The whole genuine and complete works of Flavius Josephus ... Translated from the original in the Greek language. And diligently revised and compared with the writings of contemporary authors, of different nations, on the subject. All tending to prove the authenticity of the work. ; To which is added various useful indexes ... ; Also a continuation of the history of the Jews, from Josephus down to the present time ... By George Henry Maynard, LL.D. ; Illustrated with marginal references and notes, historical, biographical, classical, critical, geographical, and explanatory. By the Rev. Edward Kimpton, author the the Compleat universal history of the Holy Bible. ; Embellished with upwards of sixty beautiful engravings, taken from original drawings of the Messrs, Metz, Stothard, and Corbould, members of the Royal Academy, and engraved by American artists.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS ON THE ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XI. [INCLUDING A PERIOD OF TWO HUNDRED AND TEN YEARS.]

CHAP. I.

Restoration of the Jews from the Babylonish captivity by means of Cyrus, who, by his bountiful influence, promotes the rebuilding of the city and temple of Jeru|salem.

IN the first year of the reign of Cyrus, king of the Persians,* 1.1 and the seventieth of the captivity of the Jews in Babylon, the Almighty was plea|sed to commiserate their calamity, and, as he had foretold them, by Jeremiah, the prophet, be|fore the destruction of the city, that, after they had served Nebuchadnezzar and his posterity for seventy years, they should be restored to their own coun|try, see the temple rebuilt, and resume their former state of glory, so he vouchsafed to fulfill his pro|mise in every instance. This was affected through the means of king Cyrus, who sent circular letters throughout all Asia to this purport.

Thus saith Cyrus, the king, I do fully believe that the Great God, of whose gift and bounty I hold my empire,* 1.2 is the very God whom the chil|dren of Israel worship; for I find honourable mention made of my name by his prophets of ancient date, as a person who, in time to come should rebuild Jerusalem, and reinstate the peo|ple.

Cyrus, it seems, had re••d the prophecies of Isaiah, which bore date two hundred and ten years before he was born,* 1.3 wherein the prophet relates a revela|tion he had from the Almighty, "That he would raise up one Cyrus to be a king of many and power|ful nations, who would re-establish the Hebrews in their native country." This was foretold by Isaiah an hundred and forty years before the temple was destroyed. The king was so transported upon the reading of these divine predictions concerning him|self, that he became earnestly desirous of promot|ing their accomplishment.

To this end he summoned all the leading men of the Jews to Babylon, and informed them that such of them as were disposed to return to their country,* 1.4 should have passports and permission to rebuild the temple and city of Jerusalem, not doubting but that the Almighty would be propitious to the de|sign. He promised that he would send orders to all his governors and officers, bordering upon Judaea, to furnish them with gold and silver for the fabric, and beasts for sacrifices.

Encouraged by so generous a proposal, the most eminent of the two tribes of Judah and Benjamin, together with the priests and Levites, immediately hastened to Jerusalem. Many of them, however,* 1.5 remained in Babylon, unwilling to quit their posses|sions. Upon their arrival in Jerusalem, all the king's officers contributed largely towards the promotion of the great works; some in gold, others in silver, and others in cattle. Many attended the discharge of their vows, and the solemnity of oblations, as if they had already entered upon the business of re|building the city,* 1.6 and the exercise of their ancient discipline. Cyrus also sent back the holy vessels and utensils that Nebuchadnezzar had taken out of the temple. These delivered in charge to Mith|ridates, the king's treasurer, and by him deposited with Abassa, till the temple should be finished, when they were to be restored to the priests and rulers of the people for solemn uses and services. Cyrus then sent an epistle to the governors of Syria, couched in terms to the following import:

Cyrus, the king, to Sysina, and Sarabasan, sendeth greeting.

Be it known unto you that I have given leave to all the Jews, that are in my dominions to return into their own country,* 2.1 and there to rebuild their capital city, with the holy temple at Jerusalem, in the same place where it stood before. I have like wise sent my treasurer, Mithridates, and Zerub|babel, governor of Judaea, to superintend the building, and see it raised sixty cubits and up|wards from the ground, and as many over; the walls to be three rows of polished stone, and one of the wood of the country, together with an altar

for sacrifices; and all this to be done at my sole charge. I have also appointed my treasurer, Mi|thridates, and Zerubbabel, my governor of Judoea, to cause all the utensils and vessels that Nebuchad|nezzar carried away from the temple at Jerusa|lem, to be sent back and restored. Their num|ber is as follows: fifteen golden ewers, and four hundred silver; fifty golden vessels, and four hun|dred silver; thirty golden chalices, and three hun|dred silver; thirty golden phials, and two thou|sand four hundred silver; with a thousand other large vessels, of divers forms, and for divers uses. It is my farther pleasure that they receive entirely to themselves all the profits and revenues that were formerly enjoyed by their predecessors; and that they have an allowance paid them of two hundred and five thousand five hundred drachmas, in consideration of beasts for sacrifice, wine, and oil; and two thousand five hundred measures of wheat, in lieu of fine flour; and all this to be raised upon the tribute of Samaria. The priests alone to offer up the sacrifices, according to the laws and ceremonies of Moses, and to pray daily for the king and the royal family, and for the wel|fare and happiness of the Persian empire. Let no man presume to do any thing contrary to the te|nour of this my royal will and proclamation, on pain of forfeiting both life and possessions.

* 2.2This was the substance of the king's letter; and the number of those that came out of captivity to Jerusalem, upon this invitation and encourage|ment, amounted to forty-two thousand, four hun|dred; and sixty-two.

CHAP. II.

On the death of Cyrus, his son, Cambyses, is solicited to countermand the order for rebuilding the city and tem|ple of Jerusalem.

* 2.3WHEN the foundations of the temple were lay|ing and the Jews * 2.4 were wholly bent on the advancement of the undertaking, the bordering nations, and especially the Chuthites, whom Sala|manezer, king of Assyria, had formerly transplanted from Persia and Media into Samaria, after he had re|moved the Israelites into other habitations, applied to the governors, to whom the care of the undertak|ing was committed, importuning them most earnest|ly not to suffer the Jews to proceed upon the project of rebuilding the city and temple. The commission|ers were prevailed on, by the force of the bribes, and fair promises, to slaken their diligence in the prose|cution of their orders; and, during the course of this negligence and delay, Cyrus could not take cog|nizance of this, being engaged in a war with the Massagetes, in which he lost his life.

Upon the death of Cyrus, Cambyses of course succeeded to the empire. He had an address present|ed him out of Syria and Phoenicia, and from the Am|monites,* 2.5 Moabites, and Samarians, signed by Ra|thymus, historiographer, Semelius, scribe, and the magistrates of Phoenicia and Syria. The tenour of it was to the following purport:

It is fit, O king, you should understand that the Jews, who were carried away to Babylon, are now returned to their former seats, and into our county, where they are busily employed in rebuilding a city that was most deservedly destroyed for seditious practices. They are setting up markets and places of commerce, repairing the walls, and raising up the temple. Know, therefore, that when these things are finish|ed, they will neither pay taxes, or yield allegiance; for they are professed enemies to kings, and will not submit to serve, if once they have it in their power to command. We consider it as the indis|pensable duty of faithful subjects, to apprize you of the true state of the matter, before it is too late. We beseech you, therefore, to recur to the history of your predecessors, where you will find the Jews, from generation to generation to have been enemies to regal government; and that this very city was justly laid waste for the daring crime of rebellion. We beg leave to submit these matters to your royal consideration; and add, that, if you suffer them to proceed with the re|building of the city, and the finishing of the walls, you will find your communication cut off with Phoenicia and Coelo-Syria.

CHAP. III.

Cambyses sends orders for putting a stop to the rebuilding of the city and temple. On his demise the Magi re|tain the government of Persia during one year, when Darius is chosen king.

CAMBYSES, who was of himself naturally averse to the Jews, stood in need of very little incentive to excite him to persecution. After reading, there|fore, there monstrance, and consulting the records of his ancestors, he gave answer to this effect:

Cambyses, the king, to Rathymus, historiogra|pher, "Semelius, scribe, and the rest of the inhabitants of Samaria and Phoenicia, greet|ing:

Upon the reading your letter of address, I have caused the records of former times to be examin|ed, according to your request, and have found your observations, respecting the city,* 3.1 consonant with truth and former experience. The Jews therein appear ever to have been a vindictive, turbulent people, naturally disposed to rebellion; and their kings, in the last extreme, vexatious and tyrannical in the imposition of taxes, as Phoenicia and Coelo-Syria, in particular may bear witness against them. On these considerations it is my command that you exert your utmost power to prevent the rebuilding of the city and temple; for, in proportion to the increase of power amongst those people, will the spirit of se|dition revive; and as they have revolted against former sovereigns, there is the greatest reason to apprehend they will as audaciously contend against the authority of the present government.

Rathymus and Semelius, having read this epistle mandatory, hastened with a considerable body of associates to Jerusalem, and pursuing the king's or|ders with the utmost rigour,* 3.2 an absolute stop was put to any further proceeding in the world of rebuilding the city and temple, so that it was discontinued for the space of nine years, that is, to the second year of Darius, king of Persia. Cambyses, after he had reigned six years, and subdued Egypt, died at Da|mascus, on his return from that expedition.* 3.3 Upon his demise the government rested in the hands of the Magi for the term of a full year, when it was conferred, by the seven Satrapae, or eminent fami|lies of the Persians, with common consent, to Darius the son of Hystaspes.

CHAP. IV.

Darius promotes and accomplishes the work of rebuilding the city and temple, against all opposition.

KING Darius, before his exaltation to the throne of Persia, was well affected towards the Jews;* 3.4 and had made a solemn vow, that, if he ever attained to that dignity, he would send all the holy vessels that were in Babylon back again to the temple of Jerusalem. It happened about that time that Ze|rubbabel, who had been appointed governor of the captive Jews, came from Jerusalem to Darius. There subsisted between them an ancient friend|ship; so that he was admitted, with two other great officers, to a post of most important trust; an eleva|tion that gratified his utmost ambitition.

Darius, a short time after he had ascended the

throne, gave a splendid entertainment, not only to his own courtiers,* 3.5 but the princes and nobility of the Medes and Persians, the general officers of all India and Ethiophia, in fine, of an hundred and twenty-seven provinces. When the entertainment was over, the company retired to rest, as did also the king; but awaking after a short slumber, and finding him|self indisposed for sleep, he fell into conversation on divers subjects with the officers of the presence, and told them, at length, that he had some questions to propose, and that to him who could give the most reasonable and satisfactory reply, he would grant the privilege of wearing purple, drinking out of a golden cup, riding in a chariot with a golden har|ness, possessing the next place to himself in the council, and be considered as one of the blood-royal. He then stated the questions as follow:

• 1. Is there any thing stronger than wine?
• * 3.62. What can exceed the strength of kings?
• 3. What is superior to the power of women?
• 4. Can any thing surpass truth?

