The whole genuine and complete works of Flavius Josephus ... Translated from the original in the Greek language. And diligently revised and compared with the writings of contemporary authors, of different nations, on the subject. All tending to prove the authenticity of the work. ; To which is added various useful indexes ... ; Also a continuation of the history of the Jews, from Josephus down to the present time ... By George Henry Maynard, LL.D. ; Illustrated with marginal references and notes, historical, biographical, classical, critical, geographical, and explanatory. By the Rev. Edward Kimpton, author the the Compleat universal history of the Holy Bible. ; Embellished with upwards of sixty beautiful engravings, taken from original drawings of the Messrs, Metz, Stothard, and Corbould, members of the Royal Academy, and engraved by American artists.

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The whole genuine and complete works of Flavius Josephus ... Translated from the original in the Greek language. And diligently revised and compared with the writings of contemporary authors, of different nations, on the subject. All tending to prove the authenticity of the work. ; To which is added various useful indexes ... ; Also a continuation of the history of the Jews, from Josephus down to the present time ... By George Henry Maynard, LL.D. ; Illustrated with marginal references and notes, historical, biographical, classical, critical, geographical, and explanatory. By the Rev. Edward Kimpton, author the the Compleat universal history of the Holy Bible. ; Embellished with upwards of sixty beautiful engravings, taken from original drawings of the Messrs, Metz, Stothard, and Corbould, members of the Royal Academy, and engraved by American artists.
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Josephus, Flavius.
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New-York: :: Printed and sold by William Durell, at his book store and printing office, no. 19, Queen-Street, near the Fly-Market.,
M,DCC,XCII. [i.e., 1792-1794]
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"The whole genuine and complete works of Flavius Josephus ... Translated from the original in the Greek language. And diligently revised and compared with the writings of contemporary authors, of different nations, on the subject. All tending to prove the authenticity of the work. ; To which is added various useful indexes ... ; Also a continuation of the history of the Jews, from Josephus down to the present time ... By George Henry Maynard, LL.D. ; Illustrated with marginal references and notes, historical, biographical, classical, critical, geographical, and explanatory. By the Rev. Edward Kimpton, author the the Compleat universal history of the Holy Bible. ; Embellished with upwards of sixty beautiful engravings, taken from original drawings of the Messrs, Metz, Stothard, and Corbould, members of the Royal Academy, and engraved by American artists." In the digital collection Evans Early American Imprint Collection. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/N18799.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed May 21, 2024.

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FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS ON THE ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XX. [INCLUDING A PERIOD OF ABOUT TWENTY-ONE YEARS.]

CHAP. I.

Claudius appoints Cassius Longinus to the government of Syria. Dissentions between the Jews and Philadel|phians. Tholomaeus, leader of a band of robbers, put to death. Agrippa, son of the late king, moves Claudius in favour of the Jews. Joseph appointed high-priest.

UPON the death of king Agrippa, Claudius Caesar appointed Cassius Longinus suc|cessor to Marcus in the government of Syria, out of respect to the memory of his deceased friend, who, in his life time, had often requested, by letters, that he would remove Mar|cus from his office.

When Cuspius Fadus entered upon his command in Judaea, he found great contentions prevail be|tween the Jews beyond Jordan, and the Philadel|phians, about the bounds of a small village, called Mais, the inhabitants of which were a brave and warlike people. The Jews of Perea had taken up arms, without any colour of authority from their superiors, and killed several of the Philadelphians. Fadus was so incensed at this seditious insolence, that he caused three of the ringleaders to be put in chains, Annibas, Amaram, and Eleazar. The first was afterwards put to death, and the other two were banished.

Soon after this Tholomaeus, the notorious leader of a band of robbers, who had committed ravages in Idumaea and Arabia, was brought to him in chains, and sentenced to death; nor was any thing wanting on the part of Fadus to clear the country of these plunderers. He sent after this to the priests and ru|lers of Jerusalem, and shewed them Caesar's man|date, requiring that the vestments peculiarly be|longing to the high-priest should be deposited in the castle of Antonia, and there remain in the custody of the Romans, as they had done in former times. The Jews durst not dispute the commands of the emperor, and therefore chose to make respectful application to Fadus and Longinus (who had his troops about him by way of security) for permission to move Claudius upon that point, and respite the proceeding till they might receive the emperor's answer. This request was granted, upon condi|tion of delivering up their sons for hostages in the mean time, to which they readily agreed, and the deputies proceeded on their embassy.

Agrippa, being then in Rome at the court of Cae|sar, and having timely notice of their arrival and business, petitioned Caesar in behalf of the Jews, that the sacred vestments might remain in their own possession, and that he would vouchsafe to signify his pleasure to Fadus by an order to that purpose. Claudius, upon this, sent for the deputies into his presence, and having told them that he had granted their request, and called upon them to thank Agrippa for his interposition in their behalf, gave them the following letter.

Claudius Caesar Germanicus, tribune of the people, the fifth time consul elect, the fourth time emperor, and the father of his country the tenth time, to the senate, the people of Jerusalem, and the whole nation of the Jews, greeting:

Whereas we are given to understand by our dearly beloved Agrippa, whom we have trained up as tender as our own child, that you have sent us your deputies (which deputies he hath also presented to us) with acknowledgment of our constant cares for the good of your people, and likewise with your earnest desire of having the pontifical robes and ornaments in your own cus|tody; we do freely grant ye your request, in such manner as was formerly allowed you in the days of that excellent person Vitellius, our very dear friend. And be it further known unto you, that we have descended to these concessions, partly out of a motive of piety, it seeming unto us a rea|sonable thing for all men freely to enjoy the reli|gion

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of their country, and partly to gratify king Herod and the young Aristobulus, whose friend|ship we have a great value for, upon the cer|tain knowledge of the friendship they both have for us.

We have written to our lieutenant Cuspius Fa|dus about this matter, by Cornelius, the son of Ceron; Tryphon, the son of Theudion; Doro|theus, the son of Nathanael; and John, the son of John. Dated the 4th of the calends of July: Rufus and Pompeius Sylvanus co••••••ls.

Herod, brother of the deceased Agrippa, and prince of Chalcis, petitioned Claudius Caesar for the charge of the temple and holy treasure, with the privilege of appointing the high-priest. All this was granted him, and the power continued in the family till the end of the Jewish war. This prince removed Canthara from the pontificate, and appointed Joseph, the son of Canaeus, to succeed him.

CHAP. II.

Helen, queen of Adiabena, and her son Izates, em|brace the Jewish religion. Zeal of Izates for their rites and ceremonies. Eleazar, a professor of the Mo|saic law, enforces the necessity of circumcision. The king Izates is convinced, and complies with it. A dreadful famine in Jerusalem. Liberal contributi|ons of the queen and Izates for the relief of the inha|bitants. Conspiracy against Artabanus, king of Par|thia. Izates interposes in his behalf. Gratitude of Artabanus. His death. Vardanes, his son and suc|cessor, presses Izates to a war with the Romans. Makes war upon Izates is cut off by his own people, and the government transferred to his brother. Izates detects a conspiracy and punishes the leaders. Izates involved in various disputes. His singular modesty, piety, and humility. Death of Izates, and submission of Monobasus. Death of Helen, who, with her son, is interred at Jerusalem. Punishment of Theredas, a false prophet.

ABOUT this time Helen, queen of Adiabena, and Izates, her son, embraced the Jewish re|ligion upon the following occasion. Monobasus, king of Adiabena, became enamoured of his sister, and took her to wife. As he was reposing one night in the term of her pregnancy, he fancied he heard a voice admonishing him to be cautious, lest, by any pressure, he might hurt the infant, which was de|signed by Providence as a blessing to mankind. The voice startled him; and when he awoke, he related the circumstance to his queen. The child, at the birth, proved to be a male; and the father gave him the name of Izates. He had another son by the same princess, whom he called after his own name, as well as several children by other wives; but his affection concentered in Izates.

