Tyrannical libertymen. A discourse upon Negro-slavery in the United States: composed at ----, in Newhampshire; on the late federal thanksgiving-day. : [Four lines of quotation]

A DISCOURSE, &c.

2 SAMUEL XII. 5.

And David's anger was greatly kindled against the man; and he said to Nathan, As the LORD liveth, the man that hath done this thing shall surely die.

UNWARY and vindictive monarch! He clearly sees, in its full magnitude, the mote that blemishes another's eye, while, at the same time, without his seeming to be sensible of it, a beam is in his own eye.

And we are his legitimate children. The blood of this royal dispenser of justice flows in our veins. We sentence the Algerines, as he that villainous sheep-steal|er. We want only the power, and they would expe|rience a most exemplary chastisement; and, if some could be gratified, would be crased from the catalogue of nations.

Prepare your ears to hear a most extraordinary anath|ema, pronounced against that infatuated people by one of our first poets and eminent statesmen.

Great maledictions of eternal wrath, Which like heaven's vialed vengeance singe and scathe! Transfix with scorpion stings their callous heart, Make blood-shot eye-balls from their sockets start, For balm pour brimstone in their wounded soul, Then ope perdition and ingulph the whole!

In the name of horrour, why this raving and execra|tion! O, the Algerines have captured and enslaved five or six score of Americans, and keep them in ab|ject servitude and distress. For this they are condem|ned to death and perdition; and I know not but heaven suggested the verdict.

But if this thing must be done in the green tree, what shall be done in the dry? In these United States, not five or six score, but five or six hundred thousand

persons, are enslaved;—not captured, like those Amer|icans, upon the high seas, where no one goes unappri|zed of the danger; but dragged defenceless from their native fields; and frequently treated, as might ea|sily be made to appear, in a manner barbarous as our people are treated at Algiers.

In Massachusetts the negroes were freed long ago. In New-Hampshire and Vermont, they are few in num|ber; but some were found, at the taking of the last cen|sus, to be still in slavery even here. They might in|deed be free, did they know how to avail themselves of the bill of rights, which declares, that all men are born equally free. But to our disgrace, they are and ought to be considered as slaves, till government s••••••l take effectual measures, as their guardians, to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that they are in fact free; and till, for the sake of ex|ample, their freedom shall be made known to the world.

What if some states have passed acts of non-impor|tation? That, so far as respects the negroes now in slavery, is just nothing at all. How will the non-im|portation of others repair the wrong done to these? Or, if no wrong is done, why should importation be stopped? Those who are now slaves may pray, it is true, like the rich man in hell, that none of their brethren may be brought to this place of torment; but their prayers would avail but little, if granted, in mitigation of their own tortures.

The injustice of enslaving our fellow-creatures, even though they are black, is pretty generally acknowledg|ed; and in respect to our slaves, people affect to lament their misfortune in being brought into a situation, which renders it necessary, that they should be conti|nued in bondage. It is just, no doubt, that the negroes should have remained free; but they are slaves, and therefore let them continue so. Let them, however, have this consolation, that we will leave off our injus|tice gradually. There shall be an abolition; but it shall begin moderately, and proceed leisurely, and be completed sometime or never. Thus the poor slave may comfort himself, that at some distant period, when GOD only knows, he, or his children, or his children's children, may hope for deliverance.

Some are for setting them free immediately. They are not for continuing an abuse of the most cruel na|ture, under any pretext whatever. And why are not all of this opinion? It is because many are prejudiced, and many are indolent, and very many are interested; not to mention, that most people pay but very little attention to the subject.

Hence it has happened, that every advocate for an immediate emancipation has been immediately silen|ced by some specious objection. The indolent have by this means sound repose for their consciences; and the interested have rid themselves of much odium, without any great danger of losing their vassals.

First, it is plead, that slaves are property. "The operation (said Mr. Madison in Congress) of redu|cing the number of slaves was going on as quickly as pos|sible. The mention of such a thing in the house had in the mean time a very bad effect on that species of pro|perty."