Having thus stated the questions, the king retired, after desiring the officers to weigh them in their minds, and give him their sentiments which amongst the four they thought the most powerful.

The next morning, having summoned the noble company to whom he had given the entertainment the preceding evening, and having seated himself in the place where he usually gave audience, he called upon the officers, severally and publicly, to report their sentiments on the questions proposed.

The first who spoke contended for the superior power of wine, and adduced the following argu|ment:

It disturbs the understanding, reduces the greatest monarch to an equality with infancy, gives,* 3.7 liberty to the slave, and makes the beggar equal to an emperor. It alleviates and enlivens the hearts of the miserable, relieves every want, give confidence to the villain, and puts him above the s••ar of kings. It causes men to disregard their dearest friends, and assault them with as much fury as they would shew to their most deadly enemies. For these reasons I conceive the ope|ration of wine to be most powerful.

The second officer argued in favour of the power of kings, in words to this effect:

It cannot be dis|puted that the Almighty has created man to be so far master over all sublunary things, as to apply them to whatever purposes his inclinations may direct. As all earthly creatures are subservient to man, so kings have authority over men them|selves.* 3.8 The sovereigns of these lords of the crea|tion must be allowed an indisputable superiority. Subje••ts willingly expose themselves to the most imminent dangers of war, and even contend with nature herself, in obedience to the command of a prince, who takes to himself the whole honour and profit of victory. The husbandman, with unre|mitting toil, cultivates the earth; and his first duty is to supply the king's store with the produce of his grounds. Thus, while the people are fight|ing and working for him, the sovereign indulges himself in all the luxuries of abundance, security, and ease. He sleeps surrounded by his guards, who dare not close their eyes while their master enjoys that repose; and no other concerns must inter|rupt that slavery of attendance to which they are indispensably bound. What power then can exceed that of the man to whom the public pays such implicit obedience?

After this declamation on the power of kings, Ze|rubbabel, the principal of the officers to whom the questions had been propounded, maintained the ar|gument in favour of women and truth, and began with the first, as follows:

Neither the force of wine, nor the power of princes, who bind the mul|titude in a common bond of allegiance, can be denied: but women have incontestably the pre|eminence of these two.* 3.9 Before the king the mo|ther of the king existed. Kings are the gifts of women: women also are the mothers and nurses of those by whom the vineyards are cultivated: they direct our domestic concerns, provide necessary and ornamental coverings for our bodies, and they are so absolutely necessary, that we can neither be brought into existence or support life, without them. When a beautiful woman is before us, we disregard gold and silver, or esteem them only as being the means of obtaining possession of the be|loved object. The charms of women compel us to abandon our country, relations, and dearest friends, and to attach ourselves wholly to them. When we have explored the sea and land for things most valuable and curious in nature, do we not congratulate ourselves in the opportunity of presenting our acquisitions to a beloved fair? frequently have I seen the king condescend to receive a blow from his concubine: nay, she has even taken the diadem from his head, and placed it on her own; and, dreading to give her offence, he has submitted to all her caprices, and yielded to her varying humours.

Having said thus much in favour of women to the great admiration of the noble company, Ze|rubbabel proceeded to the last point in question,* 3.10 which was that of truth.

Neither kings nor wo|men can be put in competition with the power of truth. Admitting the amazing magnitude of the earth, the elevation of the heavens, the asto|nishing rapidity of the sun's motion, and that the whole is influenced only by Divine Providence, it must follow that the Almighty is just and true, against which nothing can ultimately prevail; for it supersedes every power that can enter the conception of man. Truth alone is perfect and immutable: the advantages we derive from it are not subject to the vicissitudes of fortune, but are pure, irreproachable, and eternal.

The whole company bestowed the most liberal ac|clamations on Zerubbabel,* 3.11 and universally acknow|ledged that he had proved truth to be the only bles|sing under the sun, not liable to change or diminu|tion. The king, as a testimony of his entire satis|faction, assuring him he would perform his promise, adding,

That, in consideration of his superior un|derstanding, he should enjoy the first place in his esteem, be next in honour to himself, and be adopted a branch of the royal family.

Zerubbabel could not but avail himself of so fair an opportunity of reminding the king of a former vow he had made, which was, that,* 3.12 if ever he came to the throne, he would immediately undertake the rebuilding of Jerusalem and the holy temple, and or|der restitution to be made of all the sacred vessels and utensils that Nebuchadnezzar had taken from thence and carried to Babylon. He therefore thus addressed him:

Since, O king! you have done me the honour of assuring me of your royal favour and esteem,* 3.13 I have now only most humbly to request, that you will be pleased to discharge your vow.

The king raised him chearfully from his bended knees, em|braced him▪ and dispatched mandates to his gover|nors and great officers to conduct Zerubbabel, and those that were to accompany him, to their journey's end, and to assist him in the rebuilding of the city and temple. He also sent letters, under the royal signet, to the rulers of Phoenicia and Syria, to provide carriages for transporting the cedar to Jerusalem, that was cut down in Libanus, and to give their ut|most assistance to the main undertaking. He also gave them in charge to exempt the Jews, that should return out of this captivity, from the burthen of any public tax or duty, and to leave them in full liberty, both as to person and property, without restraint on the one, or tribute on the other. He likewise com|manded the Edomites, Samarians, and people of Coelo-Syria, to restore all those lands to the Jews that were formerly in their possession, and to contribute fifty talents towards erecting the temple, in such way and manner as might seem to them most expedient.* 3.14 Out of his own proper bounty he assigned to them whatever should be found necessary for sacerdotal habits and other articles, for the administration of every ceremony in due order and form. He likewise furnished them with organs to accompany the voices of the Levites; and allotted a certain portion of land for the maintenance of the officers and keepers both of the city and temple, by way of annual pension. In sine, he confirmed every former resolution of Cy|rus concerning the restoration of the Jews, and the rebuilding the city and temple of Jerusalem.

When Zerubbabel had met with this gracious reception from the king, he no sooner left his pre|sence, than he returned thanks to the God and giver of all good and perfect gifts, for that degree of un|derstanding by which he had acquired both honour and esteem beyond the rest of his competitors, which he gratefully acknowledged to be the distinguished effects of his Divine bounty;* 3.15 and having concluded his thanksgiving with a prayer for the success of the undertaking, hastened to his countrymen, at Babylon, with the joyful news of their deliverance, and the liberal grants he had obtained from the king: Upon the report of these happy tidings, they immediately joined in an universal thanks|giving for the promise of restoration to their native country. After this solemnity they celebrated a festival of seven days continuance, and indicated every token of joy and transport that they could have possibly done if the day of their redemption had been even the first day of a new life.

The heads of the tribes made choice of those that were to go upon the expedition, providing horses and other beasts of burden, as well as carriages for their wives and children, and taking with them those troops which Darius had appointed for a con|voy. They passed the time of their journey chear|fully, exulting with local and instrumental music, and exhibiting every token of rapturous compla|cency. There was a select number called out from each of the tribes; but, as a particular nomination of them would not only be deemed prolix by the reader, but break in upon the order of my narrative, I shall only give an account of them in general. There were of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, from twelve years old and upwards,* 3.16 four millions, six hundred and twenty-eight thousand. After these came four thousand and seventy Levites; and a pro|miscuous multitude of women and children, to the number of forty thousand, seven hundred and forty-two. Of the stock of the Levites there were an hun|dred and twenty-eight singers, an hundred and ten porters; and of others that served and assisted in the sanctuary, three hundred and twenty-two. There were also six hundred and fifty-two that called them|selves Israelites, but could not prove extraction. There were others also who had taken wives, whose genealogy could not be traced either from the Levi|tical or sacerdotal records; and these were deemed unqualified for the holy function, to the number of five hundred and twenty-five. The train of servants that attended them was computed at seven thou|sand, three hundred and thirty-seven; singing men and women, two hundred and forty-five; camels four hundred; other beasts of carriage five hundred and twenty-five. The leader of this multitude was Zerubbabel, the son of Salathiel, of the tribe of Judah, and the race of David; and with him was Jesus, the son of Josedec, and Mardochaeus and Sereboeus, which two were chosen to the command, by the suffrages of the tribes, and contributed, at their own charge, an hundred pound of gold, and five thousand of silver, towards the expence of this expedition. This was the form and order of the procession of the priests and Levites, and that part of the people that went with them on their return from Babylon to Jerusalem, and the rest following after by degrees, till, in the end, they all went back to their own country.

* 3.17In the seventh month, after their departure from Babylon, Zerubbabel, their leader, and Jesus, the high priest, sent messengers express throughout all the land, to summon a general assembly at Jerusalem. The people repaired thither with the greatest ala|crity. Upon this occasion they erected an altar for sacrifice, according to the institution of Moses, and it was raised upon the same spot where it stood be|fore. This proceeding highly offended the neigh|bouring nations, who had an utter aversion both to the people, their religion, and laws. They also celebrated the feast of tabernacles at that time, as the legislator had ordained. After that followed the daily oblations, and the sacrifice of the sabbaths, and of the new moons of all holy feasts. All those who had made any vow came likewise to perform it, from the first day of the seventh month.

They entered thereupon the rebuilding of the tem|ple, and expended vast sums of money upon the ar|tificers in general, both for materials and sustenance. The Sidonians generously promoted the undertaking bringing down cedar-planks in abundance from Li|banus, and afterwards stowing them in boats, which they brought into the port of Joppa, as they had been first directed by Cyrus, and after him by Darius.

It was now the second month of the second year, after the return of the Jews, when the foundation of the temple being already laid, they began, on the first day of the second month, with the superstructure, committing the superintendance of it to the whole family of the Levites of twenty years of age and up|wards; and likewise to Jesus, the high-priest, with his kindred; and to Zolimiel, the brother of Judea, and son of Aminadab, and to his sons. These exert|ed themselves with such unremitting assiduity in the discharge of their commissions,* 3.18 that the fabric went on beyond the most sanguine expectations.

