The injustice and impolicy of the slave-trade, and of the slavery of the Africans: illustrated in a sermon preached before the Connecticut Society for the Promotion of Freedom, and for the Relief of Persons Unlawfully Holden in Bondage, at their annual meeting in New-Haven, September 15, 1791. / By Jonathan Edwards, D.D. Pastor of a church in New-Haven. ; To which is added, A short sketch of the evidence for the abolition of the slave-trade, delivered before a committee of the British House of Commons.

The Injustice and Impolicy of the SLAVE-TRADE, and of the Slavery of the Africans.

MATTHEW vii. 12.

THEREFORE ALL THINGS WHATSOEVER YE WOULD THAT MEN SHOULD DO TO YOU, DO YE EVEN SO TO THEM; FOR THIS IS THE LAW, AND THE PROPHETS.

THIS precept of our divine Lord hath always been admired as most excellent; and doubt|less with the greatest reason. Yet it needs some explanation. It is not surely to be understood in the most unlimited sense, implying that because a prince expects and wishes for obedience from his subjects, he is obliged to obey them; that because parents wish their children to submit to their go|vernment, therefore they are to submit to the go|vernment of their children: or that because some men wish that others would concur and assist them to the gratification of their unlawful desires, there|fore they also are to gratify the unlawful desires 〈◊〉〈◊〉 others, But whatever we are conscious, that we should, in an exchange of circumstances, wish, and are persuaded that we might reasonably wish, th•••• others would do to us; that we are bound to do to them. This is the general rule given us in the

text; and a very extensive rule it is, reaching to the whole of our conduct: and is particularly useful to direct our conduct toward inferiors, and those whom we have in our power. I have therefore thought it a proper foundation for the discourse which by The Society for the Promotion of Freedom, and for the Relief of Persons unlawfully holden in Bondage, I have the honour to be appointed to de|liver, on the present occasion.

This divine maxim is most properly applicable to the slave-trade, and to the slavery of the Afri|cans. Let us then make the application.

Should we be willing, that the Africans or any other nation should purchase us, our wives and children, transport us into Africa, and there sell us into perpetual and absolute slavery? Should we be willing, that they by large bribes and offers of a gainful traffic should entice our neighbours to kid|nap and sell us to them, and that they should hold in perpetual and cruel bondage, not only ourselves, but our posterity through all generations? Yet why is it not as right for them to treat us in this man|ner, as it is for us to treat them in the same man|ner? Their colour indeed is different from our's. But does this give us a right to enslave them? The nations, from Germany to Guinea, have com|plexions of every shade, from the fairest white to a jetty black: and if a black complexion subject a nation or an individual to slavery; where shall sla|very begin? or where shall it end?

I propose to mention a few reasons against the right of the slave-trade—and then to consider the principal arguments, which I have ever heard urg|ed in favour of it.—What will be said against the slave-trade will generally be equally applicable to slavery itself; and if conclusive against the former, will be equally conclusive against the latter.

As to the slave-trade, I conceive it to be unjust in itself—abominable, on account of the cruel man|ner in which it is conducted—and totally wrong, on account of the impolicy of it, or its destructive ten|dency to the moral and political interests of any country.

I. It is unjust in itself.—It is unjust in the same sense, and for the same reason, as it is to steal, to rob, or to murder. It is a principle, the truth of which hath in this country been generally if not universally acknowledged, ever since the commence|ment of the late war, that all men are born equally free. If this be true, the Africans are by nature equally entitled to freedom as we are; and therefore we have no more right to enslave, or to afford aid to enslave them, than they have to do the same to us. They have the same right to their freedom, which they have to their property, or to their lives. There|fore to enslave them is as really and in the same sense wrong, as to steal from them, to rob, or to murder them.