Secondly, without negro slaves the southern planta|tions can not be managed to advantage.

Thirdly, the most plausible and confounding plea of the whole is, that if they were all at once and imme|diately set at liberty, to run at large, they would be a dangerous parcel of vagabonds, more unhappy them|selves than at present, and the terrour and vexation of the community.

O, it is doubtless cruel, to deprive a master of the slave for whom he paid perhaps forty guineas, and has had his labour for not more than forty years. But to whom did he pay the guineas? In the name of conscience, who had any right, in the first place, to sell negroes? If a shipload of Frenchmen were offered for sale, the enquiry would quickly be made. The princi|ple would soon be established, that man could not be made the property of man.

But we ourselves are too secure to imagine the case our own; otherwise we might appeal to that eternal rule of right, to do by others as they should do by us. And with what feeling should we stand forth for sale, be slaves, be called that species of property; we, who deni|ed our parent country the right of taxing us, and edg|ed

our swords to maintain our liberty, or to die! Should we endure the oppressor's rod?

Money has been paid by the purchaser; but no e|quivalent has been given or can be given to the negro. Liberty can not be estimated by guineas. If so, have I no claim to my liberty, because a tyrant, stronger than I, has robbed me of it, and sold me? This species of property, upon that principle, is not so highly privi|leged as other species; for the laws take care, that sto|len goods, though purchased by an honest man at their full value, shall be given up to the right owner; and shall they tolerate slavery?

But if there seems injustice, that individuals should wholly lose the labour of those for whom they have paid so much money; let the state under the countenance of which they have carried on this accursed traffic, make them some consideration, and let every one who has acquiesced in the system of slavery contribute to its abolition.

Yet every master is holden by every tie, whatever government may see cause to do or not to do, to grant manumission to his slaves; and woe to the man who takes advantage of any human institution, to injure his fellow creatures, when his conscience testifies that it is an injury, and that the law is cruel, and repugnant to all right.

A regular importation of negro slaves into America took place in consequence of a suggestion of Casas, a Spanish clergyman. When the Spaniards conquered Hispaniola, they reduced the Indians to servitude, and treated them with such cruelty, that multitudes perish|ed. Casas strove to relieve them; but failed in every measure. At last he proposed the importing of ne|groes; in order, by enslaving them, to free the Indians. So blind is man!

The second objection in my enumeration is no more an argument in favour of continuing what negroes in slavery we already possess, than of importing new ones. But experiments have proved, in different parts of the world, that freemen will do more labour than slaves. Besides the objection is too iniquitous to be harboured a moment; and I have been pained at hearing it urged

by some, who seem in other instances to be philan|thropic.

The third objection pretends kindness to the ne|groes, and a regard to our own security.

It is quite fashionable to observe, under colour of the former principle, that freed negroes generally go more meanly dressed than slaves. What then! Is freedom to be sold for a fine coat, for calicoes? And what i•• some slaves fare better than we? Who would be even a sycophant, much less a slave, for the sake of better fare?

But the observation, made as a general one, is false. The bulk of slaves in the southern states can not be more naked, and ill-used, and defenceless, than they are now. Soul and body would separate. And even if freedom should be the occasion of their being still more desti|tute, and it were possible that they should yet continue to live; would they not likewise, on the other hand, get clear of incessant drudgery, of dispiriting menaces, of merciless flagellations? What they would lose in dress and diet they would save in sweat and blood.

And do those who live worse with freedom than when slaves, if there are such, do they commonly re|turn to their cidevant masters, and say, I had rather be your slave than be free? Such a thing may sometimes happen; but if it were a general practice, where would be the hazard of setting them in general free? It would only be losing their labour, while they could make a little experiment, and then return to their abject con|dition, more obsequious than before.

The truth is, liberty is sweet, and slavery is horrible; and nothing can be an equivalent for the one, and nothing but insensibility or a hope of deliverance can render the other supportable.

