An oration upon the moral and political evil of slavery. Delivered at a public meeting of the Maryland Society, for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and the Relief of Free Negroes, and Others Unlawfully Held in Bondage. Baltimore, July 4th, 1791. / By George Buchanan, M.D. member of the American Philosophical Society.

ORATION.

CITIZENS and FELLOW-MEMBERS,

SUMMONED by your voice, I appear before you with diffi|dence, the arduous task you have imposed upon me, would have been better executed by some one of greater abilities and information, and one more versed in public speaking.

However, my feeble exertions shall not be wanting to promote the intentions of so laudable an institution; and while I endea|vour to fulfil the purport of this meeting, I shall hope not to fail in proving its utility.

Too much cannot be offered against the unnatural custom that pervades the greatest part of the world, of dragging the human race into slavery and bondage, nor of exposing the ignominy of such barbarity.

Let an impartial view of man be taken, so far as it respects his existence, and in the chain of thought, the white, swarthy and black, will be all linked together, and at once point out their equality. God hath created mankind after his own image, and granted to them liberty and independence; and if varieties may be found in their structure and colour, these are only to be attri|buted to the nature of their diet and habits, as also of the soil and climate they may inhabit, and serve as flimsy pretexts for enslaving them.

In the first rudiments of society, when simplicity characterised the conduct of man, slavery was unknown, every one equally enjoyed that peace and tranquility at home, to which he was naturally born: But this equality existed but for a time; as yet, no laws, no government was established to check the ambitious, or to curb the crafty; hence seizures were made upon the best

property by the strong and robust, and finally subjected the weak and indigent to poverty and want.

Here then arose a difference in the circumstances of men, and the poor and weak were obliged to submit themselves to the con|trol of the rich and powerful; but although the authority exer|cised was at first mild, and ensured to the bondsmen almost the same privileges with their masters, yet the idea of power soon crept in upon the mind, and at length lenity was converted into rigidity, and the gall of servitude became insupportable; the oppressed, soon found, that, that liberty, which they had just given up, was an inalienable privilege of man, and sought means to regain it; this they effected,—but not until a time when igno|rance began to decline, when improvements were made in the arts, commerce and governments, and when men could seek protection from law, or by industry could ward off the bitterness of poverty, and ensure to themselves an independence.

Happy circumstance! To feel oneself emancipated from the chains of slavery, must awaken every delicate sensation of the soul, and transport the gloomy mind into a region of bliss; for what is life, without an enjoyment of those privileges which have been given us by nature? It is a burden, which, if not awed by Divine Providence, would be speedily cast off, by all who sweat under the yoke of slavish servitude, and know no alternative but an unceasing submission to the goads of a brutal master.

Ages have revolved since this happy condition of human affairs, and although mankind have been gradually verging from a state of simplicity to a more social refinement, yet the govern|ments of these primitive times, laid open an apology for licen|tiousness; and we find, by pursuing the history of man, that slavery was again introduced, and stained the annals of all the powers of Europe.

The idea of possessing man, as property, was too lucrative to be totally eradicated; it diffused itself into Egypt and Cyprus, which became the first and most noted markets for the sale and purchase of slaves, and soon became the cause of rapine and bloodshed in Greece and Rome: There it was an established custom to subject to slavery, all the captives in time of war; and not only the Em|perors but 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Nobility, were in possession of thousands—to them they served as instruments of diversion and authority.

To give an idea only of the amphitheatrical entertainments, so repugnant to humanity, would make the most obdurate heart feel with keen sensibility. For who can hear, with patience, of

voracious animals being turned loose among human beings, to give sport to the rich and great, when, upon reflection, he may be assured, that the merciless jaw knew no restraint, but preci|pitately charged upon its prey whom it left, without remorse, either massacred or maimed.

Such was the practice among the ancients, and to charge the moderns with like enormities, would by many be deemed cri|minal.

