The journal of William Scudder, an officer in the late New-York line, who was taken captive by the Indians at Fort Stanwix, on the 23d of July, 1779, and was holden a prisoner in Canada until October, 1782, and then sent to New-York and admitted on parole: : with a small sketch of his life, and some occurrences of the war, which chiefly happened under his notice previous to his captivity. : Containing also, some extracts from history, novels, &c.

THE JOURNAL OF WILLIAM SCUDDER.

I WAS born at Westfield, in New-Jersey, and for a number of years in my youth could never say that I enjoyed a state of health; however, my days glided on until at the age of twenty-two years, when I was united in the bands of matrimony to a person who was not my choice. Here it may not be improper to caution all parents against too much rigidness in the choice of their children's marrying. In case of any accident, persuasions and good argu∣ments ought justly to be exercised; but to lay a positive command, and put it in force, brings an endless and living sorrow upon the married pair; at the same time I would particularly recommend it to all young people, to live a virtuous and religious life, as the reverse brings on sorrows and reflections not easily erased—The spring of life being gone, which thought is very oppressive to a feeling mind, at least when not spent to that purpose for which the Great Author of our existence designed it. It is certain, that in the time of youth, the greatest comforts are to be enjoyed; for in general, health is shooting forth her blooms, which renders the pros∣pect before us pleasing and entertaining; there is so great a field for improvement in the time of youth,

that if properly cultivated, will lay in such a rich harvest, as will bring us on the great theatrical stage of life, up•••• so good a foundation, that honor, peace and tranquility, will pursue by a continued course of doing well until our glass is run: we shall die in peace, and leave a blessing behind us—Virtue, thou fairest of jewels! it ought to be written with a golden pen, and printed with a diamond. I would never advise a person to marry altogether for fancy's 〈◊〉〈◊〉, judgement with a feeling regard, ought to take 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lead: for instance, although a man or wo∣man may not be so comely, still by a virtuous and an ••••conomical life, their affections will cement and rest proximate together.

After my marriage, my two brothers being set∣tled some distance from home, my father thought proper to continue me in his house, and being of a fretful disposition, and growing old and his faculties failing, added to my afflictions: for let me do right or wrong, I was almost sure of meeting with blame, although he was a tender hearted man, and the poor often experienced his benevolence. I would ever advise a new married pair, not to live under the same roof with their parents, (especially farmers) as it frequently creates a discord, they having two se∣parate interests, generally speaking. Thus I con∣tinued until the tenth day of November, 1775, when I engaged in the first Jersey regiment, under Captain Andrew M'Myers, what was called a first serjeant, and I thought it a great office; however, a number of my acquaintances suspected I would not continue in the service; but being a whig, and all for liberty, I left home, which was by no means irreputable, as my father had a handsome estate, and plenty of assistance.

After recruiting some young men of good charac∣ters,

we were quartered in the barracks in Eliza∣beth-Town. We went that winter to ••empstead Plains, on Long Island, to disarm some inhabitants who it was reported were unfriendly to the common cause, under the command of General Heard, who brought the Middlesex militia with him, and our regiment, which was under Lord Stirling, made up about twelve hundred men, with which we boldly marched on; our martial appearance so struck the poor inhabitants, that they came running in with their old rusty firelocks and swords, some ap∣peared not to have been fired off since the days of Oliver Cromwell. In a few days we made a con∣quest, and returned back gallant and victorious, not having a man killed or wounded, only a brother serjeant of mine fainted away, on the Plains, from a report that some regulars, were in Hempstead, en∣trenching themselves.

In February our regiment was ordered to New-York, and began to fortify the town. In the same month I met with an old friend of mine, who had formerly been well acquainted at my father's house▪ and had just received a captain's commission from the New-York provincial congress; he soli∣cited me to accept a commission and go with him, which I had no objection to, as I had often to stand cap in hand to some officers whom I did not think my equals before they received their commissions and became men of consequence; I therefore im∣mediately made application to Lord Stirling, who interceded with General Lee, then commander in chief, and on producing a warrant from the New-York Congress, obtained a discharge. I then pur∣chased a sword and became an officer. I went on recruiting rapidly, so that by the assistance of one ••••••jeant and corporal, I got sixty-one stout, able

bodied men, all quartered in Westfield, on the in∣habitants, at one dollar each man per week; so that I judge, in the whole monies expended, I lost one hundred pounds, part of which I had to pay in hard money, after the close of the war. In April we were ordered to New-York, and from thence to Stillwater, where we lay about six weeks, and then went to Ticonderoga. In June I had the command of some batteaux (by order of Colonel Co••••••eli••e Wynkoop, of the 4th New-York regiment, to which we belonged) that were loaded with provi∣sions to go to Crown Point, where our army then lay, under the command of General Sullivan, hav∣ing t••treated from Canada,—an•• such a scene of mortality as was exhibited at that place, I never had beheld. The hospital I judged to be about one hundred and fifty feet in length; on the lower floor in two ranges on each side 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the poor sick and dis∣tressed soldiers. Their disorder was chiefly the small-pox—Some groaning and begging for water, some dying, and others dead and sewed up in their blankets; let it suffice to say, that by the middle of the afternoon they would begin to carry the dead from the hospital: I counted twenty-one carried out at one time, and it was common to bury fifteen or twenty in a day. At Fort George the same dis∣order prevailed, with other epidemical diseases, which were as fatal as at Crown Point. My me∣mory will not permit me to assert, but as near as I can recollect, it was judged that near six thousand persons died in that campaign, which was in the year 1776. In New-Jersey that year, the mortality was great, although General Washington's army was more healthy.

What a surprising event the independency of A∣merica ha•• produced! A country then unarmed, un∣disciplined,

epidemical disorders prevailing, and in the fall of 1776 the army almost disbanded, our for∣tifications take•••• and at least twenty thousand fine British troops, well disciplined and found, to with∣stand. Surely no man but an Atheist, can deny the interposition of Providence in our behalf.

In July or August General Gates took the com∣mand at Ticonderoga, and the mount on the oppo∣site side of the lake was fortified. In the fall of the year our regiment, with a company of nine-months men, commanded by Capt. Collins, were ordered to Skeensborough, where we lay until the beginning of the winter, when we were disbanded, and every ••••an went where he pleased.

The same fall, a battle was ••ought on-Lake Cham∣plain, by the two fleets, but the British gaining the victory, it put an end (on our par••) to any further armament by water in that quarter. General Ar∣nold ••ought with his own vessel well, but it was sup∣posed that experience in that way of righting was want∣ing. General Waterbury was taken, with a number of prisoners, who were all sent to their own homes on parole, by Sir Guy Carlton. I will just make this observation—that I am of opinion▪ had Sir Guy Carlton came out Commander in Chief, at the com∣mencement of the war, America would never have obtained her independence; for as soon as any pri∣soners were taken, he would, if not at too great a distance from him, wait on them himself and treat them with much philanthropy, and tell them they were a deluded set of people, and to return home and stay quietly on their farms; but at the same time, if they were again taken under arms without being properly exchanged, the law o•• nations ••ould be put in force against them: in fact, his treatment was so mild, that I very much doubt whether we

should have been able to have kept an army up, as every soldier would have been sure of returning home after being taken. However these are my own sentiments.

The same fall, an appointment of officers took place in the York line, and I received a lieutenant's commission, under Col. G. Van Schaick, who order∣ed me on the recruiting service, at which, being a stranger in the state of New-York, I thought to stand a better chance in Jersey, where I was ac∣quainted, but found it impracticable to list any men in that quarter of the world, as General Howe, lay in Brunswick, and General Washington, in Morris-Town. During my stay in Jersey that winter, a great many skirmishes happened between the British and Americans, chiefly foraging parties. I was at a place called Hanover, where some of the Jersey mi∣litia lay, and an express arrived with intelligence that a party of the enemy from New-York, were coming on to Morris-Town, which spread a general alarm; however, it turned out to be about three hundred prisoners, who were chiefly taken at Fort Washing∣ton, and had been confined in sugar houses, cold jails, &c. The poor objects presented a shocking view; for their appeared nothing in them but mo∣numents of cruelty—emaciated with cold, hunger and poverty, being so feeble as scarcely to be able to support their cold and benumbed limbs, and to be short, their hardships had been so severe, that the major part of them died after returning home, in spight of every effort for their relief. What a dif∣ference between the treatment of the prisoners in New-York, and those who were taken under Gene∣ral Carlton's command: The one treated with be∣nevolence, the other hurried into jails, dungeons and prison ships, where horse-cart loads would 〈◊〉〈◊〉

buried in one day: nay, it is a fact, that the friends o•• the poor prisoners in New-York, were prohibited from giving them any relief. I remained in Jersey until towards spring, when I joined my regiment at Fort George, and lay there until Ticonderoga was evacuated.

Our army retreated by Skeensborough to Fort Edward. We lay about fifteen days at Fort George after the evacuation, and then burnt four fine new brigs, which had been built for the defence of the lake, together with the barracks, and blew up the fort. We then marched to Kingsbury and encamp∣ed near Fort Edward for a few days, having previ∣ously sent all our stores from Fort George to Fort Edward, even the cannon-balls, before we decamped.

The second day after we encamped at Kingsbury, a guard, about a mile from us, towards Fort Ann, was attacked by some Indians, who killed twelve of them. Our regiment was immediately ordered to march where the ••••ring was, and to the honor of our Lieutenant-Colonel (Vandyke) and the regiment, they were soon under a full march to the spot, where every one, in my opinion, expected we should have an attack; but on our approach, the Indians fled. The men who were killed were all from New-England, fine, young, genteel persons. A few days after, we retreated towards Fort Miller; the army was then under the command of General Schuyler. I am at a loss exactly where we encamp∣ed; but I judge about three miles from Fort Ed∣ward. The next morning, it being my tour to go on duty, I was ordered with a party of men to go about half way from camp to Fort Edward. Some jocular conversation happened between my good friend Licut. Tobias Van Vactor and myself; he

remarked that I was going forward to be a terror to the wo••ds, &c. After quitting camp about one mile, a heavy discharge of musquetry was given just ahead, on which we mended our pace, and to our surprise, found six men and an officer expiring with their wounds, all being scalped. They were on their way to Fort Edward, where some of our troops then lay; and as they had gone without or∣ders, and a report spread in camp of the affair it was taken for granted that it was my party which was cut off, and that I was killed; it was mentioned at head quarters, by the Colonel of our regiment, that myself and party must have fallen. After view∣ing the melancholy sight, we proceeded a little fur∣ther, and according to orders, secreted ourselves in the woods until evening, when we returned to camp, to the no small joy of our brother officers and soldiers.

The next day, my friend Lieutenant Van Vactor, was on duty, and a party was to go to the heights beyond Fort Edward. The duty lay between him and another officer. Some proposals were made to draw lots, but poor Tobias, scorning any thing which had the least appearance of fear, chearfully set out with his guard; and in the same jocular way, in return to him, I remarked—"Now Tobias, surely the savages will tremble at your approach"—But I little thought on what I was saying; for the heights where he lay, about the middle of the afternoon, were attacked by the Indians, and being overpower∣ed, was himself killed and all his guard, except one man. The Indians then proceeded within gun shot of Fort Edward, and took the mother and daughter by the name of M'Crea (the young lady's christian name was Jane) and carried them on the spot where the above bloody scene was transacted, and there

murdered and scalped both mother and daughter. They stripped poor Van Vactor, and after scalping him, stabbed him in several places; they then fastened a tomahawk in his breast, sharpened a stick and erect∣ed him on his feet, by bracing the sharp part of the stick under his chin, and left him a standing monu∣ment of their barbarity.

Thus was my dear friend, who ventured his life in the cause of freedom and his country, treated! Good God! what a scene presented! to meet him thus mangled, together with Miss M'Crea, side and side in a horse-cart! Melancholy thought! The theme is too mournful to dwell on.—After this un∣heard of cruelty, vengeance was sworn against the Indians, which I am of opinion was of advantage, as they never acted with that boldness afterwards. The death of Miss Jane M'Crea, spread a general alarm, particularly through the New-England states, and I believe drove many to arms, who before seem∣ed to appear in suspence. Her death also made some disturbance amongst the British; for it was reported she was waiting at Fort Edward, for the British ar∣my to come forward, as a Mr. Jones, was in said ar∣my to whom she was shortly to be married. The next day I was a pall-bearer to assist in conveying my good friend to his last retreat, which could not be done with dry eyes; he was buried with the honors of war. Miss M'Crea was also buried in the same grave with him. The two harmless monitors lay silent as the night, not an intervening cloud to dis∣turb their repose. Lie there hapless pair, and as your rest appears cordial together under the cold clods, may your better part be triumphing in that haven, where all sorrows are wiped away, and but one continued repose, will be your everlasting bliss. On this occasion I will set down a few verses par•••• translated Mrs. by 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

Blest souls! tho' victims to a cruel death, Beneath this dust lay quietly and rest; May I th' last debt of friendship to your hearse, In flowing tears and never dying verse.

From me too soon an object is remov'd— Some angel snatch'd him to the spheres above; Yet on his ashes, I these tears bestow, And in officious strains express my woe.

While we who once the living hero knew, Repay to him an honor justly due; Each pious muse unto his manes let sing, That from this tomb, may a rich harvest spring.

Mr. Van Vactor was born and brought up in Brunswick, in New-Jersey, but had lived some time with General Schuyler, in a reputable office and character.

This scene puts me further in mind of a piece of poetry I read on the tomb of two Pennsylvania of∣ficers, who were killed and scalped at Crown-Point, unarmed:

Brave sons of America, lie quiet here, Britannia blush, Burgoyne let fall a tear; And tremble Europe, sons of savage race, Death and revenge, awaits you with disgrace.

The officer who was killed going to Fort Edward without arms or orders, belonged to the New-En∣gland line. The day we decamped from the ground where Van Vactor was buried, the British took possession of Fort Edward. We marched to the heights opposite Col. M'Crea's, and lay for a few days. The morning our regiment left that place, it was my tour to go on duty as far as our last en∣camping

ground, and on my arrival, General Ar∣nold, with a number of militia was on the opposite side of the north river; the General ordered me to cross the river, which I did on a raft of boards, leav∣ing an Ensign with the party, and was informed some British and Indians had a few minutes before parted from a house within small gun-shot of where we then were, on that side of the river. And, after receiving some orders from the General, returned with the party (consisting of about thirty men) with precaution, as we had to march some distance thro' the woods, within about two miles of five hundred Indians, and a number of Burgoyne's army. On our arrival on the ground, the army had marched to Fort Miller; however, we overtook them, as the grass did not grow under our feet. The mili∣tia aforementioned whom we left on the opposite side of the river, appeared in high spirits, and were carelessly walking about, as the land was clear and they apparently out of danger. Some Indians ap∣peared in about half an hour after our departure, the same side we were on; the militia fired and whooped at them through derision, but about thirty of their most expert warriors crossed the river, un∣perceived, and by the assistance of stumps, &c. got opposite the militia before they discovered them∣selves; they then ••ired and gave the war whoop, which so frightened the militia, that without firing a gun, every man took to his heels promiscuously for near two miles; the Indians followed in close pur∣suit and killed a number of men; but being met by the brave Capt. John Graham and some volunteer troops from General Pomeroy's brigade, with a field piece, a check was given the Indians, and in turn our people planted several of them. If I mis∣take not, General Arnold's aid-de-camp, as a volun∣teer,

was wounded in the neck. The reason why I make use of the term volunteer, is—that it being impossible to put the whole army, or even a large command, on so sudden an emergency, in motion, with that expedition which appeared necessary, a few therefore voluntarily assembled to make an im∣mediate advance. My party at the same time had not reached the main body, although we had a fair view of part of the militia's retreat; but the river being impassable and our number so small, that we supposed any attempt in vain, as we were unac∣quainted with the number of the enemy. I do not think that General Arnold had any command of the militia, but himself and aid were on a reconnoitering 〈◊〉〈◊〉 through a clear country (or nearly so) and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 returned before the attack.—This part of my memoirs, however, is written in the year. 1784, after a long captivity, with only the strength of me∣mory; if I err, whoever shall read this journal hope will pardon me.

We afterwards by regular retreats, arrived 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Fort Miller, Saratoga and Still-Water, without any interruption with all our ordnance, baggage, &c. &c. and in justice to General Schuyler and the army general, must say that they behaved with all t•••• regularity and decorum which could have been ex∣pected from a well regulated army under those cir∣cumstances. We had encamped a few days at Still-Water, when an express arrived from Fort Stanwix, on the Mohawk river, if I mistake not, by a Ser∣jeant-Major from Colonel ••ansevoort's regiment, that the fort was besieged by the British and In∣dians, under the command of Colonel St. Ledger; on which news Colonel Van Scha••ck's regiment, to which I belonged, and the first Massachusetts and part of another regiment of the same line, with two

brass pieces of artillery, were ordered for the relief of the garrison, under the command of General Ar∣nold. The artillery was commanded by Captain Dunbar, and Lieutenants Driskel, and Kemper. Accordingly, about the middle of the afternoon, we marched, and by a hard route on the third day ar∣rived at the German Flats, opposite what was called Shoemaker's, ••here we heard almost a constant fi∣ring. A young man, I think by the name of Schuy∣ler, who held a commission in the British service, had come to the Flats where he was acquainted, to persuade the people from their allegiance to the states, particularly so, after the sad overthrow of so large a number of the militia, who were inhabitants of that county, under General Herkimer; but it appeared the people stood firm, although it might be said their place was invaded; they were certainly in great danger, but were still so determined as to make Schuyler a prisoner; he was tried by a court-martial of the officers under Arnold's command, and condemned to be hanged as a spy; a gallows was accordingly erected for that purpose. Arnold how∣ever, concluded to grant him a reprieve, on condition that he would leave an hostage behind to hang in his place, if he did not perform the business he was go∣ing to send him on, with punctuality, and return: otherwise, if an hostage was produced, and a non∣compliance on Schuyler's part, the hostage should die in his stead. A man appeared and entered into Schuyler's place, on which General Arnold gave Schuyler the following directions—"That he the said Schuyler, should go immediately to the com∣mander of the British, lying before Fort Stanwix, and inform him, that he the said Arnold, had under his immediate command, thirteen hundred well dis∣ciplined troops, with a good train of artillery, and

that if he did not, without delay, raze the siege, they might expect he would march his army and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 them off, or make prisoners of the whole"—wh•••• Schuyler performed with punctuality, and returned the next day with intelligence that the British, on hearing the report, had razed the siege and gone off, which was authenticated by an express from the said fort. Schuyler was sent to Albany and the army put under marching orders.—I am not certain that the above are the words of Arnold's orders to Schuyler, but are to the purport, as far as I could learn.

During the siege at Fort Stanwix, General Her∣kimer, as I before mentioned, met with an over∣throw. Having embodied the major part 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the best inhabitants of that county (amounting to about seven hundred men) into a brigade, in order to go to the relief of the said fort, they were met on their march by the Indians, who totally defeated them; four hundred men or more were killed in the action, supposed to be through misconduct, as part of the militia ran away in the first onset: those who stood were almost to a man cut off. The General received a wound in his leg, which was amputated; but it being warm weather, and he a corpulent man, died of the wound.

The battle happened about eight days before our arrival, and after we marched for the sort. Hear∣ing the siege was razed, we left our artillery in order to make what force we could, expecting to come up with the rear of the enemy; we had to march over the ground where Herkimer's battle was fought, and as the dead had not been buried, and the wea∣ther warm, they were much swoln and of a purple colour, which represented the frailty of man in a ve∣ry figurative sense; we must have marched over and very near, about four hundred dead bodies; which

brought on this reflection—to what a pitch of vanity must they arrive, who are so doatingly fond of the lump of clay which they possess; as it is daily subject to putrifaction and decay.

We continued our march, without any molestation, until our arrival at the fort, where we congratulated the old besieged officers and soldiers with joy for their being relieved. The next morning, about five hundred men were sent down Wood Creek after the enemy, but they had gone off.

General Arnold and the New-England troops continued a few days at the garrison and then march∣ed down to join the main army, at Stillwater, leaving our regiment at the Fort, not knowing but the Brit∣ish might again return to the siege. I feel for Ar∣nold—he behaved like a disciplinarian, a sold•••• and real friend to his country on this occasion. H••••••••∣duct with the northern army, after their adv•••••• under general Gates, was certainly heroic and pru∣dent, and his services in the capture of Burgoyne, truly essential and successful—But how has he fallen! His glory is forever set, and his name as a man of true honor and fidelity, ought to be obliterated.

Our arrival at Fort Stanwix, I judge to be about the latter end of August or beginning of September, in the year 1777, at which place we continued until October; we were then ordered to march to Alba∣ny, during which time we received no interruption from the enemy. We left the fort about the 12th of October ••nd on our arrival at Schenectady, heard with astonishment that General Burgoyne and his whole army had surrendered prisoners of war. Ne∣ver were me•• more thunder-struck at news; for we had not heard a hint of the affair, but lived in ••••••∣ly expectation of hearing of Burgoyne's arrival 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Albany, as we had no express for a considerable

time. This was news of a most pleasing nature—What a contrast in the countenance and behaviour of every individual! Joy sat on every brow; eleva∣tion and cordiality intermingled in all our conversa∣tion. The committee on the Mohawk river did not receive the news until after we had passed them.

General Washington's army met with a consider∣able loss that campaign, at the Brandywine; but hutted themselves very snugly the winter following, at a place called Valley Forge, whilst General Howe lay in Philadelphia.

We marched from Schenectady to Albany, where the main body of General Gates's army in a few days arrived, having sent Burgoyne's troops, who surrendered on the 15th of October, to Boston.—Our army lay about two or three weeks, and then marched from Albany to join General Washington, except the regiment to which I belonged. The ar∣my, from information, had a tedious, rainy, cold march, as it must have been some time in Decem∣ber before they arrived at their cantonments, and had then to hut themselves; but a braver set of troops perhaps never existed.

Our regiment lay a few weeks after the army had marched to the southward, and then returned to Schenectady, where we were quartered all winter, although some troops continued in Albany.

On the 18th day of April, 1778, we 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or∣ders to march to Albany, and there embarked for 〈◊〉〈◊〉, at which place we arrived in about ten days; we continued there a week or upwards, when, to our joy, we were ordered to proceed to head quar∣ters, which we did by flow and easy marches—hav∣ing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 regiment of men, consisting of five hun∣dred and eighteen rank and file; we crossed at 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 through Blooming-Grove, War∣wick,

Sussex, East-Town, and so to Valley Forge, where we arrived about the middle of the after∣noon, but I am not certain as to the day of the month; we were ordered to proceed on to a place, near the Blue-Ball eighteen miles from Philadel∣phia, and were quartered in houses, where we lived comfortably, amongst a sociable set of inhabitants, until July; when orders were received for us to join the main army, to proceed after the British who had evacuated Philadelphia, under the com∣mand of Sir Henry Clinton. We pursued them un∣til we came near Princeton; a draught was made to form a light infantry, to be commanded by Gene∣ral Lee, and it being my tour of duty, it fell to my lot to go into the said infantry; and accordingly, having twenty-two men of my choice from our regiment, joined them. The next day we arri∣ved at English-Town, near Monmouth Court-House, within little more than a mile of the out wing of the British army; our regiment was com∣manded by Colonel Richard Butler, Lieutenant Colonel Harmer, and Major Benjamin Ledyard, who was a Major in the regiment to which I belonged; the other gentlemen were of the Pennsylvania line. About break of day on the 28th, we were all under arms, and a little after sunrise came opposite to Mon∣mouth Court-House on the left, having passed thro' woods where some of the British had that night en∣camped. However, previously to our proceeding so far, General Lee joined us with the main body of in∣fantry, and the whole being formed into sections four deep, made a grand and extensive appearance; it was not easy to determine our number particularly: a foot officer cannot form a judgment with as much preci∣sion as an officer on horseback; but if I mistake not, the calculation was at least five thousand men. On

our front appearing opposite the enemy, who were marching on the main road; it apparently struck them with consternation; was the rear of their army, where were a number of waggons, &c. On our first approach, we received a few shot from their musquetry on the right in the fields. We continued our march to the heights on the left of the court-house, and halted in a piece of woods; Gene∣ral Wayne being forward, I heard him give orders to a horseman, to inform General Lee of the situa∣tion the British were in, and that a fairer prospect of attacking them with success, never could be ex∣hibited! but to our astonishment, General Lee, had wheeled the whole of the infantry off to the right, except our regiment, and came on the rear of the enemy; but we, not knowing Lee's manoeuvres, marched down into the fields. Our dragoons, a∣bout 50 in number, were forward, and appeared to form some distance on the right of our regiment, on which the British made a charge on them, and be∣ing overpowered by numbers, they retreated; our regiment supported them, and the British in turn were forced to give way, leaving two horses shot dead. We retreated into the edge of a wood, where we sustained a cannonade from their artillery for nearly an hour, during which time the British were manoeuvring to form all their force together, in order to advance for battle. At length, a strong party appeared in order to attack us, which our of∣ficers perceiving, and finding the whole army was in motion, we retreated on the right of where Lee was; but, in fact, we had marched near two miles before we discovered him; he was then making a stand, but on the approach of the enemy (their dra∣goons being in front and making a charge) our in∣fantry immediately retreated, by order of General

Lee, as was said, and it is a matter I do not doubt, as the army continued to retreat until the British came fairly in sight of our main army, commanded by General Washington.—I mentioned that our re∣giment was on the right flank, some considerable distance from Lee; indeed we were the whole re∣treat opposite the main British army; and on their making a halt, we also halted, about half a mile from them, in an orchard, when a party of British about equal to our number, advanced within muskes shot of us, and a firing commenced on both sides, in the open field (except a few apple-trees.) One cir∣cumstance which took place in the action, I remem∣ber:—A certain William Orr, who was a corporal in the first York regiment, appeared to be fitting down, and I, supposing he was wounded, went to him and asked what was the matter; he told me nothing;—that he was only fixing his gun, on which he immediately fired; and as near as I could tell, the ball first struck the ground, and by bouncing, killed an officer who was standing a small distance from a large old trunk of a tree, as at that very in∣stant the officer fell. It was judged that we conti∣nued in the field, and sustained a constant fire, for about fifteen or twenty minutes, when Colonel Bar∣ber came and said, it was the commander in chief's orders, that we should retreat. At this time, if I mistake not, the Colonel, on his return to the main army, received a flesh wound. We were ordered to go and take refreshment, on which we marched about two miles in the rear of the army, the day be∣ing excessive hot, and having lost a number of men; out of three hundred and sixty, we did not march more than one hundred and sixty to camp, but num∣bers returned the next day, having been so overpow∣ered with the heat, as to sink under the fatigue.

The party of the British with which we were enga∣ged, could not have been the troops who were first sent to attack us, as this party appeared to be detach∣ed from their main army, and were approaching us when we halted, and what became of those in our rear, I never could learn.

I remarked in a former part of this memoir, that the British appeared to be struck with consternation; and those sentiments are still retained, as I imagine they were not aware of our army's being so near them, particularly in so early a part of the day; in∣deed I believe they thought we would not attack them at all: but had we engaged them with the whole of our infantry at our first approach, I am of opinion, nor can it be reversed, that we might have taken a large body of the rear of their army; and at that time my judgment was not alone. As to Lee, I can say by him as Michael did to the devil—"that he would bring no railing accusation against him, but the Lord rebuke thee:" so I will not rail against the conduct of Lee, but if he has any conscience, let him feel the rebuke of his country.

In the afternoon, on the same day, the New-York brigade, and some of the New-England troops, were ordered to march and make an attack on a party who had advanced on the right wing of the main army, nearly on the same spot where we had been in the morning's skirmish, where it was expect∣ed a general battle would be brought on; but it did not happen, although the American troops had certainly the better of the ground; a number fell on both sides, particularly the British. My respect∣able friend Colonel Van Schaick, I understood be∣haved with calmness and true courage during the action, as well as the officers in general of the York. 〈◊〉〈◊〉; indeed the whole division received the thanks

of the commander in chief, for their good conduct. That night we lay on our arms, expecting the next morning to have a general battle, but the British had retreated from the ground in the dead of night, and left their killed on the field; the next day or∣ders were given to bury them, and it was a melan∣choly spectacle, to see so many dead bodies lay ex∣posed to the elements, and the excessive heat added to the sight. We judged the British lost about five hundred men, and our army somewhere between three and four hundred. There is no doubt with me, from the best information I could obtain, that had not the British retreated that night, the next day a general battle between the two main armies would have been inevitable, and the consequence, on one side or the other (and perhaps on both) would undoubtedly have proved very serious. Thus much may be said, that our main army lay in sight of the British for about two thirds of the day, and supported a heavy cannonade from their artillery, during which time the balls, &c. were continually screaming in the air, and striking amongst them, to∣gether with the almost intolerable heat of the day; all which they appeared to support with undaunted∣ness and true courage. Our artillery in turn was so well served on them, that the British condescend∣ed to say, that in time they would become equal to veteran troops: but my opinion is, that a better set of artillerymen never went into a field, than what America could that day boast of. In fact the Ame∣rican army, generally speaking, gained the most un∣fading laurels. This account of the battle of Mon∣mouth, may prove very imperfect to a critical eye; but as it is only written for amusement, and on the strength of memory, after the term of five years has elapsed, those who are better acquainted with the facts herein related, will, I trust, excuse me.

After the battle, the army was put under march∣ing orders, and in two days arrived on the heights, above the town of Brunswick. Our regiment en∣camped on the east side of the Raritan river, the light infantry having again reverted to the several regiments to which they before belonged.

On the fourth day of July, being the second an∣niversary of our independence, a sue-de-joye was displayed by the army, it being formed in two lines on the south side of the river, on the heights oppo∣site the bridge, and having the artillery placed with the several brigades, a running fire began from the right to the left, and so on, through the two lines. My health on that day being somewhat impaired, I did not join the army, but was a spectator on the opposite side of the river. The regularity of the firings, as an easy and steady running fire of mus∣ketry, and a discharge of the artillery of each bri∣gade at the instant the musketry on their line ceased, together with a continued flame and smoke, added to the grandeur of the prospect, and bespoke the ap∣pearance of a warlike people, contending for true liberty—What horrid engines of death appeared!—as if Mo•••••• Etna was vomiting forth from her volcanoes, fire and smoke. Surely, said I, this is all through the pride and ambition of a few aspiring mortals.

From Brunswick, the army moved by divisions through Jersey, to Dobbs's Ferry, where they crossed the North River, and passed on to the White Plains. By general orders, a draft was again made to form a light infantry brigade, which was com∣manded by General Scott; old Doctor Skinner, was our head Surgeon, both of whom would now and then swear a word. Capt. John Graham, Lieut. Charles Person, and myself, were drafted▪ and we

joined Colonel Richard Butler's regiment. We marched down towards Kingsbridge, to a place call∣ed Tuckehowe, and were stationed in that part of the country to watch the motions of the British, who had arrived at New-York. They kept a strong garrison at Kingsbridge, and were often out into the country foraging, or marauding. Com∣mands from our infantry were every day or two or∣dered out to watch the motions of the enemy, and guards were also kept out some distance from our encampment, which made the infantry duty pretty hard. I think it was in September, when a party was sent out towards Kingsbridge, under the com∣mand of Major Stewart; we proceeded within one mile of the fort, when we were suddenly fired on by the British, they being in the woods and our par∣ty in a long open field; it appeared the enemy were almost round us before they began to fire. Major Stewart, with a few men, were on horseback; and although he never was called a coward, yet he turn∣ed his horse with what dragoons were with him, and left us in the open field to shift for ourselves. There was a captain by the name of Odale, a Lieu∣tenant Williams, from Col. Graham's regiment of nine months or three years men, but am not certain, and if I mistake not, Lieutenant John Hardenbergh—however, there were no more officers except my∣self, and I think about forty-five or fifty privates. We were immediately charged on by a body of British dragoons, but every soldier stood his ground; and after the horse had fired on us with their car∣bines, they retreated to load and charge on the par∣ty again. We had at that time some Stockbridge Indians in our army, and if they had risen out of the ground they could not have appeared more unex∣pected. The head warrior came foremost, calling

us cowards, because we did not pursue the horse when they retreated; they being intoxicated with liquor, all arguments proved ineffectual; the horse made another charge, and then retreated, which the Indians perceiving, ran whooping and bellowing after them. Capt. Odale thought it best to march a party forward in order to support the Indians, and accordingly took I think sixteen men; but the foot appearing to be marching in the same direction to assist the horse, they gave one more charge; on which the Indians took to their heels, and the field being very long the horse came up with them, and orders were given by the officer who commanded the dragoons, to give no quarters to the copper-heads, which was put in force, as they killed every one, except three, who were in the party, and most inhumanly too. Poor Odale and his party were ta∣ken prisoners; but the rest of us made our escape through a cornfield.

In a few weeks after, a considerable party of what was called Ya••gers, were out on their old trade, and our people falling in with them, killed and took eve∣ry man. They were chiefly of the Hes••ian dra∣goons. I was not in the party, and of consequence got no share of the prize; although I made a pur∣chase of one of the horses, saddle and bridle, that were taken; and to be sure, when I was mounted on my beast that was near sixteen hands high, with my Dutch saddle, I must have cut a figure. The saddle was composed of two pieces of wood in the form of a half moon, the back part resting on the horse, sup∣ported by a pad and sheep-skin, and the top covered by a sheep-skin in the same manner; so that when mounted, it was not easy to retreat from the seat, as a bowsprit appeared not only in the bow, but also in the stern, and the bridle weighed at least twelv••••

pounds. Thus we went on from pillar to post, and from post to pillar, until the latter end of November, when our regiment was ordered to go to Fort Stan∣wix; of consequence, the York troops had to join their regiment which then lay at Peeks-••ill, and from thence began our march and proceeded on to Fish-Kill, and in time arrived at Albany.

An anecdote occurs to my mind. On our passage up the North river, we came to anchor not far from Claverack, and a number of officers, among whom I recollect were Lieut. Person, and James Bingham, and some others whose names I have forgotten; however, we all went on shore, and walked near or quite two miles into the country, to a public house, to refresh ourselves with supper, &c. and I think not a person had his side arms or any kind of weapon of defence; but being in our dishabille on board, went so on shore, or at least we had not our re∣gimentals. Upon our arrival at the Inn, we asked for something to drink; the landlord pretended he had nothing but sower cider, which we took for granted, and called for some, and sower enough it was; indeed it was so bad we could not drink it. We then asked if he could mull some of it in eggs (using their phrase.) Why yes, he believed he could; but appeared to do it with reluctance, and when it came, it was curdled, and to make short, we could not drink it. We had called for victuals, but received very surly answers—that there was no provision in the house, and so on. At length the house was surround∣ed with armed men, and a Captain of the militia came in and enquired very strictly where we came from, and which way we were bound. We were at a loss what construction to put on such questions, but final∣ly told them the regiment we bel••••ged to, and which way we were bound, but found great difficulty in

making them believe us; and, if I mistake not, they would put no confidence in what we said, until they had sent down and seen the sloop, &c. However, after they found us out, the Captain addressed us in the following manner—"Well gentlemen, as I sup∣pose you be, for I am now convinced; you see here is my neighbour landlord, and I supposed he would not give you any thing to eat or drink, and he his not to blame, let you think what you will; for you know, neighbours, (for I must now call you so) that a number of vagrants are running through the coun∣try pillaging, and what not; and then they run down to the British, or somewhere else, and we were not certain but you were of that kind of people, as our neighbour landlord, sent me word as soon as you came to his house, as how a party was there, and was distrustful; and therefore we came to see who you were, and which away, and so on. Why you have no regimentals, you have no swords, no bayo∣nets, nor them long sticks with sharp iron on the end, I forgot what they are called." We told him, we supposed he meant espontoons—"Ay, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 espon∣toons. Well, well, landlord, I believe the men are honest, let them have what they want." On which our generous landlord produced good liquors and an excellent supper. We took care how we ventured on shore again without our side arms, at least.

We continued a short time in Albany, and then marched to Schenectady. Our baggage was put in batteaus to go up the Mohawk river. On our ar∣rival at Fort Johnson we received the news that Cherry Valley was besieged, which occasioned our regiment to march early the next morning; and on our arrival at Colonel Clock's an express came with information that the enemy had retreated. We continued on, as the weather was very cold (it

being some time in the middle of December) seve∣ral small snows fell during our march; but finally we arrived at the garrison, not far from Christmass, where we were welcomed by Colonel Gansevoort's officers, who, poor fellows, had been for a long time pent up in that garrison. The next day they marched for Albany, (a distance of one hundred miles, a considerable part of which was through the woods)—We had not been long at Fort Stanwix, before our friendly Indians made application to have a fort picquetted in their town for them, as a defence against the Indians, who adhered to the crown of G. Britain; and the request was thought so reasonable that a party of about forty men under the command of Captain John Wendell, Lieuten∣ant Van Valkenburgh and myself, were sent to the Oneida castle. Our Lieutenant Colonel (Van-Dyke,) and my Lord Hanson; our issuing commissary for the garrison, accompanied us, and the next e∣vening we had a grand ball or dance. I had never fairly seen one of their dances before, only a small sketch at Skeensborough, and was so elevated that I became an assistant in their music; but I had to ex∣tend my pipes so high, and now and then being plyed with a glass of rum, (which I thought the Colonel or∣ordered the oftener, to fix me) I finally grew fatigued with my birth, and suddenly made my escape; two Indians followed to catch me, in order to return to the dance, but had not the good fortune to find me out that night. For a description of their method of dancing, I shall refer to where I was a prisoner among them.

The next day all hands went to work, some one way and some another, in order to erect our fort. It was the soldiers' duty to break the ground and dig the trenches for the piquets, which was done by

giving every soldier his task, and that was, to cut twelve feet each man a day, two feet deep; and having so many hands, we made fast work, although the snow and frost were very deep. The Indians drew the logs for picquets, and old Daniel Tucker laid out the fort; and such another I guess was ne∣ver seen; but be it as it will, it had several corners something in form of Bastions. In one corner the Indians would cut a man's face on the picquets, which denoted one thing, the other corner another, and so on; one was good news, another was bad news; and one was this name, and the other that; they called me Carrawhaxet, that is, Bad News; I have forgot the names given to the Captain and Van Val∣kenburgh. We continued there about two weeks, when we were relieved by Captain John Copp, and returned to the garrison. As this fort business is of such consequence, I must not forget to mention, that one corner was called Congress, another General Washington, but Lee, I believe was left out. The winter was passed with a good degree of harmony in our quarters; we were so industrious as to cut and draw our own fire-wood for the garrison, at least the soldiers did it for us. One very handsome ball hap∣pened amongst us, which was in my room; I only lost my benches and window-glass, which was made of paper, and a few other trifles.

In the latter end of March I was ordered on ex∣press to Fort Herkimer; but it being in the after∣noon when I left home, and having to ride thirty miles, night came on before I could cross the river, at what was called Oriska, and a heavy snow storm commencing, I had to stay the whole night in the woods alone, without either fire or covering, except the canopy of Heaven, amid the solemn shades of a dark and beating storm, exposed to wild beasts, and

worse than all, the savages were frequently making incursions on the course I was ordered, which added not a little to the gloom of my situation. The day appearing, I pursued my journey, and swam my horse across the Mohawk at Shoemaker's; I rode on that side of the river to the fort, where I was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 across by a boat from the garrison. In the after∣noon I returned to Oriska, and tarried all night at an old Dutchman's house; the man was from home, and the old lady spoke but very little English. She asked me if I could speak Dutch; I told her (in Dutch) a little, which was all the Dutch I could produce from my skill in that language, and I got sadly paid for it: for all the English eloquence I was master of, would not convince her but I could talk Dutch; and she was so offended, that I went to bed supperless. The morning being clear and cold, I arose by break of day, and gave a boy a dollar to go with me to the river, as he said there was a canoe in which I could cross myself, and swim my horse; but on coming to the river, the canoe was gone. The ••oy then ••old me, that some distance up, the people ••ode across; and went to conduct me; and seeing a ••••ath, took it ••or granted that it was a fording place; ••••ut on urging my horse, he went into the water al∣••ost entirely under, and brought me nearly midway ••••th my body in the water; the horse, however, ••••covered, and swam across; and, to be sure, the ••••idness of the current and depth of the water (as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was where people crossed with sleighs on the ice) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 me a very great fright; for I had no idea of its 〈◊〉〈◊〉 deep. It was then eighteen miles to our ga••∣••••n, and not a house on the way; and, as I observ∣•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 morning. I do not recollect of every be∣•••• so near freezing as at this time; for I had not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 more 〈…〉〈…〉 before 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 were 〈◊〉〈◊〉

hard as ice could make them. I travelled a rough road, in that situation, until I arrived, and shall ever think that I took such a cold on the occasion, that I never recovered until my return from captivity. A∣bout this time, some troops arrived at our garrison, but their intention was unknown. If I mistake not, they were part of Colonel Gansev••ort's regiment, and one or two rifle companies. The Indians ap∣peared very inquisitive to know the meaning of their arrival, and was answered—'to reinforce and make an addition to the fort'—which the Oneidas appear∣ed pacified with.