This partial preference in the king, excited the jealousy and envy of the rest of the brothers. The king at first took no notice of it, hoping that, through his own prudent conduct, these passions, by degrees, would subside; but finding them, on the contrary, rather increase, he thought it expe|dient, by way of security, to remove Izates from the palace, and indeed the kingdom. He therefore dispatched him, with a particular recommendation, and sumptuous presents, to Abennerigus, at the fort of Spasinus, who esteemed him so highly, that he gave him his daughter Samachas in marriage, with a very extensive portion of land as her dowry.

Monobasus being advanced in years, and appre|hending the approach of his dissolution, had a great desire to see his darling son, and therefore sent for him to that purpose. Upon his arrival he embraced him with the tenderest affection, and bestowed up|on him the province of Caeron, a spot famous for aromatic plants; and particularly for the remains of Noah's ark that escaped the deluge, and were there exposed to view. Izates took up his residence in this place during the life of his father. But p|on the very day of the king's decease, queen Helen called her great officers of state and commanders together, and thus addressed them:

I need not inform you that the late king, my husband, de|signed Izates for his successor, as esteeming him of all his sons most worthy of that honour. How|ever, I wait your determination, as the happiness of a prince depends not on the approbation of an individual, but the suffrages of the people in ge|neral.
This courteous address was delivered to sound their opinion. It had a very good effect; for the council had no sooner heard of it, than, with the profoundest reverence, according to the cus|tom of the country, they declared themselves una|nimously disposed to advance Izates to the throne, being fully satisfied that it was agreeable to his father that it should be so, as the person of his fa|mily he accounted best qualified for that dignity. They assured her that the people were in his inter|est; and that themselves were not only ready to acknowledge him for their sovereign, but, in case of any danger from the pretensions of brothers, to obviate such obstacles, and pave him a safe and easy passage to the throne.

The queen most gratfully acknowledged this zeal and affection; bu by no means consent to the effusion of any blood, till Izates should be consulted upon that point. When the council found the queen thus disposed, they urged, how|ever, that, for the better security of the new king, they might be kept in safe custody, and some other persons, that the queen should best approve of, en|trusted with the administration in his absence. The queen approved the proposal, and made choice of Monobasus, the elder brother, for the viceroy, set the crown upon his head, gave him his father's signet, and committed the care of the government into his hands, till his brother should come to take it himself. Izates did not long delay after he heard of his father's death, and immediately on his arri|val Monobasus resigned his charge.

While Izates resided at the fort of Spasinus, a certain Jewish merchant, by name Ananias, having introduced himself to some of the female attend|ants belonging to the court, instructed them in the knowledge of the true God, and the rites and cus|toms of the Jewish religion. By these means he be|came acquainted with Izates, whom he converted to the same religion, and attended in his journey to Adiabena, whither his father sent to see him a short time before his death. Queen Helen was also con|verted to our profession by another Jew. Izates, upon his return to Adiabena, was much concerned to find his brothers, and others of his kindred, pri|soners there. His conscience recoiled at the idea of either putting them to death, or keeping them in chains. On the other hand he thought it might be dangerous to set them at liberty under provocation to revenge; so that he prudently steered a middle course, and sent them away for hostages; part, with their children, to Rome, to Claudius Caesar; others to Artabanus, king of Parthia.

When Izates began to find how highly his mo|ther approved of the Jewish mode of worship, he thought it an incumbent duty to make public pro|fession of his religion; and supposing he could not be in reality a Jew, without undergoing the form of circumcision, determined to perfect the work, by ini|tiating himself with that ceremony. His mother endeavoured to divert him from it, apprehending that it would be attended with dangerous conse|quences. To this end she suggested to him,

that his subjects would renounce their allegiance, if they heard that their king had embraced another religion, and that they would never endure a Jew upon the throne.
This dissuasive suspended the execution of his purpose; and, in the mean time, he advised upon the point with Ananias, who assured him he entirely coincided in opinion with his mo|ther, and threatened to leave him if he persisted in his resolution. Ananias very pertinently observed,
that, if the matter should become public, he him|self would be the greatest sufferer, as the author of this change, and incur the stigma of a seducer

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an act of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, God might be worshipped in sincerity and truth, without the external ceremony of circumcision, upon principles of obedience to the precepts of Moses; and that God would dis|pense with the omission of the operation, when the peace and safety of his dominions would be endangered by the observance of it.
This per|suasive mode of argument prevailed with the king according to the desire of his mother.

But the king soon wavering in his opinion, it happened in a short time, that there came a Jew out of Galilee, whose name was Eleazar, a man versed in the Mosaic laws. This Eleazar being in|troduced to Izates, as he was reading in the penta|teuch, thus addressed him:

You do not consider, O king, how great an injury you do to the law, and how heinous an offence you offer to God, in knowing his will without obeying it. How long will you continue in a state of uncircumcision? If you have not yet met with the law that requires it, read on, that you may be convinced of the enormity of your crime in the omission of it.
This address of Eleazar wrought so powerfully on the king, that he immediately retired to a drawing-room, and underwent the operation. He then sent for, and gave information of the transaction, to his mother and Ananias, who discovered the greatest astonishment and apprehension, lest the discovery should hazard the loss of his kingdom, or his sub|jects would not endure a prince of another religion; and also lest themselves should be subject to dan|ger, or be the supposed abetters of the innovation. But Providence mercifully interposed in their be|half, by delivering Izates out of great perplexities, and, indeed, desperate extremities, in order to de|monstrate that piety and virtue shall never go un|rewarded, and that the great disposer of all events will never forsake those who put themselves under his care and protection.

When queen Helen had the happiness of seeing her son settled in the peaceable possession of his crown, and finding he had acquired the reputation, both at home and abroad, of a prince highly fa|voured of God and man, she was much inclined to visit the city of Jerusalem, in order to worship and sacrifice in that temple, which was so famous all over the world. Her son most cordially gave his consent, furnished her amply with money and every other necessary for her voyage, and conducted her some days upon her way.

She arrived at Jerusalem in an happy hour for the citizens, as so dreadful a famine prevailed at that time, that multitudes were perishing for want of bread. Their distress was no sooner made known to this benevolent princess, than she sent several of her train, some to one place, and some to another, to search for relief; insomuch that, in a short time, great quantities of wheat were brought from Alex|andria, and dried figs from Cyprus, which she im|mediately caused to be distributed among the poor, and thereby acquired immortal honour throughout our nation. Her son Izates likewise, on receiving intelligence of the famine, sent great benefactions in money, to the rulers of Jerusalem, for the use of their poor: but a detail of these royal bounties will be more properly introduced in another place.

Artabanus, king of Parthia, perceiving that a com|bined party of powerful and factious nobility had formed a plot against him, determined to apply to Izates for his advice, assistance, and protection, in his then embarrassed situation. Accordingly, having collected about a thousand of his kindred and ser|vants, he proceeded, and met Izates by the way. He had no personal knowledge of him, but ima|gined him to be the prince to whom he was repair|ing, by the magnificence of his retinue. On advanc|ing near, he saluted him with reverential awe, ac|cording to the custom of the country, and then made known his circumstances in words to this ef|fect:

Behold, great prince, your humble suppli|cant, nor despise the object of your generous compassion. It has been my fortune to be cast obscure state, which has compelled me to have recourse to your benevolence for succour. Of this I cannot despair from a prince so well ac|quainted with the vicissitudes of human affairs, and conscious that my case may be your own, as your present degree of elevation is as mine for|merly was. I might observe, that it tends to the common interest of princes to aid each other, as the success of one rebellion becomes a prece|dent for another, by emboldening disaffected sub|jects.
These words were accompanied with tears, and a dejected countenance.

