elevated station, as you have been distinguished in your military character; and it is our fervent prayer to the Almighty Ruler of the Universe, that the invisible hand which led the citizens of America through the dangers and calamities of war, may still guard and protect you as an ornament to human nature, and a blessing to your country.

The Answer. To the INHABITANTS of the Town of BOSTON.

GENTLEMEN,

THE obligations which your goodness has imposed upon me, demand my grateful, and receive my sincere ac|knowledgments. Your esteem does me honour, and your affection communicates the truest pleasure: by endeavour|ing to deserve, I will indulge the hope of retaining them.

Overrating my services, you have ascribed consequences to them, in which it would be injustice to deny a partici|pation to the virtue and firmness of my worthy fellow-citi|zens of this respectable Town and Commonwealth.

If the exercise of my military commission has contrib|uted to vindicate the rights of humanity, and to secure the freedom and happiness of my country, the purpose for which it was assumed has been completed, and I am am|ply rewarded. If in the prosecution of my civil duties,

I shall be so fortunate as to meet the wishes of my fellow-citizens, and to promote the advantage of our common interests, I shall not regret the sacrifice, which you are pleased to mention in terms so obliging.

The numerous sensations of heart-felt satisfaction, which a review of past scenes affords to my mind, in a compari|son with the present happy hour, are far beyond my pow|ers of utterance to express.

I rejoice with you, my fellow-citizens, in every cir|cumstance that declares your prosperity; and I do so, most cordially, because you have well deserved to be happy.

Your love of liberty—your respect for the laws—your habits of industry, and your practice of the moral and religious obligations, are the strongest claims to national and individual happiness; and they will, I trust, be firmly and lastingly established.

Your wishes for my personal felicity, impress a deep and affectionate gratitude; and your prayer to the Al|mighty Ruler of the Universe, in my behalf, calls forth my fervent supplication to that gracious and beneficent Being, for every blessing on your temporal pursuits, and for the perfection of your happiness hereafter.

G. WASHINGTON.

Boston, Oct. 27, 1789.

Address Of the INHABITANTS of the Town of MARBLE|HEAD to GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

YOUR presence has inspired the Inhabitants of Mar|blehead with the most unbounded joy: but they cannot express, as they would wish, their grateful sense of the

honour done them on this occasion. The too visible de|cay and poverty of this town must be their excuse, that they have not offered to the illustrious Character who now visits them, a reception more answerable to his digni|ty, and more expressive of their own veneration.

The blessings of Independence and a Republican Gov|ernment must ever excite our gratitude and affection to so eminent a Supporter of the Public Liberty, whose wisdom and valor have so successfully defended the rights of his country. The establishment, by the United States, of a secure and efficient government, gives us the pleasing ex|pectation of the gradual revival of our fishery and com|merce—objects of the industry, and principal means of the subsistence, of the inhabitants of this place, for above a century previous to the late revolution. In the com|mencement of the contest with Great Britain, this town were early in their exertions in the common cause; and were not discouraged, when they foresaw that reverse of their situation, which the war has necessarily produced. The return of peace did not restore to us the former ad|vantages of the fishery, which hath remained under pecu|liar discouragements: and we have yet patiently to expect that attention of the General Government, which may remedy these evils, and which the subject may deserve, from its extensive importance to the commerce of the United States.

The present Government of the United States com|mands our ready submission and inviolable attachment; and we deem it a peculiar felicity, that the highest dignity of that government is so properly vested in you; in whom all America repose the most entire confidence; in whose administration, the world will admire the example of a Patriot Ruler.

Sir, our anxiety for your health and long life is propor|tionate to our most ardent wishes for the prosperity of our country; and we are well assured, that you will ever par|take in the happiness of that numerous people, over whom you preside. May the Divine Providence continue to favour your care and guidance of their most important

public affairs, and reward your virtues, which have been so long employed in promoting the happiness of mankind.

In behalf of the town of Marblehead,

Selectmen.

• ISAAC MANSFIELD,
• JONATHAN GLOVER,
• JOHN GLOVER,
• SAMUEL SEWALL,
• SAMUEL HOOPER,
• NATHANIEL LINDSEY,
• BURREL DEVEREUX,
• RICHARD HARRIS,

October 29, 1789

The Answer. To the INHABITANTS of the Town of MARBLE|HEAD.

GENTLEMEN,

THE reception, with which you have been pleased to honour my arrival in Marblehead, and the sentiments of approbation and attachment, which you have expressed of my conduct, and to my person, are too flattering and grateful not to be acknowledged with sincere thanks, and answered with unfeigned wishes for your prosperity.

Avoiding to dwell on the diminution of pleasure, which the mention of your impaired circumstances occasions me, I desire to engage your thoughts on the pleasing prospect presented to all our interests, and particularly to our fish|ery, in the efficiency of our government, and the invigor|ated industry of our citizens.

Protected in the exercise of those means, which the Beneficent Parent of mankind has furnished for their sus|tenance and comfort, the citizens of America, animated by virtuous enterprize, and actuated by due obedience to the laws and regulations of their government, may expect,

with confidence, to enjoy every blessing which industry can promise, and national union may ensure.

Your attachment to the Constitution of the United States is worthy of men, who fought and bled for free|dom, and who know its value.

Your anxiety for my health, and your prayers for my happiness, are replied to with solicitude for your welfare, and earnest entreaty to the Author of Good for your felicity.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the INHABITANTS of the Town of SALEM to the PRESIDENT.

SIR,

THE Inhabitants of the town of Salem, upon receiv|ing a visit from a personage the first object of their esteem, cannot forbear expressing those sensations, which an occa|sion so pleasing must naturally excite. While we view it as an high honour done us, a most obliging mark of conde|scension and regard shewn us, in making us this visit; most readily would we manifest the satisfaction we feel in being gratified with an opportunity of seeing the man, whose deeds have been so illustrious; and of paying our particu|lar respects to the character, which not only the people of America, but all the world are agreed to admire and cel|ebrate. How great soever, Sir, we had conceived our obligations to be, and how strong soever the motives of attachments we were under to you, for those military services and achievements, from which such essential ben|efits have been derived,—an addition to those obligations we are sensible is now made; and still further reasons of

attachment are presented, from your acceptance of that important trust in our newly instituted government, which was so earnestly and universally desired. That remarka|ble spirit of patriotism, of benevolence towards this people, which has been so conspicuous in your past conduct, we doubt not has determined you to this arduous under|taking. Whatever therefore may contribute to the ease and happiness of your administration, whatever returns of respect and dutiful submission it becomes a grateful peo|ple to make, we wish you to receive and enjoy.

Long may you be continued, diffusing those blessings of freedom and good government, by which our prosperity shall be further promoted. Long may you be indulged a series of the best satisfactions, which the honours and en|joyments of this world can afford. And by that Al|mighty Being, whose agency and aid you have ever ac|knowledged, in those great events you have been im|proved to accomplish with distinguished honours and fe|licities, may you finally be rewarded.

The Answer.

GENTLEMEN,

WOULD words express the feelings of my heart▪ I should have the happiness to demonstrate to my fellow-citizens of Salem, that their affectionate Address is re|ceived with gratitude, and returned with sincerity. To your goodness I refer myself for a just construction of thoughts which language will not explain.

Honoured by the high, yet hazardous appointment which my country has conferred upon me, it will be my best ambition to discharge its important trusts with fidel|ity; for the rest I must cast myself upon her candour and kind indulgence.

Towards you, Gentlemen, permit me to assure you. I entertain every disposition that is due to your virtue; and

the promotion of your interests will be among the most grateful of my employments.

From your own industry and enterprize, you have every thing to hope that deserving men and good citizens can expect.

May your navigation and commerce flourish; your in|dustry, in all its applications, be rewarded; your happi|ness, here, be as perfect as belongs to the lot of humanity; and your eternal felicity be complete.

G. WASHINGTON.

Salem, October 29, 1789.

Address Of the INHABITANTS of the Town of NEWBURY-PORT to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

WHEN, by the unanimous suffrages of your country|men, you were called to preside over their public councils, the citizens of the town of Newbury-Port participated in the general joy, that arose from anticipating an administra|tion, conducted by the man, to whose wisdom and valor they owed their liberties.

Pleasing were their reflections, that he, who, by the blessing of Heaven, had given them their independence, would again relinquish the felicities of domestic retirement, to teach them its just value.

They have seen you, victorious, leave the field, follow|ed with the applauses of a grateful country; and they now see you entwining the olive with the laurel, and, in peace, giving security and happiness to a people, whom, in war, you covered with glory.

At the present moment, they indulge themselves in sentiments of joy, resulting from a principle, perhaps less elevated, but exceedingly dear to their hearts, from a gratification of their affection, in beholding personally among them the Friend, the Benefactor, and the Father of their country.

They cannot hope, Sir, to exhibit any peculiar marks of attachment to your person; for, could they express their feelings of the most ardent and sincere gratitude, they would only repeat the sentiments, which are deeply impressed upon the hearts of all their fellow-citizens: but in justice to themselves, they beg leave to assure you, that, in no part of the United States are those sentiments of gratitude and affection more cordial and animated, than in the town, which at this time is honoured with your presence.

Long, Sir, may you continue the ornament and sup|port of these States, and may the period be late, when you shall be called to receive a reward adequate to your virtues, which it is not in the power of your country to bestow.

The Answer. To the CITIZENS of the Town of NEWBURY-PORT.

GENTLEMEN,

THE demonstrations of respect and affection which you are pleased to pay to an individual, whose highest pretension is to rank as your fellow-citizen, are of a nature too distinguished not to claim the warmest return that gratitude can make.

My endeavours to be useful to my country have been no more than the result of conscious duty. Regards like yours, would reward services of the highest estimation and sacrifice: yet, it is due to my feelings, that I should tell

you those regards are received with esteem, and replied to with sincerity.

In visiting the town of Newbury-Port, I have obeyed a favourite inclination, and I am much gratified by the in|dulgence. In expressing a sincere wish for its prosperity, and the happiness of its inhabitants, I do justice to my own sentiments and their merit.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address To GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.

SIR,

SENSIBLE of the honour done them by this visit from your Excellency, the inhabitants of Portsmouth improve this first opportunity of bidding you welcome to New Hampshire; and beg leave to mingle their warmest con|gratulations with those of their brethren throughout the Union, upon your election to the high and important of|fice of President of the United States.

We attempt not to recount the number, variety and merit, of your services to our common country; these are already written in indelible characters on the heart of every true American, which the faithful page of history will transmit to generations unborn: but to express our grati|tude to him, who with a magnanimity peculiar to himself, under the smiles of Heaven, defended the rights, and gave birth to the empire of America. Permit us to add the grateful sense we entertain of our high obligations to you, Sir, as a town, for our security from that devastation which was the fate of many other sea-port towns in the Union, and would probably have been our's, had not the enemy, by your wise and spirited exertions, been driven

from the capital of a neighbouring State, and compelled to seek an asylum, for a while, within their own do|minions.

Our happy escape from this calamity, while it demands our devout ascriptions of praise to the great Ruler of all events, consoles us under the many heavy losses we have sustained in our navigation and commerce during the war, the distressing effects of which we still but too sensibly feel.

It is with pleasing emotions, we recognize the dispen|sations of Divine Providence towards the United States, in placing the Deliverer of his country at the head of the General Government by the unanimous suffrages of a free and grateful people, at a crisis when none but the man who has long enjoyed, and richly merited, the confidence of America, and the plaudits of an enlightened world, could be found equal to the arduous task.

We felicitate you, and these States, on your speedy recovery from your late sickness, and ardently wish your life may be continued a blessing to yourself, and your country, and that at some far distant period, full of years, and the most benevolent and glorious achievements, em|balmed with the tears of grateful millions, you may be called to inherit an incorruptible crown in the realms of glory.

In behalf of the Inhabitants, JOHN PICKERING.

Portsmouth, Nov. 2, 1789.

The Answer. To the INHABITANTS of the Town of PORTS|MOUTH.

GENTLEMEN,

I AM sensibly impressed with your friendly welcome to the metropolis of New Hampshire, and have a grate|ful heart for your kind 〈◊〉〈◊〉 congratulations on my election to the Presidency of these United States.

I fear the fond partiality of my countrymen has too highly appreciated my past e••••rtions, and formed too sanguine anticipations of my future services. If the for|mer have been successful, much of the success should be ascribed to those who laboured with me in the common cause; and the glory of the event should be given to the great Disposer of events. If an unremitting attention to the duties of my office, and the zeal of an honest heart, can promote the public good, my fellow-citizens may be assured that these will not be wanting in my present station.