On the night of the 16th of April, some batteaus were crossed from the Mohawk river to Wood Creek so privately, that scarcely any one in the gar∣rison, except the guards, knew any thing of the af∣fair; but, previous to the movement of the boats, every officer and private received orders to hold themselves in readiness to go on command. Some time before day, the garrison troops and those who joined them, consisting of about five hundred men, were under way to Wood Creek: the baggage was put on board the boats, and the main body marched to the Oneida lake, a party being left, sufficient to manage the boats; I was with them; we arri∣ved at the lake and took refreshment about day-light-in, and then the whole of the troops embarked on board the boats, and made their way on the lake. About ten o'clock, we arrived at an island opposite Fort Brewington, at the mouth, being the furthest end of the lake, which is computed to be thirty-six miles in length. The party was immediately put on shore, and under way for the Onondaga town, com∣manded by Colonel Van Schaick of the 1st New-York regiment, and Lieut. Col. Willett, of the 2d New-York regiment; Major Co••hran was the other

field officer. I was ordered to stay and take the command of the boats. The party proceeded and lay on their arms that night; the next morning, by ten o'clock, they surrounded and took a number of prisoners, and brought them off, with some valuable trinkets which belonged to the Indians; they burnt their town, destroyed their corn, and what they met in their way of cattle, grain, &c. They returned the day following to the boats, when we all em∣barked, crossed the lake, and the next day arrived at our garrison.

I would here remark—that this expedition was conducted with such secrecy and judgment, that an instance of the kind was not common, and received the thanks of the commander in chief.

Nothing material happened from that time (except that serjeant Bogert and some privates, were taken pri∣soners by the Indians on the 4th of June,) until the fatal 23d of July, 1779. It was my tour to go on command, as a guard to a party of men who were making hay, in the meadow about half a mile below the fort. The ground on which the men were at work, was a nar∣row strip, having the woods on one side, and the Mohawk river on the other, and extended about one mile in length; the party under my command, con∣sisted of one serjeant, one corporal and twenty-eight privates. We saw that morning over the Mohawk river, an uncommon smoke, and the centinels at the fort, said they had seen some Indian dogs, which was not common: however, therein I believe they were mistaken; for the Indians never take dogs with them to war, or, at least, I never heard of it: still I had a suspicion that an enemy was near, and express∣ed my sentiments to Captain John Graham. We left the fort by sun-rise in the morning, and march∣ed within about one hundred yards of where the

guard had lain the day before. It had been a rule to send fourteen of the guard as centinels along the woods; and although I thought at that time it was improper, I dare not break the rules which had been established, of consequence the centi∣nels were placed, with orders (in case of an alarm) to make immediately for the party. There were still some hillocks of a ••ortification at the landing place, which had been put up the last French war, and the party were ordered if attacked, to all make for that place first; but no sooner were the centinels placed, than the Indians laying then in ambush, immediately rushed on them and took every man, and fired on us; the party received orders not to discharge their pieces, but we had a mulatto fellow who started to run, and on being ordered to his ranks, returned and fired into the woods, and the whole guard fired likewise; on which the Indians made their appearance in the ••ield. We were only musket shot from the woods, and their number amounted to three hundred and sixty Indians; the guard in spite of any further ef∣fort endeavored promiscuously to make their escape, but were every man taken:—and in fact, to see so ma∣ny savages appear rushing on towards us almost naked, and painted up with their warlike figures, with such engines of death in their hands, and whooping and yelling like so many infernal fiends, must make the stoutest heart that ever existed, quake with sear; in particular, when there appears no kind of relief. After all of us were taken, we were led from the meadow, and the Indians received several shot from the cannon of the fort. Captain Graham, came out with a strong party from the garrison for our relief, but it was all in vain; indeed the garrison used their utmost endeavors to re-take us again; but I am of opinion, had any of the Indians been killed, the whole

of the prisoners would have been immediately put to death. I will further remark, that had we have had our bayonets (which for some reason were not with the guard) and all of us been in one body and not discharged our pieces, the Indians would have never entered in the open field against us.

We were immediately taken beyond the sluice, at an old fort which had been built last French war, called Newport, where poor old Monday, a soldier, being wounded, was immediately tomahawked and scalped. The Indians then had five scalps, but I never could find out what men were killed, except the one just mentioned. We were then stripped, ex∣cept a shirt and small-clothes; my sword and chain with my hat were taken from me by the Indian who took me first; but as to my other clothes, boots, &c. they were taken from me so suddenly, that I did not know who had them. The weather was so extreme∣ly warm, I could never have undergone the march, had not my clothes been taken from me. We after∣wards had all our arms pinioned, and a tump line, or slat braided string, put round our necks; I received from a Mr. Larama, a Frenchman, with the rank of a Lieutenant in the British service, a cap and pair of mockisons; several of the prisoners received mock∣isons from Mr. Larama, who was a kind tender heart∣ed man. When the prisoners were ordered to march, they consisted of one lieutenant, two serjeants, one corporal and twenty-eight privates, in all thirty-two, as the mowing party was also taken. We suddenly heard a heavy firing in our rear, which I took to be our party from the fort, and then expected instant death, which feelings are so awful, that language is inadequate to express them; but when reflecting on the torture which I expected we must all undergo (as I had no other thought left, but of being burnt and

tortured to death in the manner the Indians general∣ly do) I must confess I felt a calm resignation to the fatal stroke; but the skirmish proved by Mr. Larama's account, to have been our Indians, and the party who took us, making a sham-fight, as the Indians from the fort, pretended they must fight, or our great people, the rebels, would blame them, and then gave a whoop, pretending the enemy were too strong for them, and ran off to the garrison. Our arms be∣ing all pinioned, we started, and went on a trot•••• eve∣ry step to the Pine Ridge, where we made a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 minutes halt, it being about ten miles; we then turned off to the right, and went, as I judge, a north northwest course, until about twelve o'clock, march∣ing very fast; as it is customary for Indians when they take prisoners, to run with them for a considera∣ble distance, pretending the enemy may follow them; although I am persuaded they were under no such apprehensions on this occasion. After we halted, I was offered some parched corn, pounded coarse and put in water; but being very unwel with a billious complaint, which had been on me from the time the Onondagas were cut off, I could not eat; nor had I, for a long time before, lived on any thing but boiled milk in spikenard, with a trifle of bread; any food of a coarse nature, was like embers in my bow∣els. The Indians took several horses from the fort, and had them with them. We rested about one hour, and then pursued our march very fast. The weather was warm and suffocating, particularly in our situation, being confined with a large number of Indians in the woods, which rendered the air more condensed than usual: I was almost faint unto death. We marched until sun-down, and by Mr. Larama's account, were forty miles from Fort Stanwix. They made fires and cooked some wheat meal, and a few

small pieces of pork boiled up in water, and made not unpalatable soup, with a few cakes baked, which the prisoners each had a small share of. After sup∣per, one of the chiefs arose, and made a lengthy speech, during which I felt very uneasy, as I ex∣pected, after he had finished, the torture on the pri∣soners would commence; but to my inexpressible joy, for that time, Mr. Larama told me that the purport of his speech was, to divide the prisoners a∣mong the different nations, which he was in hopes would not massacre us. The party consisted of Co∣nosedagoes, Mohawks, Tauwaus, Caughnawagoes, Jebowees, and Tuskaroras; two Canadians and a white woman were with the Indians, besides Mr. Larama. I fell to a chief of the Conosedago nation; and on being delivered to my master, he gave three long whoops, seemingly with a mournful tone, and in an instant, a dismal yell, which the whole joined in. At this time in their ceremonies, I was informed that death or mercy was the event; and, as they had concluded on mercy (which I was ignorant of) joy rebounded through the camp. Good God! what a scene was this to withstand!—No language can express, no eloquence can paint, no tongue can utter, what horrid ideas must impress the mind at so awful a crisis—the thought of being bound in thongs, and put to death by inches, is terrible beyond all imagination. The whole of the prisoners were handed to their different masters in the same manner that I was, by giving three long and mournful whoops, and then three loud yells; and after they had finished dividing the prisoners, they gave three long, loud, distinct yells, which, by Mr. Larama's information, was a token of mercy.

After they had done, I desired Mr. Larama to ask permission, in my name, for me to address them

in a few words, which was consented to; and I stood up and thanked them for their kind care and goodness to the prisoners. I told them, that if I lived to return home, I would mention it to our great people—that I was something unwel when taken, but knew their goodness so well, that they would march a little flower, rather than I should die like a beast, in the woods—that it was not common for warriors to murder their prisoners; it was only cowards reckoned among us, who abused prisoners; and that I had no doubt, after this uproar was over, we should meet and shake hands: which Mr. Lara∣ma interpreted for me. They thanked me for my speech; and my chief said he would protect me thro' the woods, if I was not able to march; but I did not put much faith in what he said. That night some of our Oneida Indians came from Fort Stanwix af∣ter their horses, which they said belonged to them, and it being confirmed by the prisoners, they were given up; on which the Oneidas (by Mr. Larama's account) inquired whether the Indians had any of the British among them; and was answered in the negative. The Oneidas told them it was very well; and if they came without ••••••tish soldiers, they might take as many of the Yan•••• as they pleased, for they would meet with no hindrance from them.—After this, the Oneida Indians took the horses back, which, in fact, belonged to the garrison. I was asked whose horses they were, but answered that I could not tell; as I supposed, being an officer, had I have told them a lie, they, perhaps, would have made a serious matter of it. After all these ceremo∣nies, I had my arms unpinioned, with the rest of the prisoners, and a cord tied to each arm; an old blanket ••as spread for me, and I laid down between two Indians, and soon sell asleep. I was awakened

the next morning, by day break, to prepare for marching, which was done by an Indian rising and calling how, how, how; on which, in an instant, every Indian was on his feet under way, in Indian file; indeed some warning for marching was given beforehand, when they all sat with their knapsacks ready fixed, but from the time the word was given to denote march, I am certain the whole party was under way in a minute, and then a continual firing was kept up for (I judge) four miles. We travel∣led till about ten o'clock, and by going a very fast walk, I was exceedingly faint; but eating some of their doe cakes, I felt revived. We halted about half an hour, and then set off and travelled until two o'clock, when we again halted for an hour. We then started, and continued a steady march until a∣bout sun an hour high, when John Gross, a soldier from Captain John Copp's company, was so fatigued that he was unable to proceed; he said he had the cramp, but if he could rest a few minutes, he should be able to go on again. I was allowed to stand and talk with him a few minutes, but was ordered to march on. About sun-down we halted, when I was informed that poor old Gross was tomahawked and scalped. He belonged to the nation I was commit∣ted to, was about fifty years of age, and had a fami∣ly near Albany; and what made it appear more se∣rious, he went on duty as a volunteer, in the place of another man. We supped on our usual diet, and being faint and fatigued, and reflecting also on the treachery of the Indians in their conduct towards Gross, as they left some young men with him, who pretended they would stay until he recovered and assist him, but on the contrary, they killed him in a few minutes after the party passed by; and being in the midst of their whoopings, screamings and

yellings, I could sometimes scarcely think myself a∣mong human beings, as I could not have supposed so uncommon a contrast in the display of mortals, ever possible. I was again tied, as usual, and hav∣ing a blanket spread for me, soon fell asleep. I was awaked at the break of day, and informed that our provisions grew scant, and having left some on their way, they were going to make a force march to the place where their provisions were left, which was a long day's journey; and being on the twenty-fifth day of July, my birth-day, gave me some re∣flections on the manner in which it was customary (for officers in particular) to celebrate the day of their birth, which is generally in festivity; or at least, if any notice be taken of a birth day it must be done in merriment, and commonly with excess, which is certainly contrary to a right understanding of the day; for surely, at the expiration of each year we are so much nearer the close of life, and must so much sooner give an account, not only of our con∣duct the year past, but also the whole of our miss-spent time.

We were soon under way, and marched very fast until ten o'clock, when we made a halt. The wea∣ther being very warm, I was never nearer fainting▪ but eating a piece of their doe cake, and resting a∣bout half an hour, felt more revived, although I was the whole time in great distress in my bowels, as my food was of little use to me. We started and travelled till two o'clock, when we arrived at one of their encampments, where we rested about half an hour, eat some victuals, and again proceeded on our journey. About sun-down we arrived at ano∣ther of their encampments, where were the provi∣sions they had left on their way. We all supped on soup made of a few pieces of pork cut into small

pieces (like crumbs of bread) some beans, and flour, boiled together, which was a great repast. I must say the prisoners were used well, considering the si∣tuation we were in. My chief gave me that day, a callico waistcoat. The Indians appeared to be more sociable; and Mr. Larama informed me, that by ten o'clock the next day, we should reach the boats on Lake Ontario. I slept that night very comfort∣ably.

At break of day on the 26th, we were called on to march. My feet were sore, having only a thin pair of mockisons, made of deer's leather, and the land being rooty and braky, with several low inter∣vales, some pine lands and several hemlock swamps, although the land in general was level, or there were no mountains to pass, and few stones. We marched until about nine o'clock, and forded a large creek, an entire rock on the bottom, as smooth as a slate; but in some places there were pretty large holes where the salmon kept; our Indian boys catched several and brought them on their march. This creek empties into Lake Ontario. After we passed the creek some distance, we halted and rested for a∣bout fifteen minutes, at which time, some of the ablest of the prisoners were sent off with a party of young Indians, to get to the boats and prepare vic∣tuals against the whole came up. We pursued our journey; the land being more uneven than what we were accustomed to, made it more toilsome, as we walked fast; but about half past twelve o'clock, to our inexpressible joy, we arrived at the boats, where the party that had gone before us had some victuals ready cooked. We all refreshed ourselves on some fish, and our usual diet, and I felt myself great∣ly revived, particularly with the thoughts of the fa∣tiguing march being 〈◊〉〈◊〉.—This part of the Journ∣al

is written in Provost at Quebec, in September, 1779, and it is on the strength of my memory; but however far I may err in judgment, it was the opinion of Mr. Larama, serjeants Weed and De∣ferest, (the two last were prisoners) that we travel∣ed one hundred and fifty miles; they said, perhaps one hundred and seventy, but at a moderate computa∣tion, it was what was first mentioned, through ex∣cellent land, some white-oak timber, but the main part beech and maple; the soil black and rich, very little mountainous or broken lands, and clear of stones; I did not notice any but would admit of im∣provement.

Our boats lay in a creek, about two miles from Lake Ontario; and, as near as I can judge, about twenty leagues from Bucks, or what the British call Carlton Island; they consisted of British batteaus and Indian canoes. The canoes were made of birch bark, lined with splints, and sewed together with strings made out of the roots of elm. Some of their canoes will carry twenty and some thirty men; and are so light that two of their boys could carry them. After refreshing ourselves, we embarked on board of the boats, about two o'clock; I was placed in the stern of their bark canoe, next to the steersman, and was not allowed to row. We stood, as near as I could guess, after coming into the lake, about a north course, across the east end of Lake Ontario, rowing fast until the sun went down. One thing I thought much of, the Indian who took me first was in the canoe, and was a young, smart likely fellow; before I gave up, he was within about six rods of me, and frequently ordered me to stop, but not obeying him, he levelled his piece to fire at me, and she snapped; on which I saw him fixing her to fire, and finding no possibility of escaping, handed my sword; he returned

it to me again, and left me in charge of another In∣dian on the meadow, and ra•• to take another prison∣er. There were some gulls flying over the lake, and one hovering over us, he made signs for me to take his gun and shoot it, it being the same he had snapped at me; I took the gun and shot the gull; and after it was brought into the canoe, there being one Indian on board who spoke a little English, I made him understand, that when the owner of the gun snapped it at me, it did not go off; the Indian who understood me, telling him of it, he immediate∣ly pointed upwards, and made several jestures. I asked what it meant, and the Indian told me, that the man said the Great Spirit would not let his gun go off when it was pointed at me.

We came to an island, and put up a few miles from the mouth of the river St. Lawrence, at which place we catched salmon and Oswego bass. On the morning of the 27th, we embarked and rowed about ten miles, when we came to an island, within sight of the garrison, called Carlton Island. The Indians painted themselves and all the prisoners, ex∣cept myself; I spoke•• to Mr. Larama about my clothes, and mentioned, that if the Indians would let me appear amongst the British like an American officer, I would be happy, and they could take my clothes again; On which Mr. Larama, took me to the different boats, and my clothes, even to my boots, were returned; but having a long beard, and my linen not of the whitest kind, I did not make so great a figure. We then embarked, and sailed un∣der a small breeze, for the fort; we were met a∣bout a mile from the garrison, by a large gun-boat. The Indians lowered all their ••ails, which appeared like a small fleet, as that morning every one put up something in shape of a square-sail, and of different

colours—Some were red, with one or two white streaks through them; some of one, and some of an∣other colour. The boats were all in a line, about one hundred yards apart; those who had scalps, hoisted them up at the bow of their boat: the scalps, were ••ut round and fastened on a pole, with the flesh part painted red. Immediately on their low∣ering sail, on the approach of the gun-boat, she and all the Indians lay on their oars, when a general si∣lence ensued. At length, an Indian on the right of the line, gave as many long whoops as the nation to which he belonged had prisoners and scalps; the next nation in turn gave the same whoop, and so on through the six nations, three times over, which took I judge, near an hour; it seemed when they began with their whoop, they would hold their breath for a minute, and the intervals between the nations, made the scene melancholy indeed; when ••hey had done with their long whoops, they all gave three dismal yells, beginning on the right and con∣tinuing to the left. As soon as they had finished that part of their ceremony, the gun-boat turned and made sail for shore; the Indians then began a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fire from right to left three times over, with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 great degree of regularity, and then the whole as one voice, gave three yells, and was answered from the garrison by the discharge of three cannon. The whole line then began to row by a strife, which should first get into the harbour, screaming and yelling like so many infernals (from the representa∣tion we have of them) as no kind of an idea, amongst the ba••••st of white people, could bear an affinity to the hediousness of their noise, and the different atti∣tudes of those who were not rowing, made the no∣velty extraordinary to me, if no one else, as their positions were ••or an attack, as soon as they struck

the shore. I was ordered to stand up in the canoe, on our near approach to the garrison, and had no objection, as there were a number of tories, old de∣serters from our army and country, &c. who were making their remarks on us in general, which was not done in a very familiar way of conversation. We passed some little distance along the island be∣fore landing, and on going ashore, which the Indians pretty nearly struck together, and were then as still as the Pacific ocean, in a calm. On my landing, I was surrounded by a great number of gazing spec∣tators, as if I had come from some planet or other. A tory officer asked me for the first question, the strength of Fort Stanwix; I returned for answer, that being a prisoner of war, it was the rule of all christianised nations to treat them well, and that he in a regimental dress, which bespoke him an officer, certainly must suppose the question improper: how∣ever, I received from the rabble some heavy de∣nunciations, as rebel, &c. which is improper to commit to a journal. My having on the regimentals of our regiment at the time, I suppose occasioned more cu∣riosity amongst them, than perhaps would have o∣therwise been shewn; but I was not long in that situation before a young gentleman by the name of Smith, an Adjutant of a British regiment, came and informed me, that the commanding officer de∣sired me to repair to head-quarters. I went with him, and on entering the room was met by Major Naron, the commanding officer, who accosted me very civilly, and invited me to breakfast, which I readily accepted of; and I believe the whole of the garrison officers of the British line were at breakfast. I continued at head-quarters until one o'clock. Mr. Smith made me a present of a silk handkerchief. The Major asked me in private, a few questions re∣lative

to our main army, and General Sullivan's movements; but I knew but trifling about either, & was rather more ignorant at that time than common. I mentioned to one of the officers, that I thought the Indians must be of great expence to the crown, as the scout that took us had expended a great deal of provision, and were on their return back, constantly firing and wasting their ammunition. He told me that he had made a computation of the expence the party was at that had taken us, and it could not fall much short (if any) of one thousand eight hundred pounds sterling money, or that would be the expend∣iture by the time the Indians gave the prisoners all up. It seems that we had three young kings in the party, and they being all Canadian Indians, (which I was ignorant of until we got to Lake Ontario) leave was asked to address the commanding officer; which was consented to; and after the Major had seated himself, the three young Blood Royals were admit∣ted to a seat not far from him; an interpreter was at hand, and an old Chief arose with a great deal of composure, and addressed his Kings in a long and spirited speech, whilst the old Major who was a Scotchman, and as much of a gentleman as walked the British army, sat knitting his brows, not under∣standing a word, as I took it; and after the Chief had finished, the Major addressed the interpreter—"weal and what is all this? Whey do they want now." The interpreter mentioned, that the pur∣port of their speech was, that they and a number of their ancestors had been old servants to their Great Father, who lived across the big water, and that they (the party) had now seriously taken up the hatchet for his defence, and meant at all times to hold themselves in readiness to go out against the people who sat around the council fire, and who had

taken up the hatchet against their Great Father and his warriors, (meaning the King of Great-Britain and his army) and, that as it was the first time they had gone out, and had done their best in taking pri∣soners and scalps, they wished to have a barrel of milk (that is rum) to make themselves merry with.

The old Major, after a short pause, expressed himself as follows—"And what is it they want—a barrel of rum, to get all drunk and kill the prisoners. The De'il on them and their rum, they sha••••a have only one gill a man, and let them gang home, or the curse of Scotland will be afoul of them, if they hurt a prisoner: let them do it on their peril, and I will cut their heads from their shoulders"—or words to this purport; as I was in the room and heard the whole—on which a dram was given to every one in a cup. About one o'clock, my chief came for me to go to the boat, in order to set off. I took my leave of the gentlemen, who treated me with a great de∣gree of politeness, I mean those of the line in the British army; as to the tory officers, there was not common notice taken of them. We all sat off, and went on our way down the river St. Lawrence, which is very deep and of an easy current. I re∣ceived, as we glided along shore, some very insulting language from men who had deserted from our re∣giment. The river I supposed two miles wide.—We rowed about thirty miles, and lay that night on the western shore; the Indians shot some fowls, such as gulls, and a few other kinds, and catched some fish.

On the morning of the 28th, before day, we were all under way down the river, and sun about half an hour high, shot some ducks that could not fly, as I was informed, they had shed their feathers. They were fine and fleshy, but of what kind I cannot tell; some

gulls also, were killed, and indeed the Indians would shoot any fowl—crows, hawks, &c. and eat them, but I never was offered any but such as were good birds. About nine o'clock we came too, and cooked our fowls. Our boat that morning was ahead, and the batteaus being heavy, were generally in the rear. I cool••••d a duck, and found it delicious food. We embarked in about an hour, and rowed steady until four o'clock, when we arrived at Oswegotia, a Brit∣ish garrison, about thirty-five leagues from Car••ton island, and the whole of the way a gradual still cur∣rent; the river appeared so deep, that I judge a ves∣sel of heavy burthen might pass up and down. I was invited into the quarters of Captain Robertson, who was commanding officer, and received ••••e into his room with hospitality, as himself and a Captain Frazier, who was there, had been taken prisoners, at St. John's, and were through Elizabeth-Town; and after being informed that it was my native place, they appeared to give me every mark of their friendship, as well as the other prisoners, who all ar∣rived a short time after us. I continued at head quarters until about midnight, and fared as well as I could wish. I told Capt. Robertson, I thought it best for me to go and lodge with my chief—He replied that a bed was provided for me. But as I knew we must start by day-light, and my clothes being none of the neatest, having been so long with the Indians, I prevailed and took my leave, and slept with my chief as usual.

On the morning of the 29th, before day-break, we arose, eat some victual•• and as soon as it was light enough, embarked and rowed down the river St. Lawrence about six or eight miles, with nearly the same current; the river then begins to run stronger, and at the distance of two miles further, be∣comes

a mere rapid in some places, by reason of large rocks lying in the river, some of which it is supposed, are not more than four feet below the surface of the water, which occasions the water to heave into swells, and obliges the boats to keep in shore, or by the islands, as there are several in that part of the river; we judged that we drove down with the cur∣rent ten or twelve miles an hour. We continued along shore for better than an hour, the water grow∣ing something smoother; the Indians in our boat saw a large buck swimming, they made after him and he was soon overtaken and killed. About two o'clock came too and dressed the venison; he was divided into as many parts as there were Indians and prisoners, and after being boiled, every person had their piece. We then sat off, and in half an hour arrived at an Indian town called Tuskerora, where one of the nations that were in the party lived; six of the prisoners fell to them, and were put on shore; we tarried half an hour, and then proceeded, leaving the six prisoners mentioned, with them; the current not being so rapid, and after having a small thunder-gust (which occasioned a fair wind) we put up our sail and ran about ten miles, to a small Lake in the river, about thirteen miles in length, and four in breadth, which we crossed that afternoon and e∣vening. About ten o'clock at night we came too on the west shore by an Indian house, as near as I could calculate, thirty leagues from Oswegotia.

On the thirtieth, early in the morning, we em∣barked and went about fifteen or twenty miles down the river with a forcable current. Two Indians, with one of the prisoners and myself were put on shore; we travelled about two miles and stopped at a Frenchman's house, who gave us some bread and milk, and each a twist of tobacco. We then went

on about eight miles and came to our boats, which were two miles up the river, that leads out of the Lake of two mountains into St. Lawrence; there were two nations at this place called Conosodagoes and Mohawks; the other three nations, lived farther down the river St. Lawrence—we embarked and rowed up the river near thirty miles, and passed se∣veral French settlements and Indian huts, but were met about ten miles from the Lake, by two canoes, having some of their chiefs on board, who congratu∣lated their friends and brothers, as they were from the same town to which our party belonged. We all rowed until we came to the lake, and put up on an island about two miles from their town, where the Indians painted themselves and the prisoners. We had a visit from a number of boats from the town, having Squaws on board, who brought cakes for their friends and the prisoners; the squaws ap∣peared to have the immediate rule and conduct of the prisoners; I was put into a canoe with some of the chiefs' wives. We then rowed for the town, leaving all the Indians and prisoners behind on the island. When we came on shore, a young rich∣dressed squaw came and took me by the hand, and led me part of the way through the town into a house, and passing one room, entered a genteel parlor, handsomely papered, with a good desk, chest and chairs, in as fashionable a manner as an English room, although I believe it was the only decent apartment in the town, as I saw none of the like in the other houses. After being a few minutes seated by the mother of the young squaw in a decent chair, and some drink being prepared for me, I made signs that I wanted to go to the door to see the prisoners come in; which was granted. Previous to the approach of the Indians, a cannon that was in town, was load∣ed

and prepared, and also, a large flag-staff was standing with the colours flying. The Indians ap∣peared on the lake, moving very slowly all in a line, and on their near approach, gave a running fire from right to left, and was answered by the dis∣charge of their cannon, which was repeated three times over. They then exerted themselves to get on shore, in the same manner as at Carlton Island. An Indian boy took one of the prisoners by the hand and ran to the flag-staff; they appeared promiscu∣ously to every one catch at the first prisoner they could get hold of, and immediately run to the staff, until they had all arrived; the whole of the Indians and prisoners then danced round the flag for about fifteen minutes, and all at once, each Indian who had his prisoner, sat off running and pulling his prison∣er with him as fast as possible to the council house, and all the rest of the Indians after them yelling and screaming with all their might; they continued dancing with the prisoners for near half an hour, the whole time singing a war song, and then each Indian took his prisoner home with him, without being the least abused or hurt, and gave them pl••••∣ty of provisions.—What a happy circumstance was this! for instead of being bound in thongs, and suffering the most excruciating tortures, by having the finger nails torn out, and pine knots drove into the flesh and sat on fire, with many other unheard of tortures, we were all treated like christians, not e∣ven having been compelled to run what is termed the gantlet, although it is customary for the Indians to form two lines, about six feet apart, between which the prisoners must run and receive blows with fists, clubs, and sometimes tomahawks, and a••e fre∣quently killed. What a heart of gratitude, I felt on this occasion, to my God and the Great Preserver of

men. One thing I would not wish to omit on this occasion, and which I suppose was a favor to the prisoners. There were in the town, a large cha∣pel, or house of worship, and three Roman clergy∣men resided among the savages, by which means the town is under strict and religious regulations, according to their manner of worshipping, and ap∣pears with solemnity. I was visited by the three gentlemen, and invited to dine with them, which I readily accepted of, and was received with as great a degree of cordiality as I ever met with in any place. I continued to dine and sup with them during my stay at the place, as it was customary to break∣fast at home on bread and milk, and sometimes tea—The catholic priests make no formal breakfast, as they generally, and I believe always, attend to prayers from 6 until 9 or ten in the morning, and then take a cut of bread and cheese, or some light diet, but regularly dine at twelve on rich food, ex∣cept Friday and Saturday; they eat no meat on those days, but fish, butter, eggs, &c. is their diet. The Indians are very attentive on mass, and sing melodiously, particularly the women; every morn∣ing and evening they all attend worship, and on their bended knees seem to offer sincere devotion to the King of Kings. I was strictly attentive to their mass, as it would have even displeased what we deem the wild savage of the woods, not to have paid my devotion with them.

On the first day of August, a large Indian came to my quarters and ordered me by signs to take off my coat and jacket, which I at once complied with; he then brought me a long coat, waistcoat, and leggons, and dressed me in the manner of themselves, and then took me to the flag-staff, where, after giving three long and solemn whoops, the whole of the

town appeared instantly to assemble. One of the chiefs made a lengthy and loud speech, and from what I could gather, the purport was,—that after a loss cometh gain; stating the success they had gained by their arms, and that now, having prisoners in possession, they could be put in the place of some of their lost relatives: on which I was adopted by one of the chief's instead of an uncle he had lost about a year before, and who I understood died a natural death. They have no very formal way of adopting, except by laying their hands on the prisoner's head, and a few ceremonies of the like in the time of their orations, and then he is delivered to the man by whom adopted, who in a friendly manner takes him by the hand and kisses him, and then the squaws, (every one who bears any relation to the family wherein the prisoner is adopted.) The whole of the prisoners were served in the same way. I am of opinion, should this journal be read, some will say that when the Indians adopt, they are not apt to give their pri∣soners up; but let it suffice, that what is written can be proved by living and substantial witnesses. A handsome room was provided for me, but I believe it is customary for the civilized nations to be more particular in their furniture. I remember an instance in the Onondago nation, of a family (their names I do not recollect) whose house was fashionably furnish∣ed, after the manner of white people; and would further remark, that where the Indians place their confidence or good will, they are very particular, and warmly attached; their uncommon friendship to an adopted prisoner will prove my assertion. Oc∣casionally a remark on the savages of America, is worthy of our attention. If the whole of the In∣dians were under religious government, and civili∣zed, what a great family of people they must be;

although I am of opinion▪ they could never be brought to live in the manner of the white people, as their constitutions appear to be adapted for the wilderness; and it has often been noticed, that they decrea•••••• in an old settled country: but what I mean, is respecting their moral principles, and man∣ner of worship: but this will be a work of time, al∣though a friendly aid would not be amiss.

After being adopted, by my cousin, a room in his house was provided for me; therefore I had to leave my parlor, although I was often a visitor, and in fact, was, with the other prisoners, treated with great friendship by the whole of the inhabitants. The town lies on an elbow, much in the manner of New-York, having a handsome lake in the front, lying south from the town, and on the north side, the river which is said to lead from Michilimachinac, of a large extent, and opposite the town middling wide; it runs bye, and empties into the lake, and from thence to the river St. Lawrence, and I imagine lies about 45 leagues from Oswegotia, about a north course.

The Indians do but very little labour in the sum∣mer, and have dances almost every day, in a long house built for that purpose; the men dance by themselves in a long ring, as their houses are lengthy, but not wide. They have a narrow rim, in shape of a drum, with two heads to it and a small mallet with which one strikes on the head; four men have each two sticks, and strike them together; another one has a hollow gourd with shot or corn in it; he first sets his music to play, by giving his gourd three or four shal•••• quick, with a song accompanying his time, and then more slow, on which the drum sets in, with the four who have sticks, and all strike together; their song and whole music beats together, which make it not disagreeable, as their dances are very re∣gular.

The Indians have small bells around their ancles to make a jingling, and stamp••••ard on the ground, as a wooden floor would discommode their method of dancing. They have a great number of attitudes and positions in their whole dance, which lasts sometimes two hours, and from the first com∣mencement of it until the whole are on the floor, does not exceed fifteen minutes; the women slide on their heels and toes, by forming a ring, and will go round in that manner for a great number of times; they have no other method of dancing, and I think have no instrumental music, but sing merrily, and are very jocular and sociable in their dances.—There are a few French families in town.

In the fall of the year, all the Indians, men, wo∣men and children, except a few old and decrepit persons, go up the river four, five, and sometimes six hundred miles, and stay all winter, where they live by hunting, and in the spring return down the river with their peltry, meats, &c. and by what lit∣tle grain they raise, and the profits they get on their furr, with the fish which they catch in the lake be∣fore the town, (which are plenty) all contribute to make them live easy the whole summer, and to ap∣pearance plentiful, particularly as to bread, as they had a baker in town, and many bought constantly. The first sabbath I went to mass, my cousin dressed me in a long scarlet coat, velvet jacket, and a large cocked hat, all trimmed with broad tinsey lace, with scarlet leggons, mockisons trimmed very gay with ribbons and the like, and a silver headed sword, a ruffled shirt, and I must say, that I felt quite import∣ant through the day. After the forenoon exercise was over, a white woman came and asked me in En∣glish, what part of America I lived in when at home. I informed her near Elizabeth-Town, in New-Jer∣sey.

She said she 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 from Piscataway, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a small girl, by the Indians, and think as near 〈◊〉〈◊〉 I can remember, her name was Randolph; I had not more than a minute's opportunity of speaking with her, before I was called away by the priests to din∣ner, and had her promise of calling to see me again; she was married to a Frenchman. I was desirous of visiting her, as she lived across the river, not far from the town, but was not permitted. She ap∣peared a very ancient and respectable lady, and ac∣cording to what I could find out, was taken from said place in Jersey, in the time of what was called the old French war. In the town there was a ne∣gro fellow who ran away from his master in Albany, but could not find out from whom; he spoke good En∣glish, and was an interpreter, or the Indians▪ ••inguist. The Sunday evening after my being dressed as be∣fore related, I was asked by the Indian to whose house I was first introduced, whether I was willing to stay with them and go that winter up the river a hunting; on which he undertook to describe the pleasure I should meet with, by seeing the deer and all kinds of game brought into camp▪ and that I should have no ne••d of labour▪ but to accompany those wh•••• stayed in huts, that were comfortable and conveni¦ent▪ and even went so far as to offer me his daughter in marriage; but I replied, I had a wife and chil∣dren at home, and would prefer going to Montreal, on account of getting to them again; on which no further reply was made; but the next morning my fine clothes were changed, and in place, received a middling coat, jacket, hat, &c. They kept my regi∣mental clothes, sword, boots, stock-buckle, and in lieu thereof, I received a pair of old mockisons and ••eggons, which I kept during my stay with them. They had amongst the Roman priests, a German,

who spoke considerable good English, and appeared to be a man well bred, and much of a gentleman, as were the others; and I understood they were sup∣ported by the crown of France, to disseminate what knowledge they could amongst the Indians: as the town consisted of two nations, there were a number of people assembled to worship. Every morning I took a walk by the side of the river and lake, which gave a beautiful prospect, being about thirty miles in length, and ten in breadth, and on the point is a small breastwork built of stone, where their cannon is placed, I suppose an indulgence from the English. There are in the town a number of bark canoes, which I understood were built the last French war; the bark itself is ••irch, and the inside is lined with cedar splints about four inches wide, and sowed to∣gether with the strippings of spruce, and tamarack roots; they first boil the roots and then split them. By pacing the length of some of the boats, I found them sixty feet; with a proportionable width, and would undoubtedly carry fifty men or more, with provisions. About a mile from the town, is a small building on an eminence, with a cross near it, where they all go once a year in procession to wor∣ship, in the manner of the Roman Catholics.

On the ninth of August▪ in the evening, I was informed that the next day we were all to embark for Montreal; and on the tenth, after dining with the priests and a gentleman from near Montreal, I took any leave of them and the town, although my cousin, his wife, with every prisoner's relation, came on board of can••••••, and accompanied us to Mon∣treal. We row 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that afternoon about ten leagues, and lay on the northeast shore, where the lake was not more than two miles wide. We lodged at a French woman's house; her husband was from

New-England, and was gone to Michilimachinac trading. She used me very well, and I was accom∣modated with a genteel room, a good supper, and liquors: the prisoners all fared very well, and next morning we sat out on foot, after breakfast, and travelled to Montreal. We passed several churches and French settlements, from the lake of two moun∣tai•••• to Montreal; they were cutting their wheat, which was of a middling size. The drought was so severe that the grass appeared to be scorched; the land looked like a white loam. About eleven o'clock, we arrived at Montreal, after travelling better than ten miles. I was conducted to Mr. Luke Le Corn's house, who treated me to a glass of good old Madei∣ra. Doctor Huntly who has the care of the nun's hospital, came into Mr. Le Corn's, and recom∣mended me to said place for the recovery of my health, as I was far from being in a sound state of body. A French gentleman who had a British com∣mission, and had been taken with General Burgoyne, was also at Le Corn's, & walked with me to Colonel Campbell's quarters, who had the command, or rather was an agent of the Indian department, and treat∣ed me with politeness. Whilst I was at the Colonel's quarters, Alexander Campbell came into the room, and as I had quartered in his house at Schenectady, we were acquainted with each other, and then living in Montreal, he obtained permission for me to go home with him; and on our arrival, Mrs. Campbell ap∣peared rejoiced to see me, and we all dined together as mutually as formerly. After dining, I took my leave of Mrs. Campbell; Mr. Campbell walked with me to the nun's hospital; after my arrival, a centinel was placed at the door to keep me from de∣serting. The nuns never marry, and when they en∣ter the hospital it is for life, if they behave well;

they take in the sick of the town, and are supported that way, and the patient pays according to his abili∣ties, from a low to a high price. There are no peo∣ple more faithful to their patients; two of them are up at a time the whole night, to give them drink and medicine, according to the directions of the physicians. Their hospital is kept very clean, and in warm weather, cool, by sprinkling the floor with vinegar, or something to make it agreeable; the beds are neat, and in two rows, as the house is long but not wide, an entry way is between the beds, having green curtains, which is a great help to the eyes of persons, particularly when weak; each pa∣tient has his bed, and is never offered victuals or medicine, before the person who gives it asks a blessing on it. They are constant in prayer at six o'clock every morning, and frequent mass, all which is performed on the bended knees, to appearance, with great devotion; in fact, through all their secu∣lar duties of domestic life, they appear to invoke the Great Arbiter of the universe for a blessing; and what is singular, amongst so many women, and for so long a duration, all is harmony and concord, not so much as a contradiction, which must proceed from that regularity of system which is kept up among them, both civil and religious. In the evening I was visited by Stephen Tuthill, (who formerly lived at Saratoga, he left the Americans in the spring of 1779, and married Major John Graham's sister) who gave me a bottle of Madeira; indeed I owe a debt of gratitude to several gentlemen, who frequently paid me their visits, and were kind and liberal; but would rather suppose it imprudent to mention their names in this journal, for fear of accident: for not∣withstanding I am sensible that in this province there are many sincere friends to the cause of America,

yet the major part of the military dons in particular, are vastly important, and even knit their brow at the sight of a rebel, and portend with great compo∣sure his fate to be desperate.