Izates, by this time, perceived his petitioner was no less than Artabanus, king of Parthia; so that dis|mounting, he requested him to collect his scattered spirits, and console himself with this assurance, that the malady was not past relief, and that Providence would put a speedy end to his distress. He added, that he should find in him a more effectual assistant than he could possibly have expected, as it was his determined resolution to see him restored to his crown, or give up his own. After saying these words, Izates set Artabanus on his own horse, and walked on foot by his side, in honour of a king he owned to be greater than himself. But Artabanus blushed at the compliment, and swore by all the hopes he had of recovering his dignity and fortune, that he would dismount, unless the other would take an horse and go before him. Izates, in compliance with his resolution, ordered another horse, and con|ducted him to his palace, with all the deference and honour one prince could pay to another. He gave him the precedence in all places private and public, respecting his former glory and dignity, without the least degradation from his change of fortune; wisely considering it as the common lot of mortals to be exalted one day, and dejected another.

His mind being intent on rendering the promised services to Artabanus, Izates wrote a pressing letter to the Parthians to receive their king again, engag|ing his honour for their indemnity, and assuring them, that all past injuries should be forgiven and forgotten. The Parthians did not absolutely refuse, but pleaded, by way of excuse, that they had trans|ferred the crown to Cinnamus, and thereby pre|vented themselves from receiving Artabanus again; adding, that the very attempt of such a revocation would lay the foundation of an intestine commo|tion. Cinnamus, being of a generous and grate|ful disposition, and having been educated under the immediate care and inspection of Artabanus, informed him in a letter, that if he would return, he would himself be answerable for his reception and security. Artabanus, upon this assurance, re|turned. Cinnamus met him on the way, paid him reverence in form, saluted him in the stile of king, took the crown from off his own head, and placed it upon the head of Artabanus. This was the man|ner in which he was restored to the kingdom, through the means of Izates, after he had been ex|pelled from it by a faction of his own people. Ar|tabanus expressed his gratitude to his benefactor, by a return of all honourable duty and respect. He gave him the privilege of wearing the Tiara upright, and to sleep upon a golden bed, which are marks of honour peculiar to the king of Parthia. He bestowed upon him the country of Nisibis, for|merly belonging to the king of Armenia, a large and fruitful territory, and famous for the ancient city of Antioch, afterwards called Mygdonia, that the Macedonians had erected there. These were the acknowledgments which Izates received from Artabanus, in consideration of the good offices he had rendered him.

Artabanus dying soon after, appointed his son Vardanes to succeed him in his kingdom, who im|mediately tampered with Izates to draw him into a war with the Romans. But Izates was too well ac|quainted with the strength and conduct of those people to be drawn into a league against so powerful an enemy. Besides, having five sons trained up among them, to learn their language and discipline, he had some tie of honour upon him, as well as discretion, to reject such a proposal. As he was himself con|

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〈…〉〈…〉 undertaking, he endeavoured to divert Vardanes from it, by repre|senting the extraordinary strength and prowess of the Romans. But so far was the Parthian from being discouraged by the pomp of words, that he made war immediately upon Izates. Providence, however, so ordered matters for the humbling his vanity, that he was convinced of the advantages he would hence derive from giving up the enter|prize. When the Parthians found Vardanes bent upon a war with the Romans, they took their op|portunity to cut him off, and committed the go|vernment to his brother Gatarza, who was after taken off by treachery too, and his brother Volo|geses succeeded him. He divided the government between his two brothers by the father's side. Pacorus, the elder, had Media; and Tiridates, the younger, had Armenia.

Monobasus, the brother of the king, observing, his exemplary piety and virtue, the blessings that at|tended his general conduct, and the universal esteem he acquired thereby, became desirous of renounc|ing the religion of their country and embracing that of the Jews. When this was made known to the grandees of the kingdom, they were not a little displeased, but stifled their resentment till a proper opportunity for shewing it. To this end they wrote to Abias, king of Arabia, and tempted him, with large promises of money, to make war upon their prince, with a solemn assurance that, upon the very first encounter, they would desert him, because they were determined to punish him for having abandoned the religion of his country. They en|tered into a league with the Arabian king, and pressed him to prosecute the design without delay. Abias complied with their desire and forth with marched with a considerable army against Izates. At the first onset, before they came to a close en|gagement, the army of Izates, according to for|mer assurance, deserted the field as in a panic of consternation, without so much as striking an ef|fective blow. Izates, by this time, found himself evidently betrayed, but retreated without disorder to his camp, where, upon strict enquirry into the cause of this desertion, he discovered it to be a ma|nifest treason betwixt his people and the enemy, detected some of the conspirators, and punished them according to their deserts. The day follow|ing he went in pursuit of Abias, routed him, made a great slaughter of part of his army, put the rest to flight, and drove their king to the castle of Arsanus, which he took by storm, rifled, and carri|ed off vast booty, and returned in triumph to Adi|abena. Abias, finding himself encompassed on every side, fell by his own sword.

The grandees of Adiabena, however, though they failed in their first attempt, and were now at the mercy of the king, would not desist; but in a sup|plicatory letter to Vologeses, then king of Parthia, requested him to take them under his protection, rid them of Izates, and appoint some potentate of his own nation to rule over them; observing, that their king had incurred an universal odium, by aposta|tizing from the religion of his country.

The Parthian king, upon this application, com|menced hostilities against Izates, without any co|lourable pretence. His first step was a revocation of all the honours and privileges which his father had conferred upon him, together with a menace of immediate war, if he dared to dispute his plea|sure. This at first alarmed Izates, who deemed it reproachful to be terrified into a resignation of those privileges he so honourably possessed and deserved. Persuaded that submission to the Parthian would avail him nothing, he came to a determinate resolu|tion of committing his cause to Providence, and, in full dependance on the Divine aid, of setting life, honour, and fortune, upon the issue of a battle. Thus resolved, he secured his wives and children in a strong castle, laid up stores of corn in his ma|gazine, burnt and destroyed all the forage about him, and put himself in a posture to receive the ene|my. The king of Parthia had raised a formidable army of horse and foot, with great expedition, and pitched his camp upon the bank of a river that parts Adiabena from Media. Izates encamping al|so not far from thence with a body of six thousand horse, Vologeses gave him to understand by a mes|senger, that he was now advancing against him with the whole force of the empire, from Bactia to Euphrates, to chastise him for his ingratitude to his master, impiously observing, that the god whom he adored could not deliver him out of his hands. Izates replied to the messenger, that he was sensi|ble of the superiority of the king of Parthia in point of numbers, and as sensible that he was under the protection of an omnipotent God, who was infi|nitely above all the controul of human power.

With this declaration he dismissed the messen|ger, and prostrating himself, with his wives and children, in a suppliant posture, thus offered up his prayer to the Father of mercies to this effect:

Great God, and Governor of the universe, whom none of thy creatures ever served in vain, vouchsafe in mercy to look down upon thy ser|vant, who hath now wholly cast himself upon thy Almighty power and infinite goodness. Deliver him out of the hands of his enemies, repress their presumptuous boldness, for the vindication of thine own honour, and avenge thyself upon them, for their blasphemous defiance of thine omnipotence.

The prayer and humiliation of this pious prince appeared so effectual, that, upon intelligence, the very same night, of the Dahae and Sacae (people of Scythia) falling into Parthia with a strong army, Vologeses drew off his forces, without carrying his menaces into execution, which was an indication of the interposition of Divine Providence in favour of Izates.