But I fear not to accuse them—the prosecution of the present barbarous and iniquitous slave trade, affords us too many in|stances of cruelties exercised against the harmless Africans. A trade, which, after it was abolished in Europe by the general in|troduction of Christianity, was again renewed about the fourteenth century, by the mercenary Portuguese, and now prosecuted by the Spaniards, French and British, in defiance of every principle of justice, humanity and religion.

Ye moderns, will you not blush at degenerating into ancient barbarity, and at wearing the garb of Christians, when you pur|sue the practices of savages?

Hasten to reform and put an end to this unnatural and de|structive trade—Do you not know, that thousands of your fellow-mortals are annually entombed by it? and that it proves ruinous to your governments? You go to Africa to purchase slaves for foreign markets, and lose the advantages of all the proper ar|ticles of commerce, which that rich country affords. You bury your seamen upon the pestiferous shores; and, shocking to hu|manity! you make monsters of all you engage in the traffic.

Who are more brutal than the Captains of vessels in the slave-trade? Not even the tawny savage of the American wilds, who thirsts after the blood of the Christian, and carries off his scalp, the trophy of splendid victory!

They even countenance the practice of the ancients, in seeing a sturdy mastiff tear in pieces some poor wretch of their hateful cargoes, or in viewing their wreaths and tortures, when smart|ing under the lash of a seasoned cat* 1.1.

It is time to abolish these enormities, and to stay such repeated insults from being offered to Divine Providence: Some dreadful curse from Heaven may be the effect of them, and the innocent be made to suffer for the guilty.

What! will you not consider that the Africans are men? that they have human souls to be saved? that they are born free and independent? A violation of which prerogatives is an infringe|ment upon the laws of God.

But, are these the only crimes you are guilty of in pursuing the trade? No—you stir up the harmless Africans to war, and stain their fields with blood; you keep a constant hostile ferment in their territories, in order to procure captives for your uses; some you purchase with a few trifling articles, and waft to distant shores to be made the instruments of grandeur, pride and luxury.

You commit the crime also of kidnapping others, whom you forcibly drag from their beloved country, from the bosom of their dearest relatives; so leave a wife without a husband, a sister without a brother, and a helpless infant to bemoan the loss of its indulgent parent.

Could you but see the agonizing pangs of these distressed mor|tals, in the hour of their captivity, when deprived of every thing that is dear to them, it would make even the heathenish heart to melt with sorrow; like a noble Senator of old, death is their choice in preference to lingering out their lives in ignominious slavery— and often do we see them meet it with a smile.

The horrors of the grave intimidate not even the delicate fe|males; too many melancholy instances are recorded of their plunging into the deep, and carrying with them a tender infant at the breast; even in my own recollection, suicide has been com|mitted in various forms by these unhappy wretches, under the blind infatuation of revisiting the land of their nativity.

Possessed of Christian sentiments, they fail not to exercise them when an opportunity offers. Things pleasing rejoice them, and melancholy circumstances pall their appetites for amusements.— They brook no insults, and are equally prone to forgiveness as to resentment; they have gratitude also, and will even expose their own lives, to wipe off the obligation of past favours; nor do they want any of the refinements in taste, so much the boast of those who call themselves Christians.

The talent for music, both vocal and instrumental, appears na|tural to them: Neither is their genius for literature to be despised; many instances are recorded of men of eminence amongst them: Witness, Ignatius Sancho, whose letters are admired by all men of taste—Phillis Wheatley, who distinguished herself as a poetess— The physician of New-Orleans—The Virginia calculator—Ban|neker, the Maryland astronomer, and many others whom it would be needless to mention. These are sufficient to shew, that the Africans, whom you despise, whom you more inhumanly treat than brutes, and whom you unlawfully subject to slavery, with the tyrannizing hands of Despots, are equally capable of improvements with yourselves.

This you may think a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 assertion, but it is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 made with|out reflection, nor 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the testimony of many, who have taken pains in 〈…〉〈…〉.