August 12th.—This afternoon I had a visit from a French lady, who made me a present of a handker∣chief, and several other things; she was acquainted in Elizabeth-Town, and appeared to be a person of distinction. Colonel Campbell and my cousins visit∣ed me; the Indians also came to take their final leave of me; my cousin Indian made a speech, the purport as follows—that he had come to pay me his last visit, and was in hopes that after the uproar be∣tween the Great King and my council and warriors was over, that we might meet again, and be great friends, as he looked upon me as an uncle, and I was going to be for a long time (if not forever) lost from him, for which reason he could not help me any more; he left me as long as I remained prisoner, to the care of the great men, who acted under his Great Father, over the big water, (meaning the king of England)—he wished me very well, and that if ever I returned home again to my friends, which he was in hopes I should; he advised me not to get drunk and from my senses again, in fighting against his Great Father and mother (meaning the King of England and people) which he looked on as wrong; and that our men, who sat around the Great Coun∣cil Fire, and held the big knife, under whom I acted (meaning Congress) were all drunk and from their senses, in fighting and acting against his and our Great Fathers and mothers—and then himself and wife bade me farewell, shook hands, kissed me, and shed plenty of tears. Surely said I this is friendship indeed; it brought to my mind the beautiful de∣scription of Doctor Young, in his night thoughts, on friendship.

The next day Colonel Campbell sent me a blue broad cloth coat, under clothes, stockings, shoes, buckles, &c.

On the 14th, being still unwell, and as there was scarcely any one to converse with, (for what was spoken, was chiefly in the French language) I made application to go to the general hospital, which was granted; and Mr. Jones, master of Provost, walked with me; we had a sociable conversation together on the war between England and America. He ap∣peared to be a man of sense, and seemed to speak feelingly on the unhappy dispute. On my arrival at the hospital, I was introduced to Captain Gideon Brownson, an American officer, who was wounded in the foot, having one of his toes shot off, and ele∣ven wounds in his body by small shot; a serjeant being with him from the fame regiment, who had received a ball through the knuckle of his left hand. It seems that a party on the 15th of July, 1779, con∣sisting of Major Hopkins, Captain Brownson, Cap∣tain Smith, Lieutenant Dunning, two serjeants and some privates, (two of whom had wives) went to the fourteen mile island, on lake George, on a party to fish and gather some berries which were plenty there. The wind blew up ahead towards night, accompa∣nied with rain, and they having no apprehension of danger, drew their boats on shore, which they turn∣ed over and lay under all the night; but it appeared the Indians that day had discovered them, and on seeing an old batteau on a small island below, swam to it, and fixed it so as to be able by the assistance of that boat to go to the island where the party was, and just as the day broke, landed and fired on the whole as they lay under the boats without any ex∣pectation of an enemy being near; they killed the Major, a serjeant, five privates, a little boy, and the

two women, one of whom had a sucking child in her arms which was also killed. The men were scalped, but it is said the women were not; the remainder were brought into Montreal, consisting of Captain Brown∣son, Captain Smith, Lieutenant Dunning, Serjeant Curtis, and three privates; they belonged to Colo∣nel Warner's regiment. Captain Smith and lieute∣nant Dunning were confined in the Provost at Mon∣treal, amongst all sorts of prisoners. The same day Colonel Campbell visited me, and made me a present of some stockings and a half-joe—In justice to that gentleman, I must say, that I was treated with a great degree of attention, benevolence and philan∣thropy. I cannot omit mentioning the goodness of Mr. James White, merchant in Montreal, when at the nun's hospital; he every morning sent me a good dish of green tea and toast, with some port wine, which, considering the nature of my disorder, was to my benefit, which bounties appeared to be dictated by the feelings of humanity, and not from an ••••ea of being deemed a friend to the American cause. I had a few turns of the fever and ague, but Doctor Morrington, head physician of the hospital, gave me relief so as to prevent their return. Cap∣tain Brownson and myself, can have no reason of complaint respecting our treatment at that place, as we were found with such necessaries as were for our comfort, and we also daily received small presents from particular gentlemen.

August 21st.—About ten o'clock this morning we received orders to be ready to embark for Quebec, and at four in the afternoon went on board the Snow Liberty, Captain Moore, commander, where I was introduced to Captain Simeon Smith▪ formerly from Litchfield, in Connecticut, and Lieutenant Mi∣chael Dunning, from Ballstown, in the state, of

New-York; Captain Brownson was from Vermont, serjeants Weed and Deforest, with seven privates who were taken with me, were on board; also se∣ven old men from the Mohawk river, and serjeant Curtis. The officers are the gentlemen who were taken on the fourteen mile island, and were, before the unhappy catastrophe, quartered at Fort George; they and Major Hopkins, were ever esteemed brave good officers; but it was certainly imprudent to lay in such a place without a centinel planted; still from what has been before mentioned, they being so secure in their own minds, pleads for the neglect; yet I hope it will prove a warning for the future, to all persons who shall ever hear of the circumstance. On board of our vessel was a guard of sixteen men, of what was called Scotch emigrants, of Colonel M'Leans rigiment, the guard was commanded by an ensign named M'Graw. In the said corps were fifty men who were taken from our army, on the attempt to storm Quebec; the rest consisted of all nations, all sorts, and all sizes, (speaking not far from within bounds.) We lay that night before Montreal; some of the officers slept on the quarter deck, exposed to the night air, but I went into the hold of the vessel and the easiest birth I found, was the coil of a large cable; I laid myself on that and took some rest, as our Captain appeared to be one of those sort of people who wish to make a short affair of conversation or politeness; for he neither gave us a friendly answer to a question, altho' asked ever so civilly, nor had the manners to ask a man to his cabbin door, nor to eat or drink with him; and to make short of my text, he was the most ac∣complished brute I ever met with, or ever shall.

Early the next morning we weighed anchor, and having a fair wind with a strong current, sailed fast,

and passed several small settlements, having churches in each settlement; about three o'clock in the af∣ternoon we came to anchor before Sorell, it being about fifteen leagues from Montreal. Our com∣mander went on shore, and in one hour returned, weighed anchor and proceeded on our voyage until the setting of the sun, when he again came to an∣chor at the mo••th of a small lake, called Saint Peter.

On the 23d we made sail, with a fine fair breeze, and passed the lake which is shoal, except the channel. It was said, that part of the lake which is under water in the Spring, is mowed in the Summer; every sail on board was set. At eight o'clock, we passed a settlement, named Mashish, where the to∣ries live, or many of them; it is a small town, call∣ed the tory settlement, a particular assylum for wo∣men who are from the American states, and des∣titute of a home. By eleven o'clock we passed the three rivers, where the tide flows about two feet, although it makes no current up. We proceeded on the whole day, and by sailing in a fine river, the banks and houses affording a beautiful prospect, to∣gether with several large topsail merchant vessels which we passed, laden with goods, provisions, &c. from Ireland, chiefly for Montreal, made it more a∣greeable, and seemed to elevate at times our disa∣greeable situation. At sun-down, the vessel came to anchor, within ten miles of Quebec; the flood ran so strong that no head way to signify, could be made.

The twenty-fourth, weighed anchor early in the morning, the wind ahead, but beating with a strong ebb, we anchored before Quebec at ten o'clock in the morning, it being sixty leagues from Montreal. The common ebbing and flowing of the tide at this

place, is ten feet perpendicular, and the spring tides, often fifteen. The current runs with great force, both in the flood and ebb, and often in the winter fails of freezing across. The river is narrower at Quebec, than in any place from the mouth to Mon∣treal, which occasions the tide to run with more ve∣locity at Quebec, than in any other part of the river, although there is a great current from Quebec to Newfoundland in particular. In about an hour's time after first coming to anchor, we hauled along side of a large letter of marque▪ mounting twenty-six guns, named the Brilliant; some gentlemen who were on board of the ship, sent us four bottles of porter. There were thirty pieces of cannon with carriages, hoisted out of the Brilliant, and put on board of the Snow. That night we still suffered more than formerly, as there was no place to lie on but those carriages and guns; however, on the next day, a long boat came along side and took us all from our pleasant Captain, and we were put on board of a ship, named the York, mounting twenty-six guns, commanded by Richard Brewer, an En∣glish gentleman, who formerly sailed out of South-Carolina, for a gentleman (I think) by the name of Cox. Captain Brewer and the first mate being on shore, the ship was then under the command of a Mr. Johnson, second mate, who confined us all down in the hold of the vessel, in the gun room; there were twenty-one of us: the dead lights were chained and locked up, which made our situation disagreeable, as it was dark, and we could not stand strait up, by reason of the deck being so low. How∣ever, two of the prisoners were admitted on deck at a time, as our guard was put on board to keep us safe; we had to go up through a small scuttle, which would not admit more than one person to go up at a

time, and on deck stood a brave soldier, with a fixed bayonet, to attend on the manoeuvring of the pri∣soners who went on deck. It was truly laughable to see sixteen soldiers under arms on deck, to guard twenty-one poor disarmed prisoners, and the ship's crew contained not much short of one hundred men; however, as we were men of importance, safety was necessary, and the guard continued on board during our stay. About sun-set, Captain Brewer came on board, and sent for those who were officers when taken prisoners, and invited the whole into his cabbin, where we remained during our stay on board, and received the politest treatment I ever met with in the whole of my captivity, as we were treat∣ed with the best of diet, and drink of every kind; the Captain frequently had other Captains of vessels to dine and sup with him, and we were sharers in his entertainments; in a word, no men could be better used; and the other prisoners also experienced the bounty of that good man. In justice to the first mate, Mr. Colereach, Mr. Johnson second mate, and the doctor, whose name is Mua, I must say that they were friendly, kind-hearted men; in fact it sometimes ap∣peared that we were not prisoners as there was so much friendship from the officers and ships crew to the prisoners as will never be erased. The charac∣ter of Johnson, the second 〈◊〉〈◊〉, was droll and singu∣lar; he is a New-England man, and would walk the deck sometimes for an hour, the whole time praying to his Maker, so loud that he could be heard in any part of the ship, and seemed to be in great earnest, asking forgiveness of his sins; and penetential expres∣sions appeared to flow from his lips with a sincere contrition of heart; but in the midst of these ejacula∣tions, if he saw a sailor doing any thing amiss, especi∣ally on the yard arm or round top, he would swear at

him with such vehemence, that he would appear to damn him, the yard arm, round top, masts, ship and crew, and the next minute praying and asking forgiveness for all his sins; in short, he was a very good natured man, but an old seaman, and was so addicted to swearing, that he often told me he did not know when he swore: he put me in mind of a man named Tom Pope, who would use by turns ill lan∣guage, and then asked forgiveness, and said he must pay as he went on. However, relative to poor John∣son, I have reason to believe the man was hear∣tily sorry for his allowing himself in such lan∣guage; but it seems the sailors were rather remiss in obeying his commands, until he made use of such expressions, on purpose to make their merriment. He often lamented to me, that it was his lot to be a seaman on account of the practice which generally prevails among that class of men, in using profane language, and said, that when he was young, he had no fear of God before his eyes, and became one of the profanest wretches that ever existed, but then seemed to lament his former and present conduct: particularly his having taken God's name in vain; but being so addicted to the practice, it seemed an impossibility to leave it off, although he said it was his intention to quit the sea-faring business, and take some other calling by reason of the habit. The officers who dined and supped on board the York, are named Drew, Scott and Gray; they were Cap∣tain's of large ships; I think Drew commanded a Frigate, and was an acting commodore; they were much of gentlemen, and I should be very happy if either of them should ever go into the United States, that they might be treated with cordiality for their politeness to the prisoners, as also the mates and doctor of the ship York. On the thirtieth instant,

Captain Smith, Lieutenant Dunning, Serjeant Weed, and myself, petitioned our brethren, the Free-ma∣sons in Quebec, for assistance, in particular some mo∣ney, but no answer was received; and we have since been informed, they deem us traitors, for taking up arms against their King.

September 1st.—We hear that four thousand men from the British fleet laying off Portsmouth, deserted on the fourth ult. The prisoners received a shirt and jacket each; I had a blanket coat.

Tuesday 7th.—Mr. Miles Prentiss, the Provost master in Quebec, came on board with orders for us to leave the ship and go on shore; on which we made ready, and embarked on board a large long boat, and landed in the town with our guard, and were march∣ed to the jail, being obliged to carry our bedding and spare clothes on our backs through the town, and on our arrival at our place of confinement, had a room for the officers adjoining where the other prisoners who accompanied us were put. We were allowed, through clemency, the privilege of taking two of the prisoners, by the name of Isaac Hubble and Jeremi∣ah Frazier, to cook for us; the doors were then locked fast; and for the first piece of business, our room is measured, and find it twenty feet long, and ten wide, having a dirty rough stone floor, and are obliged to keep the window-shuts open for air, there being no glass except half way from the top down∣wards, the frame being long; when our shuts are closed, we are obliged to stand on our fine table, which is of oak plank, an inch and an half thick, and was made for the soldiers the last French war, and is as black as grease and dirt mixed together, can any way make it:—on this piece of furniture we often stand and look or peep out through the glass. Our dishes are wooden also, and appear to have had a

long servitude in the campaigning business. Our beds and bolsters are stuffed with straw, and laid on bunks; pillows we have none;—thus are we fixed, which considering all things, does not appear very agreeable. This afternoon Richard Murray, Esq. commissary of the prisoners, visited us and appear∣ed to be much of a gentleman; gave us flattering promises of a speedy release from our present situation, liberty of the yard, &c. but he had a master by the name of Frederick Haldiman, who was General and commander in chief of the pro∣vince of Canada, a man exactly adapted to suit his Britannic Majesty and ministry.

On the ninth of September, some small flights of snow. On the thirteenth some prisoners belonging to our regiment were brought from Chamblee and confined in a room ever our heads.

14th, Mr. Murray visited us; I mentioned to him the ••eak state of health I was in, relating to the billious complaint, which has so long afflicted me, and had the promise of having my case represent∣ed to the General, that I might be sent to an hos∣pital, or some way provided for; but to no purpose, as yet.

Return of the prisoners belonging to the first New-York regiment, taken last summer and this fall, from Fort Stanwix. Serjeants—Ezra Weed, Gilbert Bogert, Abraham De Forest, (since dead) Thompson Bacon. Privates—Isaac Hubble, Elihu Schuyler, Jeremiah Frazier, John House, Barney Griffess. Moses Budle, (since dead) Anthony Crow∣der, Henry Seamore, Joel Ackley, William Cope∣land, William Kincaid, Henry Wheeler, Hosea M'Farland (dead) John Helmer, William Potter, William Dohaty, Abel Cain, Hendrick Cornelius, William Tiperwine, Peter Winn, John Bettis; John

Connelly, Garret Moselus, John Bangle, Jacob House, Corporal Gray, John Mullere, Christian House, Jacob Wormly, George Whisick, Philip Snell, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Murray, John Gross, (killed) John Bishop, Major Watson, killed with the Indians. Philip Ketch, continued with Mr. Jones the Provost master, at Montreal; John Sharp engaged on board the English fleet the tenth of September, for Eng∣land; and a man by the name of Hall, from Cap∣tain Eustis's company of artillery, also engaged on board said fleet for England.

The currency in this place is▪ called Hallifax, the dollar at five shillings; and for amusement, will put down some rules how to bring shillings into pounds. For the first example—in 7496 shillings, how many pounds?

7496

5

£374-16.

In the first place, I say that ninety-six shillings is four pounds sixteen shillings; then multiply by five, saying five times four is twenty, and the four pounds borrowed from the ninety-six, is twenty-four, and so on, by plain multiplication, as above; therefore, if any person sets down a thousand figures, and you can only see the two right hand figures, and let his hand be over the rest, and by seeing one at a time, from the right hand, as he slides his hand to the left, you may, by carrying the multiplication by five (al∣though not mentioned aloud) tell how many pounds there are in all the figures sat down after his hand has slid off, as you can fast follow his hand.

Rule 2d. How to bring dollars into pounds, York.

Example.—In 557 dollars, how many pounds York?

557

4

£. 222 16

In 100 dollars, how many pounds?

100

4

£. 40 0

Remember, if the right hand figure be a cypher, cut it off.

In the first of these examples—I say four times 7 is 28, and double the 28, which makes 56, and call that two pounds sixteen shillings; I set down the 16 and carry 2, as in the afore going example.

To bring lawful money, at six shillings the dollar, into pounds.

Example.—In 757 dollars, how many pounds?

757

3

£. 227 2

Double the first figure by shillings, as in York.

To bring Prock, at seven shillings and six-pence per dollar, into pounds.

Multiply by 3 and divide by 8.

Example—In 100 dollars, how many pounds?

100
3
8) 300 (37l. 10s.
24
60
56
4
20
8) 80 (10
8
00

In £. 37 10 prock, how many dollars?

£. 37 10

8

3) 300 0

100 Dollars.

To bring pounds prock into dollars, multiply by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and divide by 3: for example, in 37l. 10s. prock, how many dollars? I say 8 times 10 is 80, which is 4 pounds, set down 0, and carry four, &c. as above.

Example—In 60l. Halifax, how many pounds York currency?

£. 60

8

5) 480 (96l. York currency.

45

30

30

0

And to bring York into Halifax, reverse it as fol∣lows—In 96l. York, how many pounds Halifax?

96l.

5

8) 480

60l.

To bring York money in pounds into dollars, multiply by 5 and divide by 2.

Example—In 1000l. how many dollars?

1000l.

5

2) 5000

2500 Dollars

Example—In 40l. how many dollars?

40l.

5

2) 200

100 dollars, it is well known, is 40l.

General prices of the following articles at this place:

Green tea 8s. (about 12s10 York) bohea 4s. (a∣bout 6s8 York) pepper 2s6 (which is 4s. York) mustard 2s3 (which is 3s6 York) potatoes 4s. pen bushel; turnips ditto; imported tobacco 5s. per pound, (which is a dollar) York spirits 8s. per gal∣lon, common wine two dollars or 10s. linens 3s6, 3s9, 4s. and 5s. per yard.

On the 19th, Mr. Murray visited us, when Cap∣tains Brownson and Smith, informed him that they had no over-clothing, except a blanket coat, and had the promise of more clothing. Mr. Miles Prentiss, sends us every day good fresh beef, mut∣ton or veal; we are allowed spruce beer, and po∣tatoes by turns. Our bedding is none of the best, as the sheets are as coarse as is any way needful, and water I am certain they never touched. We really cut a figure, in particular when our dinner is paraded; our black wooden dishes put on so shining a hue, and graced with our mahogany oak, bespeak American officers indeed; and to confirm my asser∣tion, on the 27th, we received each of us a white flannel jacket, and ammunition breeches.

October the 5th.—Arrived from England, a small fleet, having a few German troops on board. Cap∣tain Brownson went to the hospital for the recove∣ry of his health. On the 7th, Captain Brownson returned again.—The number of prisoners in this town (the largest number of which are militia, who

were taken from their farms) is about one hundred, although there are many seamen confined in differ∣ent parts of the jail, and numbers go on board of shipping for England.

On the 14th—A report of the Seneca's country being cut off.

21st—A hard frost last night. We were this day visited by a Doctor Apdell, an acquaintance of Capt. Smith's and Lieut. Dunning's, who informs of a small picket sort, belonging to the Americans, being taken by a British officer and twenty men, with two hundred Indians, and says that the prisoners are brought into Montreal; but cannot inform what garrison or what officer was taken. He made us (for the first) a present of a dollar.

25th—A pleasant day. It has been a remarkable warm, dry summer in this province, by information; and this fall, grass, grain, and all kinds of roots have much failed. We wrote a petition to-day to Gene∣ral Haldiman, desiring to be sent this fall to New-York, or admitted on parole. Yesterday, by ac∣count, two Germans who were in the British ser∣vice, went up the river and drowned themselves. The same day two British officers fought a duel on board a vessel, and one of them was killed.

26th. The fleet fell down the river this morning to Patrick's Hole, for England. A Lieut. Col. Low∣der, of the militia, from Boston, and a French offi∣cer, were brought in prisoners this day: they were taken at a place called Konopscot, in New-Hamp∣shire. The Colonel says, he had a valuable packet going to General Gates.

November 2d—Snow the chief of this day. The 31st regiment arrived from St. John's last evening, and relieved the German guards.

5th—Colonel Lowder and the French officer em∣barked

this morning for Halifax, and are to be sent to Boston for an exchange, by whom we sent some letters; I forwarded two, one of them to Colonel Van Schaick, and the other to Captain Eustis, of the artillery.

On the 6th, Mr. Murray visited us, and informed, that the General will not admit us to go to New-York, nor on parole, and gave directions for us to be removed from where we then were, into the lower barracks; and about one o'clock, we left our 〈◊〉〈◊〉, table, and all our dishes, and went into a more com∣fortable place, although a stone floor is one part of our charter; the room is large, being twenty feet square.

The 8th—The sun shines in our room, the first time we have seen him for six weeks, as we could not have any reflections from his rays in our other apart∣ment, on account of the room fronting the north, and only a window in front.

On the 11th—Clear and cold. Mr. Murray gave some directions about our room, to make it more comfortable, and thinks we shall be obliged to stay all winter; which, under the situation of Captain Brown∣son and myself, as we are neither of us healthy, makes the prospect gloomy before us; but patience in all afflictions is right, for I have no idea that they spring from the dust. The prisoners have several times received clothing, and appear to have good attention paid them by Messrs. Murray and Prentiss, but the poor creatures being so closely locked up, and having nothing but benches to fit on, makes the time hang more heavy, in particular the prisoners of other rooms, as they have only a pound of fresh beef, and a pound of bread a day, without vegetables of any kind, or flour; and the beef in Canada is not e∣qual to the English or American, as vegetation is

rapid after the snow leaves the ground, and the cat∣tle are commonly very poor in the spring, so that generally speaking, the beef is made in one season, which is not more than five months at longest, and tenderer flesh was never tasted by me. We have been indulged with the loan of twelve dollars each, from government; and now and the•• I send the prisoners of the York line some potatoes and tobac∣co.

November 12—We have a stove erected in our room, which at present is disagreeable, as all our cooking and tea water is on the stove. An account in the Quebec Gazette, that two thousand of General Washington's army of the best troops, had laid down their arms; and that one whole regiment of conti∣nental troops with their officers, had joined the royal army.

November 15—The weather more moderate. It is two hours from break of day to sun-rise. The sun sets at five o'clock.

November 25th, 1779.

Copy of a petition sent to General Haldiman, &c.

To his Excellency Frederick Haldiman, Esq. Cap∣tain General and Commander in Chief of his Majesty's troops in Canada, &c. &c. &c.

The petition of Gideon Brownson, Simeon Smith, Michael Dunning and William Scudder, late offi∣cers in the American army, and now prisoners of war, HUMBLY SHEWETH,

THAT your petitioners would esteem it as a par∣ticular favor, if your Excellency would please to in∣dulge them so far as to permit them to be sent this fall to New-York; or should your Excellency he otherwise inclined, we beg to be considered, on ac∣count of our close confinement, which we perceive

to be detrimental to our health, and take the liberty of mentioning, that if we could be admitted on an enlargement on our paroles, we will pledge our sa∣cred honors, which we esteem as dear as the country which gave us birth, that we will not transcend any limits or restrictions which we may be bound to ob∣serve.—And your petitioners as in duty bound, will ever pray.

• GIDEON BROWNSON, Captain.
• SIMEON SMITH, Captain.
• MICHAEL DUNNING, Lieutenant.
• WILLIAM SCUDDER, Lieutenant.

Quebec, in Provost, October, 29th. 1779.

His Excellency Frederick Haldiman, Esq.

We are informed, that in October, Lieut. Col. Statia and Captain John Wood, were brought from Niagara and confined in Chamblee. The Colonel was taken at Cherry Valley, by the Indians, where a number of our troops, and the inhabitants, were inhumanly murdered; among whom were Colonel Alden, and Mrs. Dunlap, wife to the Rev. Mr. Dunlap, an aged and worthy lady. But the in∣stance (from information) of Capt. Wood, is truly remarkable. A number of the Goshen militia, con∣sisting of many of the first characters in that country, went in pursi•••••• of some Indians who had committed depredations on the back settlements; the party was led into an ambush, and every person cut off, except Captain Wood; the man is a stranger to me, but a circumstance so particular, must demand his warmest tribute of praise to his and our Great Benefactor, for so 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and wonderful a preservation; and it is my sincere desire, that he may again return to his native home, family and connexions, full of gratitude to the Great Preserver of men, and be a worthy and useful

citizen to our new and rising empire. Weep, O Goshen! for a number of your most valuable inhabi∣tants are fallen. Serjeant Deforest is unwel, and appears under anxious impressions for the event of his future state, which is a reasonable reflection; and may he press forward towards the mark, and not lose sight until he arrives at the haven of ever∣lasting repose.

A proposal of Major Rogers, to discover a navi∣gable passage through the continent, from the Atlan∣tic Ocean to China, or the great Pacific Ocean, set∣ting out from Schenectady with two hundred men, well officered, and a sufficient number of batteaus and necessaries for so great an attempt.—He proposed to leave Schenectady in May, 1772, and ascend the Mohawk river to Fort Stanwix; from thence de∣scend the Wood Creek to the Oneida lake, and pass the same down the Onondaga river to Oswego, on Lake Ontario, and coast along the southern shore of that lake to the post of Niagara; from thence trans∣port their boats across the portage there, by the Great Falls to the river issuing from Lake Erie, and ascend that river, and coast along the northern shore of Lake Erie up the river Detroit, then across the small lake of St. Clair, into the river Huron, and as∣cend to Lake Huron, and coast the western shore of this great lake, to the Straits and ports of Michili∣machinac; from thence, cross the north end of Lake Michigan to the Green Bay, enter the Takis river, and stem it to the carrying place, then transport the batteaus across the portage there to the river Oas∣consoens, then pursue the course of this river to its junction with the Missisippi, and ascend that river to the falls of St. Anthony, where he expected to ar∣rive by the middle of September, and there pass the first winter. There the men will be employed in

housing themselves for the winter, catching of bea∣ver, gathering wild rice, curing of buffaloes and veni∣son against spring, for subsistence onward.—He proposed to depart from St. Anthony's Falls in April, 1773, and to enter the river St. Pierre, and ascend thereby to its source, in about latitude 44; from thence carry their batteaus across a portage of twen∣ty miles into a branch of the river Missoures, and ascend the same north-west, to its source; then carry their batteaus over a portage of about thirty miles, into the great river O••rigan, and follow that river through a most populous country, or tract of Indian land, to the Straits of Annian, and the gulph or bay projecting from thence northeasterly into the continent, and there pass the second winter. Here he expects to traffic with the Indians, and pro∣duce all necessary articles for subsistence, gain•• what intelligence he can, catch codfish and other provi∣sions, and cure them against spring; and a pur∣chase of boats or vessels peculiar to these parts will be made. The next spring, the party will proceed to explore every inlet, nook or bay, from th••se straits to Hudson's Bay, between which he expects to find the communication or passage in question, and from thence, if disappointed, will continue his researches along the coast of the great Pacific Ocean, to the utmost projection of the continent.—He is in∣duced to begin the attempt from the western coast of America, and to trace the direction of the Straits of Annian, and of the bay or gulf projecting from thence towards Hudson's Bay, the better to avoid exposure to the intolerable rigor of the winds, which on the coast of Hudson's Bay, blows almost in∣cessantly from the pole. He proposed to leave•• the greater part of the party at Hudson's Bay, a•••• the entrance of the passage, to pilot the vessels designed

for that purpose into the great Pacific Ocean if prac∣ticable, which would prove satisfactory; but if an ••ntoward and hostile disposition in the savages there, or an impossibility of subsisting Europeans during the winter in these inhospitable latitudes should render the return of the party the only alternative,—he thinks the charts and maps will answer a good end and purpose, although it should prove less satisfactory—but should he find a passage into Hudson's Bay, the constant direction of the winds on the western shore of America from the Pacific, will render it e∣ligible to return northwestwardly, between the islands of Japan and the Pole, through the great Archipela∣go, bounded on the sea heretofore supposed a conti∣nent between America and Kamschatska, the north∣east point of Asia, and return to Great-Britain through Russia. Major Rogers proposed effecting the whole of the voyage in three years, by return∣ing to Europe or the way he sat out; he supposed the utmost bounds were in 55 degrees north latitude. This is an abbreviation taken from Rogers's propo∣sal, as I was scant of paper, although it is the pur∣port of his intended research.

Monday 29th—Clear and pleasant. Five British prisoners, who on their passage from England en∣deavored to take the vessel, were taken from provost and sent up the river. It is said their intention was, if they had got the command of the vessel, to have sailed her to Boston.

December 2d. Six prisoners, one of whom is Serjeant Bogert, broke jail. I am in a poor state of health.

13th—On the 10th instant a deep snow fell, and this day it again snows. An account is received that General Washington and General Clinton have had a battle, and that our army were driven fifteen

miles; but at last the British retreated and lost some of their baggage.

14th—The snow is about fourteen inches deep on a level.—Sent the prisoners some potatoes and to∣bacco, which is not the first time.

Copy of a letter written to Mr. Coffin, a gentleman in town, by desire of Mr. Prentiss.

SIR,

We the subscribers, take the liberty of informing you, that in July last we were taken prisoners of war from the American armies, by the savages, and experienced severe hardships; we have ever since been under close confinement, which is very detri∣mental to our health and comfort; and being credi∣bly informed of your good character, and of your influence with his Excellency the Commander in Chief, will accept it as a particular favor, if you will be pleased to intercede with the general for us to be permitted on parole, on which we will pledge our sacred faith to be punctual to any restrictions his ex∣cellency shall bind us in. You compliance with this desire, will be gratefully acknowledged, by

Sir,

Your humble servants,

• GIDEON BROWNSON,
• SIMEON SMITH.
• MICHAEL DUNNING,
• WILLIAM SCUDDER.

Mr. I. COFFIN, Quebec.

December 25. The six prisoners who made their escape from jail, were yesterday brought back and confined in irons; they were taken at Three Rivers, in the middle of the day. An account of the British and French grand fleets having had an engagement; but the particulars are not known.

It being Christmas day, we invited Mr. Isaac Van Arnum and his wife, to dine with us; they are prisoners confined in another room, and were taken from their farm at New-Haven Falls, on Utter Creek, in the New-Hampshire Grants. They had their house, with its furniture, grain, hay, &c. all destroyed by fire, by the British, and are people of character. Mrs. Van Arnum's father's name is Moses Pierson, from Morris county, in New-Jer∣sey, who some years ago moved from that place and settled on Lake Champlain. We spent the day agreeably, considering our situation, all being in close prison.—This week's paper gives an account of a battle being fought at the southward, and that General Lincoln is killed, and the Americans lost se∣ven thousand in killed, wounded, and prisoners.

January 1, 1780—It being New-Year's Day, we passed it as agreeably as possible, considering our circumstances. Capt. Brownson and myself are still unwel: For my part I am much afflicted with a pa••n in my bowels, which has been constantly on me ever since the Onondaga nation were cut off, and the Great Parent of all men knows how much longer I am to be thus situated.

January 17th—On the 10th instant, a gentleman in town (his name is unknown to me) sent me a pre∣sent of a bottle of Turlington's drops. We had per∣mission this day, to have three gentlemen, who are prisoners, to dine with us; they are James Cassedy, Thomas Wigan, and a Doctor Debiere, the last was taken from Colonel Alden's regiment at Cherry Valley, and is a French gentleman; the other two, with William Bostwick, Gerard Cochran, and Bom∣maventure Fouches, are confined on suspicion of be∣ing enemies to the British crown.

For amusement, I will write down now and then

some abbreviated accounts of remarkable parts of the world, taken from Brooks' Universal Geography.

CEYLON, a large island in the East-Indies, ly∣ing between 78 and 82 degrees of east longitude, and between 6 and 10 north latitude, being 250 miles in length, and 195 in breadth. In general the air is good, and the country is full of mountains; there are pleasant valleys, but the mountains are ve∣ry high and barren. It is particularly remarkable for its plenty of cinnamon, which is all in possession of the Dutch, who drove out the Portuguese and u∣surped the dominion of the country. The island is situated in the Indian Sea, near the southeast coast of the continent of the hither India. The Dutch are possessed of all the sea coast, and have shut up the king in the middle of the island, who resides at his capital city, of Candy. There are, in some places, rich mines, from whence are got rubies, sapphires, topazes, and cats eyes; the island abounds with all kinds of cattle, as in other parts of India: elephants are of the same. They have very dangerous ser∣pents and ants, which do a great deal of mischief. The most remarkable tree in this island, is called the Tallipot, one of whose leaves will cover ten men and keep them from rain; they are very light and travellers carry them from place to place and keep them for tents. The inhabitants are divided into several tribes, from the nobleman down to the ma∣ker of matts, and all the children follow the same call∣ing as their father's; nor is it lawful to marry into any other tribe. They have each a particular mark in their dress. Their religion is idolatry, and though they acknowledge a Supreme ••od, they worship in∣ferior beings; among these are the sun and moon; their pagods and images are very numerous, &c. &c.

A few reflections on matters of a serious nature, by turns, will not be amiss, as I am fully persuaded of the immortality of the soul, and that an account must be rendered to our Great Lord and Master, of my stewardship.—The first and several remarks are chiefly borrowed from Antoninus, a Roman Empe∣ror, and are stiled the Meditations of Antoninus the pious—He says, "Let me thus say to myself every morning, that I may in every respect act as one a∣ware that I may in a short time depart out of life, and that if I should have to do with some intermed∣dler in other men's affairs, with an ungrateful, or insolent, a crafty, an envious, or an unsociable, selfish man, these bad qualities have befallen him through ignorance of what things are really good or evil, and that by a constant guard over myself, I cannot be hurt by any of them, since none of them can involve me in any thing dishonorable or deformed.

I am informed that John Helmer, a corporal of our regiment, is taken prisoner and brought into Chamblee, and confined in prison.

Sabbath, 23d—Six months since I was taken a prisoner, and have not enjoyed a well day.

28th—The coldest weather I ever knew; the centinels are relieved every half hour. We were permitted to dine with the gentleman whom I men∣tioned being with us a few days past; but are again closely locked, having large double doors, lined with sheet iron, and bolts of iron, with looks sufficient to bar against the most felonious beings that ever exist∣ed: However, one thing is some comfort to us; they cannot look up our tongues or thoughts, and, as the old saying is, every one will have his day. This we are fully sensible of, that if Sir Guy Carlton was commander in this place, our treatment would be very different, as no man can be more humane to

prisoners than he. I can truly say, that were I in a good state of health, my confinement would appear trifling to what it does at present; still I will not dispair, and my greatest anxiety is relative to my dis∣tressed country, as our money, from every report, is reduced to a mere shadow in value; and should it entirely fail, an impossibility of subsisting the army must take place, except a foreign support can be procured.

Saturday, 12th—Received of Richard Murray, Esq. commissary of prisoners, nine dollars and one third, from government.

Tuesday, 15th—Cloudy weather. Sent the pri∣soners some vegetables and tobacco, and lent the serjeants two dollars.

Monday, 21st—There are in three rooms, about forty prisoners, who have communication with each other, and were yesterday discovered digging thro' the wall, which is ten feet thick; they had got with∣in one foot of the outer part of the wall, and intend∣ed, on the second night from the time they were de∣tected, to have made their escape.

The city of Quebec, stands on an elbow, but the largest side of the town is on the river St. Lawrence, in north latitude 47 35. three hundred miles north∣west of Boston, and five hundred and fifty nine miles from New-York. It was attempted by the English in the reign of Queen Ann, but it being in a late sea∣son of the year, and wanting good pilots, they failed in their attempt, by which means some transports and several hundred soldiers were lost. There are two towns, the Upper and Lower, and I judge it to be about half as large as New-York. There are both Protestant and Roman Catholic churches in it, and is a place of considerable trade; but I know of nothing remarkable in it, except the citadel, which General

Haldiman is fortifying; and I am informed he is un∣dermining the ground to a considerable distance out of the town, by which means large quantities of powder may be put in order to blow up an army, in case of an attempt to storm, and the garrison will sustain no harm: it can contain ten thousand men and provisions for seven years—So much for British information. I am of opinion it is a strong fortifica∣tion, as nature has done a great deal towards secu∣ring its strength.

Friday, 25th—Cold, hazy weather. Drew four dollars for the serjeants, and sent the prisoners po∣tatoes and tobacco, which latter article some appear to suffer most for, and I must give credit to their complaint from the information of so many tabacco chewers; but were I to be sole judge▪ from the taste▪ (for nothing, except aloes, is more disagreeable to me) I should suppose them 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or crazy.

We had this day a visit from the Adjutant General, who appeared a very accomplished gentleman, and asked if we wanted any thing to make us comforta∣ble. We mentioned that our greatest want was more enlargement, and he promised to speak to the General for us, which we have reason to suppose he did, with a number of other influential gentlemen; but old Frederick's heart is as hard as a two-sold Sa∣tan. We had also a visit from Stephen Tuthill and Mr. John Ross, merchants, in this town, who, with a number of other gentlemen, have made us presents several times, of liquors, &c. Mr. Tuthill has late∣ly been to Fort Edward with a flag, and has brought a few letters (though none sor 〈◊〉〈◊〉) and informs, that cornstalk rum is sixty dollars a gill. I made myself merry on the occasion, and asked some Brit∣ish officers, if they ever expected to conquer a set of people who could contrive such a method to make themselves happy.

MADAGASCAR, is supposed to be the largest island in the world, situated between 43 and 51 de∣grees of east longitude, and between 12 and 26 de∣grees of south latitude, 300 miles southeast of the continent of Africa, and is about one thousand miles in length, from north to south, and generally be∣tween two and three hundred miles broad: it a∣bounds in cattle, fish, fowl, and all manner of animals and vegetables that are to be found on the continent of Africa. There are a great variety of hills and valleys, and is well watered with rivers and springs; nor does there want for good harbours: and yet, not any European nation has thought it worth while to plant colonies there, it producing no merchandize that will bear the ex∣pence of so long a voyage, except negroes, which are purchased there as well as on the continent. There are also white men, and a tawny generation upon the coast, who are supposed to be descended, from the Arabs, from their language and religious rites, having a mixture of Mahometanism, Judaism, and Paganism; but they have no mosques or tem∣ples, or any stated worship. The country is divided among a great many petter sovereigns, to whom the seamen that touch there, give the title of kings and princes, who, making war on each other as they do on the continent, sell the prisoners for slaves to the shipping which call there, taking clothing, utensils, and other necessaries in return. European pirates formerly frequently had their station in the harbours of th•••• island, amongst whom was Avery, so much talked of a number of years ago, and to suppress whom five English men of war were sent thither; but the pirates seemed to be as powerful as any of the princes of Madagascar, and bid defiance to their enemies who came to attack them by sea or land.

It was conjectured the pirates would have formed a petty state in this island, having six or seven ships with them, on the northeast part of Madagascar, whither they used to carry in the prizes they made in the Indian Seas, and fortified the avenues to the harbour where they secured them. But what has become of them, is uncertain; whether they remain there or have left the island: but by this time it is supposed they are generally dispersed and dead.

February—A report is much talked of, that three of the members of Congress are gone to England to negociate a peace between that power and the Ame∣ricans; but the truth is not ascertained; in fact we are shut up in this place so recluse from the world, that we can neither hear or find out much relating to politics.

Partly from Antoninus. He says—let me consider as one who shortly must die, not to doat on this flesh∣ly part, which has a tendency to soon decay; but at all times, either in prosperity or adversity, never suffer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 noble part to be enslaved or moved by un∣sociable passions, and to never repine at what befalls us; for whatever God ordains, is full of wife provi∣dences; and let these thoughts also continue, that I am a part of the Universe, and am preserved to ful∣fil that place which God has given me wisdom so to do, and to remember how long I have put off these things, and how often I have neglected to use the opportunities offered to me by God in his providence.

We had a visit from a Mr▪ John Defo, formerly from Albany, who made us a present of half a gui∣nea.