This pious prince died soon after, in the fifty-fifth year of his age, and twenty-fourth of his reign. He left four sons behind him, but appointed his brother Monobasus for his successor, as a due ac|knowledgment of the integrity of his conduct, in delivering up the crown which he held in trust, in the absence of Izates, upon the death of their fa|ther. Queen Helen, the mother could not but be greatly afflicted for the loss of so dear and dutiful a son, but it was some alleviation to her grief, to find that the elder brother succeeded to the govern|ment. She therefore immediately repaired to him at Adiabena, but did not long survive her favourite son Izates. Monobasus sent the bones of his bro|ther and mother away to Jerusalem, to be deposi|ted in the pyramids which she had built there. They were three in number, and about three fur|longs distant from the city. The history of Mono|basus will be given in another place.

While Fadus was governor of Judaea, there was a certain magician, called Theredas, who, by his arts, wrought the common people into a belief, that if they would follow him to the river Jordan, and take their effects along with them, he would but give the word, and the waters should divide, and af|ford them an easy passage over it on foot. This im|postor drew after him a numerous train of follow|ers; but they suffered for their presumption and folly; for Fadus, sending a troop of horse among them, before they were aware, many of them were slain, and many taken alive, and among the rest their deluder Theredas, whose head was carried as a spectacle to Jerusalem.

CHAP. III.

Tiberius Alexander succeeds Cuspus Fadus in the go|vernment of Judaea. A great famine in that province. Crucifixion of James and Simon. Cyrenius taxes Ga|lilee. Cumanus succeeds Tiberius Alexander. Death of Herod, brother of Agrippa. Claudius transfers the government to his youngest son, Agrippa.

FADUS was succeeded in the government of Judaea by Tiberius Alexander, son of Alex|ander of Alexandria, a much more respectable character than his son, who renounced the religion

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of his country. er here procurato 〈…〉〈…〉 great famine happened in Judaea as before men|tioned, when the benevolent and humane queen Helen procured relief for the distressed out of E|gypt at immense charge. It was at the same time also, that Alexander caused to be crucified James and Simon, the sons of Judas of Galilee, who, while Cyrenius was taxing Galilee, was inciting the Jews to revolt from the Romans. Herod, king of Chalcis, removed Joseph, the son of Camydas, from the office of high-priest, and appointed Ananias, the son of Nebodaeus, to the succession. Cumanus succeeded Tiberius. At the same time Herod, bro|ther of Agrippa the Great, departed this life, in the eighth year of the reign of Claudius Caesar, leaving behind him three sons, Aristobulus, whom he had by a former wife, and Bernicianus and Hyrcanus, whom he had by Berenice, his brother's daughter; but Claudius conferred the Government upon Agrippa the younger.

CHAP. IV.

A tumult between the soldiery and populace, upon the feast of the passover, is productive of the most fatal consequences. The books of Moses found amongst the plunder, and destroyed by a soldier. The multitude apply to Cumanus for justice. He inflicts condign punishment on the offender.

WHILE Cumanus ruled in Judaea, a tumult happened at Jerusalem upon the following occasion, which proved fatal to many thousands of the inhabitants. The festival of the passover, or unleavened bread, now approaching, vast multi|tudes of people repaired to Jerusalem to be pre|sent at that solemnity. Cumanus, the governor, thought it expedient, for fear of any disturbance, to set a band of soldiers as a guard upon the tem|ple, sufficient to suppress a tumult, if occasion might require it, as had frequently been done by his predecessors. Upon the fourth day of the fes|tival, a soldier exposed himself naked to the peo|ple; an act at once so indecent and insolent, that they exclaimed most outrageously against it; not so much as an affront put upon them, as an indignity offered to God himself, to whose honour this feast was dedicated. Some of them reproached Cumanus, as if the soldier would not have had the hardiness to behave in this manner without his encouragement. Cumanus, though incensed at so foul an imputation, suppressed his resentment, and desired them, in fair words, to avoid any instance of behaviour that might, look like sedition. But he soon found that gentle means would have no effect, as they tended to increase rather than suppress the outrage. He therefore commanded the whole army, compleatly accoutered, into the castle of Antonia, which, as before observed, overlooked the temple. The common people were so alarmed at the approach of the soldiery, that they betook themselves to flight with the utmost precipitation, and pressing one upon another, through several narrow avenues, many of them were thrown own and trodden under foot, insomuch that twenty thousand persons perished upon the occasion; a circumstance that turned that day of festival into a day of mourning, in which outcries and lamentations universally prevailed.

This calamity was attended by another equally fatal, for some of those, who had escaped the pres|sure of the croud, and advanced an hundred fur|longs from the town, meeting with a domestic of the emperor's on the highway, whose name was Ste|phanus, they assaulted and robbed him of all he had. Cumanus receiving intelligence of this out|rage, dispatched a band of soldiers to the spot where it was committed with orders to rifle all the adjacent villages, and bring away some of the principle in|habitants prisoners. In the midst of the pillage, one of the soldiers seized upon the books of Moses a|mongst the other plunder, and presenting them to the populace, inveighed both against them and the whole nation of the Jews in the most approbrious terms, and then tore them to pieces. This flagrant contempt of 〈…〉〈…〉 sooner made known to the Jews, than they assem|bled in great numbers, preferred their complaint to Cumanus, who was then at Cesarea, and desired him to do them right on the rioter, not as guilty of a private injury, but an heinous offence to the ma|jesty of heaven. The governor durst not deny them justice, least a popular revolt should ensue; so that, after consulting his friends, he ordered the criminal's head to be struck off for the violation of the law, and by that means put a stop to the pro|gress of the tumult.

CHAP. V.

A dissention between the Jews and the Samarians. The Jews chuse Eleazar for their leader. Cumanus puts the mutineers to the rout. Arts used to pacify the mul|titude. The Samarians call upon the governor for justice on the Jews, who had sacked their villages. Several Jews put to death. Ananias and Ananus sent bound to Rome. Claudius hears the cause between the Samarians and Jews. The former are condemned to die. Cumanus banished, and Celer, the tribune, drag|ged to death in the streets. Claudius Felix sent gover|nor in Judaea. Does great honour to Agrippa. Agrip|pa and his wife burned under mount Vesuvius. Be|renice suspected of incest. Death of Claudius Caesar, who is suspected to have been taken off by poison. Nero proclaimed emperor of Rome. Poisons Britannicus, and causes his own mother and Octavia to be put to death. Confers the government of the Lesser Armenia on Aristobulus, and that part of Galilee upon Agrippa.

AFTER this tumult a dissention arose between the Samarians and the Jews upon the follow|ing occasion. It being usual for the Galileans to travel by the way of Samaria to Jerusalem, upon the celebration of their festivals, they happened to pass by a village called Nais, under the jurisdiction of Samaria, and situated on the great plain, where a dispute arose between the passengers and the vil|lagers, and several of the Galileans were slain. Some of the chiefs resented this matter so highly, that they animated the Jews to take up arms, and assert their liberties at the point of the sword. Slavery, they observed, was, at best, base and disgraceful, but when accompanied with arbitrary justice, into|lerable. The magistrates did all in their power to appease them, and undertook for Cumanus, that he should do them satisfaction upon the abettors of the tumult. But the multitude were deaf to all terms of pacification, were resolutely bent upon having recourse to arms, and made choice of Elea|zar, the son of Danaeus, to head them. This Elea|zar was a mountaineer, and one that made it his profession to live upon the spoil of ravaging up and down in Samaria with fire and sword. Cuma|nus, having intelligence of the present situation of affairs, drew out some squadrons of horse from Se|baste, and four companies of foot, with a body of the Samarians in arms, advanced upon the Jews, slew many of them, and took more prisoners. The most eminent persons in Jerusalem, finding things in this hopeless and forlorn situation, betook them|selves to prayer and humiliation in sackcloth and ashes, for the averting of those dreadful judgments they feared were impending; not omitting, at the same time, such popular arts and arguments, as ap|peared most conducive to bring the multitude to sober reason. They set before them the desolation of their country, the demolition of their temple, the enslaving their wives and children to prophane nations; and intreated them, upon the whole, as they loved their country, their lives, liberties, fa|milies, laws, and religion, to adopt more mode|rate counsels in future, return to their own habi|tations, and peaceably lay down their arms. This representation so far prevailed, that the common people dispersed, and the tumult subsided; but the free-booters betook themselves to their lurk|ing places, so that Judaea was exposed to continual ravages.