I can claim no particular merit, Gentlemen, for the preservation of your town from the devastation of the enemy. I am happy, if by any event of the war, your property has been preserved from that destruction which fell but too heavily on your neighbours; and I sincerely condole with you for the loss which you have sustained in navigation and commerce; but I trust that industry and economy, those fruitful and never-failing sources of private and public opulence, will, under our present system of government, restore you to your former flourishing state.

The interest which you take in my personal happiness, and the kind felicitations which you express on the re|covery of my health, are peculiarly grateful to me; and I earnestly pray that the great Ruler of the Universe may smile upon your honest exertions here, and reward your well-doings with future happiness.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the EXECUTIVE of NEW HAMPSHIRE to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.

AMIDST the applause and gratulations of millions, suffer the Executive of New Hampshire, with grateful hearts to approach you, Sir, and hail you welcome to this northern State—to a government whose metropolis was at an early stage of the late war, by your vigilance and atten|tion, saved from destruction; and the whole of which was at an after period rescued from impending ruin, by that valor and prudence which eventually wrought out the salvation of our common country, and gave birth to the American empire. Deeply impressed with the remem|brance of those important events, you will permit us to say, that amongst the vast multitude of your admirers, there is not a people who hold your talents and your vir|tues in higher veneration than the inhabitants of New Hampshire. We beg you, Sir, to accept our most cor|dial thanks for the honour done to this State, by your more than welcome visit at this time. And that you will believe we shall not cease to unite our most fervent prayers, with those of our American brethren, that you may be continued a lasting blessing to our nation, and long, very long be suffered to rule in peace over those whom you have protected and defended in war.

In behalf of the Council, JOHN SULLIVAN

Portsmouth, Nov. 3, 1789.

The Answer. To the Honorable the EXECUTIVE of the State of NEW HAMPSHIRE.

ALLOW me, Gentlemen, to assure you, that grate|ful as my heart is for the affectionate regards, which my fellow-citizens have manifested towards me, it has at no time been more sensibly impressed with a consciousness of their goodness, than on the present occasion.

I am truly thankful for your expressions of attachment to my person, and approbation of my conduct; and I reciprocate your good wishes with unfeigned affection.

In exercising the vigilance and attention, with which you are pleased to compliment my military command, I did no more than what inclination prompted, and duty enjoined. In discharging the duties of my civil appoint|ment, I can sincerely promise, that the love of my coun|try will be the ruling influence of my conduct.

The success which has hitherto attended our united efforts, we owe to the gracious interposition of Heaven; and to that interposition let us gratefully ascribe the praise of victory, and the blessings of peace.

May the State, in whose councils you worthily preside, be happy under your administration; and may you, Gen|tlemen, partake of the blessings which your endeavours are intended to bestow.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address To the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

THE Legislature of New Jersey, although fully sensible of the trouble and interruption occasioned by the numer|ous Addresses of congratulation, on your acceptance of the highest office in the Commonwealth, would neither forgive themselves, nor expect the pardon of their con|stituents, should they neglect, in this their first meeting, after the organization of the Federal Government, to express their joy, on seeing you at the head of the United States.

New Jersey having been the central theatre of the late war, and the scene of some of the most important mili|tary operations, which distinguished the American ar|mies, and added new honours to their illustrious Com|mander, we are particularly induced to commemorate those brilliant exploits, which, while they immortalized your name, afforded peace and security to the inhabitants of the State.

Adulation, Sir, we are as much indisposed to offer, as you can be disinclined to receive; but while we add our voice to that of the world, in celebrating your military achievements, we cannot refrain from acknowledging the attention, which you have always paid to the laws of the State, and your inflexible perseverance, amidst all the dire necessities of war, in preferring the rights of the citi|zen to the convenience of the soldier; thus, while equal to the most renowned warriors as a hero, you have proved yourself superior to them as a citizen.

As New Jersey was early and unanimous in adopting the Constitution, under which you rule—as every voice called you forth to the office of Chief Magistrate, and every person looks up to it and you for protection, pros|perity, and good government,—we may, we trust, assure you,

that the citizens of this State will, to the utmost of their abilities, ever strengthen and support you in the discharge of your high and momentous trust.

We have reason to adore the Divine Providence, in raising up for us a Leader and Ruler, so perfectly suited to our situation and circumstances; and sincerely believe, that great and important as your services have been, you will not derive more honour therefrom, than from your humility and self-denial, in modestly ascribing all, as you constantly have done, to the power and wisdom of the Most High.

We earnestly pray, that the same kind Providence which has conducted you with so much honour to yourself, and such unspeakable felicity to the public, may long continue you a blessing to the United States, in your present impor|tant office, and at last crown you with that palm of victo|ry, which is promised to those, who by Divine assistance shall finally prove to be more than conquerors.

House of Assembly, November 30, 1789.

Signed in and by order of the House, JOHN BEATTY, Speaker.

Council Chamber, Dec. 1, 1789.

Signed in and by order of Council, WILLIAM LIVINGSTON, President.

The Answer. To the Honorable the LEGISLATURE of the State of NEW JERSEY.

GENTLEMEN,

IN replying to the flattering and affectionate Ad|dress, with which you are pleased to honour me, I con|fess a want of expression to convey the grateful sentiment which it inspires. You will do justice to those sentiments,

by believing that they are founded in sincere regard, and respectful esteem.

The opportunities which were afforded me, in the trying vicissitudes of our arduous struggle, to remark the generous spirit, which animated the exertions of your cit|izens, have impressed a remembrance of their worth, which no length of time, or change of circumstances, can efface.

To the gallantry and firmness of their efforts in the Field, they have added the wisdom and liberality of dis|tinguished patriotism in Council. Appreciating, with ju|dicious discernment, the blessings of that independence, which their efforts contributed to establish, they were unanimously agreed to secure and perpetuate them, by adopting a Constitution, which promised equal and efficient protection to the privileges of Confederated America.

The assurance now given by your honorable body, to support the federal system, is a renewed proof of the esti|mation in which it is held, and a happy indication of the beneficial effects already experienced, and hereafter ex|pected to flow from its operations. As such it is to me peculiarly grateful, and must be so to every citizen of the Union, whose wish is private prosperity and public honour.

Allow me, Gentlemen, to assure you of every endeav|our on my part, to promote these desirable objects.

In making my acknowledgments for the favourable opin|ions you express of my military conduct, as it respected the observance of civil rights, it is justice to assign great merit to the temper of those citizens, whose estates were more immediately the scene of warfare. Their personal services were rendered without constraint, and the de|rangement of their affairs submitted to without dissatis|isfaction. It was the triumph of patriotism over personal consideration, and our present enjoyment of peace and freedom reward the sacrifice.

Imploring a continuance of these enjoyments to our country, and individual happiness to the citizens who procured them, I offer up a sincere prayer for you, Gen|tlemen, and your constituents.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the Society of the CINCINNATI in the STATE of SOUTH CAROLINA, to GEORGE WASHING|TON, PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

POSSESSED of every feeling that can act on grate|ful hearts, the Society of the Cincinnati established in the State of South Carolina, beg leave to congratulate you on the happy occasion which has once again placed you in a situation of rendering general good to their country.

Retired from the busy scenes of life, to reap the rewards of your virtuous acts, and to enjoy the glory you had al|ready obtained, your fellow-citizens received you with ex|ulting happiness; they saw in you the patriot-hero, the friend and saviour of their country; and with hearts-filled with gratitude and affection, they invoked the Allwise Disposer of human events to render that retirement happy.

The period, however, arrived when the abilities of the virtuous patriot were again to be called forth to assume a public character. A general political government was formed, by which the happiness of the country for whose liberty you had fought, was now to be established. To preside at the head of this new government, to establish it with permanency, the people sought, in the Great WASH|INGTON, the virtues on which they could rely with safety, and from which they might expect to receive every bene|fit without alloy. They had experienced his abilities, they had experienced his integrity, and his inviolable love for his country. Nor did they seek in vain. The same noble spirit which actuated you at the beginning of our late contest with Great Britain, now operated. You re|ceived and obeyed the summons; and although you should make a sacrifice, yet you nobly determined, it was the voice of your country, in whose service every inferior con|sideration of case and retirement must give place.

As citizens, we congratulate you, Sir, on this addition|al proof of your country's confidence. As soldiers who partook with you in many of the dangers and hardships which attended the general army under your command, we beg leave to express our warmest attachment to your person, and sincerest wish for your happiness and honour; and that we may, under your rule, supported by your amiable virtues, happily experience and long enjoy the fruits of a government which has for its basis the good of the people of America.

By order of the Society, WILLIAM MOULTRIE, President.

The Answer. To the State Society of the CINCINNATI in SOUTH CAROLINA.

GENTLEMEN,

FROM a conviction that the dispositions of the Society of the Cincinnati established in the State of South Carolina are peculiarly friendly to me, I cannot receive their congratulations on the occasion which gave birth to their Address, without emotions of peculiar satisfaction.

The interest that my fellow-citizens so kindly took in the happiness which they saw me enjoy in my retirement after the war, is rather to be attributed to their great par|tiality in my favour, than to any singular title I had to their gratitude and affection.

Notwithstanding I was conscious that my abilities had been too highly appreciated; yet I felt, that, whatever they were, my country had a just claim upon me, when|ever the exercise of them should be deemed conducive to its welfare. With such feelings, I could not refuse to obey that voice which I had always been accustomed to respect, nor hesitate to forego a resolution which I had

formed of passing the remainder of my days in retirement. And so far am I from having reason to repent of the de|cided measure I took, in the crisis of organizing a new general government, that I ought rather, perhaps, to felicitate myself upon having met the wishes, and experi|enced the assistance of a patriotic and enlightened people, in my arduous undertaking.

Always satisfied that I should be supported in the ad|ministration of my office, by the friends of good govern|ment in general, I counted upon the favourable sentiment and conduct of the officers of the late army in particular. Nor has my expectation been deceived. As they were formerly distinguished by their eminent fortitude and pat|riotism in their military service, during the most trying occasions, so are the same men now, mingled in the mass of citizens, conspicuous for a disinterested love of order, and a jealous attention to the preservation of the rights of mankind. Nor is it conceivable that any members of the community should be more worthy of the enjoyment of liberty, or more zealous to perpetuate its duration, than those who have so nobly and so successfully defended its standard in the new world.

I sincerely thank you, Gentlemen, for your expression of attachment to my person, and wish for my happiness and honour. On my part, I only dare to engage, it shall be my incessant study, that you may happily experience and long enjoy the fruits of a government, which has for its basis the good of the American people.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the ROMAN CATHOLICS to GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

WE have been long impatient to testify our joy and unbounded confidence on your being called, by an unani|mous vote, to the first station of a country, in which that unanimity could not have been obtained without the previous merit of unexampled services, of eminent wis|dom, and unblemished virtue. Our congratulations have not reached you sooner, because our scattered situation prevented the communication and the collecting of those sentiments, which warmed every breast. But the delay has furnished us with the opportunity, not merely of pre|saging the happiness to be expected under your adminis|tration, but of bearing testimony to that which we ex|perience already. It is your peculiar talent, in war and in peace, to afford security to those, who commit their protection into your hands. In war, you shield them from the ravages of armed hostility: in peace, you estab|lish public tranquility, by the justice and moderation, not less than by the vigour of your government. By example as well as by vigilance, you extend the influence of laws on the manners of our fellow-citizens. You encourage re|spect for religion, and inculcate by words and actions, that principle on which the welfare of nations so much de|pends, that a superintending Providence governs the events of the world, and watches over the conduct of men. Your exalted maxims, and unwearied attention to the moral and physical improvement of our country have produced already the happiest effects. Under your ad|ministration, America is animated with zeal for the at|tainment and encouragement of useful literature; she im|proves her agriculture, extends her commerce, and ac|quires

with foreign nations a dignity unknown to her be|fore. From these happy events, in which none can feel a warmer interest than ourselves, we derive additional pleas|ure by recollecting that you, Sir, have been the principal instrument to effect so rapid a change in our political situ|ation. This prospect of national prosperity is peculiarly pleasing to us on another account; because whilst our country preserves her freedom and independence, we shall have a well-founded title to claim from her justice the equal rights of citizenship, as the price of our blood spilt under your eyes, and of our common exertions for her defence, under your auspicious conduct; rights rendered more dear to us by the remembrance of former hardships. When we pray for the preservation of them, where they have been granted; and expect the full extension of them from the justice of those States which still restrict them; when we solicit the protection of Heaven over our com|mon country, we neither omit, or can omit recommend|ing your preservation to the singular care of Divine Prov|idence; because we conceive that no human means are so available to promote the welfare of the United States, as the prolongation of your health and life, in which are included the energy of your example, the wisdom of your counsels, and the persuasive eloquence of your virtues.