WOLGA, a river of Russia, and thought to be the greatest in Europe; it rises from a small lake in ••ithuani••, and running southeast, passes by the cities

of Jeraslaf, Kasan, and Bulgar, and entering into A∣siatic Russia, continues its course due south, to Ka∣misinea, from whence it runs southeast, and passing by Ashican, falls into the Caspian Sea, fifty miles be∣low the city, having run a course of between two and three thousand miles, being deep enough, great part of the way, to carry large ships, but the mouth of it is so choked up with sands, that loaded ships cannot enter; for which reason, the Russian ships lie at an island without the mouth of the Wolga. At the mouth of this river, near Ashican, are prodige∣ous large sturgeon, and it is confidently affirmed, that one of the roes will weigh three hundred pounds, out of which they make caviare, so well known in Europe.

March 15—It has snowed almost every other day this winter. R••••eived of Richard Murray, Esq. eight dollars, from government.

17th—being St. Patrick's Day, we must be in the fashion; therefore had a dinner better than usual on the occasion, and a few bottles of porter.

Friday, 27th—This day is called good Friday, the Church of England fasts, and the Roman Catho∣lics do not ring their bells, pretending they have gone to Rome. The day is held sacred on account of our Saviour being crucified, according to their account, on this day.

30th—The bells begin to ring again, and I am of opinion that many ignorant Catholics believe the bells have been to Rome and returned again. Re∣ceived of Richard Murray, Esq. a violet suit of clothes, charged twenty dollars.

We are informed, that three German soldiers were this day flogged, by running the gantlet, one of them received three thousand two hundred lashes, and the two others sixteen hundred each; but as to

the truth I cannot ascertain, although I believe it: still, running the gantlet is not so severe a punish∣ment, generally speaking, as being tied up; for two files of soldiers are placed a distance apart, so that the man who is to be punished, passes between the files, and every soldier has a whip and gives him a stroke.

An account in the Quebec paper, that twelve thousand Hessians were coming to Carolina, with the Queen of England's brother to command them.

The Indians call the Americans Kitchemuccommou; the signification is a great knife. The snow is about five feet on a level.

GAU••ES, a people of Asia, in Persia, and in the East Indies, who are the remains of the ancient Per∣sians, and are noted for their worshipping of fire and the Sun; for they say God is light, and pretend to have a fire (which is a large lamp) that hath never been extinguished for four thousand years; they make tilling the land an act of religion, and look up∣on it as the most agreeable to God: They affirm Zoraster to be the founder of their worship, and believe two principles, the one good and the other bad. They are a mild, innocent set of people, and have been very patient under persecutions, and live under the conduct and direction of their elders and priests, and look upon Alexander the great, and the great Mahomet, as two wicked men. They marry none but of their own religion, and are allowed but one wife, unless the first proves barren: however they do not trouble themselves how near relation their wives are. The employment of their priests, is to take care of their sacred fire, which they say was first lighted by Zoraster, their great prophet, whose re∣turn they daily expect. They never bury their

dead, but expose them to the open air in places sur∣rounded with high walls, to be devoured by birds of prey. &c. &c.

April 15th.—Clear and pleasant. The snow goes fast: A French gentleman, who is a conside∣rable merchant at Montreal, and of a reputable cha∣racter, by the name of Francis Cazeau, is brought to the Provost, and confined in the room with James Cassedy and others; Charles Hay, an inhabitant of this town, and brother to Colonel Udney Hay, of our army, is also brought and confined in Provost: they are both suspected of being friends to the Ameri∣cans. Mr. Hay is confined in a room where are some French gentlemen, viz. John Peter Laterriere, con∣fined nineteen months, Valentine Jautard, attorney at law, Fleury Misplet, Printer, from Montreal, confined fourteen months, Eleazer Davis, an Ame∣rican, taken near the Missisippi, (as he says) confin∣ed fifteen months, broke his parole from the Isle of Orleans.—We have passed a long tedious winter, and what has added to the gloomy prospect, is the great length of the nights in this country, as in the shortest days, the sun scarcely appears before it is gone again, and we have sixteen hours and thirty six minutes night in every twenty-four hours.

Monday, May 8th.—Seventeen prisoners who were taken from their farms, were taken out of Pro∣vost and sent down the river to a place of Major Aron's, a few days ago; seven went on said farm: they were all taken from lake Champlain.

Friday, May 14th.—Mr. Murray, for the first, obtained liberty for us to walk one hour in the yard.

24th.—Received of Mr. Murray, eight dollars. An account in the Quebec papers, of eleven Span∣ish men of war and a number of merchant ships, be∣ing taken from the Spaniards by the English 〈…〉〈…〉

the amount of six millions in value, and also, Charles∣ton being taken, with seventeen thousand men, and that General Lincoln is again killed, and poor old Gates, is missing.

Saturday, 27th of May.—Bought shad at three pence a piece, and sent a number to the prisoners, who had all an airing this day, except Messrs. Cau∣zeau and Hay.

Saturday, June the 3d.—Colonel Peters has often visited us, and appears to be a gentleman of sociabi∣lity. An account that General Washington was taken prisoner on his way from Virginia to the Ame∣rican army, with fifty who were his guard. This morning being something cool, about six o'clock a black and heavy cloud appeared in the north-west, which blew over without much wind, and directly the whole horizon appeared of a yellowish cast, and grew dark, comparatively like the twilight between day-light and candle-light, so that a fowl which was feeding in the yard, sat down and appeared asleep, and continued for two hours in that position, al∣though it was not the whole time quite so da••k. We breakfasted at eight o'clock, and could scarcely see our victuals, and many in the city lighted up their candles. About nine o'clock the cloud blew over, and the day resumed again its usual appearance; although it was a solemn interval. Great numbers were much alarmed at so uncommon a phenomenon; some con∣jectured an unknown eclipse (as there was no account of any at this time.) From every information, so re∣markable an appearance was never known before in this country.

From Antoninus, who says—let me consider who the President of this universe is, and endeavor to under∣stand what sort of a whole I am a part of, and that there is a certain time appointed for men, which i••

not employed in making all calm and serene within, it will pass away, and we along with it, and never more return; therefore, never suffer the mind to wander, but keep justice in view in every design, and in all imaginations which may arise, preserve the judging faculty safe. Does any one despise me, let him see to it; I should endeavor not to be found acting or speaking worthy of contempt. Does any one hate me, I cannot help it any better way, than of being kind and good natured to all, and ready to show this man his mistake, and not to upbraid or make a show, but from a genuine goodness.

MUA, an ancient and very famous town of Ara∣bia, in Asia, and the place of Mahomet's nativity, seated on a barren spot in a valley, surrounded with hills, about a day's journey from the Red Sea; that which supports it, is the resort of a great many thou∣sands of pilgrims, every year. The hills about the town are very numerous, and all consist of a blackish rock; on the top of one of them is a cave, where they pretend Mahomet usually retired to perform his de∣votions, and hither they pretend a great part of the Alcoran was brought him by the Angel Gabriel; the town has plenty of water, and but little garden stuff, although plenty of sundry fruits. The temple of Mua, has forty-two doors, and its form resembles the royal exchange in London, but is near ten times as large; it is open in the middle, and the ground covered with gravel, except in two or three places that lead to the Beat Alah, through certain doors, and these are paved with short stones; this Beat stands in the middle of the temple, and is the princi∣pal object of the pilgrim's devotion, and is open but two days in six weeks, one day for the men, and the other for the women; about twelve paces from the Beat, is the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Abraham, as they pre∣tend,

and they affirm that he erected the Beat Alah, and when they have performed their devotions here, they repair to a hill, they being no less than seventy thousand in number, and after several ceremonies, receive the title of saints; the next morning they move to a place where they hold that Abraham of∣fered up his son Isaac, and pitch their tents, and each one throws seven stones against a small square build∣ing, in defiance of the Devil. Every pilgrim takes an offering with him—a sheep or lamb, &c.

Friday, 9th—Cloudy, cold weather for the time of year. An account that Sir John Johnson, with a large party of men had lately penetrated as far as Johnstown, and taken a number of inhabitants, with a Captain's command that was going to Fort Stan∣wix, which last were all killed by the Indians. Major Fonda's and several other houses were burnt.

Monday, June 12—Was shut up close all day yesterday; it being sabbath, the General was fearful we should play truant, he being (from information) a man of zeal; but, if we may judge, it cannot be from a religious cause. We sent another petition, a copy of which is as follows:

To his Excellency Frederick Haldiman, Esq. Captain General and Commander in Chief in Canada, &c. The Petition of Gideon Brownson, Simeon Smith, Michael Dunning, and William Scudder,

HUMBLY SHEWETH,

THAT your petitioners, having for a long time been prisoners under close confinement, which situ∣ation we submit to your Excellency, and the tedious∣ness of being so closely continued from such exercise as our constitutions really require, and we doubt not will speak feelingly in your breast, and beg the consideration of your Excellency in our behalf; as

we solemnly declare, that whatever our attachments may be, we hold our country and our honors too dear to forfeit any trust your Excellency may re∣pose in us, and humbly beg for an enlargement, as we are determined a steady line of conduct shall mark our characters during our being prisoners of war, which shall not only prove satisfactory to your Excel∣lency, but to the honor and firmness of the country which gave us birth. Should it not meet with the pleasure of your excellency to enlarge us, under your immediate command, we will accept it as a par∣ticular favor, to be sent to New-York, or across the lake, on our paroles; and should we meet with the last indulgence, we can only pour into your Ex∣cellency's breast the character we have hitherto sus∣tained and hope to not tarnish, by the forfeiture of our sacred faith, which we will never break, whate∣ver may meet with your Excellency's indulgence in our behalf, and as in duty bound will ever pray.

• G. BROWNSON,
• S. SMITH,
• M. DUNNING,
• M. SCUDDER.

Quebec, in

Provost, June 12, 1780.

Wednesday, June 14—Cool for the time of year. A report that fifteen sail of the line, of French, are at the mouth of the river St. Lawrence, having on board fifteen thousand troops:—good news, if true; but I doubt it.

Monday, 19th—So cold that the centinels whip their hands. A hot press last night. Some Hessian troops arrived from Montreal to-day; they came down the river by water. A considerable bustling appears, but no Jack Frenchman is any more talked of.

26th—Eight fail of shipping arrived yesterday

from New-York, and of consequence the fleet is not where it was reported to be. An American ship is brought in as a prize, named the Harlequin, mount∣ing twenty-four guns (four pounders) commanded by Putman Cleves, was manned by ninety-three men, and had taken a prize laden with salt, and sent her into Salem, from which port the Harlequi•• sailed, and had been out five weeks, when the ship called the Hind, fell in with and soon captured her.

27th—The officers and seamen who were taken in the Harlequin, are brought and confined in the room next to us.

July 3d—Great news to day; the Quebec paper says, that General Clinton has taken Charleston, in South-Carolina, with seven thousand troops and three thousand militia, without any kind of resist∣ance, and the militia are all sent home on their pa∣roles of honor; and that Lord Cornwallis has pene∣trated the country and taken Governor Rutledge, who is stiled a mock Governor. So much for that!

Tuesday, 4th—Warm and sultry. It being the anniversary of our four year's Independence, I gave the prisoners two gallons of rum. We had all the gentlemen to take a glass of wine with us, and had several good toasts, which we have a right to drink under locks and keys. This evening a prisoner is brought in, who was taken at the isle of Aux Noix; he says he had come to join the king; his name is Havilan. An old gentleman by the name of Ma∣thew Conner, who was taken from Cherry Valley, in the month of November, 1788, obtained liberty to return home on account of being exchanged; he got a release from the Indians last fall by paying ten dollars, and was brought to this place, and has ever since been under close confinement; Mr. Conner is above seventy years of age, by his account: four o∣ther

aged men who were taken from their farms al∣most two years ago, are permitted to return home; their names are George Wents, George Weaver, Peter Suts, and William Henderson. Lieutenant Maynor, who was taken at Cobus Kill, in the spring of 1778, embarked this day for New-York. He has been on parole in this town ever since he was taken: but remember, when he was brought to town General Carlton commanded; or, by the life of Pharoah, had old Frederick had the command, he must have looked twelve months at least through the grates. One thing is a comfort—he will not live always; and I judge, should he and old Jau∣tard and Misplet, in particular, meet in another world, there will be scratching work.

13th.—Several transports sailed for New-York.—More news, and that is, that General Washington has had a battle in Jersey, and has lost almost his whole army. From a small calculation of accounts published in the British Quebec Gazettes, the Ame∣ricans have lost all their generals in a twelve month past, and one hundred thousand men. I wonder they are not ashamed of such glaring falshoods. We are informed that Lieut. Maynor is detected in ta∣king private letters with him, and the map of the Quebec garrison and will be brought back and put in irons.

22d.—The report of Lieutenant Maynor, like all other accounts, proves to be false. A German sol∣dier who belonged to Capt. Finks company, in our regiment, came this day to see me. He deserted from Fort Stanwix on the 22d of last May, and thirty-one more of the Garrison, with their arms and accoutrements. Our people and some Indians pursued the party that deserted, and overtook them crossing Goose Creek, when they fired and killed

fourteen of the deserters; the remainder got to Buck's Island, except two, who are supposed to have been lost and perished in the woods. He says they blamed Lieut. Col. Vandyke.

July 20.—So cool as to have flights of snow.

23d.—Still cool. One year since being taken a prisoner, and considering the state of health I was in when taken, and ever since, with the treatment I have met with, by suffering so long a confinement with my brother officers, contrary to the manner in which the British officers are used, makes the time disagreeable and wearisome indeed; but why should I repine?—Rather let me consider in what a state death shall find me, relating to the soul; observe the shortness of life, and the vast emensity of the prece∣ding and ensuing duration; and in every thing that is just and lawful be inured to attempt, even what I may dispair of executing; alway•• remembering how like a stranger is he who is surprised at any thing which may happen in life, and not form designs as if my existence here was for a thousand years. Death hangs over me while I live, and while I may become good. These sentiments flow from a heart of grati∣tude to my righteous God, who will see me, my fel∣low officers, and all who are contending for their just liberties, righted, together with the poor pri∣soners, and all sufferers in so good a cause.

A few days ago, two British ships, the Wolf and Hind, were in chace of an American privateer, when the Wolf struck a rock at the mouth of the river and stove all to pieces; the Hind saved the crew, in doing which, it is said she lost both her ••••les, but throwing out her spring cable, the chains catched to a rock and brought up the Hind, or she must also have been lost. A German Lieutenant, by the name of George Kress, visited us to day, and gave

as a present four bottles of wine, and a dollar to the boy; he was taken by the Americans at Trenton. Philip Lansing, Stephen Tuthill, and John Ross, were all on a visit yesterday to our room and treat∣ed us with some good wine•• indeed we are in gra∣titude bound to say, that a number of respectable gentlemen have frequently paid us their visits, and made us presents.

August 15.—A report that one hundred Germans have deserted. An American prize named the Ea∣gle was brought in to-day. Three gentlemen visit∣ed us, two of whom were a Col. Mann and his son, and the other a Mr. Smith, from the English Neigh∣bourhood▪ and is a lieutenant in Rogers's rangers. Young Mr. Mann says that he is a captain in the se∣cond battalion of loyal Americans, and reports, that before he left New-York, General Kniphausen, with a body of seven thousand troops, landed in Elizabeth-Town, from Staten Island, and in a few days was joined by General Clinton, from Charleston, and a∣bout nine o'clock at night began a march against the Americans, drove them seventeen miles, and bayo∣neted a number of the militia: General Washing∣ton's army consisted of only four thousand men, therefore he made no kind of registance, but retreat∣ed to Pompton. Mr. Mann, says he was in the party, and on their return burnt a small village, with about thirty houses, but cannot recollect the name of the place. From what we can learn, I believe it to be true that Springfield in Jersey, is burnt; but no more of this story is worth hearing.

Three of the officers of the Eagle, and seventy-three seamen, are brought and confined in prison. Two officers of a prize called the Jack, and thirty men, are also locked up. Our family encreases fast. We have the liberty to walk in the yard by day.

Hearing that Colonel John Campbell is in town, I wrote him a letter, a copy of which is as follows:

SIR,

INFORMATION of your being in town gives me an opportunity of presenting you a few lines, which flow from a heart of gratitude towards your person and character, and from the sincere marks of friendship I have received from you when at Mon∣treal, and do therefore take this method of return∣ing you my warmest thanks and gratitude for your signal marks of respect, not only to myself, but to the prisoners taken with me from the American ar∣mies; and may you survive to a good old age, and die in peace, with a distinguished blessing to crown your last repose; and believe me, your goodness shall ever rest on my heart with that respect which you are so richly deserving of. I am sensible you are not unacquainted with our long confinement, from a particular favor shewn to me since at this place; and know your friendship for humanity and the American prisoners, being taken in arms, it is, through soldierly dictates, your earnest desire may be treated well; and we can have no great reason of complaint, our confinement excepted, which we have for a long time experienced, and will thank you to continue your friendship by speaking to Gene∣ral Haldiman, for us to be admitted on parole.

I am, sir, with every sentiment of esteem, your most obedient, and very humble servant, W. SCUDDER.

To Col. John Campbell, of the British forces at Montreal. Quebec, in Provost, August 20, 1780.

All the gentlemen are locked up close on import∣ant

affairs; two of which are as follow:—Mr. La∣terriere is charged with going out of the gate three doors, with a centinel; and Mr. Cazeau is charged with walking down stairs contrary to his word—and further the deponent saith not.

Thursday, Sept. 7th.—Colonel Peters informs us, that Mr. Coffin has not received the letter we wrote to him, therefore have sent him another, but ex∣pect it will be of no use. An account in the Gazette, that a number of French ships of war are taken on the coast, off Rhode Island, and five thousand troops; and also, that General Washington was a few weeks past, alive, and has had a battle at the White Plains, and is cut all to pieces:—the old story over again. I am not so much concerned about the British sword as I am about the continental famine, as no news can be obtained how it goes with old Congress paper cash. I judge it must be near or quite dead, and if no foreign resource can be obtained, it will be a dark time indeed. We hear the Dutch are going to war against the English.

JERUSALEM, an ancient and famous town in Asia. The old city being ruined, the Emperor A∣drian built a new city near the ruins of ancient Jeru∣salem; it was taken by the Persians in 614, and by the Siracens in 636; and in 1099, it was retaken by the Latins, who founded a new kingdom, which lasted eighty-eight years, under nine kings. Saladin, king of Egypt and Syria, got possession of it in 1187; the Turks drove away the Siracens in 1227, and have kept possession of it ever since; they call it Eleons, that is, the Holy City. It is now inhabited by Turks, Arabs, Jews and Christians. It stands on a high rock, with steep ascents on every side, except the north; it is surrounded with valleys, encompassed

with mountains, and at present is about three miles in circumference, and includes Mount Calvary, which was formerly without the wall. The only thing which renders it considerable, is the great re∣sort of pilgrims. The church of the holy sepulchre, which the pilgrims come to visit, is a large structure, with a round nave, which has no light but what comes through the top; the dome is covered with lead on the outside, and with cedar within. The opening of the dome is closed with wire, to hinder the birds from coming into the church; in the mid∣dle of the nave, and directly under the opening of the dome, is the holy sepulchre, which is placed in a chapel whose door is three feet high and two feet broad, and is so small that it will hold but three per∣sons, on their knees, at once; at the entrance on the right hand, is the place where the body of our Sa∣viour was laid; the table which he was laid on at first, is two feet and an half from the pavement, which is now covered with white marble, because the Christians who came to view it were all for car∣rying away a small bit. This chapel is cut out of the rock, and there are three holes in the roof to let out the smoke of the lamps, which are forty-four in number, and always kept burning; the whole is covered with white marble, both within and without, and on the outside, there are ten fine co∣lumns of the same; it is covered with a platform, the middle of which is exactly above the three holes, and forms a small dome six feet in heighth, covered with lead and supported with twelve columns of por∣phyry, placed by pairs on the platform, and so ma∣king six arches, having three lamps under each. Before the gates of the sepulchre is a silver lamp, so large that two men cannot fathom it; and shall only further write, that every year on good Friday, all

parts of our Saviour's passion are solemnized and acted: they first have a sermon, and then every one takes a lighted taper in his hand, with crucifixes and other things to begin the procession; and among the crucifixes there is one as large as the life, exceeding∣ly well done, being crowned with thorns and be∣smeared with blood; they first visit the pillar of flagellation, next the prison, afterwards the altar of the division of Christ's garments; then they advance to the chapel of derision, and from thence to Mount Calvary, leaving their shoes at the bottom of the stairs; here is two altars, one where our Lord was supposed to be nailed to the cross, and another where it was erected, and where they set up the crucified image, which finishes the ceremony, only they pull out the nails, take down the body, and wrap it in a winding-sheet, and return it again to the place from whence it was taken. The whole is done with great solemnity; and here is seen the cleft rock which was made by the earthquake, when our Saviour expired.

What agreeable leisure does he procure to him∣self, who takes no notice of what others say, do or intend, but attends to this only, that his own actions be just and holy. How vain is it to be solicitous for a surviving fame; he considers not that each one of those who remember him must die, and so must his successor, till at last this remembrance will be extin∣guished: therefore contentment without repining, is the criterion under which all our actions should be shaped; for admitting a brilliant figure is made by some under pompous titles and great estates, there is a ••arker worm at the root; and no one is without his trials. The duration of life is a point, the senses ob∣scure, the body decaying, the whole is a dream. Let the inward part be always teaching to shortly

expect death, which is a dissolution that must be; it is natural, and nothing natural can be evil. How important it is, to season the passions of a child or youth, in particular, with devotion; for it seldom dies in a mind which has received an early tincture of it; though it may seem extinguished for a while by the cares of the world, the heat of youth, or alurements of vice, it generally breaks out and disco∣vers itself again, as soon as discretion, consideration, age or misfortunes, have brought the person to himself; the fire may be covered or overlaid, but cannot be entirely quenched and smothered.

On the fifth day of August, a flag arrived at this town from Boston, having on board some gentle∣men, among whom is a Capt. David M'Fall, who was taken at the Bennington battle; and the said M'Fall was admitted to come to Quebec on his pa∣role, which is as follows:

I DAVID M'FALL, Captain, &c. in the ser∣vice of his Britannac Majesty, do acknowledge my∣self a prisoner of war to the United States of Ameri∣ca; and having obtained leave from the honorable the Council of the State of Massachusetts Bay, to proceed to Quebec, in order to effect my exchange, do hereby pledge my sacred faith and parole of ho∣nor, that I will proceed directly to Quebec aforesaid; and that I will not, directly or indirectly, do or say any thing detrimental to the United States afore∣said, or either of them, but that I will in all respects behave myself as a gentleman in my situation ought ••o do; and if I should not be able to procure the li∣berty and exchange of some officer of equal rank (giving the preference to one of this state) belong∣ing to the army of the said States, I do hereby fur∣ther engage, that I will return to this place within

six months, and deliver myself up again into the hands of the said Council of Massachusetts Bay, or otherwise, as I shall receive their orders. Given under my hand and seal, at Boston, in the state a∣foresaid, this first day of July, Anno Domini, 1780.

(Signed)

DAVID M'FALL, Capt.

Witnessed.

JOHN GOOCH.

This may certify that the above is a true copy of the Parole given by Capt. David M'Fall, previous to his sailing for Quebec, July 1, 1780.

JOHN GOOCH, D.C.I.

September 15th—This day the sea-officers who were taken in the Eagle, Harlequin, and Jack, were admitted to go on their paroles to Montreal, a copy of which is exactly herein recited, not differing in word, spelling, or punctuation.

"We the under Written Persons being Prisiners of War at this place and thro the Humanity of his Excellency the Commander in Chief released from confinemend upon the following conditions We do promise in the most solemn Manner not to attempt to Escape from the place assigned for Our residence where we where we shall appear once evry twenty four hours before whoever shall be appointed We likewise promise not to be aiding or assisting to others in making there escape neither will we directly or indirectly say or report any any thing tending to the prejudice of the British Government and we hereby further engage Ourselves to be mutually responsible for the Conduct of each other as far as may relate to the aforesaid premises in Witness whereof we hereunto set our hands at Quebec this thirtieth Day of Au∣gust 1709"

The evening before the officers left the prison to go on Parole, Lieutenant Chapman, who belonged to the Jack, died.

Copy of a letter which I wrote to my brother JOHN SCUDDER, at Westfield, in New-Jersey, dated

Quebec, in Provost, Sept. 17, 1780.

Dear Brother,

It would be needless to enumerate the many inci∣dents which have happened to me since being taken a captive from Fort Stanwix, and would be too lengthy for a letter; let it suffice, that through God's blessing, I am far more comfortable, as to a state of health, than heretofore I have been; still my consti∣tution is much impaired, but must say I enjoy a se∣renity of mind, considering the situation I am in; as for some reason the commander in chief of this place has thought it proper, ever since I was brought here, to keep me under close confinement, with se∣veral other American officers; and it is very uncer∣tain when we may meet with a liberation, although we have often encouragement from Richard Murray, Esq. commissary of prisoners, who has, with Mr. Prentiss, the provost master, treated us with a great degree of humanity. I wish you and Mr. Noah Marsh, to remember, that I entrusted the education of my little boy to your care, which I shall expect will be strictly complied with. If no good school is at Westfield, send him abroad, let the cost be what it will; I shall never, should I live to return to my native home, consider you as my friends, if you neg∣lect the great point of educating my child. This I suppose may be depended on, that it must be a long time before I do return, if ever; as the go∣vernor of this place seems not inclined to pay any attention towards the exchange of prisoners, al∣though

though it would not be amiss for Mr. Noah Marsh to go to General Washington in my behalf, to en∣deavor to negociate an exchange, and I trust a bro∣ther will not want asking to go with him. I want some alterations made relative to my temporal af∣fairs; but the great distance I am from home, and the uncertainty of matters of consequence reaching you, I shall omit an attempt, and trust in a provi∣dential agency to support me through those difficul∣ties which are before me, and appear almost insur∣mountable: and will never dispair of his goodness. I am anxious about my aged and honorable mother, who I fear is no more; and if her glass is run, and she has finished the toilsome race of this earthly pil∣grimage, may she be triumphing in plaudits of hal∣lelujahs to the Great Three in One, forever, and forever: but if she still survives, lay these lines be∣fore her, and say I feel for her infirmities, which she much labored under when I last saw her, and can do no more than lay the person who was the means of giving me birth, close to my heart; and if ever I forget her, may my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth. Tell good Ephrai•••• to continue his christian race, as he has begun; my sisters also—wishing you all the earthly happiness this world can afford; with my brothers-in law, Jesse Clark, John Inslie, and David Baker; may you all do well for this world and that which is to come. My sincere compliments to Mr. Woodruff and family, and all inquiring friends, wishing and waiting for a glorious peace between Great-Britain and America, which is the ardent desire of

Your most obedient brother, W. SCUDDER.

P. S. My sincere and particular compliments to my family, and hope a proper attention may be paid to them.

September 27th—Received for the four serjeants, a dollar each, which I stand charged with. The town adjutant informs us, that we are shortly to be sent on parole.

Thursday, 28th.—Mrs. Van Arnum was deliver∣ed of a son, and his name is called Frederick Haldi∣man; she is still in prison, but I imagine the poor little fellow will not get a new coat. Three vessels arrived yesterday, one from Jamaica, and one that our people had taken, which was retaken again, with the vessel from Boston that took her—Bad luck.

A gentleman from the Grants, by the name of Holt, paid us a visit to-day, with our old friend John Ross, and made us a present of a bottle of wine.

Six prisoners were taken from provost to saw wood for Messrs. Murray and Prentiss. Two Ger∣man Doctors visited us; one is named John Freslick, and has a brother with General Gates; the other gentleman's name is Frederick Santegan. We also had another visit from Messrs. Holt and Bostwick.—A Doctor from Montreal is confined, and is so frightened that he is crazy.

SOUTH AMERICA, is divided into three large provinces; the first is MEXICO, bounded by the Gulph of Mexico on the northeast, by Terra Firma on the southeast, and by the Pacific Ocean on the southwest, being upwards of two thousand miles long and six hundred broad; the highest mountains are near the Pacific Ocean, and many of them volca∣noes.

PERU is about fifteen hundred miles in length, and in many places, three hundred in breadth, be∣tween the Andes and South Sea. It never rains where the country is level, although the highest

mountains are constantly covered with snow, and there are several volcanos which burn continually: here the number of gold and silver mines are prodi∣geous, as well as all other riches; and hither, from the mountain called Potosi alone, which lies in 22 degrees of south latitude, there were drawn two thousand millions of pieces of eight, the first forty years they were wrought; there are also some pre∣cious stones. Those who travel over the Andes where they are passable, find it so cold that they are often frozen to death: and if they are aware of a storm approaching, which does not last long at a time, they save themselves by killing their horses and getting into their bellies: the jesuits bark is brought from here; the angle worm is as long as a man's arm, and thick as his thumb; that bats are so large as to suck the blood of beasts, and even men asleep; a bird that is called the Condor, so large that it will measure fifteen or sixteen feet with its wings, and will take a large Buck up into a tree, and sometimes children of ten or eleven years of age, although they are not plenty. The capital city now, is Lima, and both Mexico and Peru are under Spanish govern∣ment; the land next the sea is high, the Sierras or mountains beyond which, run parallel to the former, are still higher, and the Andes beyond these, are the highest mountains in the world. The land next the sea is for the most part a barren desert, ex∣cept some valleys into which the streams are turned from the hills. It is bounded by Popayan on the north, by the mountains of Andes or Cordeleras, which separate it from the country of the Amazons and Paragua on the east, by Chilli, and La Plata on the south, and by the Pacific Ocean on the west. They have a kind of animal, that has some re∣semblance of European sheep, but larger, and used to carry burdens, &c. &c.

BRAZIL, a large country of South-America, with the title of a principality, which is given to the pre∣sumptive heir of the crown of Portugal; the most eastern part of South America is comprehended un∣der this name, and lies between the Equinoctial line and the Tropic of Capricorn, being about fifteen hundred and sixty miles in length, and one thousand in breadth; but measuring along the coast, it is near two thousand miles in length, and is bordered with mountains that open from time to time and form good harbours, where vessels may lie with safety. It was discovered in 1500, by chance; for Alvazez, a Portuguese, was forced on it by a storm, and the kings of Portugal have continued masters of it ever since. When the United Provinces revolted, they drove away the Spaniards, and the Portuguese in turn drove away the Dutch. The waters in gene∣ral are very good, and the soil fertile. There comes more sugar from there, than all the rest of the world besides; it produces tobacco, indian corn, several sorts of fruits, and medicinal drugs: the cattle brought from Europe grow very well, and all kinds of animals are found here, the same as in Europe; the goats are very plenty, and plant out centinels when they go to feed, and on an alarm of an enemy approaching, they run and get into clefts of rocks, and turn their heads outward and butt at their enemy so as to keep it off; the partridges are as tame as the dunghill fowls, and can be called up as naturally. The three provinces of Mexico, Peru and Brazil, extend along the sea shore not much short of six thousand miles, and are from two hundred to one thousand broad. Peru is bounded on the Cordeleras, which separate it from the country of the Amazons, and Brazil is bounded on Paragua and the country of the Ama••ons: the river Amazon rises in Peru,

near the equator, and running eastward a course of three thousand miles and upwards, within four de∣grees of the equator, falls into the Atlantic Ocean by several channels, giving the country through which it passes the name of Amazonia, or the country of the Amazons: the river overflows annu∣ally, like others between the tropics, and is then one hundred and fifty miles broad at the mo••th. Orel∣lana sailed the whole breadth of South America, from west to east, on this river, and arriving at the Atlantic Ocean, returned to Spain; from whose ac∣count, confirmed by later voyages, it appears to be the greatest river in the world, if we consider the length of its course and depth of its water: but the account of the people being so much larger than those of other parts of South America, is chimerical.

Copy of a PETITION which we wrote to the Lieuten∣ant Governor of this Province.

To the Honorable HECTOR THEOPHILUS CRAMAHE, Esq. Lieutenant Governor of the Province of Canada, &c. &c.

The petition of Gideon Brownson, Simeon Smith, Michael Dunning, and William Scudder, officers from the armies of America, but now prisoners of war, Humbly sheweth,

THAT your petitioners have been prisoners for fifteen months, during which time we have been un∣der confinement, and we flatter ourselves that our peaceable and quiet deportment under so long a cap∣tivity, will in some measure recommend us to your honor's attention, which we have no reason to doubt, as we are credibly informed of your former philan∣thropy to prisoners; and trust your goodness will

so far extend, as to intercede with the commander in chief for our enlargement; and your petitioners will tr••ly say, that they have no other reason for this application, only from what their constitutions naturally require, and for want of which our health and spirits are much affected, which we make no doubt will speak more feelingly in your honor's breast, than any thing we can further mention on the subject—and your petitioners, as in duty bound, will ever pray.

• G. BROWNSON,
• S. SMITH,
• M. DUNNING,
• W. SCUDDER.

Quebec, in Provost, October 12, 1780.

We are informed that Major Carleton, with six hundred men and two hundred Indians, has gone into the frontiers of the states, and that Colonel But∣ler is gone to Fort Stanwix, or to the Mohawk river. Colonel Peters informs us, that he is informed, a proposal from General Carleton has lately been made for the exchange of prisoners, and it is our hearty desire it may be accomplished.—Sent the prison∣ers four bushels of potatoes.

An express arrived last night from New-York, by whom an account is received, that General Gates is defeated at the Southward, with the loss of all his army, &c.

Friday 27—Seventy five seamen who were con∣fined in Provost, were this morning taken out and put on board of shipping; but whether for En∣gland or Montreal is uncertain.—At eight o'clock a total eclipse of the sun began, and at twelve o'clock it was so dark that a star was seen. We are inform∣ed that one hundred and thirty prisoners are brought from Skeensborough, Fort Edward and Fort

George, into Montreal; they were taken by the party mentioned, under the command of Major Carleton, who went up South Bay and appeared be∣fore Fort Ann, which was commanded by Captain Adiel Sherwood, with eighty men, and is said to have surrendered without firing a gun. They then pro∣ceeded to Fort George, and some of the Indians making their appearance, forty-eight of the garrison sallied out, including six officers, and fell in an am∣bush; twenty-four were killed and scalped, seventeen wounded and taken prisoners, and seven made their escape. The fort was commanded by Captain Chip∣man, of Colonel Warner's regiment, who was o∣bliged to capitulate, having only thirty men left. Mr. Murray visited us to-day from a fit of sickness of two months.

31st.—All the prisoners except in Mr. Hay's room, had an airing to-day of two hours.

From the Spectator.—A state of temperence, so∣briety and justice, without devotion, is a cold, life∣less, insipid condition of virtue, and is rather to be stiled philosophy than religion. Devotion opens the mind to great conceptions, and fills it with more sub∣lime ideas than any that are to be met with in the most exalted science, and at the same time warms and agitates the soul more than sensual pleasure. It has been observed by some writers, that man is more distinguished from the animal world, by de∣votion, than by reason; as several brute creatures discover in their actions something like a faint glim∣mering of reason, though they betray in no single circumstance of their behaviour any thing that bears affinity to devotion; it is certain the propensity of the mind to religious worship, the natural tendency of the soul to fly to some superior being for succor

in danger and distress, the gratitude to an invisible superintendant, which arises in us upon receiving any extraordinary and unexpected good fortune, the acts of love and admiration with which the thoughts of men are so wonderfully transported in meditating on the divine perfection, and the universal concur∣rence of all the nations under Heaven in the great article of adoration, plainly shew that devotion, or religious worship, must be the effect of tradition from some first founder of mankind, or that it is con∣formable to the natural right of reason, or that it proceeds from an instinct implanted in the soul itself.

November 1st, 1780.—The French keep this as a holy-day; they call it all saints, and pray for their dead relations that they may be relieved from Pur∣gatory.

Thursday, November 2d.—The Quebec Gazette of this day says, that General Gates, with three thousand continental troops and militia, has had a battle with Lord Cornwallis; both armies, by en∣deavoring to gain an eminence, were brought to a general action, and just in the evening, Gates & fifty men escaped, and the remainder are killed and taken—So much for that. Private information is receiv∣ed, that Sir John Johnson, on an incursion on the Mohawk river, had met with a repulse; being o∣verpowered he was obliged to retreat with the loss of fifty men:—the first news since being a prisoner in which I can put much faith—but the British news runs further, and says, the French have taken Long-Island, in the name of the French King, for debts due to that crown; and that General Washington was making preparation to drive them from the island, as the British have declared to stand neuter until they know who is vanquished. The news is too simple to commit to paper.

Wednesday, the 15th.—Cloudy, cold and like for snow. An account that General Arnold, having the command of Fort Independence, had contracted with General Clinton to give up the fort under his com∣mand; and that General Clinton sent his first aid-de-camp, named Andre, who entered the fort in the character of a countryman, under Arnold's pass, and after agreeing in what manner the fort should be given up, Mr. Andre, on his return, was tak∣en by some countrymen; and on Arnold's finding out that Andre was taken, he made his escape to New-York, where he informed against some princi∣pal gentlemen, who are put in irons; and that Ge∣neral Washington has hanged Mr. Andre.

Thursday, 16th.—A Colonel Bolton, of the 8th British regiment, a Major, and several officers, and about seventy men, were overset in a brig crossing from Niagara to Carlton Island, on Lake Ontario, and every one lost.

18th.—The shipping sailed for New-York, on board of which is Mr. Prentiss's son, who has my letters.

Copy of a letter sent to Mr. William P. Smith in Eliza∣beth-Town, dated November 16, 1780.

SIR,

A conveyance, by Mr. Prentiss, of sending you a few lines by the way of New-York presents, and I am happy in embracing the opportunity, not that I can claim the indulgence so much from any acquaint∣ance so particularly with your person, as the known good character you sustain, which I trust will excuse, whilst I proceed to make mention, that by the for∣tune of war, I was taken a prisoner by the savages, on the twenty-third day of July, 1779, near Fort Stanwix, by a party of three hundred and fifty, and being at the same time in a weak state of health,

rendered my situation deplorable; but through God's blessing, in five days the party, consisting of thirty besides myself, all arrived safe at Carlton Island, at a British garrison, where the party I had the honor (when taken) to command, was treated with that humanity which has ever marked the cha∣racter of the British, and since my arrival at this place, have no reason to complain, my close confine∣ment excepted; as for some reason, the command∣er in chief at this place will not liberate any conti∣nental officer on parole. I will accept it as a great savor, if you will be pleased to make known, not on∣ly my situation, but that of several gentlemen from Colonel Warner's regiment, who are confined with me, together with your influence with General Washington, to negociate with Sir Henry Clinton, for an exchange for us, or that we may be sent to New-York, where we may hope for an enlargement, and can receive information from our families and friends. Your humanity with his Excellency Gene∣ral Washington, relating to the situation we are in here, and the great distance from our friends and connexions, will, I trust, speak more feelingly to you, than any thing I can describe in a letter. My com∣pliments to your family, Mr. Woodruff and his fami∣ly, with enquiring friends. From Sir, your most

obedient, humble servant, W. SCUDDER, from Westfield.

Quebec, in Provost, November 16, 1780.

An account that General Washington is going to attack New-York.

Thursday 30th—More cool. An account in the Quebec paper, that Admiral Rodney, and General Sir Henry Clinton, have taken Rhode Island, with seven sail of French ships of the line, and six thou∣sand troops—so much for that.

December 1.—Clear and very cold. About ten o'clock this morning Mr. Miles Prentiss brought our paroles to sign, with orders for us to go imme∣diately to the Isle of Orleans, a copy of which is as follows:

WE whose names are hereunto subscribed, of∣ficers and private men in the continental service, be∣ing made captive, and admitted on parole, do re∣spectively promise upon our sacred faith, not to transcend the limits assigned us to remain in, during the time we are on parole; and we solemnly pro∣mise not to say or do any thing, directly or indirect∣ly, detrimental to his Majesty King George the Third, &c. &c. &c. or of his government, nor to hold any intercourse or correspondence with his ene∣mies, during the indulgence above mentioned. We likewise promise to appear as often, and at such times, as may be required, before such person or persons as shall be appointed for that purpose. Giv∣en under our hands, at Quebec, this first day of De∣cember, 1780.

(Signed)

• G. BROWNSON, Capt.
• S. SMITH, Capt.
• M. DUNNING, Lieut.
• W. SCUDDER, Lieut.