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The heads of Samaria now went in a body to Nu|midius Quadratus, governor of Syria, who was at Tyre, with a charge against the Jews, of firing and plundering their villages, for which, they said, they were not so much concerned on their account, as for the encroachment on the sovereign authority of Rome, which had singly and solely the cognizance of cases of that nature. They observed, that they committed lawless depredations, and usurped a right of judgment, thereby setting the Roman le|gislature at open defiance.

The Jews, on the other hand, affirmed that the Samarians were the authors of this tumult, and of course the disasters which ensued. They laid the main stress of the charge upon Cumanus, who, they said, had been bribed into connivance at a most notorious murder. Quadratus, having attended to the allegations on both sides, adjourned the hear|ing, assuring the parties, that he would go himself into Judaea, and, upon a perfect investigation of the whole matter, pass judgment accordingly; so that they were dismissed for the present. Quadratus went soon after this into Samaria, where, upon hearing the cause, he concluded that the Samarians were guilty of the riot. He was likewise informed that many of the Jews had been accessary to com|motions, and therefore caused several prisoners, whom Cumanus had taken into custody, to be put to death. From thence he went to Lydda, a place of considerable extent, where he heard the Sama|rian cause a second time, and understanding that one Dortus, an eminent Jew, with four more of his own tribe, had incited the populace to an insurrec|tion, he passed sentence of death upon them all. But Ananias the high-priest, and Ananus, the principal officer, were sent bound to Rome, to answer for themselves before Caesar. He likewise ordered into Italy the principal men both of the Samarians and the Jews, with Cumanus, the governor, and Celer, the tribune, that the emperor might hear and de|termine upon the cause depending; but returned himself to Jerusalem, lest new tumults might re|quire the exertion of his authority. Finding how|ever every thing in a peaceable state, and the Jews wholly intent upon the celebration of one of their usual festivals, he would not interrupt them in the exercise of their profession, and so went back to Antioch.

When Cumanus and the Samarians arrived at Rome, they were ordered to appear at the time and place appointed for the trial, and having made very powerful interest before hand, would most probably have carried the cause, had it not been for the in|terposition of Agrippa the younger, who finding the Jews in danger of being overpowered by numbers, importuned Agrippina, the wife of Claudius, to press her husband for a candid and impartial hear|ing, and an indiscriminate execution of justice upon the authors of this encroachment on the sovereignty of the Roman empire. Claudiu 〈◊〉〈◊〉 so prevailed upon by this intercession, that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 gave both sides a fair hearing, and finding, upon the whole, that the Samarians had been the authors of this tumult, passed sentence of death upon those who came up to him; of exile upon Cumanus; and commanded Celer, the tribune, to be carried to Jerusalem, and dragged to execution through the streets in the face of all the people. He then appointed Felix, the brother of Pallas, to the government of Judaea.

Claudius Caesar, in the twelfth year of his reign, conferred upon Agrippa the tetrarchy of Philip, with Batanaea; and added to it Trachon and Abila, which had been the tetrarchy of Lysanias; but he took Chalcis from him, after it had been under his government four years. Agrippa, having received those bounties from Caesar, gave his sister Drusilla, in marriage to Azizus, king of Emesa, who was now become a Jew. She had before been promised to Epiphanes, the son of Antiochus, on condition of his embracing the Jewish religion; but, upon refu|sal, the match broke off. He married Mariamne, ano|ther of his sisters, to Archelaus, the son of Chel|cias, to whom she had been contracted some time be|fore by her father Agrippa, from which marriage was derived a daughter, whose name was Berenice.

Soon after this Drusilla and Azizus were parted on the following occasion. Drusilla possessing great personal charms, Felix, the governor of Judaea, be|came passionately enamoured of her. To obtain his desire, he sent for Simon, his particular friend, (a Jew of Cyprus, who pretended to divination,) and enjoined him to use all his art with Drusilla to de|tach her from her husband, and persuade her to marry him, with full assurance that nothing should be wanting to compleat her happiness. Drusilla, to avoid the envy of her sister Berenice, on account of her beauty, imprudently acceded to the proposal, renounced her religion as well as her husband, and married the Roman governor, by whom she had a son, called Agrippa, who, in the days of Titus Caesar, and in the prime of life, perished, with his wife, at a conflagration of the Mount Vesuvius.

Berenice lived in a state of widowhood a consider|able time after the death of Herod, who was both her husband and her uncle, but lying under the dis|graceful imputation of incestuous familiarity with her brother, in order to wipe off that stigma, she persuaded Polemon, king of Cilicia, to embrace the Jewish religion, and take her to wife, as it might pass for a confutation of the report. Pole|mon, lured by her fortune, came into the proposal; but Berenice, being a woman of a licentious dispo|sition, soon parted with her husband, as he did with his new religion. Mariamne also put away Arche|laus, and was married to Demetrius, the most emi|nent Jew of Alexandria, as well for birth as fortune, and at that time alabrcha of this place, by whom she had a son, called Agrippinus.

Claudius Caesar, having reigned thirteen years, eight months, and twenty days, departed this life, not without a strong presumption of his having been poisoned by his wife Agrippina. She was the daugh|ter of Germanicus, the emperor's brother. Her first husband was Domitius Aenbrbus, a man of emi|nence in the city of Rome, who leaving her a wi|dow, she remained in that state till Claudius took her to wife. She had a son by Domitius, who was called by his father's name, which, upon his being adopted by Claudius, was changed for that of Nero. This emperor had a former wife, whose name was Messalina, by whom he had issue, Britannicus and Octavia. He caused Messalina to be put to death, upon a suspicion of jealousy, and married Antonia, his eldest child, whom he had by Petronia, a former wife, to Nero, his adopted son.

Agrippina being bent upon the advancement of his own son to the empire, it is reported that she consulted the death of Claudius and the securing the succession to Nero at the same time, lest Germa|nicus should interpose and supplant him. She had suborned Burrhus, commanding officer of the guards, with some tribunes, friends, and favorites, to be in immediate readiness, upon the demise of Claudius, to carry Nero into the camp, and pro|claim him emperor. This they no sooner did, but his first exploit, after his elevation, was the poison|ing of Britannicus, which was followed by the attrocious murder of his own mother, in requital for the life she had given him, and the empire she had procured him. He put his wife Octavia to death, and divers persons of the first eminence for integrity and honour. But the history of Nero is so well known, that it is needless to enlarge upon the subject. Some writers are as extravagant in their panegyric, as others have been in their defamation; so that truth, the chief excellence of an historian, is totally obscured. Nor do I much wonder at the palpable contradictions evident in the recital of the acts of Nero by different authors of his life, when I consider the partiality and prejudice that are as evident in the histories of his predecessors. With respect to myself, truth shall ever be my direct aim. Matters foreign and contingent shall be passed over with brevity; while particular attention shall be paid to the concerns of our own nation, which shall be related without the guise of exaggeration of our virtues, or palliation of our vices. But to re|turn to the subject before us.

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Azizus, king of Emesa, died in the first year of the reign of Nero, and was succeeded by his bro|ther Sohemus. Nero gave Armenia the Lsser to Aristobulus, the son of Herod, king of Chalcis. He also gave to Agrippa a part of Galilee, subjecting Tiberais and Tarichae to his government, with the addition of Julius beyond Jordan, and fourteen vil|lages under that jurisdiction.

CHP. VI.