In behalf of the Roman Catholic Clergy, J. CARROLL.

In behalf of the Roman Catholic Laity,

• CHARLES CARROLL, of Carrollton,
• DANIEL CARROLL,
• THOMAS FITZSIMONS,
• DOMINICK LYNCH.

The Answer. To the ROMAN CATHOLICS in the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.

GENTLEMEN,

WHILE I now receive with much satisfaction your congratulations on my being called, by an unanimous vote, to the first station in my country,—I cannot but duly, notice your politeness in offering an apology for the una|voidable delay. As that delay has given you an opportu|nity of realizing, instead of anticipating the benefits of the general government, you will do me the justice to believe, that your testimony of the increase of the public prosperi|ty, enhances the pleasure which I should otherwise have experienced from your affectionate Address.

I feel that my conduct in war and in peace, has met with more general approbation than could reasonably have been expected; and I find myself disposed to consider that fortunate circumstance in a great degree resulting from the able support and extraordinary candour of my fellow-citizens of all denominations.

The prospect of national prosperity now before us is truly animating, and ought to excite the exertions of all good men to establish and secure the happiness of their country, in the permanent duration of its freedom and in|dependence. America, under the smiles of a Divine Providence, the protection of a good government, and the cultivation of manners, morals, and piety, cannot fail of attaining an uncommon degree of eminence, in litera|ture, commerce, agriculture, improvements at home and respectability abroad.

As mankind become more liberal they will be more apt to allow, that all those who conduct themselves as worthy members of the community are equally entitled to the protection of civil government. I hope ever to see America among the foremost nations in examples of jus|tice

and liberality. And I presume that your fellow-citizens will not forget the patriotic part which you took in the accomplishment of their revolution, and the estab|lishment of their government: or, the important assistance which they received from a nation in which the Roman Catholic faith is professed.

I thank you, Gentlemen, for your kind concern for me. While my life and my health shall continue, in whatever situation I may be, it shall be my constant en|deavour to justify the favourable sentiments which you are pleased to express of my conduct. And may the mem|bers of your society in America, animated alone by the pure spirit of Christianity, and still conducting themselves as the faithful subjects of our free government, enjoy every temporal and spiritual felicity.

G. WASHINGTON▪

Address Of the GENERAL ASSEMBLY of the State of GEORGIA, to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

THE Federal Constitution being adopted, it became the wish of the people of this State that you should be elevated to the Presidency of the Union; and the two branches of the Legislature take the first occasion of of|fering to your acceptance their congratulations on the unanimity of your election.

In the great concerns of mankind, success has not al|ways been attendant on the performance of duty; and where it has, the sanction of public approbation has fre|quently been withheld; but it was reserved for you, in the midst of the most arduous difficulties, not only to

be successful, but to have been so with universal ap|plause.

Raised by your virtues and services to the head of a government, pervading so many independent States, the general confidence is in favour of your justice; and, while the history of nations informs that the errors of rulers have often proceeded from the want of information, we shall not hesitate to lay before you such facts and opinions respecting this State, as may appear to us to be incum|bent or necessary. In doing this, it shall be our aim to unite plainness with respect, and integrity with truth.

Sir, in the course of the war which established our independence, our citizens made proportionate exertions with those of any part of the whole, and, in point of property, they suffered the most. The peace found the country a waste. With many natural advantages, we flat|tered ourselves with a speedy recovery, when we were attacked by the Indians.

On this subject we wish to be delicate. Much has been already said—we have asserted, and it has been contra|dicted. Removed at a distance from the centre, our ac|tions have been liable to misrepresentation; but we trust that by this time, they are better explained; in the mean while, our population has been checked, and our agricul|ture diminished—the blood of our citizens has been spill|ed, our public resources greatly exhausted; and our fron|tiers still open to fresh ravages. The failure of the late negociation for a peace with the Creek Indians, and the circumstances which attended the same, are the best evi|dence of the necessity of our measures, and a proof of the late hostile disposition of these people; but under the in|fluence of the government and power of the Union, it is to be hoped and expected that a different conduct will on their part prevail: on our part, nothing shall be wanting to promote so desirable an establishment.

Another circumstance of additional calamity attendant on our being the south frontier of the Union, is, the fa|cility of our black people crossing the Spanish line, from whence we have never been able to reclaim them. This has already been productive of much injury to private per|sons,

and if not speedily restrained, may grow into an evil of national magnitude.

We take this occasion of bringing this business into view, with a perfect reliance, that you will cause such dis|cussions to be made, as shall be necessary to bring about a remedy.

We request you will accept our cordial wishes for your health and happiness, and that you may long continue to enjoy that confidence which has been so eminently placed in you by the people of the United States.

By order of the Senate, N. BROWNSON, President.

By order of the House of Representatives, SEABORN JONES, Speaker.

The Answer. To the GENERAL ASSEMBLY of the State of GEORGIA.

GENTLEMEN,

THE congratulations presented to me by the differ|ent branches of the Legislature of the State of Georgia, upon my having been elected with unanimity to the Presidency of the United States, affect my mind with the most pleasing sensations, and demand my best ac|knowledgments.

From the observation, that, in the great concerns of mankind, success has not always been attendant on the performance of duty, and that, where it has, the sanction of public approbation has frequently been withheld; I am naturally led to reflect on the unlimited gratitude which we owe, as a nation, to the Supreme Arbiter of human events for his interposition in our favour, as well as on the singular obligations which are due from me, as an in|dividual,

for the indulgent sentiments which my fellow-citizens have always had the goodness to entertain of my conduct.

Raised, as I am, to the head of a government pervad|ing so vast a territory—and possessing, (as I flatter myself I do) the confidence of the people in regard to my dis|positions,—I assure you, Gentlemen, that nothing could be more consonant to my wishes, than to be favoured with such facts and opinions respecting the condition of the States as may appear proper and necessary. For I am duly sensible that many errors which would result from want of information, may be obviated by timely and just representations.

I am not ignorant how much the local situation of your State exposed its inhabitants to suffer the distresses of the late war in a severe manner; nor how manfully they ex|erted themselves in defence of the common cause, during the struggle which established our independence. Wasted as your country was at the return of peace, and exposed as your frontiers have since been to the ravages of the Indians, I cannot but flatter myself that you will ere long realize the blessings which were to be expected from your natural resources, and find a compensation for your sufferings in the benefits of an efficient General Gov|ernment.

It will not be expected, I presume, on this occasion, that I should enter into the merits of the delicate subject to which you allude. It may be sufficient to say, that while I regret extremely the failure of the late negocia|tion for peace with the Creek Indians, I am satisfied that the explanations which have been obtained through au|thentic channels will be of eminent service. I am also convinced that nothing will be wanting on your part to concur in the accomplishment of a pacification; and I still hope, that under the influence of the General Gov|ernment that desirable object may be effected. With respect to this subject in general, as well as to the other calamity which you mentioned as resulting from your being the south frontier of the Union, I request you will he persuaded that I shall make such use of the powers

invested in me by the Constitution, as may appear to be best calculated to promote the public good.

I am much pleased, Gentlemen, with the frankness which you have manifested in regard to myself, and re|turn you my hearty thanks for the good wishes you have expressed for my health and happiness, with a sincere prayer that the same blessings may be extended to you and your constituents.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address To the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.

SIR,

WE, the Delegates of the State Societies of the Cin|cinnati, assembled at our triennial General Meeting, con|gratulate you on being unanimously elected the Head of our rising Republic.

As a part of the Community, we felicitate our country|men on this happy event; and we embrace the first oppor|tunity of expressing our sentiments, with no less zeal than sincerity.

When we say we love and revere you as a Father, we not only speak the language of our own hearts, but we speak the language of all who have fought, suffered, and conquered under your command. Were poverty and consciousness of duty our only recompense, still should we glory in the part we have acted. For our motives, as they regarded our country, will afford us satisfaction, as well through the vicissitudes of life, as in the moment of dissolution. As Members of our Institution, on a former occasion, we appealed to Heaven and our own hearts for the pur••••y of our intentions. Our fellow-citizens will wit|ness,

that the conduct of the Officers and Soldiers of the late American armies has not been less patriotic in peace than it was glorious in war.

A good Constitution was the object for which we risk|ed our lives, and experienced unparalleled difficulties. We are happy in the conviction that our views are an|swered in the present government of the United States. While we applaud the wisdom of our countrymen in pla|cing you at the head of it, we pledge ourselves to support its administration with the remnants of lives long since de|voted to the public service.

We need not enumerate your titles to the gratitude of your country; or echo, in the suffrages of our particular Constituents, the public sentiment. But we may say, that we see with exultation our countrymen beginning to reap the fruits of Independence under the auspices of the per|son, who was more instrumental than any other in its estab|lishment. May you, as a reward for your services, enjoy length of days, and every temporal blessing, and may such blessings be a prelude to everlasting felicity.

Signed in behalf of the General Meeting,

• T. MIFFLIN, Vice President General.
• H. KNOX, Secretary General.

Attest, Philadelphia, May 4, 1790.

The Answer. To the DELEGATES of the STATE SOCIETIES of the CINCINNATI, lately assembled at their Triennial Meeting.

GENTLEMEN,

ALTHOUGH it is easier for you to conceive, than for me to explain the pleasing sensations which have been excited in my breast, by your congratulations on my ap|pointment

to the head of this rising republic: yet I must take the liberty to thank you sincerely for the polite man|ner in which you felicitate our countrymen, and testify your regard to me, on this occasion.

In addition to that reward for your sufferings and ser|vices which arises from the consciousness of having done your duty, you have erected monuments more expressive of your merits than even the universal applause of your country, in the establishment of its independence and sove|reignty. Nor should any possible circumstances of pover|ty or adversity compel you to give up that sweet satisfac|tion for the part you have acted, which ought to attend you as well through the vicissitudes of life as in the mo|ment of dissolution.

The candour of your fellow-citizens acknowledges the patriotism of your conduct in peace, as their gratitude has declared their obligations for your fortitude and persever|ance in war: a knowledge that they now do justice to the purity of your intentions ought to be your highest conso|lation, as the fact is demonstrative of your greatest glory.

The object for which your gallantry encountered every danger, and your virtue sustained unp••••alleled difficulties, has happily been attained. A government, promising pro|tection and prosperity to the people of the United States, is established; and its operations hitherto have been such as to justify the most sanguine expectations of further suc|cess. It was naturally to be expected, that lives which had long since been devoted on the altar of Freedom, could never be offered at the shrines of Anarchy or Des|potism; and the offer which you make of the residue of those lives to support the administration of this Govern|ment, is not less a proof of its excellence, than an encourage|ment for those concerned in its execution to use their best endeavours to make it a source of extensive and perma|nent blessings to their country.

Whatever titles my military services may have given me to the regard of my country, they are principally corrobo|rated by the firm support of my brave and faithful associates in the field. And, if any consideration is to be attributed to the successful exercise of my civil duties, it 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪

in a great measure, from the wisdom of the laws, and the facility which the disposition of my fellow-citizens has given to their administration.

To the most affectionate wishes for your temporal hap|piness, I add a fervent prayer for your eternal felicity.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the CONVENTION of SOUTH CAROLINA, to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

WE, the people of the State of South Carolina, now met and sitting in Convention, beg leave to address you, and to embrace this first opportunity which has been af|forded us of congratulating you on the high and important station of President of the United States. Such, Sir, has been the impression made upon the public mind by a due sense of your eminent services, and such the affection of a nation, whose dearest rights you have defended, that one wish pervaded the whole continent, of placing you at the head of the Federal Republic, and of enjoying under your protection, as our First Magistrate, the blessings of that free government, for the attainment of which we are so much indebted to your exertions as our General. The promises of your earlier life, Sir, had prepared your fellow-citizens for your acceptance of the military command in 1775, when dangers and difficulties surrounded us on all sides, and the prospect was dark and gloomy; but they must ever re|member with gratitude and admiration the wisdom and energy of that system, which could induce men accustomed to the most perfect equality to submit to the rigorous duties of a camp, and thus convert the tumultuary array of an undisciplined yeomanry into a permanent force,

capable of making head against the veteran army of our enemies. With similar sentiments do they call to mind the efforts of that heroic fortitude, which despaired not in the worst of times, but rose superior to every misfortune, infusing new spirit into the bosoms of an unfortunate ar|my, and animating them by the force of example to un|dergo the severest toil with alacrity, and to endure with perseverance the most accumulated distress.