The principle we are now examining talks of kind|ness. It would keep the negroes in slavery for their own good, A very suspicious sort of humanity! Why not re-enslave those who have been once freed? Why not import more? Or do they live better in Congo, than those happy wretches who have had the good for|tune to become slaves? Why not subjugate the Indians to this enviable condition; or raise the few indigent

of our own nation to the rank of bondmen? Why does this benevolent system embrace only negroes now in slavery? Perhaps we are under peculiar obligations, to regard their good. Yes, GOD knows it, and I wish we may be wise enough to discharge these obligations in due season.

But this pretension of kindness is only a cloak. The other part of the objection is all that creates any difficulty. That I confess is of great importance, and merits a wise and candid discussion.

We are in this dilemma: there is such a number of slaves in the country:—and, on the one hand, we can not continue them in bondage without doing vio|lence to our consciences, and incurring the dis|pleasure of heaven; nor, on the other, can we free them without extraordinary measures. It will require money, and labour, and wisdom, and vigilance. Of two evils, if the latter can be degraded to such a name, we have to determine which is the least.

There is no reason to expect, but that, if so many myriads of wretches were turned out of doors, desti|tute, to live as they list, uncultivated as they now are, they would be a nuisance in society. Probably, besides idleness and beggary, we should see uncomfortable dis|orders, perhaps outrages, perhaps fatal crimes; some through ignorance, some through wantonness, some from impelling hunger, and some from revenge. They are not fit to be their own guides; they have been habituated, not to reason, but obey; their wills have been crushed; they are scarce conscious of the power of willing; and, what is worse, they are not taught the duties that arise from social relations, nor disciplined to good morals.

What then can be done? This is the momentous question. But whenever we are as sincerely desirous of freeing the negroes as we are of aggrandizing our own nation, we shall soon devise ways and means sufficient for the purpose. We, who descant upon the rights of man, who boast our improvements, our resources, our enterprize, our energy, our patriots, our territory, and, in fine, our "asylum for the unfortunate of other coun|tries";—we, the most flourishing nation on the globe,

if our hearts were engaged, should ask for no foreign assistance, to liberate our slaves.

But the question stills recurs, What can be done? The answer is, If they are not fit for freedom, they must be fitted. They must be considered, for a ••••me, as in a state of minority▪ It must be a state of dependence and discipline, not servitude. They must therefore be taken away from their masters, and, by direction of the magistrate, put under temporary guardians, governours, and instructors, to be educated, to be made acquainted with their rights and duties, and some honest method of acquiring a livelihood; to be prepared for citizen|ship.

I do not say, that all should be treated alike. I do not know, but some should be returned to Africa. Many are worn out with age and sore travail. They must not be cast helpless into the high ways; but let them hear the glad news of liberty to the captive, that tears of transport may run down the furrows which have been deep-worn by tears of affliction. Does his master ask, how he shall live—who will support him? Live, wretch! how long have you revelled upon the fruit of his labours, ungratefully; and do you ask, how he shall live, how he shall be supported through the painful residue of a devoted life? Give him food from you own table, and beg him to pray for your a|varicious soul.

After all, some may choose, though under no ina|bility or bias, to remain with their masters. But, in this case, government ought to consider, whether it is not their duty, to interfere so far, as to see, that, if any remain, they do not remain slaves: and that, like other free persons, they can go whenever they please, accord|ing to the established principles of reciprocal contract. In short, they ought to have guardians.

Massachusetts gave a noble example; but, had they fallen upon the plan of carrying their negroes through such a preparation state before manumission, they would, I firmly believe, have found i•• a salutary mea|sure, and have been celebrated for teaching the world a new lesson of humanity.

