An oration, delivered in the Benevolent Congregational Meeting-House, on the fourth of July, A.D. 1796, in commemoration of American independence. / By Paul Allen, Jun. A.B.

AN ORATION.

Materies superabat opus.

FELLOW-CITIZENS,

WE are once more summoned to|gether, to celebrate the glorious day that gave birth to the liberties of our country. AEras of na|tional independence should ever be preserved and recorded in the memory of man. Like the scars of an aged patriot, they bring back to view the toil and bloodshed by which our freedom was acquired, and consequently remind us how sacredly we ought to preserve it. Vain, very vain, would it be to relate our magnanimous struggles against the arbi|trary power of Great-Britain. Rhetoric and poe|try have united to embellish the theme, till pane|gyric itself has been exhausted. Let us then re|linquish a subject too brilliant to derive splendour from any encomiums we can bestow upon it, and take a short survey of those principles that guided our politicians in the cabinet, and our heroes in the field.

Ingenious writers have done more injury to the cause of freedom by their pens, than tyrants by their swords. The desperate incision rouses the nerves, and collects the vigour of the constitution; but it is the gilded pill that lulls and stupifies the sense. Writers of ordinary capacities may well be excused. Innovations, however small, loom large to the eye of the mind, when seen through the misty medium of prejudice and passion. But a man who can meanly prostitute eminent abilities, and cringe before the throne of a tyrant, deserves to be banished from the earth.

It has been represented, that man, when he wan|ders a savage in the forest, enjoys certain rights in|compatible with the very existence of society. Of|ten has the mind been bewildered by the sorcery of metaphysics. Man, in his rude undisciplined state, cannot enjoy a more perfect equality of rights, than he does in a state of well regulated socie|ty. Parental authority must be every where the same—it is necessary for the support and preserva|tion of the child.—How then can savages be releas|ed from these eternal laws, unless they grow like vegetables from the ground? Let us not be led away by these meteors of the fancy. Natural rights are those rights which a man can enjoy in a state of society, without injury to others. If we wander further than this in quest of them, we search not among mankind, but in the world our fancy has created. Deriving their existence from Heaven, they are and ever must be paramount to all human laws and obligations. A legislative act violating these fundamental principles, is totally void, and expires in its conception. Reason, and honour, and virtue, require that such a tyrannical act should

be immediately trampled under foot. What is the bond that binds us to government? The protection of our natural rights. Consequently the moment legislators violate this trust, we are no longer ob|jects of obedience. Far be it from me to depre|ciate the value of our excellent constitution. May the people preserve it as the Romans preserved their household gods—may they guard it against the attacks of those who would bury it in the ruins of their country. Yet a constitution, however su|perb, when compared with natural right, dwindles into nothing. I revere the majestic architecture of the universe, as infinitely superior to the tem|porary habitations of men.

Some have remarked, that between true taste and liberty there is a close and intimate connexion. This may in part be true, but the one is by no means a standard of the other. Rome, when her literary fame was coextensive with the terror of her arms, did not enjoy so large a portion of civil free|dom, as she did when the simple senate met beneath the shade of an oak. The absurd doctrine of the divine right of kings, and of passive obedience, was maintained in England when literature was in its zenith, but before the dawnings of liberty red|dened in the sky. It may be the interest of a des|pot to swell the tide of national prosperity. Agri|culture may be encouraged, arts patronized, com|merce promoted, works of genius rewarded, and yet we cannot infer that the great body of the peo|ple are contented and happy. No; we must first ask the farmer, the merchant, the mechanic, if they enjoy unmolested the fruits of their own industry?

Property constitutes the very basis of civil ju|risprudence. Without it, we should be pitiful pen|sioners

on the bounty of the world, lost to all sense of virtue, and the sacred impulse of honour. Self-interest, the strongest of all obligations, would no longer bind us to the soil of our country. The factious demagogue might wield at will the whole force and authority of the state. Surely then pro|perty is the only thing that can guard us against the approaches of aristocracy, and diffuse a spirit of equality amongst all classes of citizens. We are not now treading the fairy fields of romance. Need I recur to the most splendid nations of antiquity, or of modern times, for examples? They thicken around me on every side, and to select one in par|ticular would be an injury to the rest.

Representation and taxation are so nearly allied, that to adopt the one, and reject the other, would be the completest system of slavery. Aristocracy, with all its horrors, would be better than a govern|ment unequally represented. Hereditary legisla|tors proceed with caution and slowness from one step of tyranny to another, lest they break the mysterious charm that lulls the eyes of liberty to sleep. But representatives partially elected, con|scious that they are not responsible for their ac|tions, can prostrate without sear or remorse the honour and glory of the nation. Long have these sentiments resounded in the Parliament of Great-Britain. Chatham and Cambden stood forth the advocates of the cause against the minions of pow|er and satellites of despotism. They were disre|garded, and mark the consequence, America was independent.