It was the will of an Allwise Providence, that the great objects we were contending for should not be attain|ed without some difficulty, and that we should be taught to observe and to value the virtues which spring up in ad|versity; but the time of our severe trial was at length ter|minated—the cloud which had hovered over us so long was at length dispelled, and the sun of American glory ap|peared in its full splendour. To have borne this change of fortune with equanimity, to have employed the last hours of command in reconciling our gallant soldiers to a disap|pointment which their long suffering during the war had but ill prepared them for; and having checked the rage of civil discord in its infancy, to have resigned all power, and cheerfully descended into the walks of private life,— are circumstances that must forever illumine the page of history, and which, as they can never be effaced from our remembrance, so we trust they will be deeply engraven upon the minds of our posterity.

To transmit to that posterity the spirit of a free Consti|tution in its native purity is the hope which animates us all; we hope also, that they will learn from us to cherish every grateful sentiment towards you, Sir, and that they will be proud, as we are, to participate individually in the honour which America may so justly claim to herself, of having produced a citizen, whose love of glory was de|void of ambition, whose view embraced no objects but the freedom and the happiness of his countrymen; whose in|tegrity was equal to their most unbounded confidence, and who, combining the prudence of retreat with all the active valor of attack, was at once the shield and the sword of his native country. The tranquillity of retirement, after the dangers of war and the fatigues of public life, is one

of those rewards which exalted merit seems ever entitled to, but which your fellow-citizens were constrained to de|ny you. Independence had been established, but the ar|duous task of internal legislation still remained, and the United States were yet to establish upon the firmest basis that station amongst the nations of the earth, which they had of right assumed. Called upon for this sacred purpose, you have listened, Sir, to the voice of your country—you have given a further proof of your never-failing attachment to her interests; and we can only hope, in the warmest wishes which we form for the good of the public weal, that your administration in the office of President of the United States may be as prosperous as your acceptance of it has been honourable and patriotic.

We will not, Sir, by thus giving way to the effusions of our hearts, any longer intrude upon that time which is devoted to the general good, but conclude with offering up our prayers to the great Father of the Universe, that he may be pleased to shed his influence over all your councils, and that having saved your country and given an awful lesson to all mankind, you may finally, in the fulness of your years, close the long glories of an illustrious life, not only with the consciousness of having deserved, but with the comfort and satisfaction of having received every proof of respect and esteem from the heart-felt gratitude of your fellow-citizens.

By the unanimous voice of the Convention, CHARLES PINCKNEY, President.

Columbia, May 31, 1790.

The Answer. To the PEOPLE of the State of SOUTH CAROLINA.

FELLOW-CITIZENS,

THE congratulatory Address of the People of the State of South Carolina on my election to the office of President of the United States, expressed in such forcible and endearing terms, affects me with the liveliest emo|tions of satisfaction, and induces me to request their ac|ceptance of my sincerest acknowledgments.

Flattering as it must have been to me to find the extra|ordinary unanimity of the people of the United States, in placing me at the head of their federal republic, I am still more pleased with the recollection of the manly conduct on their part, which, in the issue of an arduous struggle, put them in a condition to enjoy the blessings of a free government. It was owing to their steady and strenuous support, with the smiles of a gracious Providence, that I did not sink under the oppression I felt from a diffidence in my abilities to conduct their military operations. It was a distressing consideration, that so good a cause might be endangered by a single false step on the part of their General. But in such a cause, although surrounded with difficulties and dangers on every side and in the midst of dark and gloomy prospects, it would have argued the most infamous pusillanimity to have despaired of the common|wealth. Seconded by such a body of yeomanry as re|paired to the standard of liberty, fighting in their own na|tive land—fighting for all that freemen hold dear, and whose docility soon supplied the place of discipline—it was scarcely in human nature, under its worst character, to have abandoned them in their misfortunes; nor is it for me to claim any singular title to merit, for having shared in a common danger, and triumphed with them, after a se|ries of the severest toil and most accumulated distress, over a formidable foe.

The value of liberty was thus enhanced in our esti|mation by the difficulty of its attainment; and the worth of characters appreciated by the trial of adversity. The tempest of war having at length been succeeded by the sunshine of peace, our citizen-soldiers impressed an useful lesson of patriotism on mankind, by nobly returning, with impaired constitutions and unsatisfied claims, after such long sufferings and severe disappointments, to their former occupations. Posterity, as well as the present age, will doubtless regard with admiration and gratitude the pa|tience, perseverance and valor which achieved our revo|lution; they will cherish the remembrance of virtues which had but few parallels in former times, and which will add new lustre to the most splendid page of history.

If there be for me any peculiarly just subject of exulta|tion, and with honest pride I avow the fact, it is in being the citizen of a country, whose inhabitants were so enlight|ened and disinterested, as to sacrifice local prejudices and temporary systems, for the sake of rendering secure and per|manent that Independency, which had been the price of so much treasure and blood. Animated with a hope of transmitting to posterity the spirit of a free Constitution in its native purity, they have, since the conclusion of the war, evinced the rectitude of their principles, as well as proved themselves, by their practice, worthy of their suc|cesses.

For myself, notwithstanding my former intentions and declarations, I could not hesitate to return to public life, when, from all the circumstances within my knowledge, I had collected it to be my duty, because it was apparently the wish of a whole nation; nor shall I regret the loss of that tranquillity in retirement, which my time of life and state of health seemed in some measure to authorize and re|quire, if I may still be an instrument of any good to that country, which has continued to assist my administration with such generous and unlimited confidence.

I pray you to be persuaded, that while I receive with great sensibility, such repeated proofs of the partiality of my fellow-citizens in my favour, I feel increasing obliga|tions to devote my labours unremittingly to the public ser|vice;

and with the benediction of the great Father of the Universe on our councils, to use my best endeavours that the American people, who have of right assumed an inde|pendent station amongst the nations of the earth, should forever remain a great, respectable and happy nation.

G. WASHINGTON.

United States, July 3, 1790.

Address Of the PROVIDENCE ASSOCIATION of ME|CHANICS and MANUFACTURERS, to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.

SIR,

THE happy period has at length arrived, when we can with propriety join our fellow-citizens of the other States in congratulating you, as Chief Magistrate of United America. Although the progress of this State to our present situation has been slow and timid, it is some consolation, that our accession has completed the Federal Union.

Pleased with the establishment of a firm government, we are happy in thus having it in our power to express our sentiments of regard and attachment to the President of the Union, and our determination, as far as in us lies, to support the Constitution and laws of the United States.

The Mechanics and Manufacturers of this town feel a confidence in the wisdom and patriotism of the Legisla|ture of the United States,—that they will do all in their power to promote the manufactures as well as the agricul|ture and commerce of our country; this confidence is

greatly strengthened by the consideration that you, Sir, are at the head of it.

In full expectation that, under a mild and beneficent administration of the government, we shall be enabled to lead quiet and peaceable lives, and enjoy the fruits of our honest industry; with grateful hearts for past favours, we join the millions of America, in fervent prayers to the Disposer of all events, for your health and happiness; and that your important life may long be spared, to rule a free, virtuous, and happy nation.

Signed by order and in behalf of the Association, CHARLES KEENE, President.

Attest, BENNETT WHEELER, Secretary.

Providence, June 4, 1790.

The Answer. To the ASSOCIATION of MECHANICS and MANUFACTURERS of PROVIDENCE.

GENTLEMEN,

THE accession of the State of Rhode Island to the General Government, which has again completed our Union, is, indeed, an event that affords me singular sat|isfaction. For your favourable sentiments respecting my|self, as well as for your determination to support the Constitution and laws of the United States, I return you my thanks.

In full expectation that your confidence in the wisdom and patriotism of the National Legislature will not be disap|pointed, and that they will do all in their power to promote the manufactures, agriculture and commerce of this country▪ I assure you, Gentlemen, I shall always heartily concur in all such judicious measures as may seem calculated to enable the

good people of United America to lead quiet and peace|able lives, in the enjoyment of the fruits of their honest industry.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the CONVENTION of the UNIVERSAL CHURCH, assembled in PHILADELPHIA, to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

PERMIT us, in the name of the Society whom we represent, to concur in the numerous congratulations which have been offered to you since your accession to the government of the United States.

For an account of our principles we beg leave to refer you to the pamphlet, which we have now the honour to put into your hands. In this publication it will appear, that the peculiar doctrine which we hold, is not less friendly to the order and happiness of society, than it is essential to the perfections of the Deity.

It is a singular circumstance in the history of this doc|trine, that it has been preached and defended in every age, since the first promulgation of the gospel, but we represent the first society professing this doctrine, that have formed themselves into an independent church. Posterity will hardly fail of connecting this memorable event, with the auspicious years of peace, liberty and free inquiry in the United States, which distinguished the administration of GEORGE WASHINGTON.

We join thus publickly with our affectionate fellow-citizens in thanks to Almighty God for the last of his numerous signal acts of goodness to our country, in pre|serving your valuable life in a late dangerous indisposition; and we assure you, Sir, that duty will not prompt us more

than affection, to pray, that you may long continue the support and ornament of our country, and that you may hereafter fill a higher station, and enjoy the greater re|ward of being a king and priest to our God.

Signed in behalf and by order of the Convention,

• JOHN MURRAY,
• W. UEGENE IMLAY.

The Answer. To the CONVENTION of the UNIVERSAL CHURCH lately assembled at PHILADELPHIA.

GENTLEMEN,

I THANK you cordially for the congratulations which you offer on my appointment to the office I have the hon|our to hold in the government of the United States.

It gives me the most sensible pleasure to find, that, in our nation, however different are the sentiments of the citi|zens on religious doctrines, they generally concur in one thing: for their political professions and practices are al|most universally friendly to the order and happiness of our civil institutions. I am also happy in finding this disposi|tion particularly evinced by your Society. It is moreover my earnest desire, that all the members of every associa|tion or community, throughout the United States, may make such use of the auspicious years of peace, liberty, and free inquiry, with which they are now favoured, as they shall hereafter find occasion to rejoice for having done.— With great satisfaction, I embrace this opportunity to ex|press my acknowledgments for the interest my affection|ate fellow-citizens have taken in my recovery from a late dangerous indisposition; and I assure you, Gentlemen, that in mentioning my obligations for the effusions of your be|nevolent wishes on my behalf, I feel animated with new zeal, that my conduct may ever be worthy of your favour|able

opinion, as well as such as shall, in every respect, best comport with the character of an intelligent and account|able being.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address From the INHABITANTS of CAMDEN and its Vicinity, to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

IMPRESSED with every sentiment of friendship, esteem and gratitude, which can actuate the human heart, and amid the congratulations and voluntary homage of freemen and fellow-citizens that accompany your progress in the Southern States, the citizens of Camden, and its vicinity, in whose country the ravages and distresses of war were once as severely and painfully felt, as the bles|sings of peace and good government are now gratefully cherished, yielding to the universal sentiment, but more to the impulse of our own hearts, beg leave to express the satisfaction and happiness we feel, at seeing among us our Great Deliverer, the venerated Chief, who heretofore, un|der the standard of liberty, defended the invaded rights of America, and led her troops with success through all the doubtful changes of a perilous war; now our first civil Magistrate, under whose administration we forget our dan|gers and sufferings past, and rest in the perfect enjoyment of those invaluable rights, secured to us by his labours.

We congratulate you, Sir, on your return thus far; and we hail your arrival in this town with a welcome, though less splendid, yet not less sincere, than what you have any where received.

And now, Sir, permit us to bring to your recollection that noble foreigner, the baron De Kalb, whose dust with

that of many other brave officers, is entombed on the plains of Camden; to him we owe this grateful mention, who, despising ease and inaction, when the liberties of his fellow-creatures (however distant) were threatened, en|tered the lists in our late contest, and fell bravely fighting for the rights of mankind.

May Almighty God long preserve a life so beloved, and make the future as happy as the past has been illustri|ous; and at the close of a life rendered thus illustrious, may you greet on the happy shores of blissful immortality, the kindred spirits of those heroes and patriots, who have in all past ages been distinguished as the guardians of liber|ty and the fathers of their country.

The Answer. To the INHABITANTS of CAMDEN, and of its Vicinity.

GENTLEMEN,

THE acknowledgments which your respectful and affectionate Address demands, I offer to you with unfeign|ed sincerity. I receive your congratulations with pleas|ure; and estimating your welcome of me to Camden by a conviction of its cordiality, I render those thanks to your polite and hospitable attentions, to which they are so just|ly entitled.

Your grateful remembrance of that excellent friend and gallant officer, the baron De Kalb, does honour to the goodness of your hearts; with your regrets, I mingle mine for his loss, and to your praise, I join the tribute of my es|teem for his memory.

May you largely participate the national advantages, and may your past sufferings and dangers, endured and braved in the cause of freedom, be long contrasted with future safety and happiness.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the INHABITANTS of PROVIDENCE to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

WE, the inhabitants of Providence, beg leave to of|fer you our congratulations, on your safe arrival in this place.