But suppose the negroes prepared for freedom, are

they then to settle among us? Projectors are generally hissed at; but, as the object desired will probably never be accomplished, before man 〈◊〉〈◊〉 have been ••r••ject|ed, why should we fear 〈◊〉〈◊〉? One pro••osa•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ma•• be made of a plan, which appear to me to be sensible, and to promise advantages. Let a portion of out new terri|tory be assigned for the purpose; and let the great body of the negroes be sent to colonize it. Perhaps they may be taken right from their masters and go through their ••••••-age or preparation state 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the wilder|ness. An any rate, they must not go e••pt••-handed. They must have wagg••n•• and cattle, provisions and raiment, artificers and overseers. Religion must be tough, laws instituted, and order maintained among them. They must be inured to industry and econo|my; defended, if any should invade them; and awed by soldiery, if they should rebel.

Though doubtless difficulties would attend the at|chievment, yet with resolution it may be accomplish|ed. And what a flattering prospect would it open to the wellw••she•••• of mankind. We might reasona|bly expect soon to see a large province of black free|men, industrious and well regulated, improving in arts and learning, happy at home and a peace with us, affording some revenue and adding some strength to the nation, an asylum for other unfortunate Africa••s▪ a nursery from which might in true proceed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mis|sionaries and teachers to the land of negroes. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not the establishment of such a colony be of exc••••sive influence in bringing about the unive•••••••• spread of ••••ght, liberty, and benevolence. Ye 〈…〉〈…〉 Pharaohs, how long will ye harden your hearts, and not let the people go!

If the negroes should remain among us, though fully enfranchised, they will not be treated upon terms of e|quality▪ and perhaps never rise to that rank which they deserve. Let them go, therefore, be formed into a state, and, in due ••i••••, have a voice in Congress. They will never be men till they are treated like men; they will never be citizens till they feel themselves so; they will never be good citizens, till they know their duties and can appreciate their immunities.

Let who will startle or laugh, I steadfastly maintain, that we must bring them to an equal standing in p••in•• of privileges with whi••es. They must enjoy all the rights belonging to human nature.

Some allege, that negroes would have no gratitude. I do not believe it. It does not accord with human nature. I have known instances to the contrary. And yet, simply for freedom, they would owe no gratitude. Liberty is their right; and he treatment I have pro|posed is no more than a recompense for the injuries we have done them. All then is a matter of justice; and is gratitude due for an act of justice?

We are acting a very inconsistent part—worse than the man who distressed his fellow servant for a hun|dred pence, when himself owed ten thousand talents. We b••uster about tyranny, and keep our arms ever burnished to defend our rights; while we have legions of tyrants among us, and make no opposition to their inflecting the scourge of b••••terness.

Nor can it be made to appear, that the People of this state have no concern in the matter; unless it ap|pears, that we have not a slave in the state, and that we have no concern in the Algerine slavery, to which we are voluntarily about to attend* 1.1;—and appears, that we have no concern in the internal affairs of the other states, arising from our federal relation, so that should the negroes in one of them make an insurrection, as|sume their liberty, and subjugate an equal number of whites to be their slaves, we, equally sa••••sfied with black citizens or white, should regard the revolution with cold neutrality;—and appears further, that our joining in the celebration of this national thanks|giving is altogether a farce.

For, in this festival, we are to pay our acknowledge|ments to HEAVEN, in concert with all the states, "for the manifold and signal mercies, which distin|guish our 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as a nation, particularly for the possession of constitutions of government, which unite, and by their union establish liberty with order." So much in the words of the proclamation by our chief magistrate.

Our churches are probably ringing with rights and privileges—emigration of our forefathers from persecution—destruction of the Indians—protection against British violence—government of our own choosing—free ••••••••rage—learning and respectability—p••ace in our borders and plenty in our habitations—not any to molest us or make us afraid.

But shame to the whole union, that more than a seventh part of the human beings in these states can, with no manner of propriety, join in any of these top|ics. They are not of the nation; and, therefore, have no national blessings to acknowledge. They have no share in the commonwealth. They are po|litically nothing. And by celebra••ing this day, we subscribe to their nonexistence.