Judaea infested with robbers and impostors. Felix seizes Eleazar, a ring-leader, and sends him bound to Rome. Jonathan, the high-priest, is assassinated, through the contrivance of Dora, at the instance of Felix. The people seduced by the wiles of magicians and false prophet. Disputes between the Jews of Cesarea and Syria, concerning their privileges. Felix turns the soldiers upon the contending parties, and gives them the booty. The high-priests divide from, and oppress the priests in ordinary.

THE affairs of the Jews grew daily worse and worse, as the country was infested with rob|bers and impostors, who deluded the credulous multitude. A day scarcely passed in which Felix did not cause some of them to be apprehended, and brought to condign punishment. Eleazar, the son of Dinaeus, a ring-leader of the party, was taken by stratagem. Felix gave him a solemn invitation to come over to him, with assurance of perfect se|curity, which inducing Eleazar to compliance, he no sooner arrived, than the governor sent him in chains to Rome.

Felix conceived a mortal aversion to Jonathan, the high-priest, because he frequently gave him wholesome advice, concerning the regulation of the affairs of Judaea, to prevent the murmers of the people, and ensure the approbation of those friends who had recommended him to the government. Felix considered his counsel as reproach, and there|fore concerted means for ridding himself of the ungrateful importunities of the high-priest, as men of depraved minds cannot bear to be chastised for their fauls. To this end he tampered, by pre|sents, with Dora, a citizen of Jerusalem, one of Jonathan's particular friends, to suborn a set of bravoes to fall upon and assassinate him. Dora un|dertook and executed the commission. Matters were so concerted, that these ruffians went to Je|rusalem on pretence of devotion, with daggers concealed under their garments, and intermixing with the promiscuous multitude, took an opportu|nity of stabbing the high-priest. As these mis|creans came off with impunity, others were en|couraged to perpetrate the same massacres, under the same disguise, upon such festive occasions; so that murders were frequently committed, from motives of revenge, or other execrable causes, not only in divers parts of the city, but in the very tem|ple itself, as if that sacred spot could sanctify the foulest of crimes. Can it then be matter of wonder, that, for the practice and connivance of such abo|minable profanations, the Almighty, in his wrath and indignation, should deliver up his city, nay, his own house, into the hands of the Romans; and that the whole nation of the Jews, with their wives and children, should be condemned to misery and bondage, to bring them to a due and penitential sense of their enormous offences?

While plunderers and murderers were injuring the public in one quarter, magicians and impostors were preying upon them in another, and alluring the multitude by thousands, to see the signs and miracles they pretended to work. But they suf|fered severely for their credulity and curiosity, being apprehended, and many of them put to death, by order of Felix. There arrived, at that time, out of Egypt, a certain reported prophet, who invited the populace, and misled the com|mon people to follow him to the top of mount Olivet, about five furlongs from the city, assur|ing them, that, when he came thither, he would but give command, and the walls of Jerusalem should be levelled with the ground, and open to them an entrance into the city through the ruins.

When Felix received intelligence of this adven|ture, he commanded his soldiers to take to their arms, so that breaking in upon them with horse and foot, they soon routed them, slew four hundred on the spot, and took two hundred alive; but the Egyptian impostor made his escape. Those who fled endeavoured to incite the people to a rebel|lion against the Romans, notwithstanding their late defeat, by insinuating, that their yoke was in|tolerable, and should therefore be shaken off, and committed ravages upon all those who would not join them.

There happened, at this time, another dispute between the Jews of Cesarea and Syria, on a claim to some certain privileges. Those of Cesarea claimed a precedence in right of their king He|rod, the founder of that city. When the report of this contest came to the knowledge of the neigh|bouring governors, they caused the incendiaries on both sides to be apprehended, and punished with stripes, in consequence of which the tumult for some time subsided. But the Jewish citizens, de|pending on their wealth, reproached the Syrians in the most vehement terms. The Syrians, though inferior in wealth, relying on the assistance of the soldiers, returned the opprobrious language of the Jews; so that they proceeded from words to ston|ing one another, and many were wounded and fell on each side; but the Jews came off conquerors. When Felix found this contest was brought to a kind of war, he urged the Jews to decline it; but when words proved ineffectual, he sent armed troops among them, who killed many, took more prisoners, and permitted the soldiers to plunder the houses of the opulent for their booty. The more respectable and moderate part of the Jews, dreading worse consequences, applied to Felix, and intreated him to call off the soldiers, and afford them time to repent of their rashness. Felix com|plied with their request.

King Agrippa, at the same time, gave the high-priesthood to Ismael, the son of Phabeus; and the high priests began to divide themselves from the other priests and the governors of Jerusalem, each of them taking a guard of the boldest and most seditious partizans, insomuch that all authority seemed to be set at defiance, as if there had been a total vacancy of administration. Such was the insolence of the high-priests, that they sent their emissaries up and down into Baras, to seize upon the tithes of the priests, so that the poorer sort of that holy order perished for want of bread. These were the dire effects of faction.

CHAP. VII.

Portius Festus being appointed to succeed Felix, the Jews of Cesarea accuse him before Nero. His brother Pal|las obtains his pardon. Beryllus procures a mandate for disfranchising the Jews. They are annoyed by robbers. An impostor decoys the multitude into the wilderness. Festus destroys both the seducer and fol|lowers. Agrippa builds a magnifice•••• palace, that overlooks the temple, which occasions a murmuring amongst the Jews. They appeal by commissioners to Caesar. Joseph appointed to the office of high-priest.

FELIX being removed from his government, and Portius Festus appointed, by the emperor, to succeed him, some of the principal Jewish inha|bitants of Cesarea, went up to Rome, to accuse Felix, and would certainly have brought him to condign punishment, had not Nero yielded to the solicitations of his brother Pallas, who at that time stood highly in his favour.

There were two eminent Syrians of Cesarea, who, by a vast sum of money, formed so powerful an in|terest with Beryllus, tutor and Greek secretary to Nero, that he obtained the emperor's letters man|datory to Cesarea, for the disfranchising of the Jews,

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and abrogating all the privileges they enjoyed within that city, which had been hitherto common to Jews and Syrians. This grant was the source of all the calamities that afterwards befel our na|tion; for the Jews of Cesarea, after this mandate, would never rest till they waged war with their enemies.

When Fadus came into Judaea, he found the country desolate, the people forced from their habi|tations, their houses exposed to fire and pillage, and all at the mercy of a brutal clan of free-booters, who ravaged up and down, in great numbers, at pleasure. These robbers were denominated Sicarii, from Sica, alluding to the short sword they wore, a weapon, bending towards the point, and formed in a manner betwixt a Persian scymetar and the Roman faulchion. With these weapons they did great execution, by intermixing with the multi|tude at festivals, under colour of religion, and dis|patching whom they pleased in that confusion, without difficulty, or danger of discovery.

There were in those days a notorious impostor, who had deluded a credulous rabble into an opi|nion, that, if they followed him into such a wilder|ness, they would be protected from harm. But Festus, with a detachment of horse and foot, de|stroyed the seducer and his besotted followers to|gether.