We are sensibly affected by the honour conferred on the State, and on us in particular, in the present visit; and be assured, Sir, we shall think ourselves peculiarly happy, if, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 our utmost attentions, it can be made agreeable to you.

We gladly seize the first opportunity to express the most sincere satisfaction in your election to the Presiden|cy of the United States. The unbiassed voice of a great nation, which unanimously called you to that important trust, is an event, of which the annals of history afford no example; nor will future time see it followed, unless the most transcendant merit and the clearest same should be united in the same person.

As General of the armies of the United States, and as their President, we are attached to you by every motive of gratitude and affection. To the conduct and magna|nimity of her Commander in Chief, uniformly displayed in the course of a long and arduous war, America is in|debted, under the smiles of Heaven, for her freedom and independence; and the consummate prudence and ability, manifested in the exercise of the powers delegated to the President of the United States, exhibit to the world a character of no less celebrity in the cabinet than in the field.

From our most excellent Constitution, and the benign influence of those virtues which characterize your admin|istration, we entertain the most pleasing hopes of the ex|tension of commerce, the encouragement of agriculture

and manufactures, and of the establishment of public faith, and private credit; and that the liberties of Amer|ica will be transmitted to very late posterity.

We ardently pray that a life so conducive to the wel|fare of millions may be long protracted; and that, when the fatal shaft shall be sped which will deprive America of her great Benefactor, you may ascend those regions where only exalted virtue will be fully rewarded.

Done in town-meeting, legally assembled, this seventeenth day of August, A. D. 1790, and in the fifteenth year of independence.

Signed, at the request of the Town, by

• JABEZ BOWEN, Moderator.
• DANIEL COOKE, Town Clerk.

The Answer. To the INHABITANTS of PROVIDENCE.

GENTLEMEN,

THE congratulations which you offer me upon my arrival in this place, are received with no small degree of pleasure. For your attentions, and endeavours to render the town agreeable to me, and for your expressions of sat|isfaction at my election to the Presidency of the United States, I return you my warmest thanks.

My sensibility is highly excited, by your ardent decla|rations of attachment to my person, and the Constitution.

As, under the smiles of Heaven, America is indebted for freedom and independence rather to the joint exertions of the citizens of the several States, in which it may be your boast to have borne no inconsiderable share, than to the conduct of the Commander in Chief,—so is she indebted for their support rather to a continuation of those exer|tions, than to the prudence and ability manifested in the

exercise of the powers delegated to the President of the United States.

Your hopes for the extension of commerce, the encour|agement of agriculture and manufactures, and the establish|ment of public faith, as reared upon our Constitution, are well founded; and it is my earnest wish that you may ex|tensively enjoy the benefits arising from them.

I thank you, Gentlemen, for your prayer for my future welfare; and offer up my best wishes for your individual and collective happiness.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the CORPORATION of RHODE ISLAND COLLEGE, to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.

SIR,

THOUGH among the last to congratulate you on your advancement to that dignified and important station to which the unanimous voice of a grateful country has call|ed you, the Corporation of Rhode Island College claim to be among the first in warmth of affection for your person, and in esteem for your public character. In placing you at the head of the United States, regard was had no less to the influence of your example over the morals of the people, than to your talents in the administration of gov|ernment. Happy are we to observe, that similar motives have influenced your conduct in filling the lower offices in the executive department. We most devoutly venerate that superintending Providence, which, in the course of events propitious to this country, has called you forth to establish, after having defended, our rights and liberties.

Agitated in the hour of doubtful conflict, exulting in your victories, we watched your footsteps with the most anxious solicitude. Our fervent supplications to Heaven, that you might be furnished with that wisdom and pru|dence necessary to guide us to freedom and independence, have been heard, and most graciously answered.

For the preservation of this freedom, one great object still demands our peculiar attention, the education of our youth. Your sentiments, Sir, on this subject, "that knowledge is in every country the surest basis of public happiness," and the strongest barrier against the intruding hand of despotism, as they perfectly accord with those of the most celebrated characters that ever adorned human nature, so they leave no room to apprehend you will re|fuse the wreath with which the guardians of literature, here, would entwine your brow.

By restoring your health, and protracting your life, so dear to this country, Divine Providence has, in a late in|stance, furnished to millions matter of thanksgiving and praise.

That you may long remain on earth a blessing to man|kind, and the support of your country; that you may af|terwards receive the rewards of virtue, by having the ap|probation of God, is our most sincere desire, and fervent supplication.

Signed, by order of the Corporation,

• JABEZ BOWEN, Chancellor.
• JAMES MANNING, President.
• DAVID HOWELL, Secretary.

Providence, August 19, 1790.

The Answer. To the CORPORATION of RHODE ISLAND COLLEGE.

GENTLEMEN,

THE circumstances which have, until this time, prevented you from offering your congratulations on my advancement to the station I hold in the government of the United States, do not diminish the pleasure I feel in receiving this flattering proof of your affection and esteem; for which I request you will accept my thanks.

In repeating thus publickly my sense of the zeal you dis|played for the success of the cause of your country, I only add a single suffrage to the general testimony, which all who were acquainted with you in the most critical and doubtful moments of our struggle for liberty and independ|ence, have constantly borne in your favour.

While I cannot remain insensible to the indulgence with which you regard the influence of my example, and the tenor of my conduct, I rejoice in having so favourable an opportunity of felicitating the State of Rhode Island on the co-operation I am sure to find in the measures adopted by the guardians of literature in this place, for improving the morals of the rising generation, and inculcating upon their minds, principles peculiarly calculated for the preser|vation of our rights and liberties. You may rely on what|ever protection I may be able to afford, in so important an object as the education of our youth.

I will now conclude, Gentlemen, by expressing my ac|knowledgments for the tender manner in which you men|tion the restoration of my health on a late occasion; and with ardent wishes that Heaven may prosper the literary institution under your care, in giving you the best of its blessings in this world, as well as in the world to come.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the MASTER, WARDENS and BRETHREN of KING DAVID's LODGE, to GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.

SIR,

WE, the Master, Wardens and Brethren of King David's Lodge, in Newport, Rhode Island, joyfully em|brace this opportunity, to greet you as a Brother, and to hail you welcome to Rhode Island.

We exult in the thought, that as Masonry has always been patronized by the wise, the good, and the great, so hath it stood, and ever will stand, as its fixtures are on the immutable pillars of faith, hope and charity.

With unspeakable pleasure, we gratulate you as filling the Presidential Chair, with the applause of a numerous and enlightened people; whilst at the same time, we fe|licitate ourselves in the honour done the brotherhood, by your many exemplary virtues, and emanations of goodness proceeding from a heart worthy of possessing the ancient mysteries of our craft, being persuaded that the wisdom and grace, with which Heaven has endowed you, will ev|er square all your thoughts, words and actions by the eter|nal laws of honour, equity and truth; so as to promote the advancement of all good works, your own happiness, and that of mankind. Permit us then, illustrious Brother, cordially to salute you, with three times three, and to add our fervent supplications, that the Sovereign Architect of the Universe may always encompass you with his holy protection.

Committee.

• MOSES SEIXAS, Master,
• HENRY SHERBURNE,

By order, WILLIAM LITTLEFIELD, Secretary.

Newport, August 17, 1790.

The Answer. To the MASTER, WARDENS and BRETHREN of KING DAVID's LODGE in NEWPORT, RHODE ISLAND.

GENTLEMEN,

I RECEIVE the welcome which you give me to Rhode Island with pleasure; and I acknowledge my ob|ligations for the flattering expressions of regard contained in your Address with grateful sincerity. Being persuaded that a just application of the principles on which the Ma|sonic Fraternity is founded, must be promotive of pri|vate virtue and public prosperity, I shall always be happy to advance the interest of the Society, and to be considered by them as a deserving Brother. My best wishes, Gentle|men, are offered for your individual happiness.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the HEBREW CONGREGATION in NEWPORT, RHODE ISLAND, to the PRESIDENT of the UNI|TED STATES of AMERICA.

SIR,

PERMIT the children of the stock of Abraham to ap|proach you with the most cordial affection and esteem for your person and merit, and to join with our fellow-citizens in welcoming you to Newport.

With pleasure we reflect on those days—those days of difficulty and danger, when the God of Israel, who deliv|ered David from the peril of the sword, shielded your head

in the day of battle; and we rejoice to think, that the same Spirit who rested in the bosom of the greatly beloved Daniel, enabling him to preside over the provinces of the Babylonish empire, rests, and ever will rest, upon you, en|abling you to discharge the arduous duties of Chief Magis|trate in these States.

Deprived as we heretofore have been of the invaluable rights of free citizens, we now (with a deep sense of grati|tude to the Almighty Disposer of all events) behold a gov|ernment erected by the Majesty of the People—a govern|ment, which to bigotry gives no sanction—to persecution no assistance: but generously affording to all, liberty of conscience, and immunities of citizenship: deeming every one, of whatever nation, tongue or language, equal parts of the great governmental machine. This so ample and ex|tensive Federal Union, whose base is philanthropy, mutual confidence, and public virtue, we cannot but acknowledge to be the work of the Great God, who ruleth in the armies of heaven, and among the inhabitants of the earth, doing whatsoever seemeth to him good.

For all the blessings of civil and religious liberty, which we enjoy under an equal and benign administration, we desire to send up our thanks to the Ancient of Days, the Great Preserver of men, beseeching him that the Angel who conducted our forefathers through the wilderness into the promised land, may graciously conduct you through all the difficulties and dangers of this mortal life. And when like Joshua, full of days and full of honours, you are gathered to your fathers, may you be admitted into the heavenly para|dise, to partake of the water of life, and the tree of immor|tality.

Done and Signed by order of the Hebrew Con|gregation, in Newport, (Rhode Island.) MOSES SEIXAS, Warden.

Newport, August 17, 1790.

The Answer. To the HEBREW CONGREGATION in NEWPORT, RHODE ISLAND.

GENTLEMEN,

WHILE I receive with much satisfaction your Ad|dress, replete with expressions of affection and esteem, I rejoice in the opportunity of assuring you, that I shall al|ways retain a grateful remembrance of the cordial welcome I experienced in my visit to Newport, from all classes of citizens. The reflection on the days of difficulty and dan|ger which are past, is rendered the more sweet from a con|sciousness that they are succeeded by days of uncommon prosperity and security.

If we have wisdom to make the best use of the advan|tages with which we are now favoured, we cannot fail, under the just administration of a good government, to become a great and a happy people.

The citizens of the United States of America, have a right to applaud themselves for having given to mankind examples of an enlarged and liberal policy: a policy wor|thy of imitation. All possess a like liberty of conscience, and immunities of citizenship. It is now no more that tol|eration is spoken of, as if it was by the indulgence of one class of people that another enjoyed the exercise of their inherent natural rights. For happily the government of the United States, which gives to bigotry no sanction, to persecution no assistance, requires only that they who live under its protection should demean themselves as good citi|zens, in giving it on all occasions their effectual support.

It would be inconsistent with the frankness of my char|acter, not to avow that I am pleased with your favourable opinion of my administration and fervent wishes for my felicity. May the children of the stock of Abraham, who dwell in this land, continue to merit and enjoy the good will of the other inhabitants—while every one shall sit in safety under his own vine and fig-tree, and there shall be none to make him afraid.

May the Father of all Mercies scatter light and not dark|ness in our paths, and make us all in our several vocations useful here, and in his own due time and way everlastingly happy.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the INHABITANTS of ELIZABETH TOWN to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

WE, the inhabitants of Elizabeth Town and its vicinity, being deeply impressed with your illustrious character, and sensibly awake to your resplendent and innumerable virtues, hail you a hearty welcome!

We are happy to find, that notwithstanding your perils, toils, and guardianship, you are still able to grant us this first, this greatest of all favours—your presence.

We felicitate ourselves on your exploring our country; and as you already reign in our hearts, so we should think ourselves doubly blessed, could we have the honour to be included within your more especial command and jurisdic|tion—within the grand centre of virtues.

Our beloved Chief! be pleased to accept our most grateful thanks for this honour conferred on us. And may the Disposer of all things lengthen out your days, so that you may behold with satisfaction, the virtue and prosperity of the people whom you have made free. And when you come to close the last volume of your illustrious actions, may you be crowned with a crown, not made with hands.

In behalf of the Inhabitants,

• THOMAS SPRIGG,
• HENRY SHRYOCK,
• WILLIAM LEE.

Elizabeth Town, Oct. 20, 1790.

The Answer. To the INHABITANTS of ELIZABETH TOWN and its Vicinity.