In about an hour after we had signed our paroles, the master of the vessel we were to have gone in to the Isle of Orleans, sent us word that the vessel was aground, which delayed our setting out until sun-set, at which time all the American prisoners were marched from provost to the water side, and put on board a gundaloe. The tide not being high enough, we were obliged to stay on board in a very uncom∣fortable situation, the night being extremely cold;

and the next morning, the tide still not rising high enough, besides being hard frozen up with ice, we received orders to return back again to our old quarters, the provost: and carriols being provided for the officers (as it was good sledding) we rode in state to Mr. Ritchey's, our old taylor, and drank a glass of wine; and from thence to the old father of the faithful, Miles Prentiss, where we had an ex∣cellent Dinner and plenty of wine, with a jovial frolic, and back to our old quarters, as rich as the Mogul of Indostan, to think we had been to the ri∣ver and back again, which was near one hundred rods.

2d—We had a visit from Col. Peters, Capt. M'Fall, Capt. Sherwood, and Capt. Jones, and had a long story to tell of our yesterday's journey and voyage.

Tuesday, 5th.—We seem to resume our former times: here is a grunt, and there a complaint of back-ache, head-ache, and a great many aches. A French regular major was brought to town yester∣day. Mr. Prentiss had a niece named Frances, a genteel young lady, married to an old fellow, named Thompson.

Tuesday, 12th.—A poor unfortunate man, who belonged to the artillery, shot himself (supposed wil∣fully) yesterday. I have lent the prisoners a consi∣derable sum of money; besides, never has a week, I imagine, passed, but I have sent them vegetables, tobacco, and such necessaries as possibly could be spared by me, and for which I now stand accounta∣ble to government and private gentlemen, for mo∣nies borrowed, which the prisoners have pledged themselves to be responsible to each other for. Capt. Brownson and Lieutenant Dunning, in particular, have been liberal to the prisoners, there being some

confined from the regiment to which they belonged, and from the other corps of the American armies.

December 29. The weather has been exceed∣ingly cold. The main river is shut up, which, from information, has not happened in seven years.

January 12, 1781. This afternoon some sleighs, or (as the French call them) carriols, came and took the prisoners' baggage, and all the prisoners, except the officers, to go on to the Isle of Orleans.

January 13. This morning some sleighs came for us, with Canadians to drive us; we left our room about nine o'clock, and passed about two miles on the ice, to the isle of Orleans, where we over∣took the prisoners who left the provost yesterday; they are all ordered to go on board a ship called the Cancer, at Patrick's Hole. The roads being badly beaten, and having but one horse to our carriol, and three on board, renders the travelling very dull. About twelve o'clock we arrived at a parish called Saint Lawrence, or as the French pronounce it, Cileroy, where we halted for about an hour, and had a sight of the Canadian houses, which look well on the outside, but within are not altogether so comely. We next went to St. John's, where we rested again; and after leaving the village of Cile∣roy, scarcely saw a house until we came to the set∣tlement of St. John's; indeed, from the best in∣formation I can gather, the whole province of Ca∣nada is settled in village parishes, and near the churches are generally the main part of the congre∣gation, or within the compass of a mile and an half, or thereabouts, each way, although scattering houses are to be seen the whole distance on the road; but it is certain they settle thicker in parishes, than in the states, and their houses make not an unrespectable appearance considering the people are all hard la∣borers,

and I believe the whole province are under tenantable seniors, or large land-holders, who are thus stiled, although their taxes are very light. The people appeared to shew every mark of kind∣ness to us who were prisoners; but our not being able to speak a word of French made it singular to us, and likely to them, as the English who are livers in the province of Canada, can speak French to a proverb. We did not tarry long at this place be∣fore setting out, and the road being heavy, made it dark before our arrival at St. Francis (the French spell it Francois) a house in a parish the farthest end of the Isle of Orleans, twenty seven miles, or nine leagues, from Quebec. We all lodged, drivers and prisoners, in one house together, where, for the first, we saw and eat a supper of their soup, &c.

Sabbath, 14th. Lieut. Dunning and myself were quartered in a house, the owner of which was named Muso. Our new situation, not being able to hold any kind of conversation with the inhabitants, toge∣ther with the intense coldness of the weather (the like all of us confessed never to have beheld or felt before) does not seem to alter our comfort any great for the better, as it is almost impossible to go far from the house; but there is this to say, we are not under lock and key.

Wednesday, January 25. The first of receiving any provisions from government, and that in part. The French or Canadians, have to every house a stove, which is constantly kept with a good fire in the winter, and the heat of the stove against the glass windows, forms a contrast between heat and cold; for the inside of the pane being kept warm, and the frost on the outside, in such extreme cold nights as are in this country, forms an ice on the pane in the morning nearly double the thickness of

the glass; and their rule to know in the morning the degree of cold on the night past, is by the thick∣ness of the ice on the glass windows of their stove room; and the keenest and clearest nights will form the greatest ice, and particles which will appear loose on the outside of the ice, exactly resembling snow.

On the 17th, Capt. M'Fall, who is paroled from Boston, arrived at the next house to live. I have begun to endeavor, as far as my abilities will admit, to gain what knowledge I can in speaking the French language, and am of opinion, were there no Eng∣lish to be spoken among the English officers and my brother prisoners, I could readily gain a knowledge of the language, as I have a dictionary and gram∣mar; but it is said the Canadians speak very impro∣per, although not quite so bad as a Mr. Persons, whom I found in this place, on parole from Boston, for he speaks six words of English and one of French; although he has undertaken to learn us the language. We have for our commander a Capt. M'Kenno, a Scotchman, who is vastly particular, as we must be in our quarters every evening by nine o'clock; it shews he is a man of authority.

February 13. David Griswold, from the ship Cancer, came to live with and cook for Mr. Dun∣ning and myself, and informs us that the prisoners on board of said ship suffer very much, particularly by sickness; two that were seamen are dead.

We have paid the Parson of this parish several vi∣sits•••• he appears to be a man of extraordinary un∣derstanding, and is an aged gentleman; his name is Duran—he speaks slow, but very proper English, as he has it all grammatically—he is a man said to have great education, but appears droll in his outward conduct, and I think is fond of a glass of wine, by the looks of his nose.

February 24. The people from what I can learn, are making preparations for a great feast of three days, previous to Lent Sabbath.

25th. This morning the French have begun their feast; it is stiled monja groe, or great feast: they visit each other and appear very generous, which is a common characteristic of the inhabitants, generally speaking.

Monday morning, 26th. The inhabitants, from the oldest to the youngest, visit one another, and every house is kept open for the reception of friends; they have their dances promiscuously, without the formality of young people assembling by themselves: the father, mother, son and daughter, will be in a room and dance with a great degree of harmony; although the young people will most commonly have a little assembly by themselves in the after part of the day; but from the nature of their rejoicings, they are taught to regard this part as rather a reli∣gious conviviality▪ than for the mere form of what is vulgarly termed frolicking.

Tuesday, 27th. This day has finished the great feasting among the French, for this part of the cere∣mony, and is the greatest in the year. How far their superstitions may be thought by those of a dif∣ferent persuasion, to extend, is unknown to me; but I can say that nothing has transpired in the eye of my observation, which I should suppose ought to be condemned with that rancor which many are pleased to exercise towards the Roman Catholics; although I believe they carry many of their per∣formances to too great a length of enthusiasm; not only temporal but spiritual: particularly in this pro∣vince, as the inhabitants, especially the males, are destitute of education, and of consequence are vastly ignorant, speaking within bounds from every in∣formation

I have gathered; but at present not be∣ing informed sufficiently to ani••adver•••••• this peo∣ple, shall defer any further comment and occasion∣ally, if I stay among them, will make some further remarks.

February 28. This day Lent commences, which is in commemoration of the forty days our Saviour fast∣ed on the mount. The people are not allowed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 eat any meat nor soup that hath been made of it; eggs, fish, butter, cheese, &c. may be used; but no kind of flesh, except a person is sick.

The weather is cold, and beyond any conception I had ever formed; for being formerly in Albany, Schenectady, and Fort Stanwix, I thought I had felt severe weather, but this is as far surpassing Al∣bany, as Albany (in my opinion) does in a common run of weather, Philadelphia, or still further south∣ward. The drifts of snow around houses, barns, &c. are in some places from six to twelve feet deep, and on a common level five feet. Their cattle of every kind are kept in close houses, and water is carried to them, from the horse down to the sheep. The cattle are fed on straw, made from wheat, oats, barley, and pea vines, and what I have seen, a mere trifle of hay is in their barns, to what is made use of in the States. The men appear to smoke a great deal, and live easy in the winter.

Saturday, March 10. This evening, about ele∣ven o'clock, Capt. M'Kenno, our commandant, Capt. Frazier, and a Lieut. Robertson, came to my quarters and I was awaked from sleep, and heard the following important information:—"That four gentlemen had that day paid Capt. M'Kenno a visit, and said that the day before they left Quebec they dined with general Haldiman, who had ever appear-to keep news close to himself, but then said he had

straight accounts from New-York, that two Ame∣rican generals, thirty colonels, and four thousand of the best of General Washington's army, had re∣volted and joined Sir Henry Clinton, and that the remaining part of the American army would undoubt∣edly follow the example—that the French, finding the situation of the Americans, had taken Boston in the name of the French king, until the debt due from America to France should be paid." Captain M'Kenno advised us immediately to write to Gene∣ral Haldiman for protection, under a promise of be∣coming faithful subjects to the crown of Great-Bri∣tain; he was however fearful whether we should receive pardon; he seemed to feel for Capt. Brown∣son, on account of his being an aged and venerable looking man, that he should be hung; but did not seem so much to lament the sate of Smith, Dunning, and myself. I must confess that after the gentlemen were gone I had very serious reflections on the re∣port; and its being handed to me in such a manner, & at a late hour of the night, with the reflection of the continental money being near or quite dead, added to the gloom of the prospect; and I can truly say, that if ever I felt for my country, it was at this crisis; and it would swell a volume to mention the number of different opinions and reflections which presented themselves to view on this occasion.

Tuesday, March 13. I am informed Serjeant Deforest died on board the ship Cancer, on the 15th of February. Hosea M'Farland and Moses Bee∣dle died about the first of this month; and an old man by the name of Odle Squire is also dead:

My brother officers and myself have had a confer∣ence on the late news, which the Quebec papers teem with a confirmation of, and which is in every Canadian's mouth; but we agree it cannot be true,

and to the honor of Capt. Brownson, he appears to suppose it a mere bubble of noise without founda∣tion; but I must confess I have my fears that some∣thing uncommon has turned up.

April 8. Raw, cold, windy day from northeast; the wind generally blows up or down the River St. Lawrance, which sets near a northeast course. The inhabitants from each house took this day some green hemlock boughs to mass with them, which receives several ceremonies, by being sprinkled with holy water, and such manner of consecration as is in their church discipline, which I hope to be more able to explain; let it suffice, that the use of those boughs are to take to their respective homes, where they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 generally fixed over head to the beam of the floor, or the like places, which are handy to reach in case of a thunder storm, as the boughs are prepared and made holy according to their ideas, they fling a twig of the hemlock into the fire in case of a heavy 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of thunder, and the smoke of the twig will keep the lightening from striking the house, as they say it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 holy, and that thunder is of the Devil's permission, and cannot strike or harm any thing that is made ho∣ly by their church.

April 13. The wind hard at N. E. and snow all last night and to day. The young women went last night to mass; two of them set in the church toge∣ther for one hour, and then are relieved by two more▪ the others stay in the parson's house, and thus continue the night through. They hold it in commemoration of the evening on which our Sa∣viour was betrayed.

April 14. We measured the depth of the snow in the woods to-day, and find it three feet and an half on a level. Capt. M'Fall, the Captain of the mili∣tia, and myself, went to Cileroy after provisions, as

we have forty four days due, and have lived the whole time on the inhabitants, and are also denied any further supply in money from government. We dined with some German officers, who treated us with a great degree of politeness: they are bil∣leted at said place with about one hundred men.

26th. The river St. Lawrance apposite where we live, is supposed to be about five miles in width, and the ship channel is near this shore. Opposite to us, about two miles from the main land, is an island called Madam, where the geese on their way to Newfoundland and the Bay of Hudson stop to rest, and among several other islands in the river. We went in company with Capt. M'Fall last evening on to said island to hunt geese; but they appeared to know themselves in danger by coming near sho•••• when the tide was up; for, as I before observed, the tide ebbs and flows a great heighth, and the banks are of a gradual slope, so that it leaves almost or quite half a mile between high and low water marks; high water would come within small gun-shot of the woods, and let it be ever so dark, windy and rough, the geese would keep a certain distance from shore round the whole island, which is at least two miles long, so that they were quite out of gun-shot, and at low water they would feed on the shore in fair sight of us, but at too great a distance to touch them, and of consequence we re∣turned as we went.

April 29. The method of the people of this country respecting the sick, is as follows—When the minister is sent for to visit a sick person (particularly if the patient is supposed to be dangerous) the priest dresses himself in a white surplice and is accompanied by one of the parish, who carries a small bell which is rung opposite every house the minister passes, on

which the whole family immediately turn out of doors and fall on their knees to prayer, with a seem∣ing devotion full of fervency for the recovery of the person he is visiting.

May 1. The ice at Quebec is supposed to be broken up, as the river is very full of large cakes which float over a reef of rocks the other side of the Isle of Madam, and make a clattering sound, like a wheeled carriage going over a quantity of stones with great force.

5th. The first swallow that has been seen, and is something remarkable too, as there is a great deal of snow on the ground in banks, though the fields are mostly clear. A few people have begun to sow their wheat.

May 10. The wind has blown hard from the northeast for several days, and the snow banks de∣crease but slow. The inhabitants allow the spring to be later than common. I computed the tide this morning to rise eighteen feet perpendicular, and some of the gentlemen supposed near or quite twen∣ty. A large snow bank that lies fair to the sun, we to day measured, and find it five feet deep; but it has been a drift that was probably fifteen feet deep in the greatest depth of winter.

The farmers are generally sowing their wheat, which is done in a manner uncommon in the Ame∣rican States. The land in this country is level and clear of stone, and all the plows that have come un∣der my notice, have wheels to them, and of conse∣quence would be useless in stony ground; they guage their plows to cut about four inches deep, and lay their furrows from seven to nine inches wide, and turn the turf over as flat as possibly can be done, so that the fields appear exceeding level. The plowing I am informed is done in the month of Oc∣tober

and lays until spring, when they sow their wheat without further manuring of any kind, and after the wheat is sown, they have a light three-square wooden-tooth harrow, much of the size of the American corn harrow, and is quite easy for the draught of one horse only, and with this they go the same way the ground is laid over, and scarcely more than twice in a place; they make no preten∣sions to cross-harrowing; indeed from what I can see in their way of putting their seed in the ground, it is a strife who shall sow and cover the most bushels in a day, and not who shall do it best. I have walk∣ed over their fallows and find a great deal of their wheat entirely uncovered. They will sow from twenty to forty bushels, and I judge they do not sow more than a bushel to an acre. The land is of a light gravelly marl, and I think would produce spontaneously were it put under good cultivation. Some have plowed sword ground over this spring, in order to sow.

Thursday, May 17. The people have done seeding their ground. A brig passed up the river from England; Capt. M'Kenno, and Capt. M'Fall went on board, and brought the news that some of the Dutch provinces had declared war a∣gainst England, and also, that the outward bound fleets to the East and West-Indies are taken from the English by the French and Spaniards

Monday, 21. The people in this country appear to go one-third of their time to public worship; they have had to day a procession. In the first place they held their mass, and the procession was performed by a young man's going foremost carrying a cross, which was extended some distance in the air (I should suppose twelve or fifteen feet) on a pole, and the cross was beautifully ornamented; the priest

next followed, and after him the men and women they walked quite flow, with an apparent devotion, until they arrived at a small chapel about half a mile from the church, and marched round said chapel, the priest continuing a constant ceremony in a singing tone, and then returned to the church as they came.

Wednesday, 23. The same ceremonies that were performed on the 21st, were continued yesterday and to-day; but I cannot learn what part of our Saviour's passion they celebrate, and am very much clogged in being a historian of this province, and what is written proceeds from my own amusement.

Captain M'Fall has received a letter from Col▪ Peters, who mentions that commissioners are ar∣rived at the Isle of Aux Noix, on Lake Champlain, from the United States of America, to negociate an exchange of prisoners; that the Portuguese are go∣ing to war against England; that the Empress of Russia has demanded her shipping, with the damages done to them, from the English; that the French had left Rhode-Island and landed at Chesapeake Bay, and that the English fleet from New-York had pur∣sued them, and destroyed the whole French fleet; that Mr. Arnold, supported by General Phillips, had lately a battle in Virginia—General Sumpter is wounded, and fifteen hundred is killed and taken of the French and Americans, and those who are left are gone home to hoe their tobacco.

May 31. The apple-trees begin to bloom.—There has not been any rain since the snow left the ground.

Tuesday, June 5. The wind is raw and cold, from the northeast. This evening the French fin∣ish, by appointment, their ten days praying for rain; they assembled about sun-set every day around the small chapel, and all kneeled to prayer and sung a

psalm; indeed for three days past they have kept a very solemn fait, as it is termed in French, or have held mass every day, which, from what I can learn, is to commemorate the three days our Saviour lay in the earth. The tenth day after he arose, will be the greatest day they can celebrate, as on that day, they hold, he ascended up to Heaven.

Capt. M'Kenno has been to Quebec, and re∣turned with the disagreeable news that the commis∣sioners for an exchange of prisoners have returned back without effecting an exchange for us. I look upon myself as doomed to be a prisoner during the contest.

Friday, June 8. Captain M'Kenno took his leave of us to go to Quebec, not to return again.

Saturday 9. This day the French walked in pro∣cession round the chapel with their holy water; the priest was with them praying for rain.

Tuesday, June 12. Capt. M'Fall has received some English papers from Quebec, which mention, that the Americans have revolted to such a degree, that General Washington has scarcely a guard left him; that proposals from Congress are sent to the court of Great Britain, offering to accept of the proposals which were made to them by the commis∣sioners in the year 1778, but are refused: but I scruple it.

Thursday, 14. This day is held as Ascension; but I believe every parish have their holy-days, and imagine they do not observe a particular day through the whole province; for the Church of England hold the ninth of May as Ascension, yet as every pa∣rish is named after a saint, so I believe they have their standing holy time, to celebrate the different passions our Saviour passed through while on earth, or the most remarkable ones. A solemn mass was

kept, and about twelve o'clock the little boys, with handkerchiefs, &c. fixed in the manner of flying co∣lours, were arranged in two columns, a small dis∣tance apart; the young women were placed two by two next to the boys; a large standard, with two images handsomely decorated, was carried in front of the boys, and about half way between the boys and girls, was a silver cross; the young men with long white scarss or surplices, went on to carry the holy-water and incense; the next was the clerk and singers, and then the priest, under a canopy carried by four men, holding a small glass, with a small im∣age over it crowned with thorns, the priest looking through the glass; the old and married men and women walked after, intermixed, without any ar∣rangement, in order to appearance, to defend their holy procession. They moved very slow and so∣lemn the whole way, singing a slow and seemingly well adapted sound to grace the solemnity of their devotion, and on the boys and young women arri∣ving at the chapel, they filed off to the right and left to admit the priest to pass through, falling on their knees to prayer; the minister, canopy, and as many married people as could, entered the chapel, where was the image, as I was informed, of the Virgin Mary, richly decorated; they continued about fif∣teen minutes on their knees in the chapel, and those who could not go in were the whole time on their knees at prayer. The priest then came out under the canopy as he entered, and the procession return∣ed in the same manner as it came to the church. The whole appeared to be conducted with the pro∣foundest devoutness.

June 24. We who are prisoners went this day to St. John's, where was a great day of worship, and where their bishop, with a number of priests

and a great concouse of people attended. On our return, my eyes never beheld the like of a small cat∣terpillar, or rather a worm. Millions of them were on the fences, grass, and the young wheat; the stalks about sunset appear black with them, which much alarms the inhabitants, as they say it is a very uncommon thing for them to appear so thick, al∣though they confess to be often troubled with some of a like kind; but the severity of the drought, hav∣ing had no rain to be of any service since the snow went off, they imagine is one reason of there being so many in the grass and wheat.

AN ABSTRACT OF THE FRENCH CATE∣CHISM.

Suffer little children to come unto me, for the King∣dom of God is for such.

Question. What religion are you of?

Answer. By the grace of God, I am a Christian.

Q. Whom understand you by a christian?

A. Him who being baptized inwardly and out∣wardly, professes the faith and law of Christ.

Q. When are we obliged to make an outward profession of our faith?

A. As often as God's honor requires it; for if we deny Christ before men, he will deny us before his Father. St. Math. x, 33. &c.—But should this Journal ever be printed, the Catechism might as well be omitted; still I do not think it would be a∣miss to put down the commandment, which is as fol∣lows:

"I am the Lord thy God, who brought thee out of the land of Egypt, and out of the house of bond∣age. Thou shalt not have strange Gods before me. Thou shalt not make to thyself any graven thing, nor the likeness of any thing that is in heaven above,

or in the earth beneath, or in the waters under the earth; thou shalt not adore or worship them—; I am the Lord thy God strong and jealous, visiting the sins of the fathers upon their children, to the third and fourth generation of them that hate me, and shewing mercy to thousands of those that love me and keep my commandments. 20th Chapter of Ex∣odus, 2d verse.

Question. Why put you all this in one command∣ment?

Answer. Because the sacred scriptures mention∣ing nothing which is the first and second or third commandment; and these words, "thou shalt not make unto thyself any graven thing," being only an explication of the foregoing words, "thou shalt not have strange Gods before me"—we therefore, with St. Augustine, make of them but one commandment, which seems to have been done by Moses himself—Exodus, xx. 23.—where he says, ye shall not make Gods of silver, neither shall you make unto you Gods of gold, in which words he plainly includes both in one.

Q. What is meant by those first words, "I am the Lord thy God," &c.

A. By those God declares to us that he is our true and supreme Lord, and therefore we are obliged to obey him with all diligence.

Q. What are we commanded by this?

A. To love, serve and worship one only true and living God, and no more.

Q. What is forbidden by it?

A. To worship idols, or give any creature the ho∣nor due to God.

Q. What is the honor due to God?

A. Supreme and sovereign honor; we must wor∣ship him as our creator, redeemer and last end.

Q. Is it lawful to honor the image of Christ and his saints?

A. Yes, if rightly understood; because the ho∣nor given them is referred to things they repre∣sent: so that by the images or crosses which we kiss, and before which we kneel, we honor and adore Christ himself.

Q. Do Catholics pray to images?

A. No, by no means. We pray before them in∣deed, to keep us from distractions, but not to them; for we know they can neither see nor hear, nor help us.

Q. What benefit have we then by them?

A. They movingly represent to us the mysteries of our Saviour's passion, and the martyrdom of his Saints.

Q. What benefit have we by honoring and can∣onizing Saints?

A. It strongly moves us to imitate their examples, by shewing their rewards.

Q. How do we honor Saints and Angels?

A. With an inferior honor, as the friends and creatures of God, not as Gods, nor with God's honor.

Q. Is it lawful to honor relies of Saints?

A. Yes, with a relative honor, as above explain∣ed; for the handkerchiefs and aprons which had but touched the body of Saint Paul, cast out Devils and cured all diseases. Acts xix, 22.

The remaining part of the French Catechism, I have put down in full by itself,

June 29. Yesterday and last night the good hand of Providence has refreshed this country with a plenty of rain, as there has been none worth men∣tioning since last March. The drought has been so great, that nature must take a great change if any

crops to signify, come to perfection. The poor in∣habitants appear surrounded with conflicts and judg∣ments, as the grasshoppers bid fair to destroy the small remaining crops, together with the worms and a small insect; but I must confess they are the most fervent in their prayers, that God would im∣pede his judgments, of any people I ever saw. Not an evening but they gather either at the church or by a cross, and there pray and sing psalms. They hold this as St. Peter's day, on which they say the keys of Heaven were given to him, and expect he will open the windows of Heaven and grant them such blessings as they most stand in need of. The day is kept as holy time.

July 2. This day there is a procession again, and prayers for the destruction of the whole of the insects.

4th. Yesterday a procession, and also to day, for the insects to be destroyed. It being the anniversa∣ry of our five years independence, Capt. Brownson, Lieut. Dunning and myself, sent for Capt. M'Fall to dine with us, and spent the day agreeably. Cap∣tain Smith was unwel.

6th. The peas in the garden begin to blossom; the wheat is earing out, and is about eighteen inches high. There is a purple coloured bug which has lately made its appearance, which like the savages, are scalping the potatoes; they appear very vora∣cious, and devour the vines of the potatoes.

10th. The whole parish assembled and walked in procession, to endeavor to defeat the insects, which appear as if they would destroy their wheat, oars, flax, grass, and in fact every kind of vegetable. A poor woman in this parish dying some time past, and not leaving a sufficiency in cash to redeem her from purgatory, and her husband as is said, pleading po∣verty, took her clothes to the church, where they

were sold at public auction; my landlord was ven∣due-master, and his daughter bought some of the clothes. The vendue was conducted with an air of as much indifference, as if they were in a common frolic, and the money handed to the priest.

There is a sort of worm in this place called the canker, which are long and black, with white streaks; and I do not remember of ever seeing their likeness in my country.

We catch plenty of trout on this island, although they are small; but are delicious food. We begin to catch pidgeons. The weather has got to be very fine, but some days I think are more suffocating than I ever experienced in Jersey; and the days are a great length, the longest being fifteen hours and thirty-two minutes, in Quebec; sixteen hours and twenty-six minutes, in London; and fourteen hours and fifty-two minutes, in New-York. London is in 51 degrees and 30 minutes, north latitude; Que∣bec is in 47 degrees and 35 minutes, north latitude; and New-York, is in 41 degrees and 40 minutes, north latitude.

July 25. I have lived to see another birth-day; and on a reflection of the apparent shortness of the time I have had an existence, or the knowledge thereof; yet how many changing scenes have I pass∣ed, and what a variety of flowers and thorns have ••hecquered my path; dangers escaped and blessings innumerable received, demands my warmest tribute of praise. Doctor Young, in his remarks on the striking of a clock, says—"The clock strikes one: we take no note of time, but from its loss. To give it then a tongue is wise in man." Surely if every striking clock is so wisely to be observed, what im∣provement ought to be made on the return of ano∣ther year. But what a labyrinth of ideas must pre∣sent

themselves to view in reflecting on a whole life, and that not spent to the end which the Great Au∣thor of my existence sent me into the world for: certainly, instead of rejoicing, I ought to line my heart and room in mourning, for so long a misspent life.

The French continue their prayers and proces∣sions for the destruction of the insects. They only walk from the chapel to the church, without any particular ceremony.

Friday, August 17. This day the inhabitants commence harvesting. Their wheat in common is not more than eighteen or twenty inches long; al∣though I suppose it to be much shorter than com∣mon on account of the drought; but from what I can learn, they suppose their wheat to be good that is two and two and an half feet high; and whatever was formerly raised from a bushel's sowing, I can∣not learn but it must have been much more than at present, for the inhabitants will talk of their fathers selling five pecks for two and an half, and three li∣vres, which is a French shilling each livre, or about eighteen pence York, as near as I can inform myself.

Many of the inhabitants of this place sowed from thirty to forty bushels of wheat, and scarcely expect more than their seed; although they say it is not the case through the province. The men and wo∣men, both old and young, have their sickles, which is the only tool they know of in this province to har∣vest with. To see the young ladies, with their mockisons reaping away, with a merry song, is a fine lesson to promote contentment; for no doubt the next Sabbath they will go to church in their silks, and have the chat of which has cut the most wheat in the week past. I have been so particular as to put down all the vessels I have seen pass up the river

which came from sea, and I find that on the 27th of August, 1781, there have ninety-six stout top-sail vessels (chiefly ships) gone up since the ice broke up in the spring. The people have finished harvest∣ing pretty generally.

Sept. 4. We petitioned General Haldiman rela∣tive to our situation; being deprived of money from government, and receiving no assistance from home, we are almost destitute of clothing.

On the 10th Captain Brownson received a letter from Mr. Murray, informing him that he is ex∣changed.

Wednesday, 19. Captain Brownson being pro∣moted, is exchanged, as far as I can learn in the rank of a Major; and this morning himself and the boy that lived with us, by the name of Griswould, took their leave of us, to return to their native homes. Poor Smith hangs his under lip; and in fact we all I believe feel rather discomfited on the subject, altho' we are happy the Major is gone, on account of his being released from his confinement, and from a wish that his health may be restored: yet we hang our harps on the willows, not being able to form a∣ny idea how the country whose prosperity we so of∣ten are wishing for, is now situated.

I again wrote a letter to my brother, John Scud∣der, and Mr. Noah Marsh, requesting them to be particular in the education of my children, which pledges are the greatest anxiety and comfort to my inmost soul. We also sent a petition to General Washington, relative to our situation and informed him, at least, we were here, and many other poor prisoners also.

Sept. 26. We received a letter from Richard Murray, Esq. in answer to one we wrote to him last March, a copy of which follows:

Quebec, March 14, 1781.

SIR,

I have received your's of the 11th instant, and should have answered your former one had the man called according to promise. I am sorry it is not in my power to give you such an answer to your me∣morial as you would perhaps expect; but as no part of the money hitherto advanced has been returned, his Excellency will not allow me to pay further sums: and any temporary distress you feel, must be entire∣ly owing to your own friends, as frequent opportu∣nities have offered, of either sending you a credit or cash; and sorry I am to find they have neglected both: but in order to relieve you as far as lays in my power, I have sent you by Blodget the articles you have asked for. I cannot promise you a flag of truce will be sent from hence, but if you wish to write, I will take care that your letters shall be for∣warded, in case any opportunity offers.

I am, Sir, Your humble servant, RICHARD MURRAY.

Articles sent.

• Capt. Smith, 2 shirts, 1 pair stockings.
• Lieut. Dunning, do.
• Lieut. Scudder, 1 pair of shoes.

To Lieut. SCUDDER,on the Isle of Orleans.

The reason for not putting the copy of this letter down sooner is, we have expected an exchange would be made for us, or relief given some way; but are now in expectation of continuing another winter in this cold, dreary country, where the inha∣bitants can scarcely get victuals to support nature; or at least, if any family in the states of America

were to live as they do, I judge they would think it hard times indeed; but more of this another time: yet we are obliged to frequently be dependent on the people where we are quartered for some com∣mon necessaries of life. It is evident to me that every person who takes up arms in the cause of his country, has an idea that he may meet with the fate of war, either by being killed, wounded or taken prisoner; but it must be a severe reflection to sup∣pose, when he is thus voluntarily armed for the cause of his country, that in case he should be made a prisoner, he will be thus neglected by that country whose rights he was contending for, and occasioned his imprisonment in cold jails, &c. without the com∣mon necessaries of life. However, it is a lessen to learn silence, and wait with patience; for whatever God ordains is full of wise providences. How ma∣ny thousand years has this globe rolled on its axis, floated with a vast ocean, high mountains, cities and empires, with millions of the planetary heavens, all moving in order under the guidance of so great an Architect, to plant them all in due form, and say hi∣therto shalt thou come and no farther: I say, when we consider that we are the creatures of so g••••••t a Majesty, surely we ought to wait with calmness un∣til our change shall come.

Wednesday, October 3. Capt. M'Fall has left us; and since he has been exchanged, has been our commandant: and in order to shew he was a man of authority, gave us strict orders not to be seen to carry any kind of arms, except those of our own bo∣dies, and left the same orders with the Captain of the militia; pretending he hand orders from the commander in chief so to do; and also that we should not be out of our lodgings after eight o'clock at night. We thank him for such a signal piece of

complaisance; but wool will not grow from a hog's back. Poor Smith informs me that his thoughts at present are on procuring the necessaries of life, hav∣ing nothing but pork and bread to live on; and after many perplexing cogitations how to proceed, his only alternative is to go and dig potatoes. The Captain of the militia has dispised the orders left him by the last commander in chief over four of us, and permits us to go fowling. I find plenty of ducks and plover.

Saturday, 13th. I have had a hard turn of a fever; but find myself recovering. Having obtain∣ed permission from government, to have the liberty of asking credit of merchants (which, until within six weeks we could not be permitted to do, nor to write a line to any subject in Canada, except Mr. Murray, commissary of prisoners) we wrote the merchants a pressing letter, setting forth our indigent circumstances; yet no other attention was paid to it than to send us word we could not have any cre∣dit. But I do not dispair, although in a feeble state of health.

Tuesday, 16th. Capt. Smith and myself took a walk to St. John's; and will mention, that during the summer past, Mr. Smith and myself have had several serious, and I trust agreeable, conversations together on matters of the utmost consequence; we both agree, that for wise purposes man was permit∣ted to fall; for the more knowledge we obtain, the greater the sensation, and of consequence happiness or misery is more natural to the soul, as we cannot agree to any part of annihilation after death; for if the soul is miserable, why should it be so if there is not that remorse of reflection on the duties and com∣mands it disobeyed whilst on earth? Therefore, of consequence, those who die happy are unspeakably

so, on the thought of having travelled through so many toils, and so wearisome a pilgrimage while em∣bodied in clay. We have often heard it suggested, that the soul after departing from the body, knew nothing of what it had passed through in this life: as well might the idea of annihilation be held up; for it was the undoubted design of the Great Au∣thor of our existence to send us through these thorny roads, to prepare us for an event of the greatest importance: if we acted aright, happiness inexpressible must present to view; and on the con∣trary, misery without end or description; and both on the reflection of a well or ill spent life, the ado∣ration on redemption, together with being relieved from a sinful state and made entirely pure, are thoughts unspeakable indeed; and also, if man had known no sin, he would have been ignorant of so great a salvation. Mr. Smith is a deep-thoughted gentleman.

Friday, October 19. Capt. Smith and Lieut. Dunning this day commenced cutting wood for the Canadians, at thirty coppers a cord, and find them∣selves. Poor Smith again hangs his under lip.

Monday, 22d. I went to a wedding in this par∣ish, and was immediately introduced to the bride, and had to dance a minuet with her, which is the vogue of this country; and their chief dances are minuets. No people that I have ever seen appear to be more friendly than the Canadians, in particu∣lar on rejoicing days, weddings, public meetings, &c. but remarkably more so to strangers than any people I have ever met with in any part of the states which I have visited. The marriage ceremo∣ny I believe to be nearly as the church of England, except, that the Roman Catholics of this coun∣try always go to the church to have the ceremony performed.

Friday, 26th. I went with Messrs. Smith and Dunning, and helped to cut wood, which made my hands sore.

Monday, October. Agreeable to a former re∣quest, I wrote to Mr. Murray for permission to go to Quebec for the restoration of my health, being in want of clothing, &c. I received orders, and this morning embarked for said place, and arrived in town in the evening. I tarried that night with Robert Co••••ran, and next morning went to Mr. Murray's, from whence I went to Mr. Prentiss's, where I took breakfast, and then proceeded to the jail hospital, and agreed with Mr. Hill, who keeps the house, to live with him. I am locked up, not having permission to go out without the company of Mr. Hill; but to make some compensation, I have the company of Mrs. Hill, my landlady, who is from Boston, and a very agreeable woman; and also a Doctor Duff, one of the Surgeons of the hospital, who lodges up stairs, and appears much of a gentle∣man. There are several prisoners in this place, a∣mong whom is a Mr. Williams, formerly one of the custom-house officers; but being so far attached to the Americans, as to speak something in their fa∣vor, has been for some time under close confinement. Mr. Davis, whom I have before mentioned, is here; and his exploits and connexions, would swell a vo∣lume as large as the Devil on Two Sticks, and the whole to as little purpose.

November 3. Serjeant Weed informs me, that he has discovered a gentleman in town, the first let∣ter of whose sirname is J, who is willing to assist the prisoners; and being destitute of money, I im∣mediately wrote him a letter, stating the situation of my brother officers and myself. Mr. Weed soon returned, and said the man had not more than half

read my letter before he appeared affected; he sent a half-joe for our present relief, and said that was not the whole we might expect from him. I must confess, if ever my heart felt gratitude, it was on this occasion. Last evening I knew not how to ob∣tain a single farthing, being an entire stranger; but have at present an ample supply, with the rations I draw, for some time; and expect further assistance for Capt. Smith and Mr. Dunning. This instance of humanity I trust will not be forgotten by me du∣ring my stay on earth.

Nov. 8. I have had a visit from my good old friend James Cassedy, and have some evenings the agreeable company of Capt. White, Mrs. White and the Miss Robesoes; they are all genteel peo∣ple, and came from Boston some time before the commencement of the American war. Capt. White is brother to Mrs. Hill, and master of a vessel from this por••.

PEGU, a considerable kingdom of Asia, in the East Indies, on the southeast side of the Bay of Ben∣gal, bounded by the king of Ava on the north, by the mountains which separate it from Laos on the east, by the king of Siam and the Bay of Bengal on the south, and by another part of the Bay of Bengal on the west. It has a town of the same name, se∣venty miles within land, and above twenty miles in circumference; but at present not one-twentieth part is inhabited; for it was ruined by the inhabi∣tants of Barma, whose king is a potent prince. This country, like others between the tropics, is flooded when the sun is vertical, but the mud and slime which the waters leave when they retire, render the low lands fruitful as the Nile does those of Egypt. As to the high grounds, they are soon parched up after the rains

are over; and if they sow wheat on them, as they sometimes do, they are forced to water their fields by little channels which convey the water from their ••isterns and reservoirs; but they sow much more rice than wheat, which is more suitable to the flood∣ed soil. The houses are frequently built on pillars by the river side, and in the time of rains they have no communication with one another, but by boats, in the flat country. The product of this country is like the other parts of the East-Indies. They have also good fish, pork and poultry. They wear no European commodities but hats and ribbands. They have cottons, silks, and silver, from Bengal and the neighboring countries. The government is arbitrary, and the king's will is a law; yet he does not often abuse his power: he has a large handsome palace at Ava, with four ga••es, each of which is ap∣propriated for people to pass through on different occasions; none but ambassadors pass through the east gate, which is called the golden gate. The in∣habitants are but thinly clad, and the best among them wear neither shoes nor stockings. The Bar∣maes go almost naked, and make figures in their skins, like the ancient Picts, by pricking themselves with a bodkin, and rubbing them over with cha••••∣coal. The women are much whiter than the men; small, but well-proportioned. They wear petticoats which are open before; and this part of the dress was said to be invented by a queen of this country, to draw the men off from unnatural vices. The women are very fond of strangers, and any man may have a wife for the time he stays there. The wife goes to market, dresses the victuals, takes care of her husband's clothes, and sells his goods by re∣tail. If she proves false the husband may sell her for a slave; and if he goes astray, she will give him a

dose of poison. There are a vast number of tem∣ples in this country, but most of wood, which are varnished and gilded. The priests have ground al∣lowed them, which they cultivate for their subsist∣ence, and are said to be strict observers of morality. They are called talapoins, and inculcate charity as the highest virtue, affirming that religion to be best which teaches men to do the most good. They have idols in their temples, in a sitting posture, like tailors, and very large ears. They have curious sorts of music; but the pipe and tabor are esteemed the best. They have one instrument shaped like a galley, with about twenty bells of different sizes; and when they strike them with a stick, they make no bad music. When any happen to be shipwreck∣ed on the coast, if they repair to the temples they will be taken care of, and supplied with what they want. Their hills are covered with woods, and they have a great deal of good timber; but their bam∣boes (a kind of hollow cane which grows to the big∣ness of near a foot in diameter) is of the greatest use; this they bend and form while young, making it fit for whatever they design it, and particularly to hang their pelanquins upon: these are couches upon which they lie when they travel, carried upon men's shoulders. They have but few horses or sheep, and plow with oxen and buffaloes, and carry burdens on them as well as on camels; nor does any place abound more in elephants, than this, and the adjacent countries. They compute the strength of their armies by the number and size of their ele∣phants, &c. &c.

Monday, November 12.—The whole of the pri∣soners, except three from Vermont, and commission∣ed officers, are sent to Saint Paul's Bay, about thirty leagues down the river, to be billeted with the in∣habitants.