When they were advanced thus far, the priests came and officiated in their vestments, with musical instruments; and the Levites, and sons of Asaph, sung some of the hymns of David to the glory of God, according to the first institution. But the priests and the Levites, and the elders of the families, who had seen the splendour and magnificence of the for|mer temple, and reflected how inferior the present was in comparison with it, became disconsolate; while those who had never seen the former, and consequently could not be affected by the dispro|portion, contented themselves with the present state of things, and rejoiced at the arrival of so happy an event.

When the Samarians, who were still enemies to the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, heard the sound of trumpets with a confused clamour, they flocked, in great numbers to learn the cause of it, and find|ing it was occasioned by the return of the Jews from their captivity at Babylon, and that they were now at work upon the rebuilding of their temple, they immediately applied to Zerubbabel and Jesus, with the chief of the tribes,* 3.19 desiring that they might be admitted into the undertaking upon terms in common with the rest; observing that

They worshipped the same God, gloried in the same profession, and the love and practice of the same religion, from the days of Salamanezer, king of Assyria, who transplanted them out of Chuthia and Media into this land.

The unanimous an|swer to the request was, that they could not possibly be admitted into any ••hare of the undertaking, be|cause formerly Cyrus, and after him Darius, had assigned the work to their particular conduct and care; but that they should have liberty, if they thought fit, to worship there without exception; and that it should be open to all people indiscrimi|nately, who were disposed to worship the true God in the true manner.

The Chuthites (for so we call the Samarians) were so incensed at this reply,* 3.20 that they incited the Syrians to remonstrate with the leading men, as they had done first under Cyrus, and then under Cambyses, in such manner as to cause a stop to be put to the undertak|ing, by slackening the diligence of those who were entrusted with the superintendance of it. In conse|quence of this proceeding, there went up, at this time to Jerusalem, Sisinnes, governor of Syria and Phoe|nicia, and Sarabazanes, with some others,* 3.21 and de|manded of some of the principal men by what au|thority this temple was to be built? And also, as it had rather the appearance of a castle than a temple, to what end the walls of the city were made so strong, and the gates so fortified. Zerubbabel and Jesus re|plied that they were the servants of the great God, to whose honour this temple was to be built and to his service dedicated by the greatest, the happiest, and the wisest prince that ever sat on the throne. That it stood firm for many ages, till, in the end, for the wick|edness of their forefathers, the city, by Divine per|mission, was taken by Nebuchadnezzar, king of Ba|bylon and Chaldaea, the temple pilaged and laid in ashes, and the people carried away captive into Ba|bylon. But that when Cyrus came to the govern|ment of Persia and Babylon, he commanded, by royal proclamation the rebuilding of the temple, and resti|tution of all the vessels and donations that had been taken away by Nebuchadnezzar; which were deli|vered to Zerubbabel, and his treasurer, Mithridates, to be transported to Jerusalem, and laid up again in the temple there: that, by the command of the same king,

Abassar was sent to that city, to endeavour to expe|dite the work, and accordingly was present at the laying the foundation; but that ever since that time, by one artifice or another, their enemies had found means to obstruct and retard it; and that, for the truth of these allegations, they might write to Darius, to the end, that, by consulting the public records, it might be known whether or not what they had as|serted was a just representation of facts.

Sisinnes and his associates did not think it expe|dient to interrupt the proceeding without the know|ledge of Darius himself, and therefore agreed to write to him immediately upon the subject. The Jews hereupon were very apprehensive that the king,* 3.22 upon this application, would countermand the order he had given; till Aggaeus * 3.23 (Haggai) and Zachariah, two prophets, among them at that time, bade them be of good chear, and fear nothing from the Persians; for they were certainly inform|ed of the Divine will and pleasure touching that important affair. The people were so elated by the encouragement given them by the prophets, that they doubled their diligence, and wrought without the intermission of a single day.

* 3.24When the Samarians had written a letter of re|monstrance to Darius, objecting to the fortifying of the city, and the erecting of a strong place, that had more the appearance of a citadel than a temple, and produced the epistle of Cambyses, by which he had forbidden and obstructed it before, as a practice nei|ther profitable nor safe for the public, he gave im|mediate orders, on the receipt of the letter, that the records should be searched, which being done, a de|cree was found to the following purport:

* 3.25In the first year of the reign of king Cyrus, it was ordained that the temple of Jerusalem should be rebuilt, the height of it to be sixty cubits, and the breadth of the same measure, and that an altar should be constructed within the edifice: that the walls should be formed by three ranges of polished marble, and one range of wood, the produce of the country; and the charge of it defrayed out of the king's treasury: that the sacred vessels, taken into Babylon by Nebuchadnezzar, be restored, and placed in such parts of the temple as they were formerly accustomed to be: that the superinten|dance of the work should be committed to Abassar, governor of Syria and Phoenicia, and his officers, with orders not to appear at Jerusalem themselves, but to quit the place and leave the building of the temple to the Jews, and the chief of their tribes: that they supply them out of the taxes upon the province and furnish them, for their sacrifices, with oxen, lambs, kids, meal, wine, and whatever else the priests should desire, who were to put up their prayers to the Almighty for the welfare and happiness of the king and his people; that whosoever should presume to act contrary to this mandate, be forthwith taken and hanged up, and his goods confiscated to the king's use.

On the discovery of this record, Darius ordered a co|py of it to be immediately taken; which being done, he wrote to Sisinnes and his colleagues to this effect:

* 4.1King Darius to Sisinnes, governor Sarabazanes, and the other magistrates, greeting.

I hereby transmit you a copy of a letter extract|ed from the records of Cyrus, and it is my royal will and command that you strictly adhere to the directions contained therein.

Sisinnes and his colleagues, understanding the king's resolution, agreed to obey his commands in every particular point; so that undertaking to assist the Jews, according to the tenor of the man|date, the business was carried on with such unani|mity and assiduity,* 4.2 that the building was erected and finished within the space of seven years, accord|ing to the prophecies of Haggai and Zachariah, and at the command of kings Cyrus and Darius. In the ninth year of Darius,* 4.3 and the twenty-third day of the eleventh month, which we call Adar, and the Macedonians Dystrus, the priests and Levites, together with the people of Israel, offered, in sacri|fice, an hundred bulls, two hundred rams, five hun|dred lambs, and twelve goats, as sin—offerings for the twelve tribes, in acknowledgement for the bles|sing of their deliverance from captivity, and their restoration to their former state, and to God's holy worship in a new temple. The priests and Levites had their porters at every gate according to the law, the Jews having erected galleries round about the temple.

The feasts of unleavened bread was near ap|proaching, and in the first month (by the Mace|donians called Xanthicus, and by us Nisan) the people assembled from every quarter in the city, where they celebrated that festival with their wives and children, according to the law of their country, and the practice of their forefathers, with all pos|sible solemnity. Upon the fourteenth day of the first month they held the passover,* 4.4 and kept festival for seven days afterwards, offering up sacrifices to God for restoring them to the possession and enjoy|ment of their native country, and their ancient laws and religion, and for disposing the heart of the king of Persia so favourably towards them. They spared no cost in the celebration of this festival; and having resumed their former power in Jerusa|lem, adopted an aristocratical form of government; for the sovereign power was lodged in the high-priest, till the Asmodean family,* 4.5 upon a change of affairs, converted it into a monarchy. Before the captivity, for the space of five hundred and thirty-two years, six months and ten days, from the time of Saul and David, they were governed by kings: before that, the administration of their political con|cerns was in the hands of rulers, called judges, and that form of government continued upwards of five hundred years after the time of Moses and Joshua. This was the state of the Jews on the restoration under Cyrus and Darius.

But the Samarians, who were still most implaca|ble enemies to the Jews,* 4.6 valuing themselves on the alliance they claimed to the Persians, and being a powerful and rich people, as well as of an haughty and malignant disposition, proved exceedingly vexatious, and exerted their utmost endeavours to annoy and perplex them. By the decree of Cyrus, which was confirmed by that of Darius, the tribute of Samaria had been assigned to the purpose of re|building the temple; but the work being now finished, the Samarians pretended that the end of this assignment was ceased, and therefore refused making any contributions towards defraying the expences of the usual sacrifices.

The dissentions continuing, the senate and people of Jerusalem drew up a memorial of complaint, and deputed Zerubbabel, with four of his colleagues, to present it to Darius. The king of Persia, having duly attended to the subject matter of the memo|rial, returned them an answer, by the deputies,* 4.7 to the following effect:

King Darius to Tangar and Sambaba, our go|vernors in Samaria, Sadrack Bobelin, and the "rest of the inhabitants, greeting.

Whereas I am given to understand by Zerubba|bel, Ananias, and Mardochaeus, on the part of the Jews, that you stand accused of discouraging and

interrupting the rebuilding of the temple, and re|fusing to bear your part in the charge of the sacri|fices,* 5.1 which, by my command, you ought to have done: this is to will and require you, upon sight of this letter, forthwith to supply them out of my treasury, in Samaria, with whatever they shall want for the use of their sacrifices and worship, to the end that they may offer up daily prayers and oblations both for myself and for my people.

* 5.2This letter put an effectual end to all contests be|tween the Jews and Samarians, the latter paying the tribute demanded for the service of the temple without farther opposition; and this is the last good office that Darius did the Jews, as he died soon after universally lamented by his subjects.

CHAP. V.

* 5.3Xerxes, the son and successor of Darius, is well disposed towards the Jews. Transactions and death of Esdras and Nehemiah.

ON the death of Darius, Xerxes, his son, succeed|ed to the government:* 5.4 a prince who inherited his father's piety and virtue, and confirmed all that his predecessors had done in favour of the Jews and their religion, being firmly attached to both.

Joachin, the son of Jehu, was at this time high-priest. But the name of the high-priest of the Jews, who resided at Babylon, was Esdras, a man of most exemplary piety and justice, and universally beloved and respected by the people. He was so well versed in the Mosaic law, as to stand high in the king's esteem on that account▪* 5.5 Upon a resolution formed to go to Jerusalem, and take with him several of the Babylonian Jews, he desired such a letter from the king as might recommend him to the gover|nors and lieutenants of Syria, which he accordingly obtained. It was couched in terms to the follow|ing effect:

* 6.1Xerxes, the king, to Esdras, the priest, and reader "of the holy laws of God, greeting:

Whereas it is decreed by me, and my seven counsellors that whatever Israelites within my do|minions, with their priests and Levites, shall think fit to bear you company to Jerusalem, I have, out of my royal clemency, granted them free liberty to go to Judaea to worship, according to the laws of their country; and likewise to take along with them all the gold and silver, that your people throughout Babylon shall willingly contribute towards that service, for the purchase of sacrifices to offer upon the altar to your God, and for making such vessels of gold and silver, as you and your brethren shall judge meet. It is also my royal will and pleasure, that what is thus given you be dedicated to your God. If you should have occasion for any thing else, use your own discretion, and supply yourself out of the public treasure. To this end I have already writ|ten to the commissioners of Syria and Phoenicia, ex|pressly commanding them to furnish whatever Esdras, the priest, and reader of the laws of God, shall desire, without any delay. In order to ob|tain the Divine blessing on myself and family, I desire to have an hundred measures, of wheat de|dicated to sacred services, according to the provi|vision of the law. And I do strictly charge and re|quire of the magistrates, that they exact nothing from the priests, Levites, holy singers, or others, attendants on the temple, nor lay any burthens upon them And I do hereby give you, Esdras, full authority, according to the wisdom you have received from above, to constitute judges to exe|cute justice to all the people throughout Syria and Phoenicia, who understand the law, and are con|scientious in the discharge of their duty. At the same time do you instruct the ignorant, to the end that all trangressors against the laws of God may be punished according to their demerit; some with pecuniary fines, and others with death, ac|cording to the nature of the crimes, as upon due examination may appear. Farewell.