GENTLEMEN,

THE cordial welcome which you give me to Elizabeth Town, and the very flattering expressions of regard, con|tained in your Address, claim and receive my grateful and sincere acknowledgments.

Estimating, as I do, the affection and esteem of my fel|low-citizens, and conscious that my best pretension to their approbation is founded in an earnest endeavour faithfully to discharge the duties which have been assigned me, I cannot better reply to their confidence than by assuring them that the same impartiality, which has heretofore di|rected, will continue to govern my conduct in the execu|tion of public trusts.

I offer sincere wishes for your temporal happiness and future felicity.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the HEBREW CONGREGATIONS in the Cities of PHILADELPHIA, NEW YORK, CHARLESTON and RICHMOND, to GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRES|IDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

IT is reserved for you to unite in affection for your char|acter and person, every political and religious denomination of men: and in this will the Hebrew Congregations afore|said yield to no class of their fellow-citizens.

We have been hitherto prevented by various circum|stances peculiar to our situation, from adding our congratu|lation to those which the rest of America have offered on your elevation to the Chair of the Federal Government. Deign, then, illustrious Sir, to accept this our homage.

The wonders which the Lord of Hosts hath worked in the days of our forefathers, have taught us to observe the greatness of his wisdom and his might, throughout the events of the late glorious revolution; and while we hum|ble ourselves at his footstool in thanksgiving and praise for the blessing of his deliverance, we acknowledge you the Leader of the American Armies, as his chosen and belov|ed servant. But not to your sword alone is our present happiness to be ascribed: that, indeed, opened the way to the reign of freedom; but never was it perfectly secure, till your hand gave birth to the Federal Constitution; and you renounced the joys of retirement, to seal by your ad|ministration in peace what you had achieved in war.

To the eternal God who is thy refuge, we commit in our prayer the care of thy precious life; and when full of years thou shalt be gathered unto the people, thy righteous|ness shall go before thee, and we shall remember, amidst our regret, "that the Lord hath set apart the godly for himself," whilst thy name and thy virtues will remain an indelible memorial on our minds.

MANUEL JOSEPHSON, For and in behalf and under the authority of the several Congregations aforesaid.

Philadelphia, Dec. 13, 1790.

The Answer. To the HEBREW CONGREGATIONS, in the City of PHILADELPHIA, NEW YORK, CHARLESTON and RICHMOND.

GENTLEMEN,

THE liberality of sentiment towards each other which marks every political and religious denomination of men in this country, stands unparalleled in the history of nations.

The affection of such a people, is a treasure beyond the reach of calculation; and the repeated proofs which my fellow-citizens have given of their attachment to me and approbation of my doings, form the purest source of my temporal felicity. The affectionate expressions of your Ad|dress again excite my gratitude, and receive my warmest acknowledgment.

The power and goodness of the Almighty were strong|ly manifested in the events of our late glorious revolution; and his kind interposition in our behalf, has been no less visible in the establishment of our present equal govern|ment. In war he directed the sword; and in peace he has ruled in our councils. My agency in both has been guided by the best intentions, and a sense of the duty which I owe my country.

And as my exertions have hitherto been amply reward|ed by the approbation of my fellow-citizens, I shall en|deavour to deserve a continuance of it by my future con|duct.

May the same temporal and eternal blessings which you implore for me, rest upon your Congregations.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the GRAND LODGE of ANCIENT YORK MASONS, in PENNSYLVANIA, to GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR and BROTHER,

THE Ancient York Masons of the jurisdiction of Penn|sylvania, for the first time assembled, in general communi|cation to celebrate the feast of St. John the Evangelist, since your election to the chair of government in the Uni|ted States, beg leave to approach you, with congratulations from the East, and in the pride of fraternal affection, to hail you as the great master builder (under the Supreme Architect) by whose labours the temple of liberty hath been reared in the west; exhibiting to the nations of the earth a model of beauty, order and harmony, worthy of their imitation and praise.

Your knowledge of the origin and objects of our insti|tution—its tendency to promote the social affections and harmonize the hearts, give us a sure pledge that this trib|ute of our veneration, this effusion of our love will not be ungrateful to you; nor will Heaven reject our prayer that you may be long continued to adorn the bright list of mas|ter workmen which our fraternity produces in the terres|trial Lodge; and that you may be late removed to that celestial Lodge, where love and harmony reigns transcend|ant and divine; where the Great Architect more imme|diately presides; and where Cherubim and Seraphim, wafting our congratulations from earth to heaven, shall hail you Brother!

By order and in behalf of the Grand Lodge of Penn|sylvania, in general communication assembled in am|ple form. J. B. SMITH, G. M.

Attest, P. LE BARBIER DU PLESSIS, G. Sec.

The Answer. To the ANCIENT YORK MASONS of the jurisdic|tion of PENNSYLVANIA.

GENTLEMEN and BROTHERS,

I RECEIVE your kind congratulations with the purest sensations of fraternal affection; and from a heart deeply impressed with your generous wishes for my present and future happiness, I beg you to accept my thanks.

At the same time I request you will be assured of my best wishes and earnest prayers for your happiness while you remain in this terrestrial mansion; and that we may hereafter meet as brethren in the eternal temple of the Su|preme Architect.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the GRAND LODGE of FREE and ACCEPT|ED MASONS, for the Commonwealth of MASSA|CHUSETTS, to their honoured and illustrious BROTHER GEORGE WASHINGTON.

SIR,

WHILST the historian is describing the career of your glory, and the inhabitants of an extensive empire are made happy in your unexampled exertions—whilst some celebrate the Hero, so distinguished in liberating United America, and others the Patriot who presides over her Councils,—a band of brothers, having always joined the ac|clamations of their countrymen, now testify their respect

for those milder virtues which have ever graced the Man.

Taught by the precepts of our Society that all its Mem|bers stand upon a level, we venture to assume this station, and to approach you with that freedom, which diminishes our diffidence, without lessening our respect. Desirous to enlarge the boundaries of social happiness, and to vindicate the ceremonies of their institution, this Grand Lodge have published a "Book of Constitutions," (and a copy for your acceptance accompanies this) which by discover|ing the principles that actuate, will speak the eulogy of the Society; though they fervently wish the conduct of its Members may prove its higher commendation.

Convinced of his attachment to its cause, and readiness to encourage its benevolent designs, they have taken the liberty to dedicate this work to one, the qualities of whose heart, and the actions of whose life, have contributed to improve personal virtue, and extend throughout the world the most endearing cordialities; and they humbly hope he will pardon this freedom, and accept the tribute of their esteem and homage.

May the Supreme Architect of the Universe protect and bless you, give you length of days, and increase of felicity in this world, and then receive you to the harmonious and exalted Society in heaven.

JOHN CUTLER, Grand Master.

Grand Wardens.

• JOSIAH BARTLETT,
• MUNGO MACKAY,

Boston, December 27, A. L. 5792.

The Answer. To the GRAND LODGE of FREE and ACCEPT|ED MASONS for the Commonwealth of MASSACHU|SETTS.

GENTLEMEN,

FLATTERING as it may be to the human mind, and truly honourable as it is, to receive from our fellow-citizens testimonies of approbation for exertions to pro|mote the public welfare, it is not less pleasing to know, that the milder virtues of the heart are highly respected by a society whose liberal principles are founded in the im|mutable laws of truth and justice.

To enlarge the sphere of social happiness is worthy the benevolent design of a Masonic Institution. And it is most fervently to be wished, that the conduct of every member of the fraternity, as well as those publications that discover the principles which actuate them, may tend to convince mankind that the grand object of Masonry is to promote the happiness of the human race.

While I beg your acceptance of my thanks for the "Book of Constitutions" which you have sent me, and for the honour you have done me in the dedication, permit me to assure you, that I feel all those emotions of gratitude which your affectionate Address, and cordial wishes, are calculated to inspire. And I sincerely pray that the Great Architect of the Universe may bless you here, and receive you hereafter in his Immortal Temple.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the MERCHANTS and TRADERS of the City of PHILADELPHIA to GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

SENSIBLE that nothing is wanting to the happiness of the people of the United States, but to continue in peace under their excellent laws and government, the Merchants and Traders of the city of Philadelphia beg leave to express to you the high sense they entertain of the wisdom and goodness which dictated your late Procla|mation, declaring the neutrality to be observed by the United States in the war wherein several European pow|ers are now engaged—a war which, however it might serve the interests of their commerce for the time, they, as the friends of all men, and of all nations, are bound to deplore.

Impressed too with an opinion, that in an unoffending conduct towards all the world, consists the true policy of America, it is their determination not only to pay the strictest regard to the Proclamation themselves, but to dis|countenance in the most pointed manner, any contrary disposition in others; ••xamples of which they are per|suaded will seldom occur, the sentiments just expressed be|ing, as they have the satisfaction to find, the common language of the citizens of Pennsylvania.

Philadelphia, May 17, 1793.

[The above Address was signed by about 300 persons.]

The Answer. To the MERCHANTS and TRADERS of the City of PHILADELPHIA.

GENTLEMEN,

FULLY persuaded that the happiness and best in|terests of the people of the United States will be promoted by observing a strict neutrality in the present contest among the powers of Europe—it gives me pleasure to learn that the measure which I have taken to declare to the world their disposition on this head, has given general satisfaction to the citizens of Pennsylvania.

The friends of humanity will deprecate war wherever it may appear; and we have experienced enough of its evils in this country to know that it should not be wantonly or unnecessarily entered upon. I trust therefore that the good citizens of the United States will shew to the world that they have as much wisdom in preserving peace at this in|teresting juncture, as they have heretofore displayed valor in defending their just rights.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the MERCHANTS and TRADERS of BALTI|MORE to GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

THE Merchants and Traders of the town of Balti|more, as participators in the general prosperity resulting from peace, and the excellent laws and constitution of the United States, cannot be insensible, in the present

crisis of things, to whatever might endanger an uninter|rupted enjoyment of these great and visible blessings. Impressed with these sentiments, they beg leave to express the high sense, they entertain of the provident wisdom and watchfulness over the concerns and peace of a happy peo|ple, which you have so evidently and seasonably display|ed in your late proclamation, declaring the neutrality to be observed by the United States in the war wherein sev|eral European nations are now engaged. Well convinced that the true interest of America consists in a conduct impartial, friendly, and unoffending to the belligerent powers, they would further assure you of their steady de|termination not only to pay the strictest regard to that proclamation themselves, but to discountenance the least departure from it in others, should any such instances occur within their knowledge; a resolution which they unfold the more confidently as believing it to accord with the general sentiment of their fellow-citizens throughout Maryland.

Baltimore, May 22, 1793.

The Answer. To the MERCHANTS and TRADERS of the Town of BALTIMORE.

GENTLEMEN,

AT this eventful period, when caution must be uni|ted with firmness to preserve to the United States the blessings of peace, and at the same time, to maintain our rights as an independent nation, it affords me no small de|gree of satisfaction to find that my endeavours to promote these objects, by declaring the neutrality of the United States, has met your approbation. While the measures of this government are taken upon constitutional ground, and have for their object the public good, it would be in|jurious

to our enlightened citizens not to rely upon their countenance and support in carrying them into effect.

G. WASHINGTON.

Philadelphia, May 27, 1793.

Address Of the BALTIMORE MECHANICAL SOCIETY to GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

HAVING our hopes and expectations principally fixed on the National Government, for protection and encourage|ment in our various pursuits, and being sensible that our happiness and prosperity, in a great measure depends on the continuance of peace and our being in a state of amity with the European nations now engaged in war, we beg leave, in addition to what others of our fellow-citizens in this town have presented, to express the high sense we en|tertain of the wisdom and goodness which dictated your late declaration of the disposition of government to observe a strict neutrality towards the belligerent powers, who are now desolating the finest countries of Europe. Our coun|try lately experienced all the miseries of a cruel and deso|lating war; but by the interposition of a kind Providence, the Americans were enabled under your wise direction and patriotic exertions during their arduous struggle, to secure the invaluable blessings they now enjoy. Being thus exalted to the possession of civil and religious liberty, and enjoying the benefits of a free and equal government, we cannot divest ourselves of sympathy for all who strug|gle for the same blessing; but the miseries of war we dep|recate; and, circumstanced as our country and govern|ernment are, the generous French will acquiesce with the

American citizens in the acknowledgment of that po|litical truth, which you have wisely enjoined, that the duty and interest of the United States require that we should, with sincerity and good faith, adopt and pursue a conduct friendly and impartial towards the belligerent powers. This conduct we do, for ourselves adopt, and mean to pursue, and we are persuaded it will be the con|duct of all our good and virtuous citizens. Peace will thus be preserved, the true interest of our country promo|ted, happiness extended, and an asylum secured to the oppressed of every nation and country.

Baltimore, June 18, 1793.