Can the negroes praise GOD with the spirit and the understanding, that, in violation of all rights, they were forced from beyond the Atlantic, to be our slaves—that the Indians were extirpated, to make room for their masters—that the did not join the British in their war against us, and, by that means, recover their freedom; but neglect••d the opportunity, and so continue a servile, abused, and pitiable herd, without privilege, under government which they have every reason to ••a••e, with no suffrage, depressed in ignorance and meanness, having no borders for peace nor habitation for plenty; but exposed always to some|body to molest them, and more than to make them afraid—to whip, wound, and maim them—to tire and starve them—and, in some places, to mangle and even to kill them.* 1.2

These are the blessings which they, as a people, have to thank GOD ••or; and if they are too stupid to ex|perience proper sentiments upon the occasion, they are the more to be commiserated.

The slave-trade is a source of indescribable evils. It is the scourge of Africa and the bane of America. The negro nations are ruined by it. The weaker are continually a prey to the stronger. Crimes are com|mitted, to which, if the slave-trade was abolished, there would be no temptation; and cruelties are practised, which would be impossible. Their governments are arbitrary; and, while a subject can be bartered for commodities, the despot is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 likely to be very scru|pulous about rights. His business is to satisfy, his own appetites. The smallest offence, therefore, they pun|ish by selling to slavery; and pronounce a subject guilty upon the slightest evidence. Indeed, a forged accusation is often sufficient, supported by no evi|dence.

Besides, the most peaceful villages are infested with unprincipled wretches, who catch whom they can;—not solely to oblige their christian customers, but to ob|tain "as much vile trash as I could grasp thus." Wars too are waged between despots for the purpose only, though perhaps not avowedly so, of obtaining prisoners for the market. These are the means by which slaves are procured for American planters. This is the depredation 〈◊〉〈◊〉 which we are accessory. For where is the difference of criminality, except in degree, whether we only support a constitution which sanctions this villainy▪ or forbear to remonstrate with a neighbour, who holds in slavery the descendant of a negro, bought, by the neighbour's grandfather, of a English Ishmaelite, who bought him of his barbarous brethren; or whether we forced him ourselves from his father's cottage and rive••ted his chains with our own hands?

O, ill-fated Africans! What security have the most innocent, the most virtuous among them! Where are all the "tender charities of life!" But we are invited to believe, that these people are blocks and dross, mere brutes, destitute of feeling. This is the slave-dealer's

policy. As if the breasts of bereft mothers and bereft lovers were exercised with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 frantic pangs, when their children and consorts are torn from ••heir arms, to be carried ••o a region, where, their country men suppose, because they never return* 1.3, that they are ••a|ten;—a fate far preferable to tha••, which most of them experience, who, more particularly in the southern states and the Westindies, drag out a miserable ••••te un|der

the lash of debauched drivers, and leave the same miserable legacy entailed upon their miserable off|spring.

Miserable indeed! And yet, they have no fellow-sufferer to expostulate, like O'Brien at Algiers. They have no friends to redeem them. In general they can neither read nor write, and have, therefore, no way to fill the world with complaints. Their sufferings are their own, and they must bear them in silence. Dis|pirited, trodden down, and trampled upon, they have lost all manhood, and find relief only in their stupidi|ty, he effect of cruelty and despair.

This is a real likeness; not drawn by the pencil of phrensy. And any who doubts it may satisfy himself by reading or travel, that the half is not told him.

But what if their grievances were less, and the treat|ment they receive more humane, than the most fa|vourable representations pretend: still they are slaves, and ought to be set at liberty with all possible dispatch. Why do we not drain this fountain of idleness, luxury, and licentiousness? Why do we no silence the dom|ineering tone of masters? At the same ••••me, we shall increase he number of freemen, the bonds of society, the quantity of productive labour, the aggregate of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 happiness.