Upon the receipt of this letter, Esdras acknow|ledged the Divine goodness, ascribing to the inter|position of Providence all the benefits conferred on the Jews through the instrumentality of the king. The people were summoned to a general meeting on this occasion at Babylon,* 6.2 were the letter was read, and a copy of it transcribed, and sent away to be communicated to all the Jews in Media; but Esdras reserved the original. When the Jews un|derstood the piety of Xerxes towards God, and his affection for Esdras in particular, and their nation in general, they not only expressed infinite satis|faction, but hastened in great numbers with their effects to Babylon,* 6.3 with full purpose of returning to Jerusalem. But there was another sort of Israelites who, being accustomed to the place, and settled in their habitations, chose rather to continue where they were. This is the reason wherefore there are but two tribes to be found in Asia and Eu|rope under the Roman emperor. As to the other ten tribes, they are all planted beyond the Eu|phrates, and so prodigiously increased in number, as to be almost beyond computation.

The publication of this recommendatory testi|monial brought over vast numbers of people to Esdras; not only priests and Levites, but temple|porters, singers, and other attendants appertaining thereunto. He appointed a rendezvous for such as were disposed to return from captivity into their own country at the Euphrates, where, after a three days fast,* 6.4 and offering up solemn vows and prayers for a prosperous voyage (Esdras having declined the guard of soldiers offered him from a reliance on the Divine protection) they began their journey on the twelfth day of the first month, in the seventh year of the reign of Xerxes, and arrived at Jerusa|lem in the fifth month of the same year,* 6.5 when Esdras immediately delivered out the money he brought to the priests who had the custody of the holy treasure. It amounted to six hundred and fifty talents of silver, an hundred talents of silver vessels, twenty talents of vessels of gold, and twelve talents of fine brass, that was deemed more preci|ous than gold itself. These were the presents of the king and his counsellors, and of the Israelites that continued in Babylon.

When Esdras had acquitted himself of his trust, he offered up burnt-offerings, according to the laws; twelve bulls for the whole people of Israel, seventy-two sheep and lambs, and twelve goats for a sin-of|fering. He communicated also the king's letter to the governors of Phoenicia and Coelo-Syria, who held the Israelites in great honour, and readily supplied all their wants, when they found they could not dis|pense with the king's injunction. These matters were accomplished under the conduct of Esdras, who, doubtless, obtained the Divine favour and protec|tion for his exemplary piety and virtue.

Soon after these happy events, a charge was exhibited to Esdras, that some of the priests and Levites had deviated from the law, and, of course, from their duty, in marrying into fo|reign families, and thereby polluting the sacer|dotal race. Application was made to him at the same time, to support and assert the laws,* 6.6 lest the Divine vengeance should fall upon the whole body of the people for the iniquity of a few. Esdras, upon this complaint, rent his cloaths, tore the hair from his head, and cast himself on the ground, des|pairing of effecting a reform, as the principal men were concerned in this abomination,* 6.7 and it would be in vain for him to lay an injunction on them to part with their wives and children.

Those who retained any sense of piety and huma|nity, both condoled with him and participated in his afflictions. In this state of despondency he fer|vently addressed the Almighty, expressing

His shame to look towards heaven, because of the sins that the people had committed, while they had forgotten what their forefathers had undergone on account of their wickedness.

He besought

God, who had saved a remnant out of the calamity and captivity they had been in, and restored them again to Jerusalem, and to their own land, and had disposed the hearts of the kings of Persia to have compassion on them, that he would also for|give them the sins they had now committed, which, though they deserved death, yet he might mercifully condescend to remit the punishment due to them.

After Esdras thus expressed his grief for the trans|gression of his countrymen, and implored the Divine mercy and forgiveness, in the hearing of a promiscu|ous multitude, there came to him one Jechonias, a leading man of Jerusalem,* 6.8 with a public confession of the crime alledged against them, advising him, at the same time to adjure all those who had married strange women contrary to the law, to cast them out, toge|ther with their children, upon pain of the severest punishment, on refusal of submission. Esdras ap|proved the counsel; and exacted an oath from the chief of the priests and Levites, and all the principal men of Israel,* 6.9 that they would put away their strange wives, with their children, according to the counsel of Jechonias. When this was over, he went from the temple to the chamber of Joanan, the son of Elia|shib, where he spent the whole day, without taking any sustenance, through an excess of grief and agi|tation of mind.

He next issued a proclamation, by which all those who were returned from captivity, were enjoined to meet at Jerusalem in the course of two or three days, on the penalty of excommunication, and confiscation to the holy treasury, in case of failure, either through neglect or contempt. Within three days the tribes of Judah and Benjamin assembled, on the twentieth day of the ninth month, called, by the Hebrews, The|beth,* 6.10 and, by the Macedonians, Appelloeus. When they had placed themselves in the upper part of the temple, the elders being present, Esdras arose, and told them, that,

Whereas they were guilty of an henious crime, by marrying with strangers in con|tempt of the express law of their country; there were no other means of obtaining the Divine for|giveness, and security from the Divine vengeance, than by putting away the strange women with whom they had so intermarried.

They unanimous|ly signified compliance with the requisition; but ob|served,* 6.11 that as their number was great, and the season rigorous, a matter of such importance would require mature deliberation. Upon this suggestion it was pro|posed that a commission of enquiry might be issued out to a select number of leading men, who were in|nocent of the charge in question. The motion passed without a dissentient voice; and, upon the first day of the tenth month, they entered upon the inquisition, which fully employed them till the first day of the month following. Upon the scrutiny, they found numbers of the kindred of Jesus, the high-priest, as well as of other priests and Levites, and the rest of the Israelites, who, having a greater regard to the observance of the law than even to natural affection, immediately put away their wives, and the children born of them. After the solemnity of this abdica|tion they offered up rams, according to custom, for peace-offerings; so that it is deemed unnecessary to specify either their characters or names. Esdras, upon the whole, produced a general reformation; and established a precedent as an universal rule of conduct for future generations.

At the celebration of the feast of tabernacles, in the seventh month, when a great multitude of the Israelites were assembled in that part of the temple which looks towards the east, Esdras, at their request, read aloud to them the laws of Moses,* 6.12 repeating the same from morning to noon. This public reading tended much to the edification of the hearers, as they were not only thereby taught a line of conduct for present and future observance, but their reflection was directed to the calamities their forefathers had suffered for the violation of those very laws, to which their obedience would have secured to them perma|nent peace and happiness. Esdras, perceiving them melt into tears at this affecting consideration, advised them to refrain from inordinate sorrows, as incompa|tible with the present festive occasion, on which they should indulge themselves in innocent mirth; while they retained in their minds such sense of past misde|meanours as to prevent a future relapse. The people, encouraged by his candid and friendly advice, cele|brated the feast with chearful conviviality, and then returned to their own habitations; but not till they had paid most grateful acknowledgments to Esdras for the important reformation he had wrought in a point so essential to the laws and religion of their country. Having obtained an universal esteem by this meritorious service, he lived with honour,* 6.13 and died full of years and much regretted, at Jerusalem, where he was interred with a solemnity suitable to his sacred character. Joachim, the high-priest, died also about the same time, and was succeeded by his son Eliashib.

There was amongst the Jewish captives a certain person whose name was Nehemiah. This person, who was cup-bearer to Xerxes, walking one day near Susa the metropolis of Persia, overheard some travellers,* 6.14 that were entering the city after a long journey, con|versing in the Hebrew language. This excited him to enquire whence they came. Upon their replying form Judaea, he put several questions to them respect|ing the state of the people and city of Jerusalem; when they gave for answer, that things, in general, were in a bad state, as their walls had been demo|lished, and the Jews had sustained the greatest inju|ries from the neighbouring nations, which annoyed them day and night, overrunning and laying waste their country, insomuch that great numbers were led captive out of Jerusalem itself, and the roads in the day time were found strewed with dead bodies. Nehemiah burst into tears of commiseration for the calamities of his countrymen, and in a suppliant posture, humbly enquired of the Almighty, "How long he would be pleased to disregard the miseries of the Hebrew nation, and suffer them to be made the prey and spoil of all men?"

While he was thus deploring the wretched state of his country, word was brought him,* 6.15 that the king was about to sit down to supper; upon which he hastened, in much disorder and confusion, to attend the duties of his office as cup-bearer. The king, being more chearful than common after supper, cast an eye upon Nehemiah, and observing his counten|ance dejected, demanded the cause. Having put up an ejaculatory prayer to heaven to give an en|ergy to his words, he replied to this effect:

How is it possible for me, O king, to appear otherwise than dejected,* 6.16 when the place of my na|tivity is laid waste; Jerusalem reduced to an heap of rubbish, the gates burnt, the tombs and monu|ments of my ancesters broken up, and the ashes of the venerable dead sacreligiously prophaned. Deign thou, O king, to grant the boon I humbly prefer, that I may have your royal permission to re|pair to Jerusalem to assist in the rebuilding of the walls, and in the remaining work of finishing the temple.

This king granted his petition; and having pro|mised him letters recommendatory to the governor of the several provinces through which he was to pass, with orders to treat him with due respect, and supply him with every necessary he might require, dismissed him with an injunction to cast off his melan|choly, and proceed in the discharge of the duties of his office with his usual chearfulness. Nehemiah, upon this gracious reception and assurance, resumed himself, and acknowledged the blessing of Providence, that had so remarkably interposed in his favour.