I directed a line to Doctor Mebane, the head surgeon of the town hospital, who came to see me; and on representing to him that I considered myself bound on parole, but was locked up like a prisoner that had no pretensions to a liberation; that I wished now and then to be indulged to walk out in town with Mr. Hill, or some gentleman,—he gave Mr. Hill orders to permit me by turns to walk out with him, as the governor will not permit any continental officer to be in town, without the com∣pany of a British subject; it being of a dangerous nature: and as we officers are people of such conse∣quence, the British crown might totter to its very centre thereby. This is not the Doctor's excuse, but mine.

Monday, 26th. I received by the hands of Mr. Murray, three half-joes, from one of the best of men, Col. John Campbell, at Montreal.

Yesterday Mr. Hill's child of ten days old was christened, and a number of genteel people assem∣bled in the church of England form, on the occasion; we had plenty of good cheer, and as I recover my health fast, partook with chearfulness; and much sociable conversation took place. The parson ap∣peared to be an agreeable man, and talked with sense, and apparent sorrow for the unhappy dispute between England and America, and gave me the news of young Butler's being killed, with a number of his party.

Tuesday, 27th. I went with Mr. Hill to the provost, on a visit to see the prisoners, and was in∣troduced to Col. James Gordon, from Stillwater, of the militia, who has been a prisoner better than twelve months; he appears to be a genteel man: also to Capt. Romnsey, from Ballstown; Capt. Vro∣man, from Schenectady; Lieut. White, and two

Banters, from Ballstown, who were taken last sum∣mer. I dined with the Colonel, Mr. Charles Hay, and Francis Cazeau; we passed the afternoon agree∣ably, and in the evening Mr. Hill came and waited on me to my old quarters, and of consequence I am now a man of importance.

INDIA, a vast country of Asia, which received its name from the river indus, situated partly in the temperate and partly under the torrid zone, and consequently the air is very different. Towards the north it is pretty temperate; but towards the south, on the contrary, it is very hot, and it rains almost constantly for three months in the year, which ren∣ders the heat more supportable, and contributes to fertilize the ground, which produces abundance of rice, millet, cotton, sigs, pomegranates, Oran∣ges, citron, cocoa-nuts, and many other fruits, of which there are none in Europe, but what have been transported from thence. There are mines of gold and silver, and several sorts of precious stones, borax and salt petre. They fish in the sea and riv∣ers for pearls. This country produces several sorts of animals, as well domestic as wild; such as ele∣phants, rhinoceroses, camels, dromedaries, buf∣faloes, lions, tygers, leopards, panthers, and a vast number of monkeys. The trade is exceeding great, and it chiefly consists of Indigo, salt petre, cotton, and precious stones; but more especially in a prodi∣geous quantity of calicoes, chintzes, and other stuffs of various kinds. The Europeans had little or no intercourse with the Indies, until the year 1498, when the Portuguese discovered a way by sea, round the Cape of Good Hope, and then soon began to make settlements therein, and soon became very pow∣erful, till the Dutch drove them away from many

of their factories. The Indians are generally gen∣toos or idolaters, though there are a great many mahometans; in the places that depend upon the Eu∣ropeans, some of them have become Roman Catho∣lics. Many of the idolaters believe in the transmi∣gration of souls, and will not kill or eat any thing that has life; not the most trifling insect or animal. The principal priests are Brachmans, and there are faquiers who make their principal devotion to consist in the choice of the most troublesome postures, which they never leave till they take their last exit. Some pass several years without laying down night or day, resting only upon a cord which is stretched out; others shut themselves up in a cave several days without eating or drinking; some hold their arms lifted up so long that they can never stir them afterwards; in short others put burning coals on their heads, and let them be there till the fire reach∣es the very bones. Sometimes those ••aquiers go in a body together, followed by a great number of disciples, and they often make a merit of killing Christians. It was a custom among the gentoos, for the women to burn themselves with their deceased husbands; but it is not so frequent as it formerly was, because the mahometans will not allow of it.

The people of Proper India, as well as those of China, who ought to know better, prostrate them∣selves on the ground with great devotion, that the sun and moon when eclipsed may not be devoured by a certain dragon to which they imagine the defect of light is owing. The Pagans worship idols of vari∣ous shapes: some appear very monstrous, part hu∣man and part beast or fish, and scarce any living ani∣mal but what they adore, particularly the ox and the monkey. Paper will not admit of a further de∣scription.

Messrs. Lauckaling, Smith and M'Coy, paid me a visit, and we had an agreeable conversation. I had previously wrote to my brother Masons, setting forth my expectations of again going to the Isle of Orleans, and that I would be thankful for some re∣lief, not only for myself, but for Capt. Smith and Mr. Dunning, and received a half-joe. I seriously thank my brethren for their attention. I have been for some days past employed by Doctor Hunt, an old sergeant, in drawing off accounts relative to the hospital department, as to liquors and other neces∣saries for that purpose; and likewise some in the medicine way, which, according to law, must be in English; and good English I made of it, with a dou∣ble entry, beyond a doubt; and it is a specimen of Hunt's and my abilities: at any rate the British crown stands well charged.

December 18. This day I had my friend James Cassedy to dine with me.

25th. It being Christmas day, I went to church with Mr. John Hill, my landlord, where were Lieut. Governor Clark and a respectable congrega∣tion. After service we returned home and dined with several persons of Mr. Hill's acquaintance. Some particulars of the Roman Catholics, relative to Christmas evening and day, will not be amiss. The young women about sunset assemble at the house of the parson of the parish, and are divided into small divisions of three or four, according to their number; and the candles and lamps of the church being previously lighted, the whole go into the church and pay their devotion; after which, all but the first company retire to the parson's, and the young women who are left, continue in devotion for one or two hours, and are relieved alternately thro' the night, in commemoration of our Saviour's being

this evening born; but no male or married woman, nor any female whose chastity is suspected, is admit∣ted that evening into church. The day is kept as holy time, and the whole of the inhabitants attend divine service, by way of returning thanks. I re∣collect of either reading or hearing of an author who, speaking on the different methods of worship∣ping God, mentions something to this purport—that the Protestants endeavor to worship God as strictly as possible by a few ceremonies, and the Ro∣man Catholics by many ceremonies: and I cannot but hope, and indeed do not doubt, but either deno∣mination who are sincere in their devotions to the Great Author of all existence, will find mercy through the atonement of a dying ••edeemer; notwithstand∣ing Deists scoff, and Atheists blaspheme: although I am of opinion there is really at heart, no such an idiot in existence as the latter. Some, I grant, in order to make themselves conspicuous, make the like pretensions; but deserve the ridicule of human beings.

January 1st, 1782. It being New-Year's day, I again went to church; but must mention, that this morning Mr. and Mrs. Hill received visits from se∣veral of their relations and acquaintances, to express their joy, and congratulate them on the day; and at the same time took occasion to mention, that they wished me all the earthly happiness this world can afford, and with every mark of fervency desired my release, and expressed a hope that before this year had revolved round, a peace might be established be∣tween England and America, on a firm and lasting basis. I am in duty bound to thank them for their tender regards towards me and the prisoners in gen∣eral; in particular, as I am inclined to think them serious; ••or they have, fr•••• the best information I

can gather, shewn themselves friendly to the cause, of America; & I do, with a profound respect to the great Governor of the Universe, sincerely implore his aid to impede the long and distressing judgments that have spread through the lands of America; and that before another new-year's day shall arrive, peace with her balmy wings might bless the land; that the Thirteen United States may be a free and independent people, and become a rising and happy empire, and an example of goodness in return∣ing their tribute of praise for so signal a salvation from threatened ruin; and that my little lyre may join in praising Jehovah. Amen.—After service, I went with Mr. Hill, and dined with Messrs. Gordon, Hay, and Cazeau, on an excellent dinner, and had a novelty of soft-shelled walnuts, which is the first I ever tasted in this province. We had also some ex∣cellent apples that grew on Mr. Cazeau's place at Montreal. The day was spent agreeably. I have often wondered why Mr. Cazeau in particular should be confined, for he appears to be one of the most friendly, inoffensive men I ever met with, and seems to have too much goodness in him to be guilty of harming the British or Americans. I am, through the goodness of Providence, perfectly restored to health.

January 11. Mr. Prentiss came this morning and informed me, that the two Banters were going on to the Isle of Orleans, and that it was the Go∣vernor's orders I should go with them. I mention∣ed that I would rather stay till spring, but it could not be granted; as I suppose the commander in chief thought it might possibly ••e that I took some comfort; for no other views could have taken place in his breast: but he will not always stay on earth; and I do not wish him eternal punishment for the

treatment he gives to the prisoners, but will en∣gage he will meet with the demerit of his conduct. I am now to prepare for another ••rigid, cold, and poor country; therefore have called on my employ∣er, Doctor Serjeant Hunt, who is only a purveyor, or assistant, in the hospital, and understands medi∣cine something better than I do, but no great, and is nothing at all on my part. He has put up for my services in posting books, three pounds of green tea, sugar, port wine, &c. I expressed to Mr. and Mrs. Hill, my sorrow at being obliged to go away, and they appeared no less to regret my departure, as no people ever could have used a prisoner more friendly than I was treated by them, and also by Doctor Duff. I mentioned to Duff, that if I had his abilities, or understood any thing relative to me∣dicine, I could get a good living on the Isle of Or∣leans. He immediately replied that he would make a Doctor of me in a few hours, and ordered several kinds of medicine put up, and wrote particular di∣rections on each medicine, and for what use; he have me two crown lancets to bleed with, and Buchan's Family Physician, as a guide in my practice. The medicine, phials, &c. being arranged in good order in my chest, I felt important, and portended relief, although I had never thought of being beneficial to mankind in this way before, and in the agitation of my mind, never shall. We had not more than fixed the medicines and my other affairs, before in came a Canadian for me, whom Doctor Duff addressed in the following manner: "Sir, the gentleman who is going with you to the Is••e of Orleans, is a great Doctor from the States of America, and has never discovered it whilst living on the Is••e of Orleans, on account of not being able to speak French, and also for the want of medicine and the like"—on

which I was accosted with a bon jure; or how do you do Doctor. I then took my leave of Mr. Hill, Mrs. Hill, Doctor Duff, with the family and poor prisoners, and went down to the provost, took din∣ner with Messrs. Hay, Cazeau and Gordon; and about two o'clock, bade them and the rest of the pri∣soners in that provost farewell. The other officers might have gone to the Isle of Orleans, but chose to stay until spring. The two Banters went in one carriol, and a Mr. Patterson of the British line, and myself in another. Mr. Patterson is going down to be our commandant. We had good horses and made headway fast over the ice, and struck the Isle of Or∣leans with resolution as officers and physicians of con∣sequence; and instead of going by St. Lawrence, or Cileroy, we went by the parish of St. Peter (or St. Pierre) where I had again to resume my jabbering of French, and a bungling hand I make of it; and amof opinion, if the King of France knew how I tare his language to pieces, he would tare my hair. We are at the Captain of the Militia's house; the old man is something deaf, and has been so for about twenty years. He is above sixty years old, but it matters not with me: I inform him that his hearing can be restored, which makes him chearful, and he promises to become one of my patients. However, I took a little bay salt, which I dissolved and put in his ears; I stuffed them full of wool before he went to bed, and made him as deaf as an adder that night. The next morning, on taking out the wool, he ex∣pressed himself much better, although I do not be∣lieve it. After breakfast we took our leave; he asked my demands, which I said was nothing. Our commander in chief, as yet, is not led into the secret of my physical ideas, and does not know but I am the practitioner I pretend to be. It being a very stormy,

cold morning, with difficulty we arrived at St. Law∣rence, which place is as near from where we came to the island, as St. Peter's; but the drivers had their views: and we have concluded, on account of being a stormy day, to stay all night; and Mr. Pat∣terson's being a very civil obliging man, makes the time more agreeable, but I can find the Canadians look at me with great attention, as my doctorship spreads fast through the land. Snow or no snow, some think me a great man by one observation, and some by another: indeed I can neither walk nor speak but notice is taken whether I am the Surgeon, as is pretended. The French in Canada call all Doctors Surgeons. Many complaints have this day appeared before me; but I led them into a secret, that my medicines are all locked up; that they are of a good quality, new and fresh from England, and some from France; and if they want to employ me, I will wait on them at any time; but no advice can be given gratis, without it is to poor people who have no money nor estate, which they think is bone, or right.

January 13. No cash yet. We le••t St. Law∣rence, and having another horse, soon arrived at St. John's, and went to the Captain of the militia's, where again the fame of my being a vast Surgeon was rumored. The Captain's wife presented to me a small dwarf of a child that had been six months unwel, and was covered with sores. I informed her, that if she could prevail on her husband to send to my lodgings at St. Francis, I would send relief, and restore her to good health; but they all appear to be afraid of their cash. One thing I know they ought to be more fearful of,—that my doctoring will do them no good. We all of choice sat out on foot, and left our baggage to be brought on the

next day; and on our way bought a quart of bran∣dy to treat poor Smith and Dunning with, and ar∣rived at my old parish, sun about two hours high, where we found Capt. Smith and Mr. Dunning; and after they were introduced to Mr. Patterson and the Banters, we all sat down and took a share of the brandy, together with the people of the house. I had to salute the French ladies of my acquaint∣ance, and had no objection, as it is a fashion in this country, and think it no harm in any, when friends meet after a long absence. We that night had a dance; and Mr. Patterson not being able to speak French, nor the Banters, my doctorship was not discovered. The next day, I took my lodgings at Mr. Jauns••ings, the best house in the parish, & the old man has been such a friend to the Americans, that the priest of this parish will not confess him of his sins. Our chests arrived to day, with the news of my being a doctor; and I have had to undergo some strict examinations from the inhabitants, why I ne∣ver mentioned it before; but I made the same excuse that Duff did for me, and had previously advertised Capt. Smith and Mr. Dunning of the affair, who as∣sisted me in making fair weather in the doctoring way. The house I am now living in, is the same that Capt. M'Kenno first took his quarters at, when he came to this place; but the landlady and he did not altogether agree. I think one of her legs is crooked, though not lame; but she has a hawk of an eye. I thought it my duty to l••t Mr. Patterson know the ••oundation of my pretensions to physic, and am determined to do no harm to the inhabitants, if no good; indeed what Doctor Duff has sent, is obviously simple, and Patterson appears pleased with the attempt.

JAPAN, a large country in the most eastern part of Asia, with the title of an Empire, is between 130 and 144 degrees of east longitude, and between 30 and 40 degrees of north latitude. It is compos∣ed of several islands, the principal of which, are Niphon and Sacock—Niphon or Japan island, is about six hundred miles long, and from one hundred to one hundred and fifty broad; the chief town is Jeddo. The next largest island is Sacock, parted by a very narrow channel from Niphon, lying south of it, and is about five hundred miles round; the capital city is Bango. The third island in magni∣tude is Tonsa, divided from Niphon and Sacock by a very narrow channel, and is near four hundred miles in circumference; the capital city is Tonsa—besides these, are a great many lesser about them, subject to Japan. It was discovered by the Portu∣guese, in the year fifteen hundred and forty-two, being cast on shore by a tempest. The whole em∣pire is divided into seven countries, which are sub∣divided into seventy provinces. It is the richest country in the world for silver and gold. The air and water are very good. Cedars are common, and so large that they are proper for the masts of snips, and columns for temples. Their pearls are in great esteem. Japan is counted one of the best countries in Asia; the inhabitants are naturally ingenious, and have a happy memory; but their manners are diametrically opposite to those of the Europeans. Our common drinks are cold, and their's are all hot; we uncover the head out of respect, and they the feet; we are fond of white teeth, and they of black: we get on horseback on the left side, and they on the right; and they have a language so peculiar that it is understood by no other nation. They value their lives so little, that when a lord makes a feast

the domestics dispute who shall have the honor of cutting open their bellies before the guests. The sciences are highly esteemed amongst them; but treat the women with a great deal of severity, & pun∣••••h adultery with death; yet▪ a man may take as many wives as he pleases. On the other hand, bad houses are plenty, and sins against nature are tolerated. Those who have too many children make no scruple of destro••ing some of them; and many women kill them before they are born, especially if they think they are of the female sex. Their emperor is call∣ed Dairo, and resides at Meaco, and has no land, but has a right of selling titles and dignities, and the idolatrous priests make contributions. He wears a black habit, and a cap on his head; his feet must never touch the ground, nor must he ever be expo∣sed to the rays of the sun. He never cuts his hair nor beard, nor his nails, and all his victuals must be dressed in new vessels. When he goes abroad, he is carried by fourteen men in a litter, and surrounded with curtains, so that he may see and not be seen. He has twelve wives, who have each a palace, with singing and dancing women for his diversion; he has also an unlimited number of concubines. His palace is adorned with three hundred and sixty-five idols. The religion of the whole country is pagan∣ism; but there are two different sects, and yet there is no part of the world where there are more con∣verts than here; but the women are not chaste. The Dairo has sixty or seventy vassal princes or kings, as they are called, under his dominion, and can depose or punish them as he ••ees fit; they are obliged to attend the court one half of the year, and have each of them a house in the verge of the king's palace. The eldest sons of the nobility have their education at court, where they are kept till they are

preferred to some post. The Dairo is attended by five or six thousand of his guards when he goes out, and keeps up an army of 20,000 horse, and 100,000 foot, though to what purpose is not easy to conceive, having no enemies to contend with, unless he sus∣pects his vassals may prove malcontents. His reve∣nues are greater than those of any monarch upon earth. The Portuguese first trafficked with this country; but these and all other Christians have been banished Japan these last hundred years, on a pretence of a conspiracy the Portuguese and their Japan proselytes had formed against the state; the Dutch only were admitted this priviledge to trade thither; and it is said they declared themselves not to be Christians, and trampled on the cross to con∣firm the Japanese in this opinion; but the Japanese are so suspicious even of the Dutch, that when any of their ships arrive, they take away their sails, heim and guns, and carry them on shore until they are ready to sail, and the Dutch factors are shut up on a little peninsula, during the eight months their shipping is absent annually, and are not suffered to have so much as a lighted candle in their houses in the night time. The goods the Dutch, carry to Ja∣pan, are spices, sugars, silks, woollen and linen cloth, elephants' teeth, and haberdashery wares, and receive in return, gold, silver, fine copper, ca∣binets, and other japan and lacquered wares.—(This last account I have taken from an older date than Brooks' Geography.) The Japanese use nei∣ther tables, beds or chairs, but set and lie on car∣pets and mats, as the Turks do, &c. &c.

My landlady is the fiery dragon that conquered our great first commandant, Captain M'kenno, who had under his immediate notice four continent∣al prisoners; a rigid S••o••••hman. He ••••••en appear∣ed

to lament that Captain Brownson should be hung, on account of his being more advanced in life than either of us; but, as to our part, it was not of so much consequence: one thing he was certain of,—that the whole of the rebel officers would be hung:—poor fellows, they must first catch and conquer them.

Mr. Jaun••••ing, appears to be a good sort of a man, and the old lady must be humored, She has two hawk-eyes, and crooked legs; but a lofty temper. They have an only daughter, who is tall and short, crooked and straight, thick and thin, handsome and ugly, sensible and foolish, rich and poor, walks well and ill, is good and bad, generous and stingey, kind and disobliging, frank and a dupe, pleasant and dis∣agreeable, with a number of other good and bad qualifications: but I must again resume my landla∣dy. Her crooked back, and short petticoats, do not fail to draw my attention; and certain I am her legs bend out near the width of a water pail, and has feet like other Canadians. I am determined to form an alliance with her; for should war on her part be proclaimed, I am at once undone, having no forces to take the field.

Thursday, 24. An unfortunate young man, na∣med Peter Emmo, or Perish, was, on the morning of the 20th, cutting on a last, or rather trimming it, with the point of the knife towards him; it took a glance and struck into his breast. The wound appeared small; and I being present, he exclaimed, oh! Mr. Scudder, I am killed; or in French ja mort. But from the looks of the orifice, I was inclined to suppose him frightened, without the foundation of its being mortal. He was at work with Mr. Dun∣ning when it happened; I in earnest, immediately desired the father of the young man, to send to Que∣bec

for some doctor who was experienced in their language, forms, &c. but to no purpose, until the third day, when he was to appearance, on the close of life; though I went so far as to offer him the barks—yet nothing must be done for fear of a cop∣per. The father went to Quebec for a doctor, but before any relief could be obtained, he expired in a distressed situation. He was in the bloom of life, and ha••l in constitution, before the unhappy catas∣trophe. The minister of the parish attended him, and notwithstanding many Protestants make their scoff and ridicule of the Roman Catholic religion, I would not wish to be led into such folly; for in my opinion, no man ever appeared more sincere than the parson, who expressed himself as follows—"Perish, place your trust in God, for he alone is able to save you; we can do our duty, but the Almighty the whole." It is generally construed, that the Roman priests give the last benediction to dying persons, and forgive their sins, which Mr. Duran disap∣proves, any farther than it is an ordinance and com∣mand, to lay the hands on the sick, pray over them, and give the last sacrament, according to the order of Saint James; but as to be instruments of forgiving sins, he utterly denies it; or why should souls go to purgatory, everlasting misery, &c. A journal is in∣tended to put down what occurs to the mind; and sensible I am of sentiments, full of errors; but to give justice its due weight, relative to my ••ellow mortals, in particular as to the great article of religi∣on and adoration to the Supreme God, although they even vary from my opinion in points of their manner of devotion, it demands my most strict enquiry, whether they are not as sincere in their performan∣ces as myself and those who are brought up under the same profession with me. Education has a

strong propensity to form the mind, and from daily experience, it is not easy to pursuade a person from that which was cultivated in him from infancy. A chain of reflections on this may arise: but this I hold—that there is a just and merciful God, who is the former of worlds unknown, and every part thereof, and that whoever bows the knee to so great a Sovereign, with a heart full of humility, and hath a reverential eye towards him as their Parent of nature, humbly requesting a forgiveness of their sins, mercy awaits them in their final exit from this world, whatever their form of religion may be. Official characters, whose religion is their own, may despise those sentiments, and call them deistical; but in such breasts, philanthropy towards our fellow mortals must be wanting; for our Saviour says—"when I am lifted up, I will draw all men unto me:" yet I suppose a doubt cannot exist in a human heart, that it was the meaning of our Saviour, to draw all men unto him that did not pay a reverential homage to the Supreme Lord, and to cast their dependence on him only, and not on their particular manner of worship; or rather the form of ceremonies. Still as I before observed, persons are apt to be tenacious as to the mode in which they are educated, and have reason to suppose, often lay so great a stress on them as to fall into error, by placing too much de∣pendence on their outward performances; and what still adds to the presumption, those who are know∣ing to the contrary, will teach them such for the sake of gain; and would only wish to be understood, that every contrite heart will meet with a good re∣ward; therefore, it is necessary to look to ourselves, as well as of different persuasions, lest we discover the mote in their eye, and not the beam in our own.

February 10. Great feasting commences again.

Monday, 11. The inhabitants assemble and feast with sociability.

Tuesday. Mr. Patterson and myself took a walk to the other side of the parish this morning, where we found the people, to appearance, like stupid ani∣mals; for they have eat and drank, danced, sung and capered, until they now appear almost like stu∣pid manuments; but as it is the last day of their feasting, and then fasting for forty days commences, in the cogitation of my brain, in one hour, two mi∣nutes and five seconds, they will begin to srisk., The fact is, in this country, generally speaking, the inhabitants live vastly poor, to what they do in the states of America: for their breakfast is constantly a piece of bread, and if an onion can be had it is an excellent repast. Their dinner is at twelve o'clock, which is made by boiling a small piece of pork or beef, but mostly pork; and in the winter, the inha∣bitants have peas, with vegetables, which are boiled▪ with the meat, and have also shred cabbage, onions, &c. and to finish, a bowl of bread cut thin, which tastes palatable, and is for dinner and supper; but in summer, meat is commonly scant. I have known hard labouring families to breakfast on bread, dine and sup on any kind of vegetables that can be ga∣thered, such as long sorrel, and other wild herbs, before their gardens come on: these herbs are boiled and bread is shred into them, with some milk, and not a morsel of meat; but I am informed the whole province do not live in so poor a manner; but they never make a dish of coffee or chocolate, and as to tea, they are entirely ignorant of it. I am told it was formerly the custom for the inhabitants to have a little cheap wine, which is called black strap, or the dregs of port, to drink a glass of in the morn∣ing

with their bread, or a little rum; but I see none of the like on this island, except on such occa∣sions as their feastings, &c. I have attempted to inform them, in my way of jabbering French, the way in which the Bostonians live (for such all the American people are called by the Canadians.) In the first place, we have our tea, coffee, or chocolate, in the morning, and a piece of beef, cheese or short∣cake; and for dinner, we have meat plenty, and very little soup, with turnips, potatoes, cabbage, and garden roots, &c. In the afternoon, tea again; and for supper, either meat, bread and ve∣getables, or a dish of mush and milk; and in winter a mug of cyder, and that we thought nothing of giving away a mug or two in the evening's chat, to a neighbour, &c. and to be sure I told as good a story of my native place as it deserved, and of the American States in general, which drew great at∣tention. I also informed them, that the ladies of our country wore high-heeled shoes, and the richest cloth, and that every day; which information they could stand no longer, and exclaimed, "La Bostona montier cum la diabol:"—that is, the Bostonian lies like the devil: for the women of this country all wears mockisons every day, as well as the men.

They have potatoes in this country, but do not raise so plenty as in the states, and I have seen very few turnips or garden roots, except onions, which are generally raised, and are large; but the idea of garlics being much used in this province, I believe is ill-founded, as I have never ••een any eat. No peo∣ple are more fond of gay gardens than the landlords, who are called seniors; for the province generally is inhabited by tenants under great landholders, who pay but a trifling rent.

Wednesday, 13. Soup meagre, or lent, com∣mences,

and I think it a happy circumstance; for two days more must have given them such a surfeit, that nature would scarcely have recovered, had they con∣tinued in the same way as the three preceding days. It is astonishing how they will gluttonise, from the aged to the children, in these times. It is common to rise on the first day, about twelve or one o'clock at night, and no bounds are set, in particular as to eating. They now appear like snakes just come out of the frost. However, the forty days without any, meat will make an alteration in their appetites; but I have some expectation yet to be called on as physi∣cian, to administer relief.

INDOSTAN, Proper India, or the Empire of the Great Mogul, is bounded on the west by Persia, on the south by the western Peninsula, on the east by the eastern Peninsula, and on the north by seve∣ral kingdoms of Independent Tartary. It is a vast country, and is at least two thousand five hundred miles in length, and is very fertile in all kinds of corn, and all the commodities of the East Indies are to be met with here. The inhabitants are more hu∣mane with regard to strangers, and not so great enemies to Christians as the Turks, although they dress in the same manner, and take several wives, being much addicted to luxury. The Great Mogul, was the richest prince in the world, especially in di∣amonds and precious stones, till Ko••ly Khan, the last king of Persia, deprived him of all his treasures. The government is despotic, and the Great Mogul is master of the lives and fortunes of his subjects. He often takes away lands that any one has cultiva∣ted, and gives worse in their room. His revenue is said to amount to near fifty millions a year, sterling, and has an army of two hundred thousand soot,

with five hundred elephants magnificently harnessed. When a Mahometan subject dies, all his effects be∣long to the Emperor, himself being a Mahometan, and there are a great number of governors under him; some have the title of Nabobs, and he gene∣rally bestows on them lands sufficient to maintain their dignity; and their troops and revenues are so considerable, that these governors are like so many petty kings: but they are obliged to make large presents to the Great Mogul, and make their court to him, otherwise their riches would be taken from their families after death. There are no fixed laws with regard to their succession, which produces ma∣ny intrigues and quarrels among the sons who are the descendants of Tam••rlane. The empire of the Great Mogul contains twenty provinces, besides which, he hath many kingdoms and territories. Tamerlane was the founder of this empire, &c. &c.

PETERSBURGH, a large handsome city, the capital of Russia, built by Peter the Great, Czar of Muscova, in the year 1703. It is of prodigeous extent, and contained not long ago, sixty thousand houses. It is seated on an island, which lies in the middle of the river Neiva, where the land is consi∣derably raised. The worst of this place is, that the land is not high enough to escape inundations, which at times has occasioned the loss of vast sums of mo∣ney, by reason of the fortifications being washed a∣way before they were well finished. The breadth of the river at Petersburgh, is about half a mile; and as it is very deep and rapid, the building of a bridge over it was held impracticable, whereupon it was proposed to the Czar, Peter the Great, to make a bridge of pontoons or boats; but he would not con∣sent to it, he said, because his intention was to

breed up as many watermen as he could, and these he prohibited the use of oars, that they might learn to manage sails; but these boatmen being ignorant peasants, many people were drowned in passing from one part of the town to the other, at first. The nobility and people of distinction were obliged to build grand houses here, but the generality were timber houses, till they began to burn brick, and the town now appears with a much better face than it did at first. The trade was small and provisions scarce, because the lakes Ladoga and Onega, had not depth enough to carry large vessels, but Peter the Great, remedied this inconvenience, in 1720, by cutting a canal from lake Ladoga, of about seventy-five miles in length, seventy feet in breadth, and ten in depth; ten years were employed in this work. It is a vast place of trade, and flourishing. All kinds of religion are tolerated, and foreigners have the same privileges with the natives. A new road is made between Petersburgh and Moscow, in a straight line across the forests, planted with trees on each side; five hundred and fifty miles in length, and at every eight miles is a large post, sat up to direct travellers, and at every station are twenty horses kept saddled and bridled for an immediate ex∣press. The inhabitants are reckoned at one hun∣dred thousand, from all countries, there being not many original natives. It may seem strange that Peter the Great, should fix upon this place to build his capital city, it lying in a barren country, and so ••ar to the north, that they scarce enjoy the light of the sun in the winter; but it was in order to have a communication with the Baltic sea, and that his subjects might traffic with the rest of the nations of Europe, for as yet there was no sea that touched upon the territory of Russia, but that of Archangel, to

which shipping was obliged to pass through the fro∣zen ocean. It was notwithstanding the prospect of trade, with great difficulty that the Czar compassed this grand design, his subjects shewing the utmost averson to removing to this cold, barren country, as he commanded them, from all parts of his dominions, and such rubs were laid in his way by his nobility and officers, that it was thought impossible he should effect his design. There was neither sufficient tools or provisions provided for the workmen, who suffer∣ed all manner of hardships, insomuch that it is com∣puted no less than one hundred thousand people pe∣rished in laying the foundation, and building this metropolis. However, all difficulties were at length overcome, and the sixty thousand houses were all built in less than four years, and is now one of the largest and most populous cities in the world. The Czar established here an academy marine, to which he obliged every considerable family in his empire to send one of their sons or relations to be instructed in navigation; here also they learnt the dead langua∣ges, were taught to ride and fence, and other exer∣cises. He set up woolen and linen manufactories, had paper-mills, powder-mills, laboratories for gun∣nery and fire-works, places for preparing saltpetre and brimstone; he erected yards for making cables and tackling for his navy, and a foundery, where they are perpetually casting great guns, mortars, and small arms; the country furnishing him with vast quantities of iron-ore. A printing-house was also set up to encourage his subjects to enquire into the state of the world; and he sent many of them to foreign countries, to learn mechanic arts, giving great encouragement to foreigners to come to Pe∣tersburg, and instruct his people in every science; plays, operas, and music-meetings were also intro∣duced,

in a country where none of these arts of di∣versions were seen till the reign of Peter the Great. It is seventy-nine years from the time I am now writing this Journal, since Peter the Great first laid the foundation of Petersburg, after he had travelled through a great part of Europe, visited the dock yards of Amsterdam & London, in both of which he worked with his own hands. It is 355 miles N. W. of Moscow, 750 N. E. of Vienna, 525 N. E. of Copenhagen, and 300 N. E. from ••••ockholm; long. 30. 23. E. lat. 54. 56. north. [Partly from Brooks's Geography, and the Modern Gazetteer.]

Thursday, 28th▪ It being a snowy day, which my eyes are often saluted with; I take another turn of mentioning what superstition and gross ignorance, many Canadians are led into. The following in∣formation is given to me as a fact, by old people, and as many more as I have hairs in my eyebrows: In the parish on the other side of the river, which is named St. Ann, is the statue of St. Ann in the church, which they hold performs many miracles, such as restoring sight to the blind, healing the sick; and lame persons who go into the church on crutches are restored to health, and leave their crutches be∣hind as a standing monument of their being healed, which are any day to be seen in the chapel. I was urged to take a tour thither, and was assured I would find the crutches hanging up according to their word; but I never went, having no faith. However, as they say, about six years ago, a man had a little son murdered; the sister of the husband, who was privy to the murder of the child, told her brother, or the bereaved, that his wife was the per∣son who was guilty of the ••act; upon which he took his wife so accused, into the woods, in order to murder her: but she begged her life, and said if he

would break both her arms, she would never return until they were restored, which would be in three days, by praying to St. Ann; and if not, she would starve in said place, which would declare her guilt or innocence; and finally was persuaded to break both her arms. She requested a book might be pla∣ced before her, fixed on a stick, so that by blowing the leaves, she could turn them. As he was going from her, a thorn ran into his foot, which she pray∣ed might never be extracted but by her hands. The husband went home, but no relief could be found; and he was obliged to return to his wife although in the greatest pain. On his return he found her in the same place, perfectly restored to health; her arms were well, and she immediately pulled the thorn from his foot. They both recovered and re∣turned home with joy. They say the woman is now living in said parish. She was constant in prayer to St. Ann, who not only restored her arms and health, but told her who was the murderer of the child, and the young woman was hung, &c.

My doctoring has not added, as yet, much to my wealth. I have been called frequently to administer medicines; but make a bad hand of it, in particular as to bleeding. I was sent for by Mrs. Bunet (where Capt. Smith lives) to bleed her, and it being the first time I had ever attempted any thing of the kind, was much at a loss how to proceed; but receiving some directions from Smith, &c. I went to the house, where my patient was sitting by a stove, with her feet up to her knees in warm water. I asked her if she would be bled in the foot; she said no, la braun▪ or arm; on which, for the first time, I tied a garter, with judgment, as far as I knew at any rate. A large vein soon appeared, and I gave it the lancet, which made the blood ••ly merrily. The woman be∣ing

very warm, bled freely and soon began to grow faint; on which I untied the arm, but to no purpose; the blood ran, she fainted and cried out pinche! pinche! that was to pinch the orifice. I immediate∣ly obeyed orders, and held her arm from bleeding until she was lain on the bed; but the instant I took my fingers away, the blood would fly. At last Smith discovered an old powder horn, in which was common powder for hunting; he mashed some of the powder and put it on the place, which in∣stantly stopped the bleeding; and ever after that I carried mashed gunpowder with me to stop the blood, and was esteemed still a surgeon.

An old man on the other side of the parish who was unwel, sent for me. I gave him a portion of Glaubers salts; but it had no effect: I gave rhu∣barb, and the same I gave jallap, which the old man said stopped his mouth, for he had no stomach to eat; but by giving a clyster, gave vent to the whole. He lived a few days; but being old and low in health, and having for a long time been irregular in his bo∣dy, he left the world, and I hope in peace; at least I do not judge that what I gave him hastened him out any sooner; if it did, I was not to blame; for physic he would have. I have been examined by the parson of the parish▪ to know if my abilities in physic are equal to my pretensions. I observed that I was not able to talk with him in French, and La∣tin I was sensible he knew, but supposed his study had been on divinity, and not on physic; but if he scrupled me, to send for any doctor and I would be willing to undergo an examination, but it must be a man who could speak English, and I did not care how much Latin. He said it was well, and asked no further questions.

The Canadians are drowned in ignorance and

bigotry, full of errors, as I think; but I am sure are entailed to priestcraft, and apt to believe in su∣perstitious reports, which for my present amusement I am going to relate; and which I have from a man of as good credit as any in this place, viz.—That on the 2d day of November, the whole of the Roman Catholics throughout the world go to mass, and pray that the dead may be discharged from limbo or purgatory, and that all from thence may receive ab∣solution from Good. The same evening the inha∣bitants all keep within doors, for fear of seeing souls going from the lower to the upper world; and mentioned several who had been so presumptuous as to be out on that night, who had seen ghosts, and some were converted even into brutes, and continu∣ed so for several days. If any one has committed a flagrant crime, and does penance for a long time in limbo, the dead so detained appears to some survi∣ving friend; and if they have stolen or taken any thing unjustly, they desire them to discharge the debt, or make restitution, and entreat the church in their behalf. The man by whom this story is rela∣t••••, has (as he says) been once or twice attacked by these nocturnal visitants, and has (if he lies not) paid for a wrapper and petticoat which a woman had stolen, which was never settled for, and was brought against her in limbo, by some spiritual register, whom her policy could not deceive. She gave fur∣ther directions that he must pay for ten masses, which he and his wife, and several of the neighbors, de∣clare he paid the priest here and at Quebec; and this was discovered by the apparition in his barn, at open day. It is surprising the Canadians should ap∣pear to actually believe in such things, and for the gain of the priests (in being paid for masses) encou∣rage such folly. No people under the sun, in my

opinion, stand less to their word, than the Canadians; and they are not the most honest. Mrs. Lebbe, with whom Dunning lives, tells us, that whilst she was pregnant with her youngest child, she was very feeble, and promised St. Ann (who, if I understand, was midwife at the birth of our Saviour; but they seem to be at a loss in that matter, although they believe her to be such) that if she would deliver her of a living child, she would make a present of it to the saint; and the child being alive, is this day to be carried and offered. She was christened Mary St. Ann: indeed there is no girl but what the first part of the christian name is Mary, and generally some∣thing that bears a scriptural sound follows, though they are not generally called by the first part of their names: such as Mary Angelec, are called An∣gelic, &c. They say, if a person is excommunica∣ted from the church, they turn into a mad animal; generally into dogs, which will bite all that come in their way. Mrs. Bunet, my patient, says that her brother was one day walking with a pitch-fork in his hand, when he was pursued by one of those dogs. He endeavored to keep the creature off, but to no purpose, until he stabbed him so far with the fork, that the blood ran, when he immediately turn∣ed into the same person as before he was excommu∣nicated, and is now living, and that she is well ac∣quainted with the person.

There is a difference between an historian and a journalist; as the first is bound in honor to state facts, and the latter, to set down what comes under his notice; and on this occasion I would only further re∣mark, that the accounts I give of the French Cana∣dians, are related to me by them with a degree of enthusiasm; and to doubt in their presence any of these stories, will create warmth.