The Answer. To the BALTIMORE MECHANICAL SOCIETY.

GENTLEMEN,

THE language of your Address shews that you have rightly estimated the purposes for which our General Gov|ernment was established; and so evident are the benefits resulting to the industrious citizens, of every description, throughout the United States, from the operation of equal laws, and from the security and tranquillity with which they have pursued their various avocations under a gov|ernment of their own choice, that it becomes the duty of those who are entrusted with the management of their pub|lic affairs, to endeavour by all proper means to continue and promote those invaluable blessings. And that the happiness and true interest of a people are best secured by observing such a line of conduct as will, while they dis|charge their political obligations, preserve to their country, peace with other nations, and cultivate the good will of mankind towards them, I trust no one will deny. If the citizens of the United States have obtained the character of an enlightened and liberal people, they will prove that

they deserve it, by shewing themselves to be the true friends of mankind, and making their country not only an asylum for the oppressed of every nation, but a desirable residence for the virtuous and industrious of every country.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the INHABITANTS of ALEXANDRIA and its Vicin|ity to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

THAT America should remain in peace, and enjoy the blessings of her free government, undisturbed by European concerns, we believe it to be the earnest desire of every well-wisher to our country; and we feel the most cordial satisfaction in expressing to you our conviction of the part you have taken to preserve the public repose and happi|ness. In declaring by your Proclamation the conduct which ought to be pursued by the people of the United States towards the belligerent powers of Europe, a new instance was presented to your fellow-citizens of your vigilance in discharging the important duties of your sta|tion, and you have exhibited to the nations of the world a striking proof of the candour and justice which govern the politics of the republic over which you preside. Sinceri|ty, good faith, and truth, are virtues belonging to the re|publican character. We rejoice that they have been cher|ished and practised in the administration of our govern|ment, and we conside that a steady and manly adherence to them will furnish an example of a people living under a republican form of government that will meet with the approbation of all mankind, and be productive of univer|sal happiness.

Accept, Sir, our assurances, that individually our con|duct shall be regulated on every occasion by that spirit of amity and impartiality which you have enjoined.

By order of the Meeting, DENNIS RAMSAY, Chairman.

Alexandria, July 4, 1793.

The Answer. To the INHABITANTS of ALEXANDRIA and its Vi|cinity.

GENTLEMEN,

DEEPLY impressed with the important advantages which the United States will experience by remaining in peace during the present contest among the powers of Europe, it is with the highest satisfaction that I receive this manifestation of your wishes for the preservation of that invaluable blessing and the approbation which you ex|press of the measures which have been taken to secure a continuance of our present happy situation. To complete the American character, it remains for the citizens of the United States to shew to the world, that the reproach heretofore cast upon republican governments, for their want of stability, is without foundation, when the govern|ment is the deliberate choice of an enlightened people; and I am fully persuaded, that every well-wisher to the happiness and prosperity of this country will evince by his conduct, that we live under a government of laws, and that, while we preserve inviolate our national faith, we are desirous of living in amity with all mankind.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the PEOPLE of FAIRFAX COUNTY, to the PRESI|DENT of the UNITED STATES.

WHILST the people of America are so generally expressing to you, Sir, their perfect approbation of your proclamation, enjoining, on the part of the citizens of these United States, a strict neutrality towards the belligerent powers of Europe; we should have remained silent, un|der this general approbation, and not have troubled you with our sentiments, did we not conceive that the present crisis calls loudly on all those, who feel for the dignity of their government, to speak out the language of their hearts. When foreigners shall be so far forgetful of the respect they owe to the sovereignty of the community wherein they reside, as to threaten an appeal 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the body of the people, from the decision and conduct of those with whom the people have entrusted that part of it which relates to their foreign connexions; and in despite of the public au|thority, prohibiting the contrary, shall arm and equip ves|sels of war, in our ports, for the purpose of capturing the property of nations with whom we are at peace, which things can only have for their object internal confusion, and all the calamities of external warfare; that a stop may be put to proceedings so hurtful and so dangerous, we think it the duty of the citizens to let their sentiments be publickly known.

Impressed with this truth, we, the subscribers, land|holders and inhabitants of Fairfax County, have presented ourselves before you; and beg leave to assure you, that as in all your conduct as presiding Magistrate of these United States, we have seen you pursuing, with prosperity and firm|ness, the good of mankind and the solid glory and inte|rests of your country; and in no instance, we conceive, more truly honourable to yourself, or more serviceable to

us, than in the conduct you have caused to be pursued to|wards the nations of Europe now at war with each other; we shall hold ourselves bound to oppose all attempts that shall be made to disturb the peace, or injure the independ|ence and dignity of the government over which you pre|side, by the machinations of foreigners or the intemperate actions of discontented individuals of our own country. We trust, that in speaking thus, we do but proclaim the ideas of every well-intentioned citizen of America; for all have felt, and we hope, will long continue to feel, the blessings of an administration where wisdom, temper and firmness have so conspicuously presided.

In behalf of the people of Fairfax County,

• LUDWELL LEE▪
• R. WEST.

The Answer.

GENTLEMEN,

THE Address of the Landholders and Inhabitants of Fairfax County, forwarded to me, by you, has been re|ceived.

It is a source of much pleasure to me to find my fellow-citizens of Fairfax among those spirited republicans of the United States, who declare to the world their firm determination to support the government they have chosen for themselves, and to oppose, with manly resolu|tion, any attempts to weaken the public confidence there|in, or to interrupt the repose they now enjoy in a state of peace, to which their interest and happiness are so closely allied.

In fulfilling the duties which are attendant on the trust with which my countrymen have honoured me, my high|est gratification is in meriting and receiving their approv|ing voice. I therefore request you to communicate to the citizens of Fairfax, the pleasure I derive from their approbation of my public conduct, and to assure them of

my constant and unremitted attention to the promotion of the prosperity and happiness of my fellow-citizens of these States.

G. WASHINGTON.

Mount Vernon, October 24.

Address Of the TRUSTEES of a School at GERMANTOWN, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

THE Trustees of the public school of Germantown, have the honour to wait upon the President, with a respectful tender of the school buildings for the accommodation of Congress, should they convene at this place.

To judge of the other inhabitants of Germantown from our own motives, it cannot be questioned, they would, on this occasion, strive to make it as convenient a residence as possible.

On the permanence of our General Government, and the safety of its supporters and defenders, rests, under God, in our view, whatever we hold most valuable.

It has been our fortune, Sir, to see you in many sea|sons of difficulty and danger always surmounting them; and even now, fortifying by your presence the good spirit of the Union, lately humbled by the calamity in Phila|delphia; an alleviation of which we participate, in com|mon with the survivors there, in consequence of your propitious return to this State.

Trustees.

• HENRY HILL,
• SAMUEL ASHMEAN,
• JOS. FERRE,
• CHRISTIAN SCHNYDER,
• SAMUEL MECKLIN,

Nov. 6, 1793.

The Answer. To the TRUSTEES of the Public School of GER|MANTOWN.

GENTLEMEN,

THE readiness with which the Trustees of the public school of Germantown tender the buildings under their charge for the use of Congress, is a proof of their zeal for furthering the public good: and doubtless the inhabitants of Germantown generally, actuated by the same motives, will feel the same dispositions to accommo|date, if necessary, those who assemble but for their ser|vice and that of their fellow-citizens.

Where it may be best for Congress to remain, will de|pend on circumstances, which are daily unfolding them|selves, and for the issue of which we can but offer up our prayers to the Sovereign Dispenser of life and health. His favour too on our endeavours—the good sense and firm|ness of our fellow-citizens, and fidelity in those they em|ploy, will secure us a permanence of good government.

If I have been fortunate enough during the vicissitudes of my life, so to have conducted myself, as to have merited your approbation, it is a source of much pleasure; and should my future conduct merit a continuance of your good opinions, especially at a time when our country, and the city of Philadelphia in particular, is visited by so se|vere a calamity, it will add more than a little to my happiness.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address Of the ARTILLERY COMPANY of the Town of NEWPORT to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.

SIR,

THE Artillery Company of the town of Newport, i•• the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, assembled on this day, to celebrate the birth of the Chief Magistrate of the United States, beg leave to present their congratulations and respect. Associated by principles which effected a glorious revolution, and laid the basis of a free and permanent government; they contemplate with grate|ful emotions, the blessings which have resulted from a pru|dent and efficient administration. Enjoying the inesti|mable privileges of freemen, they commiserate the unhappy state of those who are in bondage; sympathize in the sufferings of those who are bravely struggling in the cause of freedom; and cordially rejoice with those who are successful in regaining their rights. Equalized with their fellow-citizens, they consider abilities and virtue the only qualities which deserve public estimation, and give pre|emine••ce to a character. Influenced by these sentiments, they have presumed to present this offering of congratula|tion and respect, as the purest testimony of their attach|ment for distinguished virtue; humbly beseeching the Supreme Giver of all good gifts to continue your life and public usefulness, and that they, with their fellow-citizens, may still greatly reciprocate the satisfaction resulting from a faithful discharge of important duties.

Newport, April 1.

The Answer.

GENTLEMEN,

FOR your kind congratulations on the anniversary of my birth-day, and the other obliging expressions of your Address, I pray you to accept my grateful thanks.

To cherish those principles which effected the revolu|tion, and laid the foundation of our free and happy gov|ernment, does honour to your patriotism, as do the senti|ments of commiseration for the sufferings of the unfortu|nate, and the good wishes for the happiness of the great family of mankind, to your philanthropy.

Your prayer for me is reciprocated by the best vows I can offer for your welfare.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address To GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES of AMERICA.

SIR,

WHILE we, the Burgesses and Citizens of Harris|burg, rejoice at the opportunity of presenting our respects to a character so justly revered, and dear to Americans, we cannot but lament that we should owe it to an inter|ruption of the peace and prosperity of our country, those constant objects of our public cares. We trust, however, that the just indignation which fires the breasts of all vir|tuous citizens, at the unprovoked outrages committed by those lawless men, who are in opposition to one of the mildest and most equal governments of which the con|dition of man is susceptible, will excite such exertions as

to crush the spirit of disaffection wherever it has appeared, and that our political horizon will shine brighter than ever, on the dispersion of the clouds which now menace and obscure it.

Though our sphere of action is too limited to produce any important effects, yet we beg leave to assure your Ex|cellency that so far as it extends, our best endeavours shall not be wanting to support the happy Constitution and wise administration of our government.

Signed in behalf of the Borough,

Burgesses.

• BONARD BOMBACH,
• ALEX. BRERYHILL,

Harrisburg, October 3.

The Answer. To the BURGESSES and other CITIZENS of HAR|RISBURG.

GENTLEMEN,

IN declaring to you the genuine satisfaction I derive from your very cordial Address, I will not mingle any expressions of the painful sensations which I experience from the occasion that has drawn me hither. You will be at no loss to do justice to my feelings. But relying on that kindness of Providence towards our country which every adverse appearance hitherto has served to mani|fest, and counting upon the tried good sense and patriot|ism of the great body of our fellow-citizens, I do not hesitate to indulge, with you, the expectation of such an issue as will serve to confirm the blessings we enjoy, un|der a Constitution that well deserves the confidence, attach|ment, and support of virtuous and enlightened men. To class the inhabitants of Harrisburg among this number, is only to bear testimony to the zealous and efficient exer|tions, which they have made towards the defence of the laws.

G. WASHINGTON.

[Though foreign to the general Plan of this Work, the follow|ing Proceedings on the Treaty are of sufficient Importance to warrant the Insertion.]

The Answer Of the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES to the RESOLUTIONS of the Town of BOSTON.

To EZEKIEL PRICE, THOMAS WALLEY, WILLIAM BOARDMAN, EBENEZER SEAVER, THOMAS CRAFTS, THOMAS EDWARDS, WILLIAM LITTLE, WILLIAM SCOLLAY, and JESSE PUTNAM, Esq'rs. Selectmen of the Town of BOSTON.

GENTLEMEN,

IN every act of my administration, I have sought the happiness of my fellow-citizens. My system for the at|tainment of this object has uniformly been, to overlook all personal, local, and partial considerations; to contemplate the United States as one great whole; to consider that sudden impressions, when erroneous, would yield to candid reflection; and to consult only the substantial and perma|nent interests of our country.

Nor have I departed from this line of conduct, on the occasion which has produced the Resolutions contained in your letter of the 13th instant.

Without a predilection to my own judgment, I have weighed with attention every argument which has at any time been brought into view. But the Constitution is the guide which I never can abandon. It has assigned to the President the power of making treaties, with the advice and consent of the Senate. It was doubtless supposed, that these two branches of government would combine, without passion, and with the best means of information, those facts and principles, upon which the success of our foreign relations will always depend: that they ought not to substitute for their own conviction, the opinions of oth|ers;

or to seek truth through any channel but that of a temperate and well-informed investigation.