On the following day the king sent for him, and gave him letters of credit and recommendation to Sadaeus, governor of Syria, Phoenicia, and Samaria, with instructions to receive and assist him according to promise. He went first to Babylon,* 6.17 and from thence, with as many of his countrymen as volun|tarily offered to bear him company, proceeded to Jerusalem, in the twenty-fifth year of the reign of Xerxes; and having first exhibited his credentials to the inspection of his private friends, he delivered them to Sadaeus and his colleagues, according to the superscription. He then summoned a general assem|bly up to Jerusalem, and addressed them in the tem|ple to the following purport:

Ye must see and know, O men of Judea, that we ourselves are, at this day, under the superintend|ing providence of the same Almighty and merci|ful Being,* 6.18 who brought about so many wonderful events from a gracious regard to the piety and virtue of our forefathers Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. I am now to declare to you, that it is through favour of that Being that I have obtained permission of the king to enter on the rebuilding

of your walls, and the finishing of the work of the temple. But taking it for granted, that neigh|bouring nations are not only averse to, but de|termined to counteract you in the design, I re|commend it to you, in the first place, to rely solely on the power of the Almighty, who will certainly defeat all the efforts of your enemies; and next, that you exert yourselves in the prosecution of the work night and day, without intermission, while the season affords opportunity.

Having delivered this address, he gave orders to the magistrates to survey the ground, take measure of the walls, and from due computation, make an equal distribution of the work amongst the people, according to the proportions of the inhabitants, in city,* 6.19 town, or village, promising, at the same time, the assistance of himself, and all that belonged to him, in the service, and then discharged the assembly.

The authority of Nehemiah had such an effect upon the people,* 6.20 that they applied themselves most assidu|ously to the undertaking. From this time the country was called Judea; and so termed from the tribe of Ju|dah, that formerly possessed that quarter of the world.

The report of this undertaking no sooner reached the Ammonites, the Moabites, the Samarians, and the Coelo-Syrians, than they determined to leave no|thing unattempted, either by force or treachery, to counteract it.* 6.21 Accordingly they lay in ambush for the Jews up and down in every quarter, and took off many of them by surprize. They kept assassins in pay to attempt the life of Nehemiah; & alarmed the multitude with menaces of invasion to such a degree, that through apprehension of impending danger, they were ready to desist from their work. But Ne|hemiah maintained his ground with undaunted re|solution, and, under the security of a slender guard, prosecuted the work, without sense of weariness, or apprehension of danger. Nor was he anxious for his own safety merely in the provision of a guard for his person; but it arose from an assurance that if he should be cut off, the men would never finish the building. He therefore ordered that, in future, all the men should work with their swords by their sides, and their bucklers at a convenient distance,* 6.22 to have them in readiness. He also appointed trumpeters to be posted within five hundred paces of each other, to give the alarm upon any discovery of an enemy, that the people might have time to stand to their arms, without any danger of a surprize. He went round the city almost every night, and became so inured to labour,* 6.23 abstinence, and watching, that he surmoun|ted all those difficulties, taking of food and sleep no more than was requisite to support nature. This was the course of his life for two years and three months; at the expiration of which the walls were finished, in the twenty-eighth year and ninth month of the reign of Xerxes.

Upon the perfecting of the work, Nehemiah, and the people offered up sacrifice, and kept a festival for eight days; an event highly unwelcome and displea|sing to the Syrians.* 6.24 Nehemiah observing that the city was thin of inhabitants, persuaded all the priests and Levites, who lived contiguous, to take up their residence in town, promising to furnish them with houses at his own expence. He likewise ordered people in the country, who followed husbandry, to carry their tenths into the city, for the maintenance of the priests and Levites, that they might not be di|verted by any worldly concerns from attending the duties of their office. This was readily agreed to; and by these means the city became better peopled.

After these and many other great and glorious ac|tions, worthy of eternal honour, Nehemiah, in an ad|vanced age,* 6.25 departed this life. He was a man of un|feigned piety, strict probity, and unsullied virtue; eminent for genuine philanthropy and patriotism, as appears from the whole of his transactions respecting the people and city of Jerusalem. This may suffice as a brief narrative of events during the reign of Xerxes.

CHAP. VI.

* 6.26Xerxes is succeeded by his son Artaxerxes, under whose reign the nation of the Jews was in danger of being extirpated. Particulars concerning Esther, Mordecai, &c.

ON the death of Xerxes, the government descend|ed to his son Cyrus, whom the Greeks call Ar|taxerxes, in whose reign over the Persians, the whole nation of the Jews, with their wives and children, were in great danger of being destroyed as we shall shew in due time and place. It i•• n••cessary that we should previously attend to some particulars that re|lated to the king himself, concerning his marriage with a woman of the blood royal of the Jews, and who is represented in the annals of history as the pro|tectress of our nation.

When Artaxerxes had ascended the throne, and settled the government of an hundred and twenty-seven provinces, between India and Ethiopia,* 6.27 he made a most magnificient and sumptuous entertainment at Susa, in the third year of his reign, where he regaled his noble guests, in a manner becoming the dignity of so great a monarch, during the term of an hun|dred and fourscore days. After this he prepared another entertainment for several foreigners and their ambassadors, for seven successive days,* 6.28 which was conducted in the following manner. There was a tent erected, upon gold and silver pillars, co|vered with purple and fine linen, and sufficiently ca|pable for the reception of some thousands of people. The wine was served in golden cups, ornamented with precious stones in such a manner, as at once to excite curiosity, and afford exquisite delight. Orders were given to the servants not to ply the guests with wine incessantly, after the Persian custom, but per|mit every man to drink at liberty; and proclama|tion was made throughout the kings dominions, that they should set a certain number of days apart for the celebration of a festival for the safety and prosperity of the kingdom.

Queen Vashtial so had her apartments in the palace. She was so remarkably beautiful, that the king, de|sirous of shewing her to his guests, sent for her to come into the grand chamber, where they were con|vened. But as the laws of Persia do not allow wives to be seen by any besides their domestics from a re|gard to that prohibition the refused to go to the king,* 6.29 not only once, but persisted in the denial, notwith|standing several orders brought her by the eunuchs to the same purpose. The king was so incensed at this obstinacy, that, after the festival was over, he sent for the commissioners that were expressly ap|pointed for the interpretation of the Persian laws,* 6.30 to advise him in what manner he should punish the contumacy and obstinacy of his queen, complaining that she had not only once, but repeatedly disobeyed his commands. One of them, whose name was Muchaeus, gave it as his opinion,

That it was not only an indignity offered to royal authority, but a precedent of dangerous consequence to all his sub|jects, since other women might thereby be encou|raged to contemn and disobey their husbands; and that therefore so henious an offence should be punished with a proportionable degree of severity; in fact, with nothing less than banishment from the king's presence for ever, by virtue of his royal will and pleasure published by proclamation.* 6.31

The king was so divided between the love he bore the queen, on the one hand, and the regard he had for his dignity, on the other, that he remained some time in a state of most tormenting suspense. While he was in this anxiety of thought, his counsellors endeavoured to divert him from the resolution of making himself miserable for the unprofitable love of one woman, while he might make his choice from a collection of the first beauties through the several provinces of his dominions, and select her as a wife to whom, in a general view, he should find the warmest attachment.

The king, on second thought, approved the advice, and immediately dispatched commissioners through|out his dominions,* 6.32 to select the most celebrated beau|ties they could find, and bring them up to him. The commissioners were very diligent in the execu|tion of their charge, and amongst others, discovered a virgin in Babylon, whose name was Father. Her parents being dead, she was brought up in the house of her uncle Mordecai, a man of rank amongst the Jews. This virgin so far excelled the rest,* 6.33 for the beauties and graces of her person, that she was an object of general attraction and admiration. She was committed to the care of one of the eunuchs, treated with all possible delicacy and respect, and presented with essences, perfumes, and all curiosities

of art used by the sex as ornamental embellishments. Thus was Esther, together with four hundred vir|gins, treated, for the space of six months, in which; being prepared for the king's bed, they were indi|vidually and separately introduced by the eunuch to the king, who having received them into his arms, sent them by the same eunuch.

When Esther was presented, he was so transported with the charms of her person,* 6.34 the elegance of her deportment, and the allurements of her conversation, that he immediately resolved to take her to wife; and the nuptials were accordingly celebrated in the se|venth year of his reign, and the twelfth month, which is called Adar, with the greatest pomp and magni|ficence. A most splendid entertainment was given upon the occasion to the great men of the Medes and Persians, and other nations, for the space of a whole month. When the queen entered the royal palace, the king placed the crown upon her head, and treated her in every respect worthy of her dignified situation, wholly regardless of her country or ex|traction. Her uncle Mordecai removed from Baby|lon to Susa; and would often enquire, at the gate of the royal palace, concerning the welfare of Esther, who was as dear to him as his own child.

The king, at this time, caused a law to be enacted, prohibiting any of his domestics from approaching him while he sat upon his royal throne,* 6.35 unless they were called or sent for, upon pain of losing their heads; and there were officers appointed to be in readiness to exact the penalty. In the mean time he had a gol|den sceptre in his hand; and when he was disposed to pardon any who had transgressed the law so enacted, he held that sceptre forth; and, upon their touch|ing it, they were exempted from the penalty.

There was formed, some time after this, a conspi|racy between Bigathar and Teresh, two attendant eunuchs,* 6.36 against the person of the king. Barnabaza|bus, a f••rvant of one of them, and a Jew by extrac|tion, discovered their treacherous design to Morde|cai, the king's uncle, and he, by means of Esther, to the king himself, who put the criminals to the ques|tion, and, upon conviction, delivered them both up to justice. The king gave Mordecai no other reward than that of appointing his service to be registered upon the record, and allowing him admittance to the palace, with the privilege of one of his domestics.

* 6.37Haman, the son of Ammedah, an Amalekite, being now advanced by the king, and coming frequently to court, the Persians, as well as strangers, paid him the greatest reverence; indeed, it was the king's will and pleasure that it should be so. Mordecai was the only person that refused to do him the homage, that mode of respect being contrary to the practice of his country. This exasperated the haughty Amale|kite to such a degree, that he asked him what coun|tryman he was; and finding him to be a Jew, he broke out into a violent exclamation at the insolence of such a wretch,* 6.38 who, when all the nations, and the free-born Persians, made no hesitation at doing him the honour commanded by the king, he should pre|sume to disobey. In this fit of rage he took the des|perate resolution not only to be revenged on Mor|decai, but to destroy the whole race of Jews in the dominions of Persia. He might, indeed, be farther induced to carry his design into execution, by recollecting that his ancestors, the Amalekites, had been formerly beaten out of the land, and extermi|nated by those people. To perpetrate his malicious design, he attended the king according to usual custom, and took an opportunity of representing the Jews to him in the most odious and contemptible light, exclaiming against them as a vile generation, unsociable in their disposition, barbarous in their manners, devoted to superstitious laws and ceremo|nies, lurking up and down in every quarter of his dominions, and, upon the whole, discovering them|selves, in every instance of word and deed, the common enemies of mankind.* 6.39 He begged leave, therefore, to observe, that such being their known character, it was inconsistent with the rules of po|licy to allow them any further toleration. He then submitted to the king's wisdom and propriety, nay the necessity, of extirpating them out of the Persian empire: and lest the loss of so many subjects should be thought to diminish the king's revenue, he pro|posed making up the defect out of his own private fortune.