Some old men advised me not to sow my turnips until after the procession at St. Pierre, which was on the 10th of June; for then they expected the in∣sects would disappear: accordingly, to please them, I waited until the 17th and sowed with the neighbors; but they all shared the common lot: the grashop∣pers took the whole. The priests do not admit a person to be buried in their church-yard, if they find out that the said person had not confessed all his sins. The people will often go from one parish to another to confess; and if any one has been guilty of some gross sin, and dies unconfessed of it, he or she is bu∣ried on their place: and I am informed unbaptized infants are served in the same manner. I often at∣tend their mass, and never knew it fail, that some of them, having before confe••••ed their sins, receive the benediction; or, in our words, a pardon for their sins. The ceremony of the mass is performed with a seeming solemnity. The priest stands before the altar, in the middle of which is a small looking-glass; he puts his hand into a small locker behind the glass, and takes out a cup, which I suppose is silver, and washes it; after the cup is washed, he is for some time shuffling and speaking low: the clerks keep the whole time singing; and after a considerable bowing and continued speaking for a long time, the boys who wait on him bring a little white cup; he takes it, and pours something into a glass, and after some low, and to appearance inarticulate ••ounds being ut∣tered, and bowing frequently, he drinks what is in the glass; and after some time is again elapsed, he faces the congregation, when all who receive the be∣nediction, assemble at the front of the altar and kneel down, when the priest, after a short ceremo∣ny, gives each person, or rather puts into their mouths, a wafer. After all partake, they return to

their seats, and the whole congregation which, to appearance, at the whole of the mass before the sa∣crament was administered, were in the profoundest devotion, now sing a hallelujah, with transports o•• joy! The priest has two young men and several boys, all clad in white surplices, to attend on him during the mass; their business is to convey the books from one side of the altar to the other, in burning incense, &c. &c. At certain times in their ejaculations, a small bell is rang, which to appear∣ance awakens them to a more ardent devotion. They one and all (and I have talked with the most sensi∣ble of them) believe that our Saviour comes in per∣son behind the glass which is on the altar, and there sanctifies the sacramental wa••er; and that at the time the priest is uttering his devotion in a low tone, he is that instant talking with Christ, face to face, and hold that he is omnipresent, and can at one time be at a million, or a million of millions of masses, and sanctify the wafer; and are so full in the faith, that they fully believe, should they die the instant the wafer is put on their tongue, they would immedi∣ately ascend to Paradise. It appears to be hard to judge, lest I be judged; but one thing is certain—if they are erroneous in their doctrine, the common people are ignorant. However, this much can be said of the Roman Catholics, that in all their wor∣shiping, they believe, and endeavor in one part and the other of it, to commemorate the passions of our dying Lord. They never eat a piece of bread nor any kind of food, before they lay their hands on their breast, make the sign of a cross, and ask a blessing on the provision they are going to partake of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 They never lie down at night, nor rise in the morning, without going to prayer. I have often heard it re∣marked by the Protestants, that the Roman Catho∣lics

depended on their ceremonies to save them, and indeed some ministers will preach such doctrine. Ac∣cording to my opinion of the nature of things, rea∣son ought always to be the clue on which sound judgment should rest; for through all the different scenes of life, where on mature consideration, any thing appears unreasonable, it puts the mind in suspence: for instance, one will preach up this kind, and the other that kind of doctrine, to attain sal∣vation; but certainly no one, can condemn the great article of prayer. This we hold, that it is reasonable, rational, and right, to bow the knee, but more particularly the heart, to the Supreme God; therefore, so far as touches prayer the Ro∣man Catholics, cannot be condemned; and as to Christ's appearing in person, it must entirely be attri∣buted to ignorance, & the craft of priests. Solomon I think, somewhere tells us, that every generation grows wiser, and I am of opinion that bigotry in a few years will decrease fast, in particular through the United States, and that the people's eyes will be more awakened, than to believe that there is no get∣ting to heaven only by a certain persuasion; in fact, the different denominations have crept in through priest-craft, and to say such a mode is right, and no other, deserves the ridicule and scorn of an enlight∣ened people: still, as far as has come to my know∣ledge of the different persuasions, I condemn none; and for conscience sake, let all agree with Paul, that every man may be persuaded in his own mind, and not condemn another. This I also believe, that it is more justifiable to pray and worship God, than to live as thousands and tens of thousands of the Pro∣testants do, who seemingly go through the world with∣out the least affinity to devotion, and live and die like the wild asses colt. Good God! what an awful

scene must present itself to the poor soul that, after∣taking its departure from this lodgment of clay, will meet thy everlasting wrath! Oh, for some heaven∣ly visitant to soften this stubborn heart, and bow the unwilling knee! For ••ow can we escape if we neg∣lect so great salvation?

Part of a copy of a letter I received from Col. Gor∣don, dated

Quebec, March 14, 1782.

THE talk here is, that a flag has lately come to St. John's; but where from, o•• for what pur∣pose, we do not yet learn. Peace, peace, is in eve∣ry body's mouth; but for my part, I have heard nothing that can induce me to believe it, though I ardently wish it may be true. Mr. Hay and the other gentlemen, join in compliments to you and the gentlemen on the island who are brother prisoners.

From your humble servant, JAMES CORDON.

The word peace is in every Canadian's mouth!—Guardian Angel descend from the golden rooss above and aid my patience, amidst the present thoughts of transport and dispair, and enable me full-orbed to pen this news; and may it forever shine like a polish∣ed steel, and never be sullied! May the sweetest flowers that ever bloomed in the month of May, co∣ver those who have been instrumental in bringing about so great an event. Such an import fills the thoughts with such lively gratitude, that had I a golden pen, pointed with a diamond, how freely could I write this news! though aid is wanting on my part, but may I rise superior and bring all the animal passions subservient to the will: and, if dis∣appointed (which the Great Governor of the Uni∣verse forbid) may I stand the shock like a stubborn

oak, tossed by every wind, but still stand firm, where can the heart that was bred in America be found, that will not bless the maker of us all, and return thanks for being born in a land where liber∣ty is in a fair way of being displayed, and where we can all sit down under our own vine and fig-tree, in this once smiling wilderness, but now land of plenty, where all the comforts of life in a few years may spontaneously arise, by our industry, and a common providence; religion in its purity, our own laws, &c. all happily combined together. We are apt to scorn atheists and deists, and call them fools, &c. but what shall be said of tories, or ene∣mies to a country so greatly blessed by a kind pro∣vidence, and to a cause so miraculously supported thus far, by nothing short of a providential agency. He that will not see these things, and return a heart of gratitude to our all bountiful Jehovah, let him be an insidel.

March 16, 1782. We are making preparations to make sugar. I assure you, Scudder, your hands would not labor in these cold & inhospitable climes, in particular through the snow and such weather, to get a little sugar, if it could be helped or necessity did not enforce it. My doctoring thrives slowly:—but let me see what of the clock. I suppose it to be thirty three minutes after three. I must again at∣tend at a certain house in the parish, where a wo∣man has for a long time been very ill, and I have frequently attended to administer relief, having or∣dered in my serious and great judgment, flann•••• cloths dipped in warm herb teas, to be outwardly applied, and some bohea tea to take as a collateral, which in the inflamatory situation she appeared to be in, I thought must be vastly beneficial. I also ordered barley-water, and by turns a few drops of

acid of elixir in her bohea; yet, notwithstanding all these prescriptions were conformed to with alertness and punctuality, she delayed: I say she delayed; which occasioned another skillful physician to be sent for from St. Farme; and after his arrival, I was notified to give my attendance, which summons I immediately gave obedience to; and it being about three quarters of a mile, I drove pretty brisk on foot, until I came to the house where my bone fam, or good woman lay, and rapped at the door, and near as possible to resemble a great man; and having a doctor's shaped hat, entered the door, big with phy∣sic, and approached the doctor, who was seated in a chair: I say I approached him, and that with the most profound respect. He arose to pay me a com∣pliment, on which I discovered he was a man of a good size, and by his ruffles and dress, concluded he could speak French, & a noble aspect was in his phiz. I read that two great doctors were saluting each other, by way of bowing, nodding, and glancing at each other. Our present compliments ended by my seating the doctor. I then asked my patient, with somewhat more emotion of mind than was usual, how her health was. She answered deces maw, or slowly. I made strict inquiry whether my orders had been attended to, and was fearful some neg∣lect had taken place; but was answered satisfactorily. I felt of her pulse, examined her tongue and eyes, calling on my brother doctor to stand by and hear the examination, shewing my medicine, except my tea, which I told him was an American herb, and pro∣nounced her micure, or better: at which she said she thought she was, although seeble. We agreed she was feeble, but was in hopes of her recovery—on which we feated ourselves, and I had another view of my brother doctor. His eyes were of a

lightish cast and bespoke malice, although apparently full of submission, as I thought he seemed rather awed at my presence, having the fame of a great surgeon. However, after a few surveys on each other, and now and then a word, I arose with com∣posure, and asked him a civil question, which was no less than to take a small walk to consult about the good fam. He obeyed my summons; and after we were from the itching eyes of the whole world, I recapitulated the whole of my performances, and looked on her to be so feeble that medicine was use∣less. He pronounced judgment in my favor; for in his great opinion, he did not know, at so infeebled a situation, of any medicine that would afford relief: still we unanimously agreed, nem. con. to contem∣plate for a few minutes, if any medicine could be thought of for the woman's relief. A silence enfu∣ed, and we walked pensive and slow, wheeled with judgment and composure, casting up and down, form∣ing angles and triangles in our contemplations; and to be sure, to see my brother doctor (who I suppose knew very little more of physic than myself) in so deep a study, was a trial for me to endure; for I thought frequently, in spite of every effort, I should have laughed aloud on the spot. At length I spoke to the doctor; on which he accosted me in full po∣liteness, when I demanded if he had thought of any thing for the use of the patient? he shook his head. Again, he was asked if he thought on any outward application, except what had already been tried? He shook his head. Again, I asked what he thought of her? He shook his head, and said mallard, which is bad. Can medicine do any good? He shook his head, and said no again. Will not a little rosemary be of use? He said we, or yes. We then judicious∣ly agreed on diet, and a few rosemary drops to be

given to assist the stomach. A small quantity was given in a phial. I told my patient to keep good courage, that we were in hopes of her life. My doctor confirmed the same. After which I, being a man of business, was about leaving the house, and offered my hand to the doctor, by way of farewel, and asked, while our hands were shaking—Doctor, will you visit the patient again? He shook his head.—Will you visit me me? He shook his head—Will you come if again called on by me? He answered, yes. These questions being over, I then read that a physician's hand had hold of a physician's hand, and great hands they were, particularly as to physic. Our bodies were brought forward with regularity and decorum, and▪ a due regard to our feet being properly placed, having my eye the whole time up∣on my brother doctor, who appeared to be a Cana∣dian and a man of good parts; his hair white, red nose, short waisted coat, clumsy under clothes and parts which they covered. I had the honor of his company to the door, and he wished me good speed.

March 17. It being Sabbath day, on which I have more retirement than on other days of the week, some occurrences are brought to my mind, which have happened in life, particularly in the ar∣my. It was a custom to keep St. Patrick's day, which I believe very few knew the meaning of, and I must confess to be ignorant of the cause to this mi∣nute; yet it was a custom, like many other customs that have a tendency to folly. How much more im∣proving would it be, to endeavor to season the mind with reason, and resolve to have the intellectual part governing and directing me to love and even embrace all the dispensations of Providence towards me; to preserve the dignity placed in the breast pure and undisturbed, and amid a croud of imagin∣ations,

still be calm, and follow with a graceful re∣verence the dictates of sound reason; never speak∣ing against truth, or acting against justice; nor ever quit the road which leads to the true end of life.

Thursday, 21. We have begun to prepare troughs for making sugar, which made my hands sore enough.

Sunday, 24. My poor carcase is pretty much worn in the sugar preparation, having cut wood, dug troughs, dug snow, and what not. I am rack∣ed in every joint; my limbs are stiff, the nerves throb, and convulsed feelings pervade my whole frame, and to add to my comfort, I am called on to go two miles to bleed a poor man, and cannot of con∣science ask any pay.

I have paid my patient his visit, and on my return, found a man who yesterday left town, and he informs me, that the news of peace is vanish∣ed. What shall I now say! However, in this jour∣nal a remark will not be amiss: for in spite of my pretended efforts, I am sunk to the centre; for so contrasted a message, strikes the root of all my hopes. But surely the day is at hand: I will never give it up. How am I tossed on this life's tempestu∣ous sea. Yesterday the mind (though the body was digging in snow) was like a vessel with her ••ails full spread, in sight of the desired harbor, but lost on the rocks at her entrance:—So it is with poor man. Our imaginations spread far and wide; we sail on the imaginary billows, but do not fathom the diffi∣culties of the ocean on which we are embarked; for life is often compared to the troubled sea, a warfare, &c. therefore let this teach me, that all earthly dis∣appointments should be my schoolmaster, to aid me in ••••cking for a better, yea, a heavenly country.

Wedensday. 27. We have got our sugar-works

in order, and cut seven cords of wood, to pay the owner ••or permission to make sugar. The labor that I have gone through for some days past, has a tendency to divert the mind, but there is still a hea∣vy impression, which is encreased by some conversa∣tion Capt. Smith and I have had on the immortality of the soul; as some pretend there is no surviving after death; some will agree that the soul lies dor∣mant, and will not awake until the morning of the resurrection, when it will rise up and appear as from an over night's slumber. These are weighty ideas; but I hold, with Cato, that the soul is secu∣red in its existence, and will flourish forever in im∣mortal youth; for it is ever on the wing, by day and by night, searching after new hidden objects, building castles in the air, and, as Doctor Young says, walking among the stars. The mind being never inactive, is a great proof that the soul is too noble to cease; for in case of its being dormant after death, that part of eternity which was begun in man when he became a living soul, must be lost; there∣fore at the first embryo of man's creation, I am ful∣ly of opinion, it is for nothing short of an endless duration. But such meditations are too deep for me, who am of a weak understanding, and wanting in education: but so far I will ••ay—that these senti∣ments are my own, and not borrowed, as Captain Smith differs with me in this part. He is a man of sense, but in this I think he is erroneous.

Friday, 29. Yesterday and last night we had a remarkably severe snow storm. The young wo∣men went last night to the house of worship, where a mass was held. The women continued the whole night in the chapel, in order to keep watch, or to commemorate the night in which our Saviour was betrayed. Their forty days lent finished yesterday,

and this being the day on which they hold Christ was crucified, they eat no breakfast, although they have not tasted of meat in forty days, and the day is held very solemn, with a general mass. It must be confessed by all who are spectators to all their dif∣ferent modes of worshiping, that no people can take more pains to go to heaven than they do; and as to their pinning their ceremonies on their sleeve, ac∣cording to some observations, what is that to me, or another, since they are up and doing? They cer∣tainly shew more rationality in this, than in making no pretence towards devotion; and they will posi∣tively say, that it is their duty to worship, and by seriously serving God, and commemorating our Sa∣viour's different passions whilst on earth, they trust will finally be a means of making them happy.

For my part, it is not my intention to ever pro∣fess the Roman Catholic religion, although I believe the first foundation of it to have been a good institu∣tion•• for instance, their commemorating our Saviour's different scenes on earth, I think cannot be amiss; though I find no scripture to order it. But there have several enormities crept into their church through the design of the popes, bishops, priests, &c. that in fact the people are real vassals and slaves to the priests, who ought to be their shepherds, instead of their tyrants! therefore I think it a miraculous hand of providence that the eyes of some were so awakened, and the firmness of others supported in attempting to revolt from such errors; and this to me is a great evidence of the authentici∣ty of the b••ble, ••or nothing short of the aid of Om∣nipotence could have carried on the Protestant re∣ligion at so dark a day, when the whole power of the Roman government was in opposition, both the civil and ecclesiastical, which led to martyrdoms and

every kind of cruelty; and it is recorded in the history of England, that in the reign of Queen Ma∣ry, so many were burnt by martyrdom, that it made fire-wood scarce. These things must, accord∣ing to my opinion, have been done through an en∣thusiastic zeal. In my retired moments, my pen and thoughts are my only comforts, and I am led to think that nothing can be more sweet than those things which are agreeable to that nature which tends to wisdom, simplicity of intentions, and a pure and God-like sincerity; these added to outward acts of devotion; must secure the mind, and keep the thoughts from soaring after objects which cannot be attainable.

Antoninus justly observes, that if God has ••o power at all to aid men, why do they pray? But if they think he hath power, why do they not chuse to pray to relieve themselves from difficulties. But some will say, "I have it in my power to relieve myself," when he owes his existence to God, and notwith∣standing he does not deign to petition the Supreme Being, yet that very Maker and Preserver relieves him in distress. Well might our Saviour say, the sin of ingratitude is worse than witchcraft.

Sabbath, 31st A pleasant day. My health is much recovered. What a variety of disorders have run, and perhaps will still pursue through this con∣stitution of life; but e're long (at the most) like a taper, it will take its flight.

Monday, April 1, 1782. This morning having some business with Mr. Dunning, I descended pretty early to his quarters, and was saluted by the family with a bone jure, or good morning. They asked me if we were going to tap our trees to day, in order to make sugar? I answered in the affirmative; they replyed, that this and to-morrow were holy days to

them, and that if we commenced working on either of these days, God would blast our undertakings. I expressed to them our unwillingness to labor on their worshipping days, which I should deem as an in∣fringement, provided we trouble them; but as we were urged by motives of necessity, occasioned by our being prisoners, and having no support except a common soldier's ration, together with its being good weather, and the season far advanced, induced us to undertake the disagreeable task:—but all to no purpose. They insisted that their prayers would gain us more sugar if we delayed a few days. I an∣swered, that I believed both their prayers and reli∣gion to be good, but as to looking for miracles in our necessary callings, I could not be full in the faith. They still persisted, and recapitulated the many mi∣racles God had wrought for them:—I told them it was a great blessing if Providence was so favorable in such extraordinary aids, and that neither the Ro∣man Catholics nor Protestants had a right to doubt of his goodness; but on the religious part, I profess∣ed we did not look for miracles; and that if my me∣mory served, that they had met with instances of disappointments, for they could not kill nor drive a∣way the grasshoppers and other insects the two last summers. The old lady was about leaving her bed when she sprang up in a great rage, and we had the whole family to encounter, the wife, husband, daugh∣ters, &c▪ but I like a great soldier, kept the field, and heard their harrangues, which was a loud ••clat upon this and that miracle; and recapitulated more than ever they or I shall know. The old woman appeared the most in earnest, and after her whistling pipe was nearly expended, she ran to Dunning, and in a low and faultering voice, said—"Monsieur Dunning, if you will believe me, if our old priest

had not been so devilish lazy last summer in praying, he might have destroyed all the insects, as the priest before him had done, for the Curate or pries•• who lived here before, would kill so many that they could be scraped up by hands-ful." We did not adhere to the people, and having a commander (a large Dutchman whom Smith and I appointed, and an old experienced warrior in the sugar boiling) the fol∣lowing orders appeared, and were strictly attended to.

GENERAL ORDERS, By H. Banter, commander in chief of the sugar works on the Isle of Orleans, in the province of Canada.

HEAD-QUARTERS, April 1st, 1782.

WHEREAS, for the procurement of a well con∣ducted plan to operate in the important undertaking which is now in adjudication, and for the prevention of many perturbations, erroneous and unph••••o••ophic plans and manoeuvres which have hitherto proved greatly prejudicial, to the common cause and our enterprising pursuits. It is therefore ordered, that to obtain a well regulated plan for the purpose above mentioned, that no person may presume to act, speak or think on any other branch of this manoeuvring, than what has heretofore been wisely adopted and pursued with invariable success, at father's sap works. The commander in chief has no doubt but his orders will be obeyed with explicity and chearfulness; and having a full reliance on the party that he has the honor to command, in his opinion portends events not to be paralelled 〈◊〉〈◊〉 history. Two induce∣ments appear ••lattering; first, the faithfulness of his subjects, and secondly, the firmness with which he has ever conducted himself in such a crisis, by which he never failed of obtaining a full source

of sap; and he declares upon the word of an old and experienced sap boiler, that he obtained a penny half-penny more in a pound for his sugar than any of his neighbors. He now proceeds to point out the rules which has, and ever will conduct him with stability and firmness, as long as his internal and ex∣ternal constitution will ad••••t. The troughs being now finished, he orders that they be immediately carried to the trees that are to be tapped, and placed at the bottom of said trees; it will not do so well to lay them down, because, do you see, they ought to be set up; the reason in this, for because, do you see, if they are set up with one end against a tree, they will not lay down, do you see; and another thing is this, why the reason is plain, because do you see, if they are set up, the snow and ice will not get in; I say one end ought to be up against a tree, for it may rain and then freeze, and ••••ll them chuck full of ice, and then it would plague us 〈◊〉〈◊〉: and let me see further—Oh! why if the troughs are set up with one end against the trees, they must be turned bottom upwards. Secondly, a p••••ce should be dug in the snow; that is, I mean, do you see, that a square hole should be made about as large—let me think—why, I suppose, six feet square; and for that matter, it is no matter how large, if it was twenty feet square; but do you see, eight feet will answer, for the snow is nation deep—I guess above four feet, and we want this place for a little cabbin, to put up some crotches, lay poles on them, and brush over and the like, which will keep the rain out, but not much neither, do you see, but will prevent the snow con∣siderably, and will cover us some times, do you see, and we do exactly so at father's works.

For my amusement, I will form a sham battle in tapping the maple trees (which are in French called

Rabs,) and I am of opinion there will be near as much truth in my displayed battle among the trees, as in the accounts which have frequently appeared in Hugh Gain's and James Rivington's Gazettes, of the royal battles, carnage, and great victories, &c. that have been obtained by the omnipotent British, over the poor rebels, when at some times not a man or beast ••••d been touched. Our commander in chief is stiled Mentus Blodget; our waiter is a Ma∣jor-General, and called Bajezet: Gigantic is the o∣ther young man, and he is also a General.

HEAD-QUARTERS, April 2nd, 1782.

GENERAL ORDERS,

THAT the army be in readiness to-morrow morning, and to march at the first beat. General Bajezet will command the right wing, and Gigantic the lef••; Adjutant-General Columbus will take post in the centre of the army.

April 3d. At seven in the morning, Mentus a∣lone, with looks filled with thoughts and deeds, and after a solemn pause, at length he speaks—"This day is big with the fate of Mentus and of sap. The sky is lowery, but now and then serene. What a dreadful hour is now at hand! My mind would feign wander from its woe; but a hardy soldier will never shrink, although the fate of kingdoms were at one important stroke, at stake. My men are hardy, and Generals firm, and have no doubt of their valor. I will rouse myself from this supiness, and put on the veteran at once. Beat up to arms."

Eight o'clock. The drums do beat, a courier is dispatched to inform the General that the army is ready to advance, and waiting now for orders.

Half after eight. The army marches regularly and slow. We approach our enemy with the un∣dauntedness that becomes men of firmness.

Half after nine. The columns are formed, an•• all in order for battle, on which our chief does thus address:

My Worthy Army, It is to you I now address myself—and what a happiness must your General feel, when on a retros∣pective view, your courage, your valor, appears un∣daunted; nay, from such hardy firmness as is now displayed in every countenance, victory on our side assuredly bespeaks and forbodes events full of tri∣umphant praise, and will redound to your immortal honor. But why do I take up your time; I see your anxiety for the onset. All is pensive; a courier is coming. Mentus's orders! Give place! give place!

Columbus.

What news my noble General?

Most worthy 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the enemy have formed columns upon columns, and with a haughtiness disdain your force.

Mentus.

"Lead on my brave and noble Generals; your troops will meet them in array; my presence shall be through 〈◊〉〈◊〉 line of battle. Follow your leaders with a becoming firmness, like Romans and not Britons. Let nothing daunt your adamantine hearts. Their southern ambuscades shall first feel the resentment of our revenge." Mentus is in the hottest part of the battle, besmearing his hands, and wielding a falchion instrument of a ghastly size in one hand, and in the other holding an olive leaf, in token of a noble expansion of heart. Their columns are solid, and almo•••• irresistable; but Mentus ex∣pands his foot steps from pole to pole, and Bajezet seems to scale 〈◊〉〈◊〉 herial blue. The elements re∣sound and echo back the fame of the hardy veterans. Gigantic presses on with a resolution not to be para∣lelled. Our general's spears are wielding with the

prospect of success. They seem to vie with each other in bravery; how does the hills and dales re∣dound to the conflict; but through much fatigue, an interval appears at hand.

Mentus (by himself.) The day hangs heavy.

My Generals and men are brave; but the enemy are hardy. And what a sight is this; on the capa∣cious plains now ruddy to the sight, are many for∣ever lost. What a pity the ambition of potentates should so deface the greatest work of nature! The day is doubtful; what a dread event! An awful interval seems at hand between the birth of plots, and the lives of thousands, and may finally over∣throw and be the dissolution of kingdoms, to satisfy ambition. Our generals take some respite, to re∣double the onset. We again view Bajezet and Gi∣gantic, collecting all their force. Their brows are knit; they rally again and advance with horror in every wrinkle of their visage. They will accumu∣late revenge, and meet their enemy with terror thick as hapless Egypt ever felt. Bajezet and Gi∣gantic gains the ground, inch by inch, purchased dear. Smoak issues as from mount Etna, thick as sabled mid-night darkness. All is clangor and de∣vastation. The carnage is invincible. But methinks I hear another sound. Our chief resumes his former shrine; the enemies give way; their columns are broken; victory is proclaimed. Bajezet and Gigantic has made the conquest compleat. Their colours are flying, red with success. The enemies are scatter∣ed into worlds unknown, and they like hardy aven∣gers, overtake and captivate the rear. Sol with his beams will arise from the eastern horizon, and with his radient glory salute their arrival.

Captain Smith and myself, by many hard strug∣gles

in the cogitation of our brains, have descended with our mathematical heads, and pursued almost all the branches of theory, by contemplating late and early, in forming angles and triangles, and passing on with resolution into every rule of arith∣metic, in adding and diminishing, casting in full speed up and down, turning and winding, crossing and meeting, joining and separating, dividing and subtracting, and observing every corner and crevice, looking and searching, measuring and g••aging, to find the strenth and quantity of sap, to make a cer∣tain bulk of sugar, and find to a demonstration, that a bushel of sap will make one pound, one quar∣ter, 2 ounces and 13 grains.

Saturday, 20th. We have given up our sugar works; and, for my part, I have obtained twenty-two pounds, which makes me rich; and, what is not common for people in riches and splendor, I am contented with my lot; and sure I am, it has been dirty, hard, ragged business, and by turns occasion∣ed my carcase to briskly jump by day, and at night ••oll fast on my couch; my nice paws resemble a Ca∣nadian's, and dull sprightly limbs, have often throbbed, the nerves beat like a drummer to arms, my slender corpulent body more than common emaciated, and the senses, if I mistake not, more obscure; but I am again at leisure to speak, act or think, therefore adieu to r••b and noble Mentus! But I must confess that so long a state of inactivity as I have had since being a prisoner, produces a sensible feeling, that should I be so fortunate as a∣gain to return to my native coutry, it may be a means of deranging my constitution so much, as will render it hard for me to follow business that re∣quires activity, for the support of myself and family ••he few remaining days or years that may be allowed

me:—But, as Antonin••s says, why should I be dis∣turbed at any thing which happens in life, or be over anxious for the things which are to come, since all circumstances whether prosperous or adverse, are known by him who gives or withholds the donation. Pope, in his universal prayer, says,

" This day be bread and peace my lot, All else beneath the sun, Thou know'st if best bestow'd or not, And let thy will be done."

Sabbath, April 21. The face of nature once more begins to resume an agreeable aspect. The earth, our ancient and first mother, again makes her appearance, after having been smothered for nearly seven months in snow. I cannot but observe how rejoiced every thing in this country appear at the departure of so large a bulk of snow. The lowing of cattle, return of birds, &c. all seem to join in one universal choir, to welcome the beauties of the earth, which I was never so sensible of as since liv∣ing in this country. This globe, interwoven as it is with hills, dales, rivulets, and the interspersion of landscapes, with the variety of colours, all present∣ing to view, is something grand and pleasing, and bespeaks a great forming hand. The old philoso∣phers seemed to vie with each other who should most extal the grandeur and pleasantness of this immense globe, and were willing to return to her again. Xenophon, in describing the life of his prince as a pattern of good nature and charity in all his differ∣ent scenes of life, describes him, even on his death bed, as being pleased with the reflection, that while the soul returned to him who made it, his body would incorporate with the great mother of all things, and by that means become beneficial to man∣kind, for which reasons he gave his sons positive or∣ders

not to enshrine his body in gold or silver, but to lay it in the earth as soon as the life was gone out of it. What a noble instance of humility, and sen∣timent of philanthropy, was here! How different from the description of Harvey, where he speaks of the timorously nice ••reature who dared hardly to venture her foot upon the gravel, but now a naked, ghastly skull. And I am of opinion that every real christian who expects e're long to be compleatly hap∣py in the celestial realms of everlasting bliss, free from troubled seasons and angry skies, feels as little concern on reflecting that their mortal part must mingle with the dust, as Xenophon's prince did.

April 24. The inhabitants begin to sow their wheat, although large snow banks are on the sides of the fields, by the sences.

25th. Sowed some garden seeds. The wind has blown hard at the northeast for ten days.

28th. A brig passed down the river, supposed with prisoners on board for St. Pa••••'s Bay. On the 25th, I lost a venerable old patient, of seventy six years of age; he had been a long time unwel, and in spight of medicine, he is dead. My doctoring still is dull, but I have courage that my skill will lift me up yet.

May 1. The snow is chiefly gone, except in banks; but nature looks as dead, with respect to vegetation, as in January.

Tuesday, 14. This day I visited the old priest, which is the first time since last fall: yet I have been often invited▪ but his having a great deal of compa∣ny, and sometimes business myself, prevented; how∣ever, at this time we had a long chat. He is a droll man, is from Old France, and warmly attached to the British crown; and his reasons for the favorable wishes he appears to have for that empire, seems

grounded on a desire, that a balance of power may ever be kept up; and says he would be sorry to see one nation rise superior to another: but as all at present are balanced, he wishes that concordance may continue, and seems apprehensive that if Ame∣rica should be independent, the crown will lose that weight of balance which it ought to have; although he appears to have a desire that the Americans may not be enslaved, but may be set on the same footing as before the war, which sentiment agrees with ab∣stracts from two letters intercepted, and which ap∣peared in the Quebec Gazette, said to be written by Mr. Deane, in France; one was directed to his brother in Virginia, and the other to Major Tall-man, at General Washington's head quarters, set¦ting forth himself to be much dejected on account of the contest with Great Britain, pointing out so many difficulties, and the vast expence it will occa∣sion should we become free and independent states. He urges that, in his opinion, we could make a peace with that crown honorable to ourselves, and advantageous to both England and America, and a firm establishment to the protestant faith; but if England should be too far reduced, it would be dan∣gerous not only to the liberties of America, but to her religion also. The date of these letters is "Pa∣ris, May 20, 1781." I do not believe the copy is genuine; but I fear some remarks relative to the protestant religion may, in case England should be reduced, prove too true; as the Canadians make no scruple of telling us, that if France reduces Eng∣land, they will make them and the Americans be∣come Roman Catholics. Mr. Duran says, that he does not think it right to persecute people for their religious sentiments, and he thinks the Protestants can go to heaven as well as the Catholics; but says

the Protestant clergy have a much easier way: they marry and have families, and pray now and then:—but the Roman Catholic priests cannot marry; they must rise every morning and attend to prayers until nine o'clock, and then confess the people till twelve, and from two until five; and then to mass at seven constantly. Indeed I must say, that I never saw any man so faithful in prayer as the one I am now writing of. He rises exactly at six in the morn∣ing, in winter and summer (as I have often passed by the church in the summer, and always heard the bell ring at six, and never failed of finding him at prayer.) Sometimes he walks back and forth bye the meeting house, when there are not people to at∣tend prayers; and I fully believe, if the king of France was to pass him in his devotion, he would not appear to take any notice of him. Indeed he says, that if the king goes bye when they are at prayer, he takes his hat off, or if he even passes a church, small chapel, or cross; and I never saw any, from the grey head to the youth, pass a meeting house, cross, or the like, but they walk with their hats off, and put up a short prayer. I was once in a boat in the river St. Lawrence, with several Ca∣nadians, who, on passing a church, all went to prayer. How far this is right let every one judge.

How natural it is for the mind to be anxious a∣bout the cares of this world! And indeed we are sent into it to act our part upon the great theatrical stage, and if we do not perform our temporary, as well as spiritual, warfare aright, we fall short of acting with propriety that part for which we were designed. I have often reflections about my two poor little chil∣dren whom I left in infancy: but they are under the guidance of a guardian God. Still it is necessary and right that they should be educated, which I trust

they will; but if it should please the Great Parent of the dear pledges to arrange them among those who cease to be, let me learn contentment; always remembering how uncertain are all sublunary objects. Some are hastening into being, and some are hasten∣ing to be no more, on earth. These changes renew the world, and ever present new parts of the infinite eternity that lies before us; therefore, what is there in this rolling tide, which is constantly flowing and ebbing, worthy of our attachment, any more than if we should grow fond of a sparrow flying? We should consider life as now finished, and what little surplus remains, should he spent agreeable to God.

May 15. I read the king's speech of the 27th of November last, in which he gives information to his parliament of the loss of his army in Virginia, which he says calls loudly for a more spirited exertion in or∣der to restore peace to his deluded subjects. Poor man! he has not been the instrument of causing blood enough to be shed as yet, particularly on our frontiers; and yet is very unwilling to burthen his subjects with new taxes. I cannot believe the Brit∣ish empire will ever prosper for their cruel and sa∣vage treatment to the Americans; and I should not wonder if, at some future day, the judgments we now undergo from their oppression should fall on their own heads; and whatsoever measures they meet, should be measured to them again, although they may have no Indians to fear: but I pray that something resembling them may scourge those who have been the instruments of scourging us. I view the United States as a free and independent empire, although further pretended British exertions are threatened, in order to reduce us to obedience; and the language of the hardy Britons, cry aloud that it must be so. I can hear nothing but that the obedi∣ence

of the Americans will be the only means of re∣storing peace: but the story is so old, that it appears ••uite thread-bare to me, and I guess pretty much 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to them. This, however, is my own opinion, for I am cooped up in this corner of the globe, like a moving statue, deprived of every kind of use to my country and fellow creatures: for as to my doctor∣ing, had I ever so much custom, it would be as use∣less as Davis's ballad, the title of which was "a ••out about nothing." General Haldimand, the commander is not omnipotent, but no being in a ci∣vilized power is more arbitrary—for all kinds of loud news that has the least favor towards the Americans, is kept out of the province; even the king's speech did not appear in the newspapers here: I read it in an English paper sent me by a friend. Ask a man for news, and he will whisper that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 has heard so and so—"but keep it to yourself, and for God's sake don't spread it as from me, that it may come to the ears of the General." However, they cannot deprive me of thinking, and I will think that there is a war between Great Britain on one part, and America, France, and the Netherlands on the other part; that for and in consideration of the sum of fifty millions sterling, on the part of Britannia, to be paid by the oppression of her subjects, at five per∣cent, annually, until the principal and interest shall be paid, and the loss of about thirty thousand troops by sword, death and desertion; and finally, poor Britain! poor Britain! I would have you remem∣ber, although you have fought, you will be obliged to submit: for it will never do for the Americans to be bound to help pay off the lease.

16th. A man came from Quebec this morning for Newcomb Blodget, our waiter, who is exchanged, and we received letters from Mr. Murray inform∣ing

us that we might write to our friends; but the captain hurried off so fast, that we had no opportu∣nity. It bespeaks a great man, and a great man he is, having at this very time, six men under his im∣mediate command. However, he is bound for Que∣bec with a fair wind, and appears a man of busi∣ness. The French for this week past have fasted, having eat no meat, except on Thursday, which was kept as holy time; but the women have every day attended on mass and the men as often as they could, to pray for a blessing on the ensuing crops. It is a custom, whenever a man begins to plow, or at the time he goes into the field to make a begin∣ning, to take his family with him, and they all ask a blessing on their labour, &c. by kneeling down to prayer.

21st. We wrote a petition to Congress, inform∣ing them of our distress, and setting forth that of∣ficers from the continental army, being captive in a strange land, were not a little chagrined to find themselves so reduced and neglected by their coun∣try, as to be obliged to cut wood for the Canadians at twenty-four coppers a cord (which is one shilling Halifax) and exposed to insult from every British upstart, and asked if we are not ashamed to serve such a body of men. However, we dispise such questions and the authors of them, more than we do cutting wood; but we are in a hobble. Were we servants or hirelings, we would try and make the best of it; but here we are, and here we may be found, gentlemen beggars, outcasts, and in one sense anathematised. What a beautiful figure we cut in this place! We strut about with an empty purse and a ragged coat. And what makes the business more intolerable, is, that we are sensible it is not for want of abilities in Congress, but a defect, in

being thus neglected; and I will not curse them, but I pray 〈…〉〈…〉 as individual persons, have a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to teach them how to pity others. I do not want them made prisoners, but I want satis∣faction. Poor Smith hangs his under lip, and seems more in the dumps than any of us; still it would be a reviving thought to have the message arrive for our departure once more to our native country; and no wonder, since we have been almost three years prisoners, add to which a strong anxiety to know how our country fares, relative to the war, and the finances for the support of the army, and with me, my dear children. How is my heart clung to their infancy, and concerned for their education; but I trust, that he who formed them will be a guar∣dian parent to the now fatherless babes.

Sunday. We all went to mass except Smith, who appears sullen. It is one of their grand faits, or ho∣ly days, and is to continue three days, wherein no labor is to be done. There was a full, and what the French call Belle Assembly. The preacher is e∣nough to make any person by turns laugh, and his actions before the altar is very odd; his under∣clothes are made of brown linen, near as course as top-sail duck, and his shirt nearly related to its neigh∣bor breeches, but he has a great deal of money, as is said, and is very miserly, which the people say is his failing. He has a large red nose which bespeaks wine.

Saturday, 25th. This day my land-lady's mother died, after a strange and lingering disorder, which very much prevails in this country, and generally proves fatal, particularly to the aged. They are taken with a puking up every thing which the stom∣ach receives, with an excessive heat and boiling in the bowels, and are so costive that medicine or clys∣ters

are of no use; neither the English or their own doctors can remove the cause, as every application of medicine is useless. She died in the parish of St. John's. I frequently, from the friendship I had for Mrs. Jaunseling, went to see the old lady, and on one of my visits, the minister from St. John's was there; he appeared a genteel, well bred gentleman, and as far as I could understand the language, spoke to her with great solemnity and sense on her last end; and told her to continue stedfast in prayer to God, and that through the merits of Christ and the intercession of the blessed Apostles and the Virgin Ma∣ry, he was in hopes she would meet with a free par∣don of all her sins; she received the sacrament with devoutness of heart, to appearance, and when she di∣ed, appeared sensible and composed. There was a∣bout twenty people in the room, who continued on their knees in prayer I believe better than an hour, & as her last breath went out of her they arose & sprin∣kled holy water on the corpse, which was immediately sewed up in a sheet, and the face never more seen. Whatever hath been said of the Roman Catholic's, I cannot condemn them for one thing, as they always appear joyful if any of us protestants attended mass or their funerals, and have never asked us to become Roman Catholic's.

May 26. A man arrived this morning from Quebec with a letter from Mr. Murray, to inform Mr. Dunning that he is exchanged—And about 12 o'clock he set out. By him I wrote letters to my brother John Scudder, Jeremiah Van Renssalaer, and Doctor Woodruff, at Albany. An instance of this kind flags my drooping spirits more than any thing I have ever experienced since being a prison∣er. His being the whole time in captivity with me, and having lived together for some time in one house

in friendship, together with his good character, (for he is a worthy deserving young gentleman) makes the the trial more severe:—still, I am happy in his re∣lease which has been obtained by friends; but I must view myself as set apart in the world, without a friend to apply for my liberation, and as a forsaken forlorn outcast in creation, poor in health, poor for the want of the necessary comforts of life, and poor in devotion towards my God—

My spirits flag like withering grass, Burnt with excessive heat; In secret groans my minutes pass, And I forget to eat. As on some lonely building's top, The sparrow tells her moan; Far from the tents of joy and hope I sit and grieve alone. Dark, disinal thoughts, and boding fears, Dwell in my troubled breast, While sharp reproaches wound mine ears, Nor give my spirit rest. (From the sublime Dr. WATTS.)

What a blessed situation a real Christian must be in!—and how happy should I be amid those sur∣rounding difficulties which appear to be continually presenting themselves anew, could I feel a proper submission to the dispensations of my righteous God, with a full belief that all these things come form his sovereign disposal, and, like the prodigal son, return to my father and find mercy! Oh! for a heavenly aid to bow this faithless, unbelieving heart.

Wednesday, 29th, I am unwel with a slow se∣ver, and have ••••gered so for several days. I grow feeble, which I attribute partly to my ••ore afflictions which very sensibly assect me.

Thursday, 30th. This day is a grand fait 〈◊〉〈◊〉 holy-day, and a great procession would have ta∣ken place, but the rain with a hard northeast wind which is common in this country, prevented.

I have for the winter past, and this summer, put down in this journal whatever occurrences took the most upon my mind; sometimes on serious subjects, and, when I felt more chearful, wrote at random; always considering that it was a journal: and believe if I had plenty of paper, I should be much more lengthy on many points, for my pen is my greatest delight—and this puts me in mind of a passage in the Spectator, of his friend Sir Roger, who was deeply in love; & being a great sportsman, whenever his mistress was cruel, the foxes were sure to pay for it: and when my country appears most cruel, my pen is sure of employment, which has a tendency to soften cares, and make the time pass more easily a∣way. But, what do I say,—that it makes time pass more easily away, when I have so short a space al∣lowed me, at the longest, to prepare for a dread e∣ternity, which surely belongs to me.