Under this persuasion, I have resolved on the manner of executing the duty now before me. To the high re|sponsibility, attached to it, I freely submit; and you, Gentlemen, are at liberty to make these sentiments known, as the grounds of my procedure. While I feel the most lively gratitude for the many instances of approbation from my country, I can no otherwise deserve it, than by obey|ing the dictates of my conscience.

With due respect, I am, Gentlemen, your obedient

G. WASHINGTON.

United States, July 20, 1795.

Dissent.* 1.3

WHEREAS the votes adopted at a late meeting of this town, relative to the Treaty of Amity, Navigation, and Commerce, between the United States and his Bri|tannic Majesty, have been represented as expressing the unanimous sentiments of the merchants and other inhabit|ants upon that subject—we, the subscribers, unwilling to be implicated in the number of those, who approve of the doings of that meeting, and reserving to ourselves the right of expressing our opinion individually upon the merits or demerits of public measures, do hereby declare our disap|probation of and dissent from the votes of said meeting.

Boston, July 15, 1795.

The Answer. To THOMAS RUSSELL, Esq.

SIR,

I HAVE received your letter of the 13th instant, covering a copy of the dissent of a number of citizens of Boston, expressing their disapprobation of the votes adopt|ed at a late meeting in that town, relative to the Treaty of Amity, Commerce and Navigation, between the United States and Great Britain; and also a copy of the proceedings of the Boston Chamber of Commerce, on the same subject.

While I regret the diversity of opinion which has been manifested on this occasion, it is a satisfaction to learn, that the commercial part of my fellow-citizens, whose in|terests are thought to be most directly affected, so general|ly consider the Treaty as calculated, on the whole, to procure important advantages to our country.

This sentiment, I trust, will be extended, in proportion as the provisions of the Treaty become well understood.

With due respect, I am, Sir, your obedient

G. WASHINGTON.

United States, August 22, 1795.

The Address Of the SUBSCRIBERS, MERCHANTS and TRADERS of the City of PHILADELPHIA, to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES,

RESPECTFULLY SHEWETH,

THAT, confiding in the wisdom, integrity and patri|otism of the constituted authorities, we have forborne to offer our opinions on the merits of the Treaty, pending between Great Britain and the United States; though, as merchants and traders, our interests are more imme|diately concerned, than those of any other class of men amongst us; as well on account of the indemnity therein stipulated for past losses, as for the security we apprehend it will give to the immense property employed by the merchants of the United States, in their foreign com|merce.

But seeing that other citizens have expressed their opinions upon this important subject, and fearing lest our silence should be construed into an acquiescence in those opinions, we deem it our duty explicitly and publickly to avow our approbation of the conduct of the Senate of the United States, believing that a different conduct respecting the Treaty would have subjected us to the im|minent hazard of war, with all its concomitant evils, and, more especially, as provision is made for the establishment of public and private credit, a continuance of peace, with all the advantages under which our commerce flourishes, and the further improvement of our country now pro|gressing in a degree, elsewhere, without example.

These are advantages and blessings, which, in our opin|ions, greatly outweigh all the objections to the Treaty generally; and, as further negociations are recommended for obtaining a less limited intercourse with the British West India islands, we hope that it will be rendered still more beneficial to this country.

Such being our sentiments, we submit them freely; and in confidence, that as they have not been hastily formed, so they will not be less deserving of consider|ation.

[Signed by above four hundred respectable names.]

The Answer.

GENTLEMEN,

I RECEIVE, with great sensibility, your Address, on the subject of the Treaty lately negociated between the United States and Great Britain; expressing your confidence in the constituted authorities, and the concur|rence of your opinions with their determinations on this highly important subject. Such sentiments deliberately formed, and proceeding from men whose interests are more immediately concerned than those of any other classes of my fellow-citizens, cannot fail to strengthen that just confidence in the rectitude of public measures which is essential to the general welfare.

G. WASHINGTON.

Address To the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

IT is with real pleasure, we comply with the request of our fellow-citizens of Frederick County, by forwarding to you the enclosed resolutions, which express the sentiments they entertain of your conduct, in a situation the most

delicate, and upon an occasion the most interesting and important that has, perhaps, occurred during your adminis|tration.

Permit us, Sir, to seize this opportunity of expressing our sincere and anxious wish, that you may long continue to preside over the interests of these States with that wis|dom and firmness which have hitherto adorned and sup|ported your official conduct; and that you may, in an eminent degree, partake of that happiness which you have been so instrumental in procuring and preserving to your fellow-citizens.

We have the honour to be, with sentiments of real esteem and respect, Sir, your humble servants,

• DANIEL MORGAN,
• CHARLES M. THURSTON,
• ROBERT WHITE,
• CHARLES MAGILL,
• JOSEPH CALDWELL.

Winchester, Dec. 2, 1795.

The Answer.

GENTLEMEN,

I RECEIVED with great satisfaction your obliging and affectionate letter, dated the 2d instant at Winchester, inclosing a Resolution of the citizens of Frederick County, who met the preceding day at the county court-house, expressing their entire approbation of my conduct, in rati|fying the Treaty lately negociated between the United States and Great Britain.

Next to the approbation of my own mind, arising from a consciousness of having uniformly, diligently, and sin|cerely aimed, by doing my duty, to promote the true in|terests of my country—the approbation of my fellow-citizens is dear to my heart.

In a free country, such approbation should be a citi|zen's best reward; and so it would be, if truth and can|dour were always to estimate the conduct of public men. But the reverse is so often the case, that he who, wishing to serve his country, is not influenced by higher motives, runs the risk of being miserably disappointed. Under such discouragement, the good citizen will look beyond the applauses and reproaches of men, and, persevering in his duty, stand firm in conscious rectitude, and in the hope of approving Heaven.

I am, Gentlemen, with much respect, your fellow-citizen and friend,

G. WASHINGTON.

Philadelphia, Dec. 10, 1795.

Address Of the MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY of the FRENCH REPUBLIC on his presenting the COLOURS of FRANCE to the UNITED STATES.

MR. PRESIDENT,

I COME to acquit myself of a duty very dear to my heart. I come to deposite, in your hands and in the midst of a people justly renowned for their courage, and their love of liberty, the symbol of the triumph and of the en|franchisement of my nation.

When she broke her chains; when she proclaimed the imprescriptable rights of man; when, in a terrible war, she sealed with her blood the covenant made with liberty,—her own happiness was not alone the object of her glorious ef|forts; her views extended also to all free people; she saw their interests blended with her own, and doubly re|joiced in her victories, which in assuring to her the enjoy|ments

of her rights, became to them new guarantees of their independence.

These sentiments, which animated the French nation, from the dawn of their revolution, have acquired new strength since the foundation of the Republic. France, at that time, by the form of its government assimilated to, or rather indentified with free people, saw in them only friends and brothers. Long accustomed to regard the American people as their most faithful allies, she has sought to draw closer the ties already formed in the fields of America, under the auspices of victory over the ruins of tyranny.

The National Convention, the organs of the will of the French nation, have more than once expressed their senti|ments to the American people; but above all, these burst forth on that august day, when the ministers of the United States presented to the National Representation, the Colours of his country, desiring never to lose recol|lections as dear to Frenchmen as they must be to Amer|icans. The Convention ordered that these colours should be placed in the hall of their sittings. They had expe|rienced sensations too agreeable not to cause them to be partaken of by their allies, and decreed that to them the National Colours should be presented.

Mr. President, I do not doubt their expectations will be fulfilled; and I am convinced, that every citizen will receive, with a pleasing emotion, this Flag, elsewhere the terror of the enemies of liberty, here the certain pledge of faithful friendship; especially when they recollect that it guides to combat, men who have shared their toils, and who were prepared for liberty, by aiding them to acquire their own.

P. A. ADET.

The Answer Of the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

BORN, Sir, in a land of liberty; having early learned its value; having engaged in a perilous conflict to defend it; having, in a word, devoted the best years of my life to secure it a permanent establishment in my own country; my anxious recollections, my sympathetic feel|ings, and my best wishes are irresistibly excited, whensoever, in any country, I see an oppressed nation unfurl the ban|ners of freedom. But above all, the events of the French Revolution have produced the deepest solicitude, as well as the highest admiration. To call your nation brave, were to pronounce but common praise. Wonderful peo|ple! ages to come will read with astonishment the history of your brilliant exploits! I rejoice that the period of your toils and of your immense sacrifices is approaching. I rejoice that the interesting revolutionary movements of so many years have issued in the formation of a Constitu|tion designed to give permanency to the great object for which you have contended. I rejoice that liberty, which you have so long embraced with enthusiasm—liberty, of which you have been the invincible defenders, now finds an asylum in the bosom of a regularly organized govern|ment;—a government, which, being formed to secure the happiness of the French people, corresponds with the ar|dent wishes of my heart, while it gratifies the pride of every citizen of the United States, by its resemblance of their own. On these glorious events, accept, Sir, my sin|cere congratulations.

In delivering to you these sentiments. I express not my own feelings only, but those of my fellow-citizens, in re|lation to the commencement, the progress, and the issue of the French Revolution; and they will cordially join with me in purest wishes to the Supreme Being, that the citizens of our sister Republic, our magnanimous allies, may soon enjoy in peace, that liberty, which they have

purchased at so great a price, and all the happiness which liberty can bestow.

I receive, Sir, with lively sensibility, the symbol of the triumphs and of the enfranchisements of your nation, the Colours of France, which you have now presented to the United States. The transaction will be announced to Congress; and the colours will be deposited with those archives of the United States, which are at once the evi|dences and the memorials of their freedom and independ|ence. May these be perpetual! and may the friendship of the two Republics be commensurate with their existence.

G. WASHINGTON.

United States, Jan. 1, 1796.

Address Of the EMIGRANT SOCIETY to the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

SIR,

YOU are now approached by a Society, through their Committee, whose province it is to take the emigrant stranger by the hand, on his arrival to our happy shores, and point him to such objects as may render him service|able to society and himself; and to assist those in more indigent circumstances until they can engage in useful em|ployments. Such a society uniting with others of their fellow-citizens, in congratulations to you on the present anniversary, cannot be disagreeable, we hope, to a Chief Magistrate to whose wise and prudent administration not less, perhaps, than to our excellent form of government, we are indebted for that accession of population invited thereby to our common country.

And when we reflect, that before this government was established from the first corner-stone of the revolution,

until the fabric was completed, your services in arms were not less conspicuous than since the peace, we cannot for|bear to offer up our ardent desires, that the great Disposer of human events may long continue a life so eminently useful to this country; and that you may not cease to en|joy health, happiness, and that satisfaction which results from doing good.

By order, and in behalf of the Philadelphia Society, for the information and assistance of persons emigrating from foreign countries. JOHN NICHOLSON, Chairman.

Philadelphia, Feb. 22, 1796.

The Answer.

GENTLEMEN,

THE principles of benevolence, on which the Society you represent is founded, and which regulate its proceed|ings, entitle it to the approbation of all your fellow-citizens. The congratulations of such a society I receive with par|ticular pleasure; and the satisfaction resulting from my constant exertions to promote the welfare of my country, will be increased, if my public services shall at the same time have contributed to render it a grateful residence to persons emigrating from foreign countries.

Your kind wishes, Gentlemen, for my health and hap|piness, claim and receive my cordial thanks.

G. WASHINGTON.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Delivered since the proposals were issued for printing this work.
• * 1.2

  The wreath of literary honour referred to in the above address, and the answer to the same, is the academical degree of Doctor of Laws; and as we have been favoured with a copy of the pre|amble to the diploma, we are happy to lay it before our readers, as the first specimen we have seen of the present title and past ser|vices of our illustrious and beloved President, attempted in truly classical latin.

  "Cum eum in sinem Gradus Academici a Majoribus nostris pruden|ter instituti fuerint, ut V••ris qui de Religione, Republica et Literis op|time sint meriti publici honores decernerentur; Cumque Nobis et Om|nibus praeclare compertum sit, GEORGIUM WASHINGTON faederata|tum Americae Civitatum Praesidem, non solum de Religione, Literis, Republica, et toto etiam humano genere bene semper et multum meruisse; sed, Bello aeque ac Pace, communis omnium salutis appetenussimum, per gravissima Rerum Discrimina, s••se Civem praestantissimum, Libertatis ulterum felicissimum, Patriaeque Patrem a mentissimum, ostendisse; nos igitur, &c."
• * 1.3

  Signed by upwards of 200 of the principal merchants, tra|ders, and mechanics of the town of Boston.