Here then a great and magnificent spectacle breaks in upon the view. A mighty nation rising in arms to recover her natural rights, and boldly

braving the storm of regal ambition. Let it be re|corded to the immortal honour of Rhode-Island, that she was the first who dared to resist the sway of British usurpation. The arbitrary stamp act was first rejected by this State, alone and unassisted (then a colony in subjugation to England) and at a time when every thing wore the face of desperation. Denounced as rebels by Parliament, we made our solemn appeal to heaven, and found security in arms. From one end of the continent to the other, we beheld carnage and death, without a single spot for humanity to rest on. America's dearest sons fell in the contest, and bit the dust of the earth. The seats of innocence were consumed—the fields of the husbandman desolated—nay, even the sanctity of temples was profaned. The horns of the altar afforded no refuge to the miserable fugitive—At length, after an ineffectual resistance, we were join|ed by the great and powerful empire of France. From this period our affairs began to exhibit a more splendid appearance. The armies of the two nations fought, bled and conquered, under the standard of liberty. Our heroes who fell in this glorious campaign have already received the most honourable testimony of public applause. Bunker's Hill, and the heights of Quebec, shall remain the lasting monuments of their glory. Laurels of un|fading renown shall bloom round their sepulchres, and thicken over the consecrated earth. The plains of York-Town will be remembered with pleasure by republicans—by tyrants with a sting of regret.

Already has the tongue of the orator, and the pen of the poet, done signal justice to the character of WASHINGTON. In contemplating this wonder|ful man, we are at a loss which most to admire—the

dignified firmness of his political measures, or the brilliancy of his martial atchievements. He once fought our battles—he now guides our councils. Though he no longer tra••els in the light of arms, or the splendour of conquest, still he holds the most im|portant station that freedom can bestow. I will be bold to assert, notwithstanding the clamours of par|ty rage, that he has discharged the functions of his office with honour to himself—with satisfaction to the country. The rays of disappointed faction, like the rays of the moon, may brighten, but never can burn him. Perhaps the mighty pillar, and the sculptured obelisk, may never perpetuate his name; but while the human heart shall throb with grati|tude, the glory of WASHINGTON shall remain.—His companions in arms, animated by so glorious an ex|ample, by their united exertions redeemed this land from foreign vassalage.

I do not repeat the injuries we have received, to awaken the jealous sense of national antipathy. Re|publicans are too apt to glow with rapture when ••••athemas and invectives are thundered against for|eign nations. Original merit is built on its own adamant. Reproach is seldom connected with re|form. Wicked ministers may be censured, but the character of a nation should be spared. To for|give, and be forgiven, is a principle recorded in holy writ, which if it had been found in the works of some pagan author, would have been regarded by many as the most celebrated maxim of ancient philosophers. What though Britain has desolated our fields, and ravaged our plains; the injury is great, but the display of our magnanimity is greater. Savages themselves, when revenge is satisfied, bury the hatchet of resentment. Shall civilized nations

be outdone? The voice of reason and humanity must be silent. Let us then no longer suffer our minds to be deluded by the trappings of eloquence. Let us banish from our bosoms this mock patriot|ism, and let our sympathy be extensive as the mise|ries of mankind.

Of all constitutions which the ingenuity of man has ever invented, ours is the most transcendently excellent. It was not the mysterious offspring of chance. It was not extorted from the hands of a monarch, or presented to the public with the inso|lence of a gift. No; it was the productive effort of calm, deliberate and enlightened discussion. Reason has taught this simple, universal truth, that a government calculated to promote the general fe|licity, must be referred to the tribunal of man. A man who would struggle against and oppose the laws which he or his representatives have enacted, would not be satisfied even though an angel were commis|sioned from heaven to frame a constitution. This principle guided the guardians of our liberties when they formed our government, and let me add, this alone breaks the spell of aristocracy. Yes, the impassible forest, the magic castle, and the enchant|ed knight, vanish into nothing.—The mind of man travels forth amidst the majesty of creation. He feels the primaeval dignity of his nature. He no longer venerates a star, or deifies a garter. Well then might the champion of despotism declare, that the age of chivalry was gone.* 1.1 Government, says this writer, is a contract between those who are living, those who are dead, and those who are to be born. The absurdity of a contract existing between parties who never can meet together, either for

the purpose of confirming or dissolving it, is un|worthy of notice. Under the benign patronage of our constitution, our national prosperity is encreas|ed beyond all calculation. The farmer walks round his spot of earth, and says, this is mine. How dif|ferent from him who resigns the hard earnings of his labour, to swell the pomp and pride of an inso|lent aristocracy. Agriculture has been carried to such an extent, as to satisfy not only the nu|merous calls of our countrymen, but likewise to support such armies in Europe as were never known since the days of Xerxes' expedition. May not this country then in time become the granary of Europe? Our commerce is almost as extensive as the ocean. The gold of Africa, the spices and the purple of India, have introduced the glitter of opulence, the elegance of refinement, and the pa|rade of national prosperity.