The king was prevailed on by the artful insinua|tions of this wicked and arrogant favourite, to sub|mit the disposal of the Jews to his entire discretion, and, at the same time, dispense with his promise of making up the deficiency of the revenue, which was estimated in the treasury account, at forty thousand talents of silver. Haman, thus authorized, immediate|ly published an edict in the king's name, and dispersed it throughout all his dominions, to this effect:

The great king Artaxerxes to the hundred and "twenty-seven governors of the provinces be|tween India and Ethiopia, greeting.

Whereas it hath pleased God to give me the command of so many nations, and a dominion over the rest of the world as large as I myself desire:* 7.1 being resolved to do nothing that may be tyranni|cal or grievous towards my people, and to bear a gentle and easy rule over them, with an eye more especially to the preservation of their peace and li|berties, and to settle them in a state of tranquility and happiness not to be shaken: all this I have ta|ken into mature deliberation; and being given to understand, by my trusty and well-beloved friend and counsellor Haman, a man of tried faith, pru|dence, and justice, and whom I esteem above all others, that there is a mixture of inhuman people among my subjects, who take upon them to go|vern by their own laws, and to prescribe ways to themselves, in contempt of public order and go|vernment; men, depraved both in their customs and their manners, and enemies not only to mon|archy, but to the methods of our royal adminis|tration. This is therefore to will and require, that upon notice, given you by Haman, (who is to me a father), of the persons intended by this my pro|clamation, you put all the said persons, men, wo|men and children, to the sword, without any com|miseration or favour, in strict pursuance of my decree. And it is my further command, that you put this in execution on the thirteenth day of the twelfth month of the present year, to make but one day's work of the destruction of all mine and your enemies, in order to the future peace and security of our lives.

This edict was rapidly dispersed throughout the whole empire; and the people prepared themselves accordingly for the abolition of the Jews on the day appointed; but the inhabitants of Susa, the place of the king's residence, were particularly strenuous for carrying it into execution. The king and his favourite in the mean time, passed their hours in conviviality; while the few humane amongst the Persians sh••ddered at the idea of so horrid a massacre as that approaching.

When Mordecai was informed of the tenor and purport of this proclamation, he rent his garments,* 7.2 put on sackcloth, covered his head with ashes, and passed through the streets of the town, exclaiming against the flagrant iniquity of this horrid and bar|barous design against the Jews. In this manner he proceeded till he came to the gate of the palace, where he was obliged to stop, no man being permitted to enter in such a garb. Mordecai's example was followed by all the Jews in the several cities within the Persian dominions, who, upon notice of the king's decree, were overwhelmed with despair.

Intelligence of this reaching the queen, (who was a stranger to the decree being passed) she was greatly affected thereby, and sent a messenger to Mordecai, entreating him to lay aside that mournful habit, and resume the dress that was consistent with his situation.* 7.3 But he told the messenger he could not comply with the queen's request, till the cause of his melancholly appearance was removed. In consequence of this answer, the queen sent Hetach, one of the kings eunuchs, who was at that time in her presence, to learn the reason of Mordecai, wherefore he assumed such an appearance, and refused to put it off at her particular request. Mordecai then related the whole transactions in due form and order, setting forth that the king, at the instigation of Haman, had issued his royal proclamation, throughout all his dominions for the extirpation of the Jews, and that Haman had of|fered

a vast sum of money, by way of compensa|tion, to induce him to do it. He then gave Hetach a copy of the decree to deliver to the queen, im|ploring that she would make an humble applica|tion to the king, and intercede with him in their behalf,* 7.4 as the lives of the whole nation were now at stake. He represented the necessity of waving delay, as Haman was incessantly calumniating the Jews, and would continue to exasperate the king against them till he had gained his point.

This account was faithfully delivered by the eu|nuch to the queen, who immediately returned, an answer to Mordecai, in which she excused herself from engaging in the affair, setting forth that an ordinance had been passed, prohibiting any person, whether man or woman,* 7.5 on pain of death, from approaching the king when seated on his throne of state, without being called to attend him, unless he would vouchsafe to hold forth his golden sceptre. When Mordecai heard this, he pressed the queen once again, by the same messenger, repre|senting,* 7.6 that it was not her own personal safety that was in question, but the security of the whole race; and admonishing her by no means to neglect the least opportunity of performing an office incum|bent on her by every relative tie, and every dictate of humanity. He further intimated his reliance on the Divine interposition in behalf of a people who were unjustly condemned to death by the vile artifices of an arrogant and ambitious man.

This message roused Esther, who immediately dispatched the eunuch to Mordecai with this order and promise, that he, and all the Jews in Susa, should fast for three days, as would herself and ser|vants, and offer up their humble supplications to the Almighty,* 7.7 that he would be pleased to prosper her in so hazardous an undertaking; at the expira|tion of which she would not fail to address the king, though at the hazard of her life. Mordecai duly at|tended to the queen's instructions, and having cir|culated the same amongst the Jews, they strictly ob|served the fast,* 7.8 and humbly besought the Almighty to defeat the malicious designs of their enemies, to extend his mercy according as he was wont to peni|tent offenders, and finally deliver them from the de|struction denounced against them. The whole mul|titude joined, indeed, in one common address, im|ploring the Almighty to vouchsafe them his protec|tion,* 7.9 and avert that dreadful judgment from the Is|raelites that now hung over their heads. Queen Es|ther also humbled herself before God after the man|ner of her country, prostrating herself on the earth, assuming a mourning habit, abstaining from every sensual gratification for three days, and imploring the Divine interposition in her behalf, that the king might be disposed to attend to her intercession for a miserable and persecuted people, so that it might prevail, to the confusion of their enemies, and all their malicious designs upon her distressed country|men.

* 7.10After three days thus spent in fervent supplication for the Divine mercy and compassion, the queen put on her royal attire, and, with two attendants, bearing up her train, advanced towards the king, her face being covered with a blush expressive both of majesty and grace, though at the same time, not without some indication of doubtful apprehension.* 7.11 The daz|zling lustre of the king seated on his throne, and an imagination that his countenance expressed displea|sure, so affected the gentle Esther, that she immedi|ately fell into a swoon, and would have sunk to the ground,* 7.12 had she not been supported by her attendants. The king, alarmed at her situation, descended from his throne, embraced her in his arms, and, in tenderest phrase, consoled her with an assurance that no ad|vantage should be taken of the law to her prejudice, though she came uncalled; that decree extending only to subjects, and consequently not to her, whom he esteemed as the partner of his empire. He then laid his golden sceptre gently on her neck, as a token of his affection, as well as confirmation of the assurance he had so lately given. These tender proofs of love and esteem brought her back to the use of her reason and speech, when she explained to the king the cause of her swoon, which arose from the impression of the awful appearance of his sacred person, and an ap|prehension that his countenance expressed displea|sure. These words were uttered in such a tone of voice and accompanied by such a disposition of feature, as afforded a most lively representation of her sensibi|lity, and thereby acted so compulsively on the king, that in the most explicit terms, he bade her prefer her request, declaring he would grant it, even if it was one half of his kingdom.

Upon this declaration Esther told him,* 7.13 all she de|sired, at present, was that he would be pleased to come to a banquet with her that day, and that he would permit Haman to accompany him. Her suit was granted; they came together; and when the entertainment was nearly over, with which the king expressed the highest satisfaction, he again asked Esther what request she had to make, repeating his former promise, that whatever it should be, he would grant it, though it were half his kingdom. The queen, not thinking this a proper time to open the secret to the king, told him, that her desire, at pre|sent, was no more than that he would honour her the next day at a like entertainment, accompanied by Haman, when she would take the freedom to present her petition. The king was highly pleased with the proposal; but the distinguished honour conferred up|on Haman, being invited to accompany the king to the queen's banquet, so increased his pride and am|bition, that the expected nothing less than a respect and homage to be paid him as the second person in the kingdom.* 7.14 Nor were his expectations ill-found|ed, except in the person of Mordecai, who, as he pas|sed him at the palace gate, on his return, neglected to pay him obedience. As soon as he got home, he re|counted to his family, and particularly to his wife Ze|resh, the many instances of esteem he had received, not only from the king, but likewise the queen, hav|ing been at a banquet provided by the latter, and that the next day he was to be present at a like in|vitation, accompanying the king as before.

He could not, however, forbear complaining of the affront and disrespect which Mordecai had put upon him; and adviseing with Zereso, his wife, and his relations and friends, concerning the manner in which he should chastise his insolence,* 7.15 they pro|posed to him, as the best expedient, to order a gib|bet to be erected fifty cubits high, and the very next morning go to the king, and obtain a grant for the execution of Mordecai upon it. This advice was perfectly agreeable to Haman, who imagining the king would not refuse his request, gave orders for the gibbet to be immediately erected.

But that Omniscient Being who disposes of all events, was pleased to direct things in such a manner, as to frustate the design of the proud and cruel Ha|man; for, when he went to court the next morning, he found matters turn out very different to what he expected. It happened that the king that morning aw••ke much sooner than usual, and not being able to compose himself again to sleep, in order to pass the time in some degree profitable, as well as entertain|ing,* 7.16 he ordered his secretary to bring the memorials and state papers, as well antient as modern, and read their respective contents. The king found, upon the reading them, the name of a person who had great honours and possessions given him as a reward for a glorious and memorable action; also of another,* 7.17 who obtained the bounty of his prince for his fidelity. The secretary proceeded till he came to the passage which made mention of Mordecai's discovery of the conspiracy of the two eunuchs, Bigthar and Teresh, against his person; and when the king, upon enquiry, was given to understand, that the man for so signal a service, had not received any reward, he seemed ex|ceedingly angry, and commanded the secretary to stop at that record, and enquire of the centinels what hour it was. Answer being brought that it was break of day, he demanded to know who waited with|out, and being told Haman, ordered him to be called in, and, upon his entrance, thus addressed him:

From a persuasion of your loyal attachment to my person and government, I would ask of you what token of honour you would advise me to bestow on the man to whom I have the greatest obligation imaginable, and that conscientiously with the dignity of my royal character?