There are indeed cases, in which men may just|ly be deprived of their liberty, and reduced to slavery; as there are cases, in which they may be justly deprived of their lives. But they can justly be deprived of neither, unless they have by their own voluntary conduct forfeited it. Therefore still the right to liberty stands on the same basis with the right to life. And that the Africans have done something, where by they have forfeited their liberty, must appear, before we can justly deprive them of it; as it must appear, that they have done some|thing, whereby they have forfeited their lives, be|fore we may justly deprive them of these.

II. The slave-trade is wicked and abominable, on account of the cruel manner in which it is car|ried on.

Beside the stealing or kidnapping of men, wo|men and children, in the first instance, and the in|stigation of others to this abominable practice; the inhuman manner in which they are transported to America, and in which they are treated on their passage and in their subsequent slavery, is such as ought forever to deter every man from acting any part in this business, who has any regard to justice or humanity. They are crowded so closely into the holds and between the decks of vessels, that they have scarcely room to lie down, and sometimes not room to sit up in an erect posture; the men at the same time fastened together with irons by two and two; and all this in the most sultry climate. The consequence of the whole is, that the most dan|gerous and fatal diseases are soon bred among them, whereby vast numbers of those exported from Afri|ca perish in the voyage: others in dread of tha•• slavery which is before them, and in distress and despair, from the loss of their parents, their children, their husbands, their wives, all their dear connec|tions, and their dear native country itself, starve themselves to death, or plunge themselves into the ocean. Those who attempt in the former of those ways to escape from their persecutors, are tortured by live coals applied to their mouths. Those who attempt an escape in the latter and fail, are equally tortured by the most cruel beating, or otherwise as their persecutors please. If any of them make an attempt, as they sometimes do, to recover their li|berty, some, and as the circumstances may be, ma|ny, are put to immediate death. Others beaten, bruised, cut and mangled, in a most inhuman and shocking manner, are in this situation exhibited to the rest, to terrify them from the like attempt in future: and some are delivered up to every species of torment, whether by the application of the whip,

or of any other instrument, even of fire itself, as the ingenuity of the ship-master and of his crew is able to suggest, or their situation will admit; and these torments are purposely continued for several days, before death is permitted to afford relief to th••se objects of vengeance.

By this means, according to the common com|putation, twenty-five thousand, which is a fourth part of those who are exported from Africa, and by the concession of all, twenty thousand, annually per|ish, before they arrive at the places of their desti|nation in America.

But this is by no means the end of the sufferings of this unhappy people. Bred up in a country spon|taneously yielding the necessaries and conveniences of savage life, they have never been accustomed to labour: of course, they are but ill prepared to go through the fatigue and drudgery to which they are doomed in their state of slavery. Therefore partly by this cause, partly by the scantiness and badness of their food, and partly from dejection of spirits, mortification and despair, another twenty-five thou|sand die in the seasoning, as it is called, i. e. with|in two years of their arrival in America. This I say is the common computation. Or if we will in this particular be as favourable to the trade 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the estimate of the number which perishes on the passage, we may reckon the number which dies in the seasoning to be twenty thousand. So that of the hundred thousand annually exported from Afri|ca to America, fifty thousand, as it is commonly computed, or on the most favourable estimate, forty thousand, die before they are seasoned to the coun|try.

Nor is this all. The cruel sufferings of these pi|tiable beings are not yet at an end, Thence for|ward

they have to drag out a miserable life in abso|lute slavery, entirely at the disposal of their masters, by whom not only every venial fault, every mere inadvertence or mistake, but even real virtues, are liable to be construed into the most atrocious crimes, and punished as such, according to their caprice or rage, while they are intoxicated sometimes with liquor, sometimes with passion.