About the same time king Agrippa caused to be erected, near the porch of the royal palace, at Jerusalem, belonging to the Armenian family, a stately, magnificent apartment, for the entertain|ment of guests. It stood upon an eminence, com|manded a noble prospect of the city, and was so contrived, that the king could see every thing that was done in the temple, which afforded him very great satisfaction. This gave much offence to the principal men amongst the Jews, as it is contrary to our laws, that our rites and ceremonies, and es|pecially our sacrifices in the temple, should be ex|posed to the view of others. They therefore erect|ed a wall, by way of prevention, before the seats, that enclosed the inner part of the temple, towards the west, which not only intercepted the prospect from the king's apartment, but also the view of the galleries to the westward on the other side of the temple, where the Roman guards were placed upon days of festival. This proceeding highly displeased Agrippa, and more so Festus, who ordered the wall to be pulled down. The citizens, upon this, assured him, that they prized the temple above their lives, and therefore desired permission to send deputies to Caesar, before they proceeded to the execution of his orders. Their request being granted, they sent to the emperor ten eminent citizens, with Ismael, the high-priest, and Chelcias, the treasurer of the temple, as their commissioners. When Nero had heard their petition, he not only passed over what they had done, but gave them his grant for the continuance of the wall they had built. This indulgence they obtained on the intercession of the empress Poppea, a religous woman, who was greatly disposed to favour the Jews. The ten de|puties were permitted to return; but Poppea de|tained Ismael and Chelcias, as hostages. When Agrippa heard of these transactions, he transferred the pontificate to Joseph, otherwise called Cabis, the son of Simon, formerly high-priest.

CHAP. VIII.

Death of Festus, and succession of Albinus. Ananus made high-priest. Calls a council, and cites James, the brother of Jesus, to appear before him, on a charge laid against him. James is stoned. Agrippa deposes Anaus, and transfers the pontificate to Jesus, the son of Damneus. Agrippa enlarges Cesarea Phi|lippi, and calls it Neronias. Builds a magnificent theatre at Berytus. Deprives Jesus of the high-priesthood, and gives it to another Jesus, the son of Gamaliel. Gessius Florus succeeds Albinus in the government of Judaea. Agrippa allows the Levites particular privileges. The temple finished. High-priesthood frequently transferred. Enumeration of the high-priests.

CAESAR, upon hearing of the death of Festus, sent Albinus to take upon him the government of Judea; and Agrippa, at the same time, deposed Joseph, and conferred the dignity of high-priest upon Ananus, the son of Ananus. Ananus, the fa|ther, was deemed singularly honoured, as he had five sons that came successively into the pontificate after him, a circumstance of which no other of an high-priest could boast. The younger Ananus, of whom we are now speaking, was naturally fierce and impetuous, and of the sect of the Sadducees, a very censorious and uncharitable people. Actua|ted by these principles, he took an opportunity, in the interval between the death of Festus and the arrival of his successor Albinus, to call a council, with the assistance of judges, and then to cite James, the brother of Jesus, together with some other persons, to appear before him, and answer to a charge brought against them; upon which they were all condemned, and delivered up to be stoned. The conscientious part of the citizens were so dis|pleased at this proceeding, that they privately re|presented it to the king as highly unjust, requesting that Ananus might be so reproved for it, as to cau|tion him not to act in the same manner for the fu|ture. Others were sent with an account of it to Albinus, who was then upon his journey to Alexan|dria, setting it forth as an usurpation upon his au|thority. Albinus was so offended, that he wrote a menacing letter to the high-priest upon it; and king Agrippa, at the expiration of three months, removed him from his office, and conferred it on Jesus, the son of Damneus.

Albinus no sooner arrived at Jerusalem, than he applied himself, with all possible diligence, to the maintain•••••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the public peace; and to that end brought 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the robbers, called Sicarii, to de|served 〈7 letters〉〈7 letters〉ent. Ananias, the high-priest, by his bounty and affability, greatly conciliated the esteem of the people; and also cultivated the friendship of Albinus, and the high-priest Jesus, by means of caresses and presents. But he had a number of abandoned servants, who, joining with others as pro••••igate as themselves, went from barn to barn, and took away the tithes that belonging to the priests by violence, beating and maiming those that refused to deliver them. Many other high-priests acted in the same unjust manner, as they were sub|ject to no controul▪ insomuch that the priests in ordinary were perishing for want of food, being deprived of their only means of support.

A band of these Sicarii entered the city by night, on the eve of a festival, and surprized the secretary of Eleazar, an officer of the first rank in the army, and son of Ananias, the high-priest, whom they bound, and carried away with them. They then sent information to Ananias, that they had the se|cretary in custody, and were ready to deliver him up, on condition of his prevailing with Albinus to release ten of their party, whom he held in prison. The department of the secretary was of such im|portance, that Albinus was under a kind of neces|sity of complying with the request of Ananias, though it was productive of disastrous events: for when the robbers had found out this mode of com|pounding their villainies, they were incessantly con|triving means for surprizing some of the domestics of Ananias, in order to detain them, and thereby procure the release of any of their party who might be in custody; so that they were more and more emboldened, and infested the whole country with their ravages and depredations.

King Agrippa had now enlarged Cesarea Philippi, and gave it the name of Neronias, in honour of the emperor Nero. He also erected at Berytus a mag|nificent and sumptuous theatre, which he largely endowed, for the exhibition of annual shews, and distribution of corn and oil among the people in due proportions. He caused the city to be beauti|fied,

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and adorned with curious statues and pictures, and a collection of antique originals, from the hands of the greatest masters in the several branches; so that this town might be deemed a repository for all that was rare and precious in the kingdom. But this munificence to strangers, to the impoverishing of his own people, of course incurred their ill will.

Agrippa soon took away the pontificate from Jesus, and gave it to another of the same name, who was the son of Gamaliel. This created such feuds be|tween them, that they formed parties of abandoned followers, and reviled each other in the public streets in the most opprobrious terms. From words they sometimes proceeded to stones; but Ananias, by dint of money, had the strongest party.

Costobarus and Saul being of the blood royal, and nearly related to Agrippa, had great interest, and drew together a band of resolutes ready to execute their commands. They were insolent and rapacious towards the lower class of people, who had no patronage or protection; so that from this juncture we may date the declension of the Jewish nation.

When Albinus heard that Gessius Florus was ap|pointed to succeed him, he thought the most effectual means of ingratiating himself with the Jews, was to do justice upon those whom he had in custody. He therefore caused all the prisoners to be brought before him, and, upon due examination, proceeded against them according to their demerits; putting to death those who were manifestly guilty of capi|tal crimes, and discharging those who were only convicted of misdemeanors upon fine and ransom. These means might tend to clear the prisoners, but they let loose robbers upon the country.

Those of the tribe of Levi, that officiated as cho|risters in the temple, prevailed on the king to call a council, and grant them the use of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 linen vest|ments which had been peculiar to the priests, sug|gesting that such a concession would 〈◊〉〈◊〉 upon record as an act of grace to the king's eternal ho|nour. This request was heard and granted in form and manner according to desire, and the choristers were permitted to wear the linen vestment. There was another class of Levites who officiated in the services of the temple, and were likewise allowed to serve promiscuously as choristers. But these licences were repugnant to our national laws and customs, which where never abandoned without a judgment upon the violation.

The repairing of the temple being finished, and near eight thousand artificers and labourers desti|tute of employment, and consequently of the means of subsistence, the people, unwilling to stock their money as an easy prey to the Romans, and desirous of making some provision for them, proposed the repairing of a building on the east side of the tem|ple, which overlooking a deep narrow valley, was supported by a wall four hundred cubits in height, and six in depth, being the work of Solomon, the first founder of the temple. But Agrippa, who was entrusted by the emperor with the reparing of this glorious structure, revolving in his mind how much easier it would be to destroy such a work than re|build it, did not think it expedient to comply with the desire of the people, and therefore gave them to understand, that if they would rest content with beautifying the city by paving the streets with white stone, he would not oppose it. Agrippa also deprived Jesus, the son of Gamaliel, of the pontificate, and conferred it on Matthias, the son of Theophilus, in whose time commenced the war between the Jews and the Romans.

It appears to be necessary, as introductory to a work under contemplation, to give an account in this place of the origin of high-priests, the qualifi|cations requisite for that sacred function, and the number of those who were admitted to such dignity, as far as to the end of the war.