Haman, not doubting but his own interest was concerned in the solution of the question, presuming that he alone must be the person referred to, gave it as his opinion.

[figure]

Engraved for the American Edition of MAYNARD's Josephus.

QUEEN ESTHER 〈◊〉〈◊〉 before KING ARTAXERXES

[figure]

Engraved for the AMERICAN EDITION of MAYNARD's Josephus

King ARTAXERXES presenting to MORDECAI the RING which he had formerly entrusted with the treacherous Haman as a token of his royal Favour

that the king should clothe the man whom he de|sired to honour with his own royal apparel, mount him on his own horse, present him with a golden chain, and cause an herald to make proclamation throughout the city,

Thus shall be done to the man whom the king vouchsafes to honour.

No sooner had Haman delivered his opinion, than the king, quite contrary to his expectation, com|manded him to take the horse, apparel, and chain, find out Mordecai, the Jew, array him in this attire, and when mounted,* 7.18 to march before him, making proclamation in quality of an officer; because, as the king's favourite he was the fittest man to advise with, and to execute his own counsel. He concluded that Mordecai merited these honours, since to him he was indebted for his life.

This order cut the imperious Haman to the very heart, as it was so contrary to his expectation, his thoughts having been wholly employed on his own advancement. But the king's word was a law, and he knew there was no disputing it. Being, therefore, obligeh to comply, he went with the horse, habit, and golden chain, in quest of Mordecai, and finding him at the palace gate, in his garb of humiliation, bade him divest himself of the sackcloth, and put on the purple. The Jew, ignorant of what had passed, imputed this parade of ceremony to mockery, and reprobated Haman as an hard-hearted, insolent wretch, who delighted to sport with the miseries of mankind. But Haman reasoned with him on the matter, and at length convinced him that the king had commanded this honour to be done him, in re|compence of the service he had rendered him, in de|tecting the conspiracy of the eu••••••hs, and thereby saving his life. Being thus satisfied, he put on the purple and the golden chain, mounted the king's horse, and paraded through the city, Haman making proclamation before him,

Thus shall it be done to the man whom the king desireth to honour.

Mordecai, after this, was ushered into the royal pre|sence, while Haman departed to his own house, strong with vexation, disappointment, and despair, being assured, from the late transactions, that all his ef|forts to avenge himself on the Jews would prove fruitless, as the king had thus received Mordecai into his immediate favour and protection.

While Haman was relating these doleful tidings to his family, lamenting the disappointment and great mortification he had met with, in being forced to pay so signal an honour to his most hated enemy, the queen's eunuch's came to call him away to supper. One of them, whose name was Sabuchades, observing a gibbet erected in the court, asked one of the servants the meaning of it, and being told it was prepared for Mordecai, for whose execution Haman had obtained permission of the king, herested apparently satisfied.

When the king and Haman were set down to the banquet, and highly pleased with their entertainment the king asked Esther again what her request was, at the same time renewing his promise that he would not f••••l to grant it her, though it should extend to the half of the kingdom. The queen availing herself of this opportunity, with blushing modesty, repre|sented to the king, "That her petition was for the security of her own life, and the lives of her people, as there was a plot laid against them, for their ge|neral destruction. Had they (she observed) been made slaves, that calamity might have been tolera|ble; so that her suit was, that he would be graciously pleased to interpose, and avert the imminent extir|pation of the whole race."

The king no sooner heard Esther's petition, than he asked,* 7.19 with great emotion, who it was that durst put such a design on foot? The queen, without pre|varication, replied, that Haman was the author of that advice, and that it proceeded from the impulse of ma|lice to the people. The king, rising up in a great pas|sion, immediately left the apartment, and retired into the garden, in order to give vent to his resentment. Haman, by this time finding the storm gathering, took the opportunity of the king's absence for supplicating the queen for his life, acknowledging his error, and prostrating himself on the bed * 7.20 before her in the most humiliating manner.* 7.21 At this juncture the king returned, and seeing Haman in such a position, was more exasperated by that circum|stance than all the rest, and reviled him as the basest of men, for so insolent an attempt on the honour of his queen. The eunuch then informed the king of the gibbet of fifty cubits in height, which, by order of Haman, was erected for the execution of Mordecai, as he was made to understand by one of his servants when he went to give him an invitation to the queen's banquet.* 7.22 The king immediately fixed a resolution of inflicting the same punishment upon Haman that he had prepared for Mordecai, and ordered him imme|diately to be executed upon the same gibbet.

I cannot pass over this extraordinary event without a comment on the infinite Justice,* 7.23 wisdom and power of the Almighty; not only in bringing Haman to deserved punishment, but causing him to fall by the very snare he had laid for the life of an innocent man, and thereby justly retaliating so execrable a design on the base inventor.

This was the end of the imperious-Haman, who had so flagrantly perverted the king's peculiar favour and bounty. His body was delivered up to justice, and his wide estate given to the queen, who appoint|ed Mordecai her steward. The queen had, by this time, made it known to the king▪ that Mordecai was her near relation; upon which he sent for him,* 7.24 and delivered him the ring with which Haman had been entrusted before. The possessions of Haman, which the king had granted to the queen, she trans|ferred to Mordecai; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 then presented a second pe|tition to her royal comfort, that he would be pleased to deliver the Jews from that apprehension for their lives which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 prevailed, reminding him of the edict which Haman 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dispersed, in his name, through|out the empire, and enforcing her request, by de|claring that her own life depended upon the safety of her nation. The king gave her his royal word, that nothing should be done to the Jews without her knowledge. He further granted 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the liberty of drawing up any 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or mandate in his name, with assurance that the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 should be signed, sealed, and dispersed, by his command, throughout his do|minions; which, when confirmed by the royal sig|nature, their authority would be unquestionable. Upon this he commanded the attendance of his se|cretaries, and enjoined them to draw up the follow|ing mandate in behalf of the Jews, to the magistrates of all the provinces that lie between India and Ethio|pia, under the command of an hundred and twenty-seven governors.

Atraxerxes, the great king,* 8.1 to our trusty governors and magistrates, greeting.

Whereas it is too general a practice for men, whose fortune hath been greater than their merit, to insult both their inferiors and benefactors, and extinguish as far as lies in their power, all sense of gratitude and benevolence, and likewise to pervert the power vested in them, and this under such guises as they vainly imagine can elude the pene|tration of the Great Searcher of Hearts; nor is it any new matter for favourites, by misrepresenta|tion of men and things, to gratify their private passions to the injury of their masters, and thus endanger the lives of honest men by their ill offic••s with the prince: this I declare, not only on the credit of historical report, but on perfect demon|stration within my own knowledge. For the fu|ture, therefore, let no regard be paid to slanderous accusations, but let facts be carefully inquired 〈2 pages missing〉〈2 pages missing〉

the high-priest in purple, embroidered with gold, wearing his mitre, and having on his forehead a golden plate, with the sacred name of the Diety inscribed on it, the majesty of the spectacle struck him with such reverential awe, that he advanced alone,* 8.2 paid homage to the inscription by falling on his knees, and saluted the high-priest himself. So unexpected a circumstance greatly surprized the Jews, who gathered in crowds about Alexander, and, with loud acclamations, proclaimed his praise. The king of Syria, and the great men of Persia, were likewise astonished at his behaviour on this occasion. One of them, named Parmenio, took the liberty to ask him in a familiar way, how it happen|ed that he, who was adored almost by the whole earth, should now descend to bow to a priest of the Jews? The reply that Alexander made was this:

That he did not pay that adoration to him, but to the God whom he professed to serve. That while he was at Dion, in Macedonia, and delibe|rating with himself in what manner he should carry on the Asiatic war, and subdue the Persian empire,* 9.1 that very person, and in that very habit, appeared to him in a dream, encouraging him to enter boldly on the expedition, and not to doubt of success, because the Almighty would be his guide, and ensure him a conquest: that therefore he made no doubt of gaining his point in all his undertakings to his utmost wish, as he made war under the direction of that Supreme Being, to whom, in the person of the high-priest, he paid adoration.

After this reply to Parmenio, the king embraced Jaddus; and the other priests escorting him into the city, he went up to the temple, and there offered sacrifice in form,* 9.2 according to order, paying also a singular veneration to the high-priest, who shewed him when the ceremony was over, the book of the prophet Daniel, and, in it, the prediction of the over-throw of the Persian empire by a certain Grecian king, whom Alexander interpreted to be himself. Pleased with this reflection, he offered to grant the people any request they should desire of him by their high-priest. Jaddus made answer, that they desired only to enjoy their own country laws, and posses the same privileges as their brethren did in Media and Babylon, with an exemption from the seventh year's tribute, as, according to the Mosaic law,* 9.3 they neither ploughed or sowed at the stated returns of that period. Alexander readily complied with their request, and offered moreover, that if any of them should be disposed to take up arms in his service, they should be received into his army, and enjoy the free exercise of their religion as be|fore. From this act of generosity and indulgence, many were ready to accompany him in his wars.

Having thus settled matters at Jerusalem, Alex|ander marched with his army from place to place among the neighbouring cities, at all of which he was received by the people with great testimonies of friendship and submission. The Samarians,* 9.4 whose captial at that time was Shechem, at the foot of mount Gerizim, and inhabited by Jewish deserters, hearing how kingly Alexander had treated the people of Jerusalem, resolving to take advantage of it by veering about, and returning to their former professions. It was a common prac|tice with them to assert or deny their origin,* 9.5 as best suited their interest or convenience. When at any time they observed the affairs of the Jews in a pros|perous state, they boasted that they were of their nation, and descended from Manasseh and Ephraim. But when they thought it was their interest to affirm the contrary, they would solemnly disclaim all affinity to them. Resolved, however, to pro|fess themselves Jews on the present occasion, in or|der to answer their intended purposes, they went with great eagerness as far as the territories of Je|rusalem to meet Alexander, whom they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sooner saw, than they expressed their satisfaction by the loudest acclamations. The king commending their zeal, these Samarians (Shechemites) preferred their humble suit, that he would vouchsafe to honour their city and temple with his presence. Alexander told them, that the situation of affairs required his speedy departure; but that, on his return, he would not fail to comply with their desires. Upon their requesting that he would grant them an exemption from the seventh year's tribute, he asked them if they were Jews. They replied they were Hebrews, but that they were called Shechemites by the Sido|nians. The question was then put explicitly, whether they were Jews or not? Upon their reply in the ne|gative, they were dismissed with this answer:

The favour you ask I have granted to the Jews. When I return, and have better information, I shall in|dulge you in whatever may be thought reason|able.