June 1. This spring is allowed to be fruitful, or to have a forward appearance, from the information of the inhabitants; yet I have not seen a flower on an apple tree before this morning. Bought shad at four coppers each; they are larger than those which are catched in the North or Hudson's river.

Sabbath, 2d. My health is much impaired with a slow, lingering fever, and of consequence my strength fails, and I have nothing to nourish nature but hard, salt provisions and cold water, with a mind that is tossed too and fro in melancholy glooms.—The cloud appears to be gathering thicker and dark∣er, and no glimmering rays of comfort; being bur∣thened with oppressions from a feeble constitution,

that appears s••oping to its last exit, and a wounded conscience, on the great event of a final retribution. The gale that blows from God, we must endure: toiling, but not repining.

" The soul is forc'd while pent in darksome clay, " To grope in s••ades, and guess the doubtful way: " Great is the toil, but glorious is the prize— " Who would not always labour to be wife? " Thus heaven desires, and we must search to find, " Or wink forever—be forever blind."

June 3d. Captain Smith and myself have this day had some conversation on the frailties of man towards his maker, and how feeble his efforts in devotion; and notwithstanding the Great Author of our existence, is beyond all comprehension; he who fills eternity, and at one glance surveys millions of the planetary worlds, and the most minute things through these vast and expansive systems, so that not a hair of the head is passed unnoticed; yet in our ad∣dresses to such a being the mind wanders and loses its true end, and roves after the fleeting colours of unsubstantial air. We also made some remarks on the awful day of days, when a final retribution will take place; and, as Harvey describes, we must be attendants on the dissolution of nature! Then what manner of persons ought we to be, in order to ful∣fil the important design for which we were sent into this world? Surely the Almighty never planted these heavens, and fixed this extensive globe, float∣ed with huge mountains, and the great deep, with cities and empires, for man, whom he placed as Lord over all, without a great and important end, and to fulfil his Maker's command. But these reflections are too deep for me, a feeble particle of dust, to

in the highest!" There is something so beautiful in the whole travels of our Saviour, that it is astonish∣ing to me that any person will dispute the authenti∣city of the evangelical displays of our Lord's passions on earth, confirmed by such remarkable instances, and the proof of the apostles.

Capt. Smith and the Messrs. Banters, are cutting wood; and being low in health, I am still lonesome; though I begin to recover my strength, but sensibly feel the loss of those blessings I used to enjoy—such as liberty, religion, company 〈…〉〈…〉 support nature 〈…〉〈…〉 the value of 〈…〉〈…〉 that 〈…〉〈…〉

health and comfort, let us endeavor at such a ter••per as may be our best support in the decay of it. Ura∣nius has arrived at that composure of soul, and is so thoroughly persuaded another life, and endea∣vors so sincerely to secure an interest in it, that he looks upon pain as quickening his pace to an home where he shall be better provided for than in his pre∣sent apartment; and instead of the melancholy views which others are apt to give themselves, he will tell you he has almost forgot he is a mortal; nor will he think of himself as such: for he thinks that at the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of his birth he entered into an eternal being, 〈…〉〈…〉 of death he will not allow an 〈…〉〈…〉 moment is not of 〈…〉〈…〉

wards, has escaped my lancet, and many in St. John's have met with the same fate. My Bohea for the stomach has been given profusely, with glaube•• salts; the cortex peruvianus, rhubarb. jalap for ca∣thartix, ••••neti••s spirits of hartsh•••••• ••or the tooth-ache some drops for the head-ache, good advice for the back-ache, and this and that hodge podge, with my French jargon, and the complaints which appear be∣fore me, make a scurum blarcum singularam, which I believe was of little use on their part; but I was employed: nay, they sometimes almost surrounded my castle, and sometimes I visited, &c. But not∣withstanding all this bustle has been made, I get but little lushong, as they are poor (or a great many of them) and have no cash.

June 14. Col. James Gordon of Ballstown, and Lieut. Epenetus White, arrived here to-day from Quebec, on parole, to live in this parish. The Co∣lonel informs us there is a good prospect of peace. Such news and new company raises the spirits, and s••ems to indicate that at some short period we shall once again visit our native place.

Wednesday, 19. The grasshoppers and worms appear as if their intention was to devour the crops, which has so alarmed the inhabitants, that a number of them have set out for Quebec to try to obtain li∣berty of the bishop to conjure them to depart, which they say, if so obtained, they can by ceremonies pre∣vail with God to send them into the river, or any way they have a mind, to kill them. Smith and my∣self seem anxious about the event of the grasshop∣pers, as the inhabitants threaten them very hard, and are determined to take revenge on them for their insults, in offering to touch their tooth agricul∣ture.

21st. My landlord who went to Quebec to com∣mence

hostilities against the in••••••s, has returne••, and the whole parish almost are assembled to know the news, which from appearance does not wear a pleasing aspect, as from what I can gather, it seems the bishop is too cunning to per••uit them to conjure the grasshoppers; for he knows it would be such an open deception; and as our old priest is acquainted with the same, together with all the rest of the curates or priests, they excuse the affair, and say they are not ready, and the like, in order to keep the people in ignorance; but exhort them to be stedfast in prayer and in penitence, and have ordered some processions, &c. Malice is knit in every Canadian's brow. For my part I am at a loss how they would proceed by the term they give, of conjuring them; but they hold very strenuously, that if the Bishop (which often had been the case) gave permission to conjure them away, they never failed; and will tell of great victories obtained over their enemies, or the insects, which, from what I can learn, have often frequented this country; but all allow they never saw so many: yet they hold they have driven them by shoals into the river, and sometimes they have killed them dead on the spot, so that handsful••, could be taken up, &c. &c. &c.

Wednesday, 26. A brig came to anchor oppo∣site where we live, and the Captain of her and two young ladies, came on shore; Col. Gordon, Mr. White, and myself, waited on them and invited them to my lodgings. The Captain whose name is Corn∣well, failed from Portsmouth, in England, on the second day of May, and says the universal talk in England, was peace with America. They continu∣ed about two hours, and invited Colonel Gordon on board to receive a present, which the Colonel com∣plied with, and returned with half a dozen bottles

of gin. The Captain of the brig was born on Long-Island, at a place called Cow Bay, and has brothers and sisters there.

July 4th. This being the sixth year of our In∣dependence, we were invited to take an Anniversa∣ry dinner with Colonel Gordon. We passed the day agreeably; and from the flattering prospect of affairs, I trust before another fourth of July shall return, peace with America may be made on lasting and honorable terms.

Sabbath 7th. All of us who are prisoners went this day to mass, where the young women as well as the old, were dressed in striped homespun•• petticoats and mockasins, in token of humility, by order of the priest, that the grasshoppers may depart; but it seems to enrage them; they have eat all my young onions off;—they will towards evening gather so thick in the fields of wheat, that the stalks look fairly black; and they begin to eat the ears that are just putting out. It is really a melancholy sight.

Tuesday 9th. All are gone to mass to make a procession, old and young. The women go without stockings and mockasins, in token of mourning for the calamities in their land.

Monday 15th. This morning I had a patient to visit at▪ St. John's, and on my way met about fifty English sailors who were going to unload a large ship that is cast away oppos•••••• where I live; her cargo is provisions for government••. There has come in this summer, two fleets; one from England, and the other from Ireland, both laden with provi∣sions for government, so that at present I under∣stand General Hald••mand boasts of having three years provision for a garrison of ten thousand men, and a sort impregnable▪ I fully believe the fort is strong, but no one is so strong but it may be over∣powered••.

Thursday 10th. I wont to a vendue this day where the owner of the goods bought almost the whole, or bid for them in public, which was the man of the house; and however droll it may appear, it is the fashion of this country, if a man loses his wife and has children, he is obliged to sell his moveables, and give one half to the children, which ••s the case at the present vendue. The wind has blown from the south-west for near two weeks constantly, during which time we have had no rain, and it being a con∣siderable drought, the grasshoppers take the advan∣tage, and eat the wheat; in some fields the ears ap∣pear to be half destroyed. What is voided from the insects, is as large as chess, and as thick on the ground as wheat when first sown; but no people appear more in earnest in devotion that God would impede this judgment, than these people. A fifty gun ship and a frigate passed down the river to day ••or sea; I am informed there are three thirty-six gun frigates still at Quebec.

Tuesday, July 23. This day is three years since being taken a prisoner; and how far it may prove of present or future advantage, is hard for me to form the least idea of; but from what former re∣flections I have had and am still impressed with, I trust that these things will not be entirely lost. The fire may in some measure be extinguished, but sure∣ly it will not be wholly forgotten, as I view prosper∣ity and adversity as proceeding from the bountiful giver or withholder, at his all Sovereign pleasure, and we are entirely at his disposal, respecting crosses and disappointments, or rather adverse and prospe∣rous prospects.

July 25. Again I have lived to see another birth∣day, which makes me thirty-five years of age; and I cannot omit reflecting on the vain use that is gene∣rally

made of the arrival of a birth-day, in particular by Kings, Queens, and renowned men; but certain∣ly common sense must teach us that one year is elap∣sed and a dread eternity is that much nearer open∣ing ••••us the boundless prospect of happiness or mi∣sery without end; therefore, such rejoicings as are generally attended with luxury, &c. are broken ••eed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 best, but often a spear. For my part I do not justify myself; for when I was in the army, and since I have been a prisoner in Quebec Jail, although neither great nor renowned, I rejoiced in feasting and drinking at my own birth, which certainly was hypocrisy; for I never saw so much comfort in the world yet, as to make 〈◊〉〈◊〉 rejoice that I was brought and continued in it: but so it was. However, it is not good to be over-wise nor b••••go••ed: yet it is cer∣tain that death hangs around us, and may seize this clay before another birth-day comes: Therefore, instead of decorating the body with clothes may I view myself as shortly to moulder into dust, and in∣stead of feasting and drinking, may I humble myself under the reflection that I know not how long or how short the soul will use this surrounding body, ••re it will take its ••••ight into the worlds unknown—and then, helpless being, where will it go without a heavenly aid? Why down, down into sorrows in∣conceivable, and pains without end.

August 1st. Pleasant agreeable weather. We catch plenty of pigeons, which are young and very fine, and have a tendency to assist us along the jour∣ney of life, and may be numbered with thousands of blessings which we receive and pass by without scarcely taking notice of.

August 4th. Captain Smith received thirty dol∣lars from his wife, which is the first relief that has ever been sent to the prisoners from our country;

and poor Scudder is yet poor Scudder! Left in po∣verty, and no friend to apply to, except my doctor∣ing, which is some assistance; but I am too poor a doctor to deceive the people, and they are too poor to pay if they were deceived. The news about peace and my country is favorable—and shall I dis∣pair? If I should never return, I should be very lit∣tle missed; some might say they were sorry; but it would be like all other things of the kind. But I scrawl at random, and think; because Smith has got a little money, and my doctoring of no use, that I am not going to return again. This is an uncom∣mon digression, and I am at a loss what it is penned for;—however it is down, and I cannot take it up It may remain along with many other remarks in the journal that is like chips in porridge.

August 17th. Received a letter from Mr. Mur∣ray, containing an answer to a letter I wrote to Gen. Clark, on account of the stoppage of the advance∣ment of money to the prisoners, in which I begged him to intercede for us; but all to no purpose. He informed Mr. Murray, that he would not interfere with the General in our behalf, as he supposes the Commander in Chief had sufficient reasons for his conduct. It possitively appears, that all the boasted British humanity is fled; nor do I believe they ever were possessed of that greatness of soul that has been represented, though we were taught so to believe—but surely we have learned another lesson: for in∣stance, the treatment to the prisoners taken at Fort Washington, who were frozen and starved to death in Sugar Houses, cold Jails, and thousands died on board of prison ships:—but let them go on; I am proof against any further attack, as I have lain in jail until my constitution is ruined, and they may now tyrannize, for I scorn them from my inmost soul, and

hope that not a tory devil will be allowed to exist in the United States after peace.

Tuesday, 20th. From the small stock of money I have been able to collect, I have purchased a gal∣lon of red wine to make a trial for relief from the disorder I have so long been afflicted with in my bow∣els. I almost dispair of ever recovering; but if I had ever so good a state of health, at last I must die. Therefore, sickness, pains and imprisonments, ought to make me familiar with so great a change. Death is like our birth, a mystery of nature.

Saturday, August 24, 1782. My being particu∣lar to the day, month and year, is, that last evening Col. James Gordon, Lieutenant White, Lieutenant Banter, and Ensign Banter, made their escape, or deserted. We suppose it was a matter which had for some time been under consideration. At any rate they are gone, and we suppose have broke their paroles, and embarked down the river.

Tuesday, 27th. Last night a man came from Quebec, with a letter to inform Captain Smith he is exchanged, and this morning he sat off for home. In him I have lost, I believe, a sincere friend, a good companion, and a man of sense. His company was agreeable, of a merry turn, but very striking on se∣rious subjects; his reasonings are improving and agreeable. Farewel my good friend, may you live comfortably the remaining days you may have left, die in peace, and leave a bless∣ing behind you, whilst my little barque glides slowly after; and may we both enter into rest (which is a thought too great for frail mortals to dwell on) but such we are told will happen to those who earn∣estly seek aright, and the prize is so great, who would not hasten to be an adventurer? It is a fair and no∣ble chance, and there is nothing in this life worthy

of our anxiety or cares. It is a troubled ocean at best, and those who have landed safe upon the fron∣tiers of our Great Emanuel, are blessed unspeakably indeed. I am left alone, not a person who can speak English, but all are Canadians, and I speak such poor French, that it is hard to talk with them, but I will wait with calmness, not forgetting that he who reliev∣eth captive prisoners, will also deliver me from this con∣fined state, at his gracious will. The time is fast approaching, when all these different changing scenes in life will lie down and be forgotten; although I hold that the soul does not lose the thought of the tribulated stage it has passed through, as it is reason∣able that no part of annihilation can take place after the soul leaves the body. For instance, when the soul is lost and forever miserable, that which creates and makes the misery, is the reflection of having mispent the opportunities which were offered whilst here on earth and a guilty conscience makes a hell, miserable far beyond human conception; therefore, should any part of annihilation take place, or the soul forget its being on earth and misusing these op∣portunities, it would be ignorant of what it was pun∣ished for. It is just the same with those who die happy; for the scripture says, that those who thro' many tribulations are clothed in white, so the thought of passing through a tempestuous life, in pains, sick∣nesses, trials and temptations, all add to fill the mind with expansive views, beyond the ••each of a finite mortal to form an idea of. The joys and boundless prospects of a celestial a vast infinity of eternity, o∣pening more capacious than imagination can con∣ceive; the string can hardly be touched upon, when hallelujahs will reign, forever and forever.

Thursday, 29th. Received a letter from Mr. Murray, advising me to make myself contented for a

little time longer, for he expects I will in a short time be exchanged. But if not, the General will permit me to return to the states of America, on pa∣role. Such news revives my mind, to think I shall once more see my native country, which I sincerely desire, and that before cold weather, as it very much affects my health, the climate being too frigid. What a noble temper and disposition a man must be possessed of who, under all difficulties and trials, ne∣ver suffers the mind to be ••••••••led or discomposed; but puts on the capacities of a man of fortitude, and spurns at trifles that are incident to human nature; sincerely ••oaring higher and having loftier views than what tends to frail dust, remembering that he is an adventurer for another world, and that if the road is filled with thorns, let them appear like flow∣ers, considering our crown is at stake, and if we re∣ceive mercy, no thought can reach the smallest chord of the bliss which will compleat our happiness to all eternity. Therefore what is there in this life that we would not cheerfully submit to, that comes from so righteous a providence, who spared not his only son, but suffered him to wear a crown of thorns and die an ignominious death for man who is filled with ingratitude.

August 3d. This day we had a violent storm from the northeast, or up the river. The wind blew a hurricane, attended with thunder. The people of the house were fearful it would blow down. The woman brought out her hemlock boughs which had been consecrated at church, and threw them in∣to the fire; some holy water was also brought, to sprinkle with, and they then all fell on their knees to prayer, and appeared very fervent; but the storm seemed to encrease. I expected the roof of the house at least would have gone, and felt under great

apprehensions that all of us would lose our lives. In the midst of the storm, the young woman who was the only child, about eighteen years of age, jumped from her prayers and flew to my arms for protection, crying aloud, Oh! Monsieur Scudder, guard me and pray for me; on which I answered that God was her guard, and it was, according to their belief, of no use for Protestants to pray. The old man and woman sprang up and said they did not doubt but God would hear a Protestant as soon as a Catholic. I told them that I made no doubt but he heard all nations or people that prayed sincerely, and I desired to join with them for his assistance, at the same time encouraging them not to be afraid, for that we were in his hands, and made no doubt but the wind would soon abate; still I had, for near an hour, a hard struggle to keep the young woman from going into fits. Happily at last the storm a∣••ated, and the father and mother seemed to regard me for my encouragement to them and their daugh∣ter, &now suppose the Protestants may go to heaven. I have often mentioned the Roman Catholics in this journal, and really to see them in any difficulty fly to the Supreme Being for assistance, is a circumstance worthy of attention, as there is so reasonable a de∣mand from the Creator to the creature, that not to return our Parent and Maker a thankful heart, is placing us below the common brutes.

Thursday, 15th. I have for sometime neglected putting any of my physical proceedings down in this journal, in particular relating to the woman who lives near Montreal, on account of my mind being taken up with more serious matters; but man is of a changeable disposition, so now proceed to put down some sketches of my practice, least it may be lost. In the first place, as is my usual practice in al∣most

every disorder, I hold her, and then prepared a bottle of good madeira, with the filings of steel put therein, out of which two large phials were filled and the remainder left in the quart bottle; this is to as∣sist the blood, and indeed all nature. The decoction of cortex was put in two p••ials more, as a bracer; the acid of elixir to assist the appetite, and a phial of camphor to keep off the fever, with two phials of strong bohea. Thus were almost all my phials filled, and my patient's room looked like a small apotheca∣ry's shop. The reason of this was, I expected she was rich, and there was cash to be had. An issue was also ordered, and the whole conducted with judgment: and I find my patient is no worse, nor indeed much better; however, she is not very sick. Her father generally takes me out in a horse cart, and when I get on my three square hat, (for modes∣ty's sake I must not say a cocked hat) I say when this hat is put on my head, the brim of it being large, (which was allowed through the clemency of Bri∣tannia's generallissimo of this province) and I placed along side of my old friend in the horse-cart, we draw the attention of a great many spectators, particularly the dogs; for the rattling of the cart and a trail of dogs which never escape us (as they seem to know our sound) with their yelling and bowwowing, one dog bringing out another, and thus we are accosted for four miles▪ together, which with our gibberage, when we can be heard, all contribute to make a jargon not easily understood. One thing is very extraordinary, and that is—how these dogs should take so much notice of me, being an entire stranger to them, but knowing the sagacity of those animals, they often stir up my jealousy, sor I am like the world of mankind who are more or less jealous, in particular if they undertake what they are unac∣quainted

with. So my feelings are worked up, and I am sometimes inclined to believe that they think as I think, that I am no doctor; or why should they make such a plaguy rout every time I go, and seem to let me return in peace. However I disregard what they say, knowing dogs to be dogs, although in this case they are cunning dogs.—I have also been called on to bleed the old Priest's house-keeper, and went a sabbath morning, expecting to bleed her and then go to mass, but was rather later than I expect∣ed, and met the parson going to church, who thus accosted me, bone jure Monsieur Scudder? (how do you do Mr. Scudder) are you going to bleed the young woman? I answered I was. He shook his head, and said no pau possible—I asked why? He said she was too gross, and no doctor or person bad or could ever bleed her. I said that perhaps she never had tried a Bostonian surgeon. He replied no. I then laugh∣ed at him, and told him the Bostonians always went through with what they undertook. It may be was his answer. I then proceeded to the house where my great lusty patient was sitting with her feet in warm water; she was as heavy as two of the old priest put together. I asked her if she meant to be bled in the foot? She answered in the affirmative, and I proceeded to tie up her leg; but no more of a vein appeared, than on ••her moc••asin; I tied up her arm, but to no purpose. At last I perceived a vein appeared full just back of her toes, near the fore one, and ventured to put the lancet in, which made her bleed ••reely; I stoped it without much difficulty, which not ••inally contributed to raise my fame. In short, my lancet, and now and then a ca∣thartic, with this and that which I hobble through with, gets me a considerable income of late, and it really begins to flatter ••••e that I am somewhat▪ of

a surgeon or doctor; and these flatteries will remain until I am put to the test, and then what a figure I shall cut, like a quack as I am! But one thing is certain, and this certain thing is, that I am not the only quack that practices in America, or Europe; for many pretended doctors are quacks, and many trumped up priests are quacks, some merchants, attor∣nies & mechanics are quacks; farmers, ship-builders, boat builders, scow-builders, balloon-builders, steam-boat builders, nay my memory will not ••••rve, nor paper admit, neither can I enumerate the quacks: There∣fore, my advice from experience is, to all manner of persons, friends or foes, never to undertake, a piece of business, particularly when difficulty attends, without having a thorough knowledge of what they are about to undertake, except in my situation; for I must plead my own cause. I do not mean here to cast any reflections, but only to advise; for the more regular or experienced persons are in their lawful avocations; the more useful they can be in their call∣ings; and it cannot be expected that a man who served two or three years can be equal in knowledge and experience to those who served seven. With regard to trumped up priests, I look upon the bible to be of so mysterious a nature, that the man who undertakes to open and explain those sublime truths which the scriptures are filled with, and be a teacher, ought to be a man who has education and a clear and good understanding. Some will pretend to go by the spirit; but miracles are not wrought now a days; and it is either ignorance or self-delusion. However, I hold that the spirit assists▪ all men; but no man can be assisted, only by the labour of the hands of mind, or else I might be a good doctor; for the spirit is willing, but it is new to me, there∣fore I cannot understand it, and cannot practice,

only through deception; and this must be the case with any branch, civil or religious, where they know but little of what they undertake.

September 8. Mrs. Lebe was this morning de∣livered of a fine son, and as is common, it was this day carried to church, and baptized by the name of Michael; and what is singular, the parents never attend at the christening of a child; only the God-father and God-mother. The same is adhered to in funerals; I have never known a husband to attend the funeral b••er of his wife.

September 10, 1782. Notwithstanding the apple-trees and all kinds of fruit trees are so late in putting forth their blooms, yet I have ten days past eat ripe apples. All kinds of vegetation in this country is very quick after the snow is off. My doctoring ap∣pears in a thriving condition, as I am called here and there with my lancet, which is the main standby, to∣gether with pills and jallap, rheubarb, gun-powder bohea tea, and many more combustibles too tedious to mention; sometimes with a three-square hat, and at others a round one, often on foot and in horse-carts, hearing and attending on the complaints of the people, which is done with patience and judge∣ment.

[Finis for this time.]

Copy of a letter received from Richard Murray, Esq. Commissary of prisoners dated Quebec, August 29, 1782.

SIR,

Captain Smith, arrived here last night, and in∣formed me that you expressed a desire to be sent up to this place, but it is my advice to you to remain quietly where you are, as I have every reason to ex∣pect

you will in a very short time be either exchang∣ed or allowed to return home on your parole.

I am, sir, your humble servant, RICHARD MURRAY.

Lieut. SCUDDER, Isle of Orleans.

The copy of my answer is as follows:

SIR,

I am at a loss how to express my acknowledgments to you for the kind favor of your letter of the 29th of August, but give me leave to assure you, that I am filled with greatful sentiments for his Excellency's and your kind favor towards me, and flatter myself, if I should not meet with an exchange, that if his Excellency should admit me on parole, he will ••e fully convinced I shall not vary from the line of true honor. As I have a feeling for the long captivated prisoners taken from the regiment to which I belong, I should esteem it a particular favor, if I should be so fortunate as to have my parole, that they might be indulged to go with me, as several of them have families, and I will pledge my faith they will not act against his Britannic Majesty or his government, until they shall be properly exchanged. Permit me to further observe, (if there is a meditation of my being permitted on parole) that the frigid season of the year is fast approaching, and my health much impaired, together with a want of more cloathing, I must therefore earnestly request, that I may be sent from this place before the weather proves very tedious.

I am, sir, with sentiments of respect, your very humble servant, WILLIAM SCUDDER

Isle of Orleans, September 12, 1782.

Richard Murray, Esq. Commissary of Prisoners, Quebec.

September 23. This day arrived nine prisoners to live in this parish, on parole. Their names and places as follow:

Charles Creecraft, Major of militia, from Virgi∣nia, taken August 21, 1781.

Joseph Erwin, Captain in the 5th Pennsylvania regiment, taken August 24,▪ 1781.

Robert Orr, Captain of militia, 5th Pennsylvania regiment, taken August 24, 1781.

Moses Van Camp, Lieutenant in the state regi∣ment, taken April, 1782.

Samuel Craig, Lieutenant of Pennsylvania militia, taken April, 1782.

James Cole, Ensign of the militia of Pennsylva∣nia, taken April, 1782.

Batrick Hunter, Ensign of the Pennsylvania mili∣tia, taken April, 1782.

Stephen White, Captain militia, New-York, taken April, 1782.

John Zelie, Lieutenant militia, New-York, taken April, 1782.

September 24. The man who took my letter to Quebec, has returned without an answer, Mr. Mur∣ray being in the country. I am as usual disappoint∣ed, and amongst so many disappointments in life, can it be possible that I shall be disappointed when death comes, which will make but one event in the whole of all those different vicissitudes, and that e∣vent will put an end to all the temporary, mistaken, and flattering ideas of this frail and transitory stage, which is full of actions and perplexities, and disquiets us in vain; for the whole of all these disquietudes are as a spark, or a moment to an endless duration.—Mournful thought! that man, poor frail dust, should be unhappy after leaving this lodgment of clay, whose better part has wandered from its God,

and ••oved through this tempestuous life, after hid∣den objects of unsubstantial joy; but there is a right∣eous God and the blessed Redeemer to plead the cause of his creatures, and who knows the frailties of human nature.

September 29. My physical finances being rather too low for the relief of all my brother officers, we concluded all hands to cut wood for one day, at the extravagant▪ wages of thirty sous per••cord; and having our weapons well sharpened, repaired to the woods bet••nes in the morning; and each man took his post, which occasioned such a cracking, tumbling and thrashing amongst the trees, and even smiting them after they were down, that the Physician sometimes thought himself in danger, in particular he had to stand at a distance from his Major, whose carcase was six feet six inches in heighth, with very extensive arms; so that when his axe was fully ex∣tended in the air, it was eight feet five inches and an half from the solid ground, and every stroke counted one. He had also one other advantage o∣ver his men, which is necessary for all field-officers, he had not much occasion of making many steps to finish trimming his tree. In short the onset was pushed with resolution by all, and in every quarter until, high meridian, when a halt was made for din∣ner, at which time it was discovered that many wounds were received in the hands; however, be∣ing to a man commissioned officers, we stood bravely until the setting sun, when we found ourselves pos∣sessed of seven cord of wood, completely heaped and measured for the Canadians, and the day following received the whole of the cash, which we immedi∣ately sent to Quebec, where every farthing was ••aid out for ru••••, tea, sugar, and sundry articles too tedious to mention.

October 1st. Our goods arrived this day at ten o'clock, amounting in the whole to fourteen shil∣lings worth (••alifax money, at five shillings for each rix dollar,) and among said arrivals, were for each of us, two stout stemmed large bowled pipes, built much in the form of the Canadians, or their horses, being peculiarly clumsy, the stem six inches in length, and the bowl about one inch in diameter, and of consequence they seldom needed charging, which was an advantage to men of industry. Our rum was not so closely inspected into, being thirsty for that kind of liquid, occasioned us, as in all other cases where love is at the bottom, to overlook some of its ••ad qualities. We all assembled together at one place, which was no other than the doctor's quarters, and took dinner, when our liquor, pipes and tobacco smoked for it. The remaining part of our stores were equally divided, and about the setting sun, every man to his quarters.

October 2d. A droll circumstance happened last night to one of my brother officers; I suppose he was something thirsty in the evening, and drank a dish of strong tea, which made him vapory. He imagined the house was in flames, and bawled and hallowed so loud that the man of the house had to run for the surgeon. He told me in French that the Bostonian had lost his senses—I immediately sat out in haste to his lodgings, and ••ound the poor man almost frightened to death. He told me he was dying, for that streaks of fire were flying out of his eyes, and images continually appearing; and not being able to speak a word of French, their appear∣ed a general fright and jargon in the whole family; however, I soon found out the nature of his com∣plaint: for the old lady informed me she had made him some tea after he was in bed, and that she put a

handful of tea in the mug, and the man soon went crazy. I mentioned the circumstance to him—gave him some water, and on the whole made a cure of the patient. I received a letter from Capt. Smith, mentioning ••e had arrived at a place called Casselton, on our Eastern ••rontiers, and that peace was in a fair way of taking place. On the whole great encouragement is given to me of being soon sent home.

October 4th. This day came to this place Mr. Aaron Purbeck, a second Lieutenant, belonging to the ship Dispatch, which was taken by the frigate Pandora. He was three weeks from Salem when captured, and has been prisoner six weeks. His crew has gone home, and himself detained as an hos∣tage. The dispatch mounted twelve guns, six and four pounders. The Pandora has in the course of the war taken a number of our American vessels; but I believe the Captain has used the prisoners well. The ship Hind of twenty-four guns, is lost.

October 6. My doctoring goes on as usual, al∣though I have lately lost a patient, who died of age; therefore his life could not be further prolong∣ed, notwithstanding the judgmatical assistance of two eminent physicians. I am waiting with patience for a departure from this island of fortune, and of con∣sequence collecting my debts, dues and demands, and have at this instant my physical book before me, which I expect will at some period appear in this journal; at any rate it contains a number of Rhe••s, or a great many nothings, if their is such a thing as nothing. Upon the whole, was this very account set up this day at sale, I would not give more than thirty-six York shillings for it, as I verlly believe that all those who intended to pay me, have already done it: and to attempt the risk of a law-suit would be

more whimsical than my practice. Furthermore, should I attempt a law-suit with my old customers, in the first place, it would create anger; secondly, my abilities might be called in question; and thirdly, I should make a bad defence was that the case. Therefore as a man of skill, judgment and sound sense, I think that soft words, persuasions, &c. &c. is by far the most eligible, the most peaceable, the most harmonious, and to make short of this part of my business, the most conclusive.

October 7. A SMALL SKETCH OF MY PHYSICAL ACCOUNT.

• Mrs. Mercer—To bleeding and bohea, Rhea 0 s.
• Mrs. Lebe—To do. do. do. 0 s.
• Mr. Compinia—To jalap 1 oz. 2 s.
• Janselen's family—To cortex, jalap, rheubarb, salts, bohea, &c. &c. &c. 16 s.
• Mr.Lapash—Bleeding, bohea, decoction, boluses, and Simon may know what. 12 s.
• M. Bodwin—Bleeding, 1 oz of peru, harts∣horn, glauber, rheubarb, bohea, &c. &c. 12 s.
• The Lame Man—Sundry applications of barks, and Nathan knows what not. Rhea
• The Seginor—To bleeding, attendance, and combustibles not to be mentioned. 8 s.
• My Landlady—To a dose of jalap, and a stout one too. Rhea

This account is the first of my undertaking; and is not so correct as after getting more used to the prac∣tice. However, it is a specimen, but in the long run, there is a great many Rheas, or nothings, as I am very rich and generous, and it is not common for the two to keep company. When I was a boy at school, I recollect a copy that was set me as follow:

When lands are gone and money spent, Then learning is most excellent.

A proverb which is applicable to me at this time, particularly in the physical line.

October 10. The happy hour has arrived when we are to take our departure from these cold and frigid climes, as a letter has arrived this day at three o'clock, with orders for us to make ready to embark on board a schooner, called the Mercury, for New-York, William Ha••eroc, commander. We all em∣barked about sun-set, and lay at anchor that night. In the morning early we fell down the river to Paul's Bay, and took on board the prisoners who were there and sailed to the island called Beck, where a fleet lay bound to New-York, at which place we arrived the next morning. The wind blew heavy with a rough sea. The prisoners and some of the seamen were very sea sick. The Captain had a cat that had kittens, which he said had sailed with him in the ship Hind, which was lost, for several years, and in the height of the swell, the vessel being small and rolling very much, the poor cat took sick, and in a∣bout two hours died. The Captain appeared to lament her death far beyond what I have seen in a parent for the loss of a child. The cat acted by reaching and puking like a person sea-sick. Whe∣ther the creature was sea-sick or not, is unknown to me; but I believe that was that occasioned her death; and I would not admit this remark in my journal if I could not prove it by credible witnesses. It was also the Captain's opinion that the swell made her sick.

About sun-set the wind abated, but a heavy sea continued. We were divided and put on board of different vessels. My lot was to go in the Lady Townsend, a large ship pierced for 64 guns, and

had been a Spanish galeon of eleven hundred tons. The weather was cold and stormy. After I had been on board for some time, walking on the quar∣ter-deck, the second mate came and ordered me off, and said no one walked there but gentlemen—I in∣formed him of my rank in the American army, and expressed a wish to speak with the Captain, whose name is Auth••r. He informed the Captain of it, and I was ordered into the cabin. The Captain asked me what I wanted? I told him that I was a prisoner of war on board his ship, and mentioned my rank in the American army—that I had been near an hour on board, exposed to the cold and rain, and ••o notice had been taken of me, except that some man had ordered me from the quarter-deck, and said gentlemen walked there; I therefore wished to ••now the place assigned me in the ship, as my situa∣tion was uncomfortable, and my clothes were wet. He had a number of clerks writing at his table, and appeared to be very attentive to them, without making any reply for some time; at last he called to his second mate, and told him to take me out of the cabin, for he was not going to be troubled by per∣sons in rebellion against their Sovereign, and that if I danced, I must pay the fidd••er, or words to that ef∣fect. However, I still stood warming myself, when the mate said, "sirrah don't you mind what is said?" I replied I was warming myself. The Captain walked with importance two or three times back and forward on the cabin floor, and then said to me, "Sir, do you intend to obey my orders?" I answer∣ed—"yes; but by all the ships that the sovereign you talk of owns, your master, Sir Guy Carlton, shall know every tittle of your treatment to me,"—and walked out of the cabbin. I was conducted by the second mate to a little birth where not more

than two or three could sit, and received a severe reprimand from the Crony; but I told him—"Sir, abuse me on your peril." He asked me who I was? I told him his master should know who he was as soon as I arrived at New-York; on which he took a more minute survey of me, and walked off. The first Lieutenant or mate, was truly a gentleman: he brought me some refreshment, and said I must not think much of my treatment, as the Captain had rose from a boatswain to his present rank, and that he treated him more like a scullion than a mate. I had some canvass to sleep on; but being wet and having no fire, lay cold that night. The next morning I resumed my quarter-deck walk, to the no small mortification of the second mate, who was a proper likeness in temper and politeness to his Cap∣tain, In about an hour the noble Captain appeared on the deck, and walked on one side and myself on the other; after some time he was called to break∣fast. After breakfast he came on deck and resumed his walk for some time, and at last said to me—"go into the cabin and take some coffee, my boys are now at breakfast." I answered, "damn you and your cabin, if ever I put my ••oot in it to eat or drink with a man who has treated me in so cruel a manner—And to ask me to eat with your boys! But remember Captain, I shall not always be under ••our clutches, and if ever I arrive at New-York, I will acquaint Sir Guy Carlton, and the Commodore of this fleet with the usage I have received. I am a prisoner of war, and well know that the British offi∣cers who are prisoners ••mong us, are treated like gentlemen. A few words more passed.

We lay at anchor by Beck, until the 19th instant. The Captain and myself had no conversation to∣gether; but I messed with the mates of the ship.

The second mate appeared more pliable; however, I said but little to him, having others to talk with that appeared more agreeable. During our stay, the snow fell half leg deep, and the weather was cold like winter in Jersey.

On the 19th, we all weighed anchor and stood down the river with a fresh breeze, keeping the south shore in sight, but soon lost sight of land on the north-east and east. Nothing material hap∣pened on our passage. We saw an American sail that appeared a fine stout ship, and was supposed to be an American frigate, but she out-run our ship, which was the fastest sailing vessel in the fleet—The Pandora also gave chase, but to no purpose; we had to return to the fleet, greatly to the disappoint∣ment of my beloved Captain, who appeared very whist until he found she out-went us, and then sought manfully at the sight of the rebel's top-masts. I imagine we were opposite Massachusetts Bay, on the discovery of the vessel, which was to the leeward, and on sight of us hauled her wind, so that before she bore away we could discover her hull and hands at work; but our ship was large, and three frigates in company, it was prudent for her to stand off. We discovered her about ten in the morning, and made every rag of sail that could be put on, and by sun-set he ship was out of sight, except her top-masts, which leased Scudder. We had a great deal of head ••inds, and was obliged to delay on account of a num∣ber of dull sailers, as the victualling ships were chief∣••y old colliers, built for burthen more than running. One poor man, a mate to one of the ships, unfortu∣nately fell overboard and was drowned, and I be∣••ieve no other accident happened. On the 13th of November, we arrived at New-York. But to re∣turn to my noble Captain—the old saying is, "give

Satan his due"—so I will him; for as we drew on the coast of New-York, he appeared more sociable, and actually, on a Sunday, asked the first mate and myself to dine with him—We accordingly did; and if my memory serves, I never knew the mate to dine with him at any other time; he also invited me into his cabin to drink some old brandy late at night, a heavy wind blowing and all hands on deck. I concluded a harsh promise was better broke than kept; still on my arrival at New-York, had not a word to speak of his favorable treatment, but men∣tioned to several Captains of vessels whom I saw one evening at Mrs. Banks's, his first treatment to me, and they to a man disapproved of it in the strongest terms.

We continued on board the ships until the 16th, during which time I was permitted several times to go on shore, and the afternoon before we left town, the prisoners were all put on board a cartel, vessel, and General Carlton, that good and humane man, sent us two kegs of liquors, of ten gallons each, one of the best Madeira, and the other of spirits. The next morning his aid-de-camp came to see if we wanted any thing, and to know what kind of treat∣ment we had received in Canada and on our passage; and herein I confess, that by experiencing so great a contrast to the usage I had before received, and con∣sidering we were at the eve of peace, made but a short reply, and said that I had suffered by the rigid∣ness of some; still finding myself under the protec∣tion of a man of so much philanthropy, and about to embark once more for my native home, should sus∣pend any particular complaint. The evening be∣fore, the prisoners, on receiving their liquors, drank to Sir Guy Carlton, George Washington and Con∣gress, as loud as their voices could roar; and drank

bad luck, (or in worse words) to the tories, those poor reptiles. About ten o'clock, we made sail up the north river, and was treated by the Captain of the Cartel, with great politeness; and what add∣ed to our comfort, the General had given express orders for us to have fresh provisions and every ne∣cessary for us that was wanting. We lay that night about twenty miles from New-York, and the next day about noon arrived at Dobbs's Ferry, where I confess I hardly knew our troops, neither officers or soldiers, as their regimentals were altered, and they had a fresher countenance than what appeared either among the English or German troops, and were hardier soldiers, to appearance. I confess that it was almost impossible to look at them with an impartial observation; but the Captain himself who com∣manded the Cartel, said he never saw finer looking men. I sat out afternoon for head-quarters, and arrived at New-Burgh that night, in a sloop; and the next day dined at head-quarters, from whence I went to camp, where I found my old brother officers and soldiers hutting themselves. I continued a few days with them, when I received a horse from head-quarters, and on the 25th of No∣vember arrived at my native home, after a captivity of three years four months and three days.

Thus hath ended a long and tedious captivity; for I scarcely ever had a well day from the time the Onondaga nation was cut off until the present hour; and my affairs by the ravages of the war and negli∣gence, being much deranged, added to the afflictions that I have before mentioned in this journal, united in rendering my happiness less complete than other∣wise it would have been; still it is my real desire to return a heart full of thankfulness and gratitude to the good hand of Providence, in again▪ ••estoring me

to my native home, friends, language and religion, and also, where peace and liberty will soon reign triumphant, which I hope we shall obtain and guard with a watchful eye. I shall conclude by adopting the language of the poet.

God he is good, supremely good, Nor less when he denies; Even crosses from his Sovereign hand, Are blessings in disguise. [Harvey.]