Because you see 〈…〉〈…〉 comparison to their number, who make any exertions of abilities at all, you are ready to enjoy the com|mon opinion, that they are an inferior set of beings, and de|stined by nature to the cruelties and hardships you impose upon them.

But, be cautious how long you hold such sentiments; the time may come, when you will be obliged to abandon them—consider the pitiable situation of these most distressed beings; deprived of their liberty and reduced to slavery; consider also, that they toil not for themselves, from the rising of the Sun to its going down, and you will readily conceive the cause of their inaction.

What time, or what incitement has a slave to become wise? there is no great art in hilling corn, or in running a furrow; and to do this, they know, they are doomed, whether they seek into the mysteries of science, or remain ignorant as they are.

To deprive a man of his liberty, has a tendency to rob his soul of every spring to virtuous actions; and were slaves to be|come fiends, the wonder could not be great. Nothing more assimilates a man to a beast, says the learned Montesque, than being among freemen, himself a slave; for slavery clogs the mind, perverts the moral faculty, and reduces the conduct of man to the standard of brutes.

What right then have you to expect greater things from these poor mortals? You would not blame a brute for committing ra|vages upon his prey, nor ought you to censure a slave, for making attempts to regain his liberty even at the risque of life itself.

Ye mercenary Portuguese, ye ambitious French, and ye de|ceitful Britons, I again call upon you to take these things into your consideration; it is time, a remorse of conscience had seized upon you; it is time, you were apprised of your danger: Be|hold the thousands that are annually lost to your governments in the prosecution of an unlawful and an iniquitous trade.

View the depredations that you commit upon a nation, born equally free with yourselves; consider the abyss of misery into which you plunge your fellow-mortals, and reflect upon the hor|rid crimes you are hourly committing under the bright sunshine of revealed religion.—Will you not then find yourselves 〈…〉〈…〉 precipice, and protected from ruin, only because you 〈…〉〈…〉 wicked to be lost?

What 〈◊〉〈◊〉, or what State can have the hope of existing, which professes a trade, that proves a sinking fund to her cof|fers, and to her subjects, that tramples the human species under foot, with as much indifference as the dirt, and fills the world with misery and woe?

Let not a blind hardiness in opinion any longer biass your judgments, and prevent you from acting like Christians.

View the Empires amongst the ancients; behold Egypt in the time of Secostris, Greece in the time of Cyrus, and Rome in the reign of Augustus; view them all, powerful as enemies, patterns of virtue and science, bold and intrepid in war, free and independent; and now see them sacrificed at the shrine of luxury, and dwindled into insignificance. When in power, they usurped the authority of God, they stretched out their arms to encompass their enemies, and bound their captives in iron chains of slavery.

Vengeance was then inflicted, their spoils became the instru|ments of pride, luxury and dissipation, and finally proved the cause of their present downfall.

Then look back at home; view your degeneracy from the times of Louis the 14th and Charles the 2d. and if a universal blush don't prevail, it will argue a hardness of heart, tempered by a constant action of wickedness upon the smooth anvil of re|ligion.

For such are the effects of subjecting man to slavery, that it destroys every humane principle, vitiates the mind, instills ideas of unlawful cruelties, and eventually subverts the springs of go|vernment.

What a distressing scene is here before us, America, I start at your situation! The idea of these direful effects of slavery de|mand your most serious attention.—What! shall a people, who flew to arms with the valour of Roman Citizens, when encroach|ments were made upon their liberties, by the invasion of foreign powers, now basely descend to cherish the seed and propagate the growth of that evil, which they boldly fought to eradicate. To the eternal infamy of our country, this will be handed down to posterity, written with the blood of African innocence.

If your forefathers have been degenerate enough to introduce slavery into your country, to contaminate the minds of her citi|zens, you ought to have virtue to extirpate it.