Alexander, however, took Sanballat's men with him into Egypt, allotting them a distribution of lands to live upon there, which they had after|wards in Thebes, where they were put into garrison.

After the death of Alexander,* 9.6 the empire was parted amongst his successors; but the temple on mount Gerizim remained untouched. If, at any time, the Jews at Jerusalem were found guilty of the vio|lation of their laws, as in eating forbidden meats, breaking the sabbath,* 9.7 or any other crime of the like nature, they took sanctuary with the Shechemites, upon pretence that they were unjustly accused. About this time Jaddus, the high-priest, died, and was succeeded in the pontifical dignity by his son Onias. Such was the then state of Jerusalem.

END OF THE ELEVENTH BOOK.

Notes

• * 1.1

  2 Chron. 36. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 i.
• * 1.2

  Cyrus, by proclama|tion, ac|knowledges the God of the Jews.
• * 1.3

  I•• zealous for rebuild|ing the temple of Jerusalem▪ Isaiah. xiiv.
• * 1.4

  Sends the Jews back to Jeru|salem.
• * 1.5

  General contribu|tion to support the work.
• * 1.6

  The sacred vessels sent back to Je|rusalem.
• * 2.1

  Epistle of Cyrus for rebuilding the city & temple of Jerusalem.
• * 2.2

  The num|ber of the Jews that retu••ned from Baby|lon under Cyrus.
• * 2.3

  The build|ing of the temple is obstructed by the Sa|marians.
• * 2.4

  After the return from the captivity, the people, in general, came to be called Jews: because, though there were many Israelites among them, yet they chiefly consisted of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin: and though the edict of Cyrus gave permission to all to return when they pleased, yet the sacred writers take notice only of those who returned in a body from Babylon.
• * 2.5

  Esdras ii.
• * 3.1

  Cambyses 〈…〉〈…〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈…〉〈…〉 city 〈◊〉〈◊〉 temple.
• * 3.2

  The 〈…〉〈…〉 for 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 3.3

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.4

  Darius 〈…〉〈…〉 toward the 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 3.5

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 makes a 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 3.6

  Proposes four prob|lems for ••••••tion.
• * 3.7

  The strength of wine.
• * 3.8

  The strength of kings.
• * 3.9

  The strength of women.
• * 3.10

  The strength of truth, and decision in its favour.
• * 3.11

  Zerubbabel gains the palm, is applauded by the company & honour|ed by the king.
• * 3.12

  Calls on Darius to perform his vow.
• * 3.13

  The king, by his mandates through|out his do|minions, promotes the under|taking.
• * 3.14

  Furthers it by his own private bounty.
• * 3.15

  Zerubbabel informs the Jews at Babylon of the libe|rality and bounty of Darius in their be|half.
• * 3.16

  The num|bers of the tribes that went up from Ba|bylon. 1 Esdras 5.
• * 3.17

  General as|sembly of the Jews at Jerusalem. They build an altar, & offer sacri|fices.
• * 3.18

  Gr•• 〈…〉〈…〉 by the 〈…〉〈…〉 in build|ing the temple.
• * 3.19

  The 〈…〉〈…〉 to 〈…〉〈…〉 building of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 3.20

  The 〈…〉〈…〉 of the building
• * 3.21

  The 〈…〉〈…〉 of the Jews 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for 〈…〉〈…〉

  The Jews reply.
• * 3.22

  The popu|late are en|couraged of the pro|phets Haggai and Zachariah
• * 3.23

  Concerning these prophets we refer the reader to those books in the Bible which bear their respective names. They are both thought to have been born at Babylon during the cap••ivity, and both, with united zeal, encouraged the people to go on with the work of the temple. On the accession of Darius to the throne, Haggai, in particular, by reproach|ing the people for their indolence and insensibility, by telling them that they were careful enough to lodge themselves very commodiously, while the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Lord lay buried in its ruins, and by putting them in mind that the calamities of drought and famine (wherewith God had afflicted them since their return from their captivity) were owing to their neglect in not repairing the temple, he prevailed with them to let about the work in good earnest; so that, by virtue of these reproofs, and the encourage|ment they received from Darius after his accession to the throne of Persia, they brought the whole to a conclusion in a much shorter time than, in all probability, they would have otherwise done.
• * 3.24

  The Sama|••ians re|monstrance 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.25

  Record of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in favour of the Jews.
• * 4.1

  Darius commands the temple to be re••••lt. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 6.
• * 4.2

  The temple is finished.
• * 4.3

  Dedicated. Esdras 7.
• * 4.4

  The Jews celebrate the pass|over, and hold a festival for seven days.
• * 4.5

  An aristo|cracy esta|blished among the Jews.
• * 4.6

  The Sama|rians still inimical to the Jews.
• * 4.7

  An embassy from the Jews to king Darius.
• * 5.1

  Darius es|pouses their cause.
• * 5.2

  Death of Darius.
• * 5.3

  Called in scripture Artaxerxes.
• * 5.4

  Xerxes suc|ceeds his father Da|rius on the throne of Persia.
• * 5.5

  Esdras in|tends to go to Je|rusalem.
• * 6.1

  1 Esdras 7. Obtains the sanc|tion of Xerxes.
• * 6.2

  Esdras ac|know|ledges the Divine goodness 1 Esdras. ••
• * 6.3

  Numbers of the Jews 〈…〉〈…〉 accompany him from Babrians Jerusalem
• * 6.4

  Esdras 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fast.
• * 6.5

  The Jew•• arrive at Jerusalem and 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 6.6

  Some of the sacer|dotal 〈◊〉〈◊〉 charged with the marriage of stranger.
• * 6.7

  Esdras be|comes 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 6.8

  Jechonias counsels Esdras.
• * 6.9

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 advice a followed.
• * 6.10

  The cap|tive Jews convened, and ad|dressed by E••dras.
• * 6.11

  •• Esdras 9. The people are pre|vailed on to put away their strange 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 6.12

  The laws of Moses read to the multitude Nehem. ••.
• * 6.13

  Death of Esdras, and of Joachim the high-priest.
• * 6.14

  Nehemi|ah's con|cern for his coun|try.
• * 6.15

  His lamen|tations for their m••se|ries.
• * 6.16

  Petition to the king to go to Je|rusalem.
• * 6.17

  Nehemiah arrives at Jerusalem, and calls an assembly of the people.
• * 6.18

  Addresses them upon the impor|tant occa|sion.
• * 6.19

  Nehemiah furthers the under|taking.
• * 6.20

  The Israel|ites called Jews the first time.
• * 6.21

  The design is counter|acted by enemies.
• * 6.22

  Nehemi|ah's 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 6.23

  The walls 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••nished 〈…〉〈…〉 opposi|t••••n
• * 6.24

  Nehemiah takes mea|s••res to people the city.
• * 6.25

  Death and character of Nehemiah.
• * 6.26

  Cyrus, otherwise Artaxerxes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in scripture 〈…〉〈…〉 his father.
• * 6.27

  Art•• makes a splendid entertain|ment Esther i.
• * 6.28

  The 〈…〉〈…〉 of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 6.29

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 disobeys the kings command.
• * 6.30

  He 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 6.31

  It 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 6.32

  〈…〉〈…〉 of the 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 6.33

  〈…〉〈…〉 the 〈…〉〈…〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 6.34

  Preference by the king, who 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 6.35

  〈…〉〈…〉 to come unto the king's presence without leave on 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of death.
• * 6.36

  Mordecai discovers a conspiracy against the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 6.37

  Esther iii.
• * 6.38

  Haman is inimical to the Jews
• * 6.39

  Plots the destruction of the who••e nation.
• * 7.1

  A decree for the ex|tirpation of the Jews. Esther iii.
• * 7.2

  Lamenta|tion of Mordecai for the Jews. Esther. iv.
• * 7.3

  Esther asks why Mor|decai la|ments.
• * 7.4

  Mordecai presses Esther to undertake the patro|nage of the Jews.
• * 7.5

  The queen declines it at first.
• * 7.6

  Mordecai urges his request.
• * 7.7

  Esther, on conditions, undertakes to inter|cede with the king.
• * 7.8

  General fast amongst the Jews.
• * 7.9

  Humilia|tion of the queen.
• * 7.10

  Esther 5.
• * 7.11

  Esther pre|sents her|self to the king.
• * 7.12

  Is graci|ously re|ceived.
• * 7.13

  She 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 7.14

  This 〈…〉〈…〉 ambi|tion and vanity of Haman▪
• * 7.15

  〈…〉〈…〉 to 〈…〉〈…〉 the 〈…〉〈…〉▪
• * 7.16

  The 〈…〉〈…〉 king. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 7.17

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 7.18

  Haman is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to do honou|•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Morde|cai.
• * 7.19

  Esther ac|cused 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the king
• * 7.20

  In all the eastern nations, even to this day, the people lean on a coach while they eat; and Esther being at that time in the same position, Haman took the opportunity of prostrating himself before her, and ac|cording to the custom of the Persians, embraced her feet. It cannot be imagined that Haman could, at such a time, attempt to violate the chastity of the queen: but the resentment of Artaxerxes was then so great, that he had laid hold of this circumstance, in order to give a plausible colour to what he intended to do. In the Book of Esther it is said Haman's face was covered, which was consistent with the practice of the east, from the most early ages of time: for when a criminal was brought before a judge or his sovereign, to receive sentence, his face was always covered, lest the natural emotions of his grief should operate too strongly in his favour.
• * 7.21

  The king h••ghly 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at Haman.
• * 7.22

  〈…〉〈…〉 him|self.
• * 7.23

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 7.24

  Mordecai's 〈…〉〈…〉 ••sther 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 8.1

  The man|date of Ar|taxerxes for rescind|ing the for|mer law against the Jews.
• * 8.2

  Alexan|der's entry into Jeru|salem.
• * 9.1

  His dream at Dion in Macedonia.
• * 9.2

  Alexander offers sacri|fice in the temple of the Jews.
• * 9.3

  Restores great fa|vours on them.
• * 9.4

  Shechem the capital of the Sa|marians.
• * 9.5

  The warn|ing dispo|s••t••on of the Sama|••••••••s.
• * 9.6

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 parted 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Alex|ander.
• * 9.7

  Shechem the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Jews.