Glorious and magnificent as our present situation may be, uninterrupted repose is not the lot of hu|manity. Foreign war may threaten us with disso|lution. It is not enough to have ramparts to frown contempt on our enemies. We must meet them in the field of glory and conquest. A standing army is the prerogative of despotism. Mercenary plun|derers can feel no heart-attaching bond that unites them to the people. Under the specious pretext of repelling foreign invasion, the sword of military terror is continually hung over their heads. A well organized militia is the centinel of a free state. Born under the same laws, and united by the same endearing ties of social affection to their country with the rest of the community, to rise in rebellion against government would be worse than parricide. Europe may boast her hirelings of slaughter—China

may repose her confidence in her inaccessible ram|parts—while America, superior to all, exults in the native valour of her citizens.—If ever foreign nations should dare to invade our rights, the present occasion affords a convincing proof that a well dis|ciplined militia is our best rampart and safeguard.

Feeble indeed are all civil institutions, if the minds of the people are not informed. Righteous legislators will ever be supported by the good sense of their constituents, but they must first know what their rights are, before they can determine whatever they are violated. The establishment of national schools, therefore, is a duty society owes to its members; otherwise the rude, uninformed multitude, may rise and sweep away the liberties of the continent. To give an instance that must come home to the feelings of every heart; America has afforded a melancholy proof that she is not superior to the clamour of party. Faction has dared to stalk abroad at noon day, and has denounced with her thousand tongues our legislators to the nation. Nothing but a general diffusion of political know|ledge prevented the people from rising into action. They saw the iniquity of the charge—they turned aside in silent contempt. But this evil, I hope and trust, is of a temporary duration. Faction, like the phoenix, may fan the fire of public resentment, which shall finally consume her to ashes. This de|monstrates the truth of that grand moral maxim, that the father of a family confers the greatest obli|gation to society, when his children are educated in principles of virtue. The sense of humanity should beat with the first pulsations of the heart. Common experience shews this to be true, and inspiration cannot tell us any more. Why need I insist on the

necessity of education, when I address the respecta|ble citizens of Rhode-Island? Yonder University is held in high estimation by our sister States, and may one day shine like the morning star amongst the smaller constellations of science.

While we deprecate the exertions that have been made to overturn the constitution, the efforts of an enlightened class of citizens to support it are en|titled to honourable remembrance.

Gentlemen of the Cincinnati,

Amidst all the tumult that has been raised against government, it is some consolation to find a soci|ety who venerate the principles, who be••r the es|cutcheons of freedom. During a long and arduous war, you maintained an illustrious and honourable part. When our great national leader bid an eternal adieu to the army entrusted to his char••e, and relin|quished the storms of war for the peaceful bowers of Mount-Vernon, you first formed this respectable or|der. The same affections which throbbed in your bo|soms at that moment, still continue undiminished. Be careful to cultivate that tree which has been watered by your blood. Remember the name of the vener|able patriot you have assumed, who conquer|ed in the field, and then retired to his farm, amidst the smiles of heaven, and the benedictions of Rome. Remember that harmony links the uni|verse together. While you continue to support the laws, with a decent respect for the rights of the people, may your glory remain long as the trees shall bloom in the spring, or the clouds fly over the firmament.

It is a fact no less astonishing than true, that ty|ranny carries its own remedy with it. Nations tor|mented for ages on the fiery couch of oppression,

acquire a force and vigour, superior to the torture. Can it be supposed that France, when the princi|ples of her government were developed, could rea|son on them with all the calmness of a philosopher, retired from the business, the hurry and the tumult of the world? Reason is slow and timid in all her operations. Instinct, that emanation from heaven, that mirror of God himself, hurries us into action. On this ground, the proceedings of the French may be justified. I will not affect to disguise the truth; in many, many instances, the feelings of humanity have been wounded. While mankind rejoice at the demolition of the Bastile, they will mourn for the catastrophe of Louis. But France has arisen l••ke the fabled giant* 1.2 of antiquity, more glorious from her fall. Let de••potism hear and tremble, that amidst all the storms of war, and rage of contending parties, she has formed a constitution—a constitu|tion that promises to diffuse light and joy to millions and millions of men.

But what shall we say of the wise and powerful government of England? Behold the wretched Muir, Margarot and Gerrald, those martyrs of li|berty, who embarked in the cause of parliamentary reform, condemned by a venal and prostituted court to pine out a miserable existence on the barren and gloomy shores of New-Holland, remote from their friends and all the tender attachments of fami|ly connexions. What are these but the forebo|dings of a revolution? Methinks I see the majestic spirits of a Russel and a Sydney walking the earth, and mourning that their posterity should so basely r••linquish those rights which they purchased with the price of their existence. Rest, ye venerable

shades; freedom is still triumphant. The last ef|forts of tyranny, like those of a dying monster, are always most violent.

In contemplating such august spectacles, the fan|cy seems wafted on the wing of inspiration. This may be enthusiasm, but 'tis enthusiasm in the cause of man. To be calm and disinterested, when ob|jects of such magnitude are at stake, is treason against the law of nature. Times may change—empires may be subverted—creation itself may burn to ashes—but liberty is eternal. Let us, then, hail the period as approaching, when despotism shall be precipitated like Lucifer from heaven, and man|kind acknowledge no other sovereign but the Sov|ereign of the Universe.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Burke.
• * 1.2

  Antaeus.