The first of this order was Aaron, the brother of Moses; and after his death his children succeeded him, and so the honour descended in course to his family. This right of hereditary succession prevail|ed so far with our forefathers, that none but those of the blood of Aaron were accounted worthy of that holy office, kings themselves not excepted. From Aaron to Phanasus, who was declared high-priest by a faction in a time of war, there were eighty-three in number; thirteen of them officia|ting in the station from the time that Moses erected a tabernacle to God in the desert, to their entrance into Judaea, where king Solomon built and dedica|ted the holy temple. At first there was no succeed|ing to the pontificate, but by a vacancy upon death; though it became a practice afterwards, to appoint succession during the lives of predecessors. These thirteen persons descending from two of the sons of Aaron, succeeded in their turns to that dignity. The form of government was at first aristocratical, then monarchial, and lastly regal. The number of years from the time in which Moses carried our forefathers out of Egypt, to the building of the temple of Solomon, was six hundred and twelve.

After those thirteen high-priests abovemention|ed, there followed eighteen more, in the course of four hundred sixty-six years, six months, and ten days, in succession one to another under the go|vernment of kings. These are computed from king Solomon to the days of Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, when he marched up to Jerusalem, and took it, burnt the temple, and carried away the whole nation, together with Jozedeck, their high-priest, captives.

After a captivity of seventy years in Babylon, Cy|rus, king of Persia, dismissed the Jews to their own country, with permission to rebuild their temple; Jesus, the son of Jozedeck, exercising, at that time, the function of high-priest. Fifteen of his poste|rity succeeded him in the same dignity, but under a democratical form of government, till the time of king Antiochus Eupator, a term of four hundred and fourteen years, when this same Antiochus, with his general Lysias, took away both the dignity and life of Onias, otherwise called Menelaus, at Bery|tus, excluded his son from the succession, and, in his place, appointed Jesinus, one of the race of Aaron, but not of the pontifical family.

Upon this Onias, son of Onias deceased, went away into Egypt, and insinuating himself into the good opinion of Ptolemy Philometer, and Cleopatra his wife, prevailed upon them to build and dedicate a temple to God at Heliopolis, in imitation of that in Jerusalem, and to constitute him high-priest there. Jacimus died, at the expiration of three years, in the execution of the pontifical office, without a successor; so that there was a vacancy for seven years.

When the Jews revolted from the Macedonians, the dignity was transferred to the family of the As|moneans, and Jonathan advanced to the pontificate, which he enjoyed for the space of seven years, and then being taken off by the treachery of Tryphon, his brother Simon was promoted to his place. Upon his being afterwards assassinated by his son-in-law at a public entertainment, his son Hyrcanus succeeded him, and held it for the space of one and thirty years. Upon his death it devolved on his son Judas, other|wise called Aristobulus, who was the first that took upon him the name and quality of king. After a reign of one year he left his brother Alexander heir and successor both to the kingdom and pontificate in both which capacities he administered for twenty-seven years, and then departing this life, transmitted the regency to his wife Alexandra, with authority to dispose of the pontificate; in consequence of which she conferred it upon her brother Hyrcanus, who enjoyed it during the nine years of her reign. At her death Aristobulus, the younger brother, made war upon him, overcame him, and reduced him to the condition of a private man, assuming both the kingdom and the pontificate to himself, which he held for three years, and as many months. When Pompey, upon the taking of Jerusalem, carried away him and his children prisoners to Rome, Hyrcanus, being restored to the pontificate, accepted also of the principality, but not under the title of king, en|joying the high-priesthood twenty-three years more

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besides the nine above mentioned. At the expira|tion of this term, Berzapharnes and Pacorus, Par|thian generals, passed the Euphrates, made war upon Hyrcanus, and carried him away prisoner, advancing Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, to the cown, who, in three years and three months after, was taken in Jerusalem by Herod and Sosius, and then, by command of Anthony, put to death at Antioch.

Herod having now received the kingdom from the Romans, made no scruple of chusing the high-priests out of the Asmonean race, but conferred the dignity indiscriminately upon persons of obscure birth, provided they were in holy orders; except in the instance of Aristobulus, of whom he made choice, being the grandson of Hyrcanus, that was taken by the Parthians, and brother of his wife Mariamne, to ingratiate himself with the people, who held the memory of Hyrcanus in great vene|ration. He was, in fine, so generally beloved, that Herod grew jealous of him, and caused him to be drowned in a fish pond at Jericho, as before rela|ted. After this time he would never vest any of the Asmonian family with that dignity. His son Archelaus took the same measures, and so did all the Romans after him, who were successively ap|pointed governors of the province.

From the days of Herod to the burning of Jeru|salem, and the temple by Titus, there were, in all, twenty-eight high-priests, in the course of an hun|dred and seven years. Some of these were political governors under the reign of Herod, and of his son Archelaus; but after their deaths, the government was changed to an aristocracy, and the high-priests held dominion over the nation.

CHAP. IX.

Gessius Florus succeeds Albinus, and causes the Jews to take up arms against the Romans. Conclusion of the Jewish Antiquities.

GESSIUS Florus, appointed by Nero to succeed Albinus in the government of Judaea, entailed upon our nation the direst calamities. He was a native of the city of Clazomena, and the husband of Cleopatra, a character as infamous as himself. Through her interest with the empress Poppea, he obtained the dignity, which he abused to such a de|gree, that the Jews wished for the restoration of Al|binus; as the latter endeavoured to conceal his vices, whereas the former openly gloried in his shame. He was rapacious to a degree, inexorably cruel, and so insatiably covetous, that he seemed disposed to universal depredation. He shared in the plunder of robbers, and thereby gave a sanction to rapine. Such, in fine was the oppressi•••• under his govern|ment, that the wretched Jews were forced to aban|don their habitations, their country, and their altars, and fly for sanctuary even to the most barbarous of foreign nations. Florus laid us under a necessity of taking up arms against the Romans, resolving ra|ther to fall together, than perish ingloriously one by one. This was commenced in the second year of the government of Florus, and twelfth of the reign of Nero. The particulars of it may be ac|curately known, by perusing the books we have written upon that subject.

The Jewish Antiquities I have deduced from the creation of the world to the twelfth year of the reign of Nero, recounting in historical progres|sion, the several events which related to the Jewish nation throughout so many ages; as in Egypt, Sy, ria, under the Assyrians, Babylonians, Persians, Macedonians, and lastly the Romans. I have enu|merated the high-priests in regular order and suc|cession for the space of two thousand years. I have faithfully extracted, according to promise, at the first entrance upon this work, from holy writ, the descent of our kings, and the course of other forms of government, as they succeeded one another, with their power, and administration of affairs.

I will be bold to affirm, that no man living could have written the Jewish Antiquities in a style and manner so accurate, or so acceptable to the Greeks, as myself; for those of my own nation acknowledge me to be perfectly versed in the learning of the Jews; and my proficiency in the language of the Greeks has been cultivated with unremitting assi|duity. The knowledge of different languages, and the embellishment of discourse, by pointed ac|cents, and turned periods, are not so highly estima|ted by our nation, as the knowledge of our laws and the holy scripture. This is an excellency to which two or three, of all that ever aspired to it, have at|tained, to their immortal honour, and to the essen|tial benefit of succeeding ages.

It will not I presume be deemed amiss, to relate some memoirs of my own life, as there are living wit|nesses to expose falshood, and confirm truths. Thus I close my Antiquities, which are here comprized in twenty books, intending, with the Divine permis|sion, to draw up a concise narrative of the whole war, from the period of its commencement, to the present state, being the thirteenth year of Domitianus Cae|sar, and the fifty-sixth of my own life. I also intend to write a treatise on the peculiar tenets and opini|ons, as held by the different Jewish sects, concerning the nature and essence of the Divine Being, and the particular licences and restrictions of our laws.

END OF THE JEWISH ANTIQUITIES OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.

Notes

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