Emancipated from the shackles of despotism, you know no su|perior; free and independent, you stand equally respected among

your foes, and your allies.—Renowned in history, for your va|lour, and for your wisdom, your way is left open to the highest eminence of human perfection.

But while with pleasing hopes you may anticipate such an event, the echo of expiring freedom cannot fail to assail the ears, and pierce the heart with keen reproach.

In the first struggles for American freedom, in the enthusiastic ardour for attaining liberty and independence, one of the most noble sentiments that ever adorned the human breast, was loud|ly proclaimed in all her councils—

Deeply penetrated with a sense of Equality, they held it as a fixed principle, "that all men are by nature and of right ought to be free, that they are created equal and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, amongst which are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness."

Nevertheless, when the blessings of peace were showered upon them, when they had obtained these rights which they had so boldly contended for, then they became apostates to their prin|ciples, and rivetted the fetters of slavery upon the unfortunate Africans.

Deceitful men! who could have suggested, that American pa|triotism would at this day countenance a conduct so inconsistent; that while America boasts of being a land of freedom, and an asylum for the oppressed of Europe, she should at the same time foster an abominable nursery for slaves, to check the shoots of her glorious liberty?

Deaf to the clamours of criticism, she feels no remorse, and blindly pursues the object of her destruction; she encourages the propagation of vice, and suffers her youth to be reared in the habits of cruelty.

Not even the sobs and groans of injured innocence, which reek from every State, can excite her pity, nor human 〈◊〉〈◊〉 bend her heart to sympathy.

Cruel and oppressive she wantonly abuses the Rights of Man, and willingly sacrifices her liberty at the altar of slavery: What an opportunity is here given for triumph among her enemies? Will they not exclaim, that upon this very day, while the Ame|ricans celebrate the anniversary of Freedom and Independence, abject slavery exists in all her States but one.* 1.2

How degenerately base to merit the rebuke. Fellow-country|men, let the heart of humanity awake and direct your 〈◊〉〈◊〉

reflect that slavery gains root among you; look back upon the curses which it has heaped upon your ancestors, and unanimous|ly combine to drive the fiend Monster from your territories; it is inconsistent with the principles of your government, with the education of your youth, and highly derogatory to the true spi|rit of Christianity.

In despotic governments, says Montesque, where they are al|ready in a state of political slavery, civil slavery is more tolerable than in other governments; for there the minds of masters and servants are equally degenerate and act in unison.—But in Ame|rica, this cannot be the case; here the pure forms of Republican|ism are established, and hold forth to the world an enjoyment of Freedom and Independence.

Her citizens have thrown off the load of oppression, under which they formerly laboured; and elated with their signal vic|tory, have become oppressors in their turn.

They have slaves, over whom they carry the iron rod of sub|jection, and fail not to exercise it with cruelty; hence their situ|ations become insupportable, misery inhabits their cabins, and persecution pursues them in the field.

I would wish to be partial to my country, and carry a hand of lenity; it is more pleasing to celebrate than to detract, but who|ever takes a view of the situation of its slaves, will find it even worse than this description.

Naked and starved, they often fall victims to the inclemencies of the weather, and inhumanly beaten; sacrifices to the turbu|lent tempers of their cruel masters.

Unfortunate Africans! born in freedom, and subjected to sla|very! How long will you remain the spoils of despotism, and the harbingers of human calamities? Cannot your distresses awaken the heart of sensibility, and excite her pity? Cannot your un|lawful treatment call forth the voice of humanity to plead your cause?

Americans! step forward; you have already diffused a spirit of Liberty throughout the world; you have set examples of hero|ism; and now let me intreat you to pave the way to the exercise of humanity: An opportunity is offered to raise yourselves to the first eminence among mankind.