When will Americans show, that they are, what they affect to be thought, friends to the cause of hu|manity at large, reverers of the rights of their fellow-creatures. Hitherto we have been oppressors; nay—murderers! For many a negro has died by the whip of his master; and many have lived when death would have been preferable. Surely, the curse of GOD; and the reproach of man, is against us. More than the seven plagues of Egypt will befal us. If Algiers shall be perished seven sold, truly America seventy and s••v••n sold.

This is severe; but where is the conscience that does not acknowledge it just? Do we feel indignation when perusing the history of tyranny; does resent|ment kindle at the least abridgement of our rights; do we 〈…〉〈…〉 death to the corsair;—The replication may be most poignantly given—Thou art the man.

Thou art that marble-heart, that lordling, that pirate—the object of thy own curses.

Much has been said, volumes are on the shelves, up|on the origin of nations and their difference of colour. Curious, but of little service; the philosopher's pas|time. To rescue a person from sufferings is an act of more merit, than to trace back his pedigree to the first progenitor. Nay; I would rather give happiness to an individual, than speculate upon the genealogy of na|tions with unrivalled success, or be the inventor of the most unexceptionable hypotheses respecting the diver|sity of human complexions and features. But I must not prolong the discourse.

Let us thoroughly contemplate the subject, and act the consistent and the beneficent part. Like the royal convict whose name is in the text, let us acknowl|edge our guilt; and, like people of the most noble sen|timents, let us immediately change our system of con|duct. We ought to sign a protest against slavery; and publicly to declare our abhorrence of this national ini|quity and abomination. In short, we ought to do every thing in our power, to bring about a constitutional reform; that there may be a universal abolition thro' the states—I might have said, through all nations. In particular, we ought religiously to refrain from vo|ting for any man to sustain a public office of any kind, whatever may be his abilities, if he is known to be the owner of a slave. This should debar him from every place of trust and honour in the commonwealth. A|bove all, we ought to implore the PARENT of man|kind, to diffuse every where a spirit of christian charity, that oppression may cease through the world, and kind|ness and gentleness mark all the dealings of man with his fellow-pilgrims, till all are brought into ONE FAMILY.

Notes

• * 1.1

  There was a contribution upon this day, for the pur|pose of redeeming those Americans who are in slavery at Algiers:—an object worthy of a generous people. Their redemption, we hope, is not far distant. But, should any body contribute money for this purpose which he had 〈◊〉〈◊〉 out of a negro slave, be would deserve less applause, than an actor in the comedy of Cas••s.
• * 1.2

  It is a fact, which can not be controverted, that negro slaves are not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 so abused, as to die in conse|quence; and instances are not wanting of their being killed outright.
• * 1.3

  The second African who ever returned from American slavery, as we are told by Francis Moore, was one Job Ben Solomon, a Pholey, son of the high-priest of Bando in the interiour parts of Africa. Travelling acr••ss the country with his herds of cattl•• in the year 1731, he was robb••d, seized, and sold to slavery. He was brought to America and Purchased by a Maryland planter. About a year after he found means to convey a letter to England, written by himself, in Arabic. The letter fell into the hands of Mr. Oglethorpe. It was translated at Oxford▪ and, such was the ••steem, which it procured for the writer, that Mr. O|glethorpe immediately took measures to redeem him and bring him to England.

  He tarried in England upwards of a year, discovered great mi••dness of temper and strength of intellect, and recei|ved much notice and liberal presents from many of the no|bility and the royal family.

  Having then an opportunity, he with great eagerness em|braced it, to return to his native country. Alas! his fa|ther was no more; his wife had married another; his whole country had been ravaged by war—and, though be|fore abounding in herds of cattle, had not a cow left. His wife's new husband however, hearing of his return, thought proper to abscond.

  The gen••rous man was deeply penetrated at his father's death and the misfortunes of his country; but his wife he forgave: For, said he, Mr. Moore, she could not help thinking I was dead, for I was gone to a land, from whence no Pholey ever yet returned. Therefore she is not to be blamed.

  The story might doubtless be so told, that a tear would be no unnatural effect.