Rouse then from your lethargy, and let not such torpid indif|ference prevail in your councils.—Slavery, the most implacable enemy to your country, is harboured amongst you; it makes a rapid progress and threatens you with destruction.—

Already has it disturbed the limpid streams of liberty, it has polluted the minds of your youth, sown the seeds of despotism, and without a speedy check to her ravages, will sink you into a pit of infamy, where you shall be robbed of all the honours you have before acquired.

Let it be viewed either morally or politically, and no one ar|gument can be adduced in its favour.

The savage mind may perhaps become reconciled to it, but the heart of a Christian must recoil at the idea.—He sees it for|bidden in Holy Writ, and his conscience dictates to him, that it is wrong.

"He that stealeth a Man," says Exodus, "and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death."

Oh my countrymen! are there any of you, who can con over this elegant passage of Scripture, without trembling; or can you stand before the great Author of your existence, with an arm uplifted to subject his creatures to slavery, without dreading an execution of this divine threat.

"The nation, to whom they shall be in bondage, will I judge, said God" —and what that judgment may be, is beyond the sug|gestion of mortals. We may be hurled amidst the elements of woe to expiate the guilt, for he who holdeth men in slavery liveth in sin.

In a civilized country, where Religion is tolerated in all its purity, it must be the fault of ignorance, or a stubborn indif|ference to Christianity, to rebel against such divine sentiments; and considering slavery in a political view, it must appear equal|ly as destructive to our terrestial happiness, as it endangers our enjoyment of heavenly bliss.

For who is there, unless innured to savage cruelties, that can hear of the inhuman punishments daily inflicted upon the unfor|tunate Blacks, without feeling for their situations?

Can a man who calls himself a Christian, coolly and deliberate|ly tie up, thumb screw, torture with pincers, and beat unmerci|fully a poor slave, for perhaps a trifling neglect of duty? Or can any one be an eye witness to such enormities, without at the same time being deeply persuaded of its guilt?

I fear these questions may be answered in the affirmative, but I hope, by none of this respectable audience; for such men must be monsters not of the regular order of nature, and equally prone to murder, as to less cruelties.

But independent of these effects, which the existence of slavery

in any country has over the moral faculty of man, it is highly injurious to its internal oeconomy; it debars the progress of agri|culture, and gives origin to sloth and luxury.

View the fertile fields of Great-Britain, where the hand of freedom conducts the plowshare, then look back upon your own, and see how mean will be the comparison.

Your labourers are slaves, and they have no inducement, no incentive to be industrious; they are cloathed and victualled, whether lazy or hard-working; and from the calculations that have been made, one freeman is worth almost two slaves in the field, which makes it in many instances cheaper to have hire|lings; for they are excited to industry by the hopes of repu|tation and future employment, and are careful of their apparel and their instruments of husbandry, where they must provide them for themselves, whereas, the others have little or no tempta|tion to attend to any of these circumstances.

But this, the prejudiced mind is scarce able to scan, the pride of holding men as property, is too flattering to yield to the dic|tates of reason, and blindly pushes on man to his destruction.

What a pity is it, that darkness should so obscure us, that America with all her transcending glory, should be stigmatized with the infamous reproach of oppression, and her citizens be called Tyrants.

Fellow-countrymen, let the hand of persecution be no longer raised against you.—Act virtuously; do unto all men as you would they should do unto you, and exterminate the pest of slavery from your land.

Then will the tongues of slander be silenced, the shafts of cri|ticism blunted, and America enter upon a new theatre of glory.

But unless these things shall be done, unless the calamitous situation of the slaves shall at least be alleviated, what is America to expect? Can she think that such repeated insults to Divine Authority will pass off with impunity? Or can she suppose, that men, who are naturally born free, shall forever sweat under the yoke of ignominious slavery, without making one effort to regain their liberty?

No, my countrymen, these things are not to be expected.— Heaven will not overlook such enormities! She is bound to punish impenitent sinners, and her wrath is to be dreaded by all! Moreover, the number of slaves, that are harboured amongst you, holds forth an alarm; in many parts of the continent they exceed the whites, and are capable of ransacking the country.

What then, if the fire of Liberty shall be kindled amongst them? What, if some enthusiast in their cause shall beat to arms, and call them to the standard of freedom? Would they not fly in crouds, until their numbers became tremendous, and threaten the country with devastation and ruin?—It would not be the feeble efforts of an undisciplined people, that could quell their fury.

Lead on by the hopes of freedom, and animated by the aspiring voice of their leader, they would soon find, that "a day, an hour of virtuous liberty, was worth a whole eternity in bondage."

Hark! Methinks I hear the work begun, the Blacks have sought for Allies, and found them in the wilderness; they have called the rusty savages to their assistance, and are preparing to take revenge of their haughty masters.* 1.3

A revenge, which they consider as justly merited; for being no longer able to endure their unnatural and unlawful bondage, they are determined to seek Liberty or Death.

Why then is there not some step taken to ward off the dread|ful catastrophe?

Fellow countrymen, will you stand and see your aged parents, your loving wives, your dutiful children butchered by the mer|ciless hand of an enthusiast, when you have it in your power to prevent it?

In this enlightened period, when the Rights of Man is the topick of political controversy, and slavery is considered not only unnatural but unlawful, why do you not step forward and com|pleat the glorious work you have begun, and extend a merciful hand to the unfortunate Blacks? Why do you not form some wise plan to liberate them, and abolish slavery in your country?

If it should be deemed injudicious or impolitic to effect it at once, let it be done gradually; let the children for one or two generations be liberated at a certain age, and in less than half a century will the plague be totally rooted out from amongst you— then will you begin to see your consequence—thousands of good citizens will be added to your number, and your arms will be|come invincible: Gratitude will induce them to become your friends; for the PROMISE alone of freedom to a slave ensures his loyalty; witness their conduct in the second Punic war which the Senate of Rome carried on against Hannibal; not a man

disgraced himself, but all with an intrepidity peculiar to vete|rans, met their foes, fought and conquered.

Witness also the valour of a few Blacks in South-Carolina, who under the promise of freedom, joined the great and the good Colonel JOHN LAURENS; and in a sudden surprised the British, and distinguished themselves as heroes.

I remember it was said, they were foremost in the ranks, and nobly contended for their promised reward.

At this critical juncture when savage cruelties threaten to in|vade your peaceful territories, and murder your citizens, what great advantage might be derived from giving freedom to the Africans at once. Would they not all become your Allies; would they not turn out hardy warriors for the wilderness, to drive the blood-thirsty savage to his den, and teach him it were better to live peceably at home, than to come under the scourge of such newly liberated levies.

Americans arouse—It is time to hear the cause of the wretch|ed sons of Africa, enslaved in your country; they plead not guilty to every charge of crime, and unmeritedly endure the sufferings you impose upon them.

Yet, like haughty Despots, or corrupt Judges, you forbid a trial. Justice however to yourselves and humanity towards your fellow mortals, loudly demand it of you, and you ought not to hesitate in obeying their sacred mandates.

A few years may be sufficient to make you repent of your un|relenting indifference, and give a stab to all your boasted ho|nours; then may you, pitiable citizens, be taught wisdom, when it will be too late; then may you cry out, Abba Father, but mercy will not be found, where mercy was refused.

Let all the social feelings of the soul, let honour, philanthropy, pity, humanity, and justice, unite with policy to effect their eman|cipation.

For eternal will be the disgrace, of keeping them much longer in the iron fetters of slavery, but immortal the honour of ac|complishing their FREEDOM.

Notes

• * 1.1

  A whip with nine tails.
• * 1.2

  Massachusetts
• * 1.3

  This was thrown out as a conjecture of what possibly might happen, and the insur|rections in St. Domingo tend to prove the danger, to be more considerable than has generally been supposed, and sufficient to alarm the inhabitants of these States.