By these masters they are supplied with barely enough to keep them from starving, as the whole expence laid out on a slave for food, clothing and medicine, is commonly computed on an average at thirty shillings sterling annually. At the same time they are kept at hard labour from five o'clock in the morning, till nine at night, excepting time to eat twice during the day. And they are constant|ly under the watchful eye of overseers and Negro-drivers, more tyrannical and cruel than even their masters themselves. From these drivers, for every imagined as well as real neglect or want of exer|tion, they receive the lash, the smack of which is all day long in the ears of those who are on the planta|tion or in the vicinity; and it is used with such dex|terity and severity, as not only to lacerate the skin, but to tear out small portions of the flesh at almost every stroke.

This is the general treatment of the slaves. But many individuals suffer still more severely. Many, many are knocked down; some have their eyes beaten out; some have an arm or a leg broken, or chopt off; and many, for a very small or for no crime at all, have been beaten to death merely to gratify the fury of an enraged master or overseer.

Nor ought we on this occasion to overlook the wars among the nations of Africa excited by the trade, or the destruction attendant on those wars. Not to mention the destruction of property, the

burning of towns and villages, &c▪ it hath been de|termined by reasonable computation, that there are annually exported from Africa to the various parts of America, one hundred thousand slaves, as was before observed; that of these six thousand are cap|tives of war; that in the wars in which these are taken, ten persons of the victors and vanquished are killed, to one taken; that therefore the taking of the six thousand captives is attended with the slaugh|ter of sixty thousand of their countrymen. Now does not justice, does not humanity shrink from the idea, that in order to procure one slave to grati|fy our avarice, we should put to death ten human beings? Or that in order to increase our property, and that only in some small degree, we should carry on a trade, or even connive at it, to support which sixty thousand of our own species are slain in war?

These sixty thousand, added to the forty thou|sand who perish on the passage and in the season|ing, give us an hundred thousand who are annually destroyed by the trade; and the whole advantage gained by this amazing destruction of human lives is sixty thousand slaves. For you will recollect, that the whole number exported from Africa in an hundred thousand; that of these forty thousand die on the passage and in the seasoning, and sixty thou|sand are destroyed in the wars. Therefore while one hundred and sixty thousand are killed in the wars and are exported from Africa▪ but sixty thou|sand are added to the stock of slaves.

Now when we consider all this 〈◊〉〈◊〉 when we consi|der the miseries which this unhappy people suffer in their wars, in their captivity, in their voyage to America, and during a wretched life of cruel sla|very▪ and especially when we consider the annual destruction of an hundred thousand lives in the manner before mentioned; who can hesitate to de|clare

this trade and the consequent slavery to be contrary to every principle of justice and humanity, of the law of nature and of the law of God?

III. This trade and this slavery are utterly wrong on the ground of impolicy. In a variety of respects they are exceedingly hurtful to the state which to|lerates them.

1. They are hurtful, as they deprave the morals of the people.—The incessant and inhuman cruel|ties practised in the trade, and in the subsequent sla|very, necessarily tend to harden the human heart against the tender feelings of humanity in the masters of vessels, in the sailors, in the factors, in the propri|etors of these slaves, in their children, in the overseers, in the slaves themselves, and in all who habitually see those cruelties. Now the eradication or even the di|minution of compassion, tenderness and humanity, is certainly a great depravation of heart, and must be followed with correspondent depravity of manners. And measures which lead to such depravity of heart and manners, cannot but be extremely hurtful to the state, and consequently are extremely impolitic.

2. The trade is impolitic, as it is so destructive of the lives of seamen. The ingenious Mr. Clark|son hath in a very satisfactory manner made it ap|pear, that in the slave-trade alone Great-Britain loses annually about nineteen hundred seamen; and that this loss is more than double to the loss annual|ly sustained by Great-Britain in all her other trade taken together. And doubtless we lose as many as Great-Britain in proportion to the number of sea|men whom we employ in this trade. Now can it be politic to carry on a trade which is so destructive of that useful part of our citizens, our seamen?

3. African slavery is exceedingly impolitic, as it discourages industry. Nothing is more essential to the political prosperity of any state, than industry in

the citizens. But in proportion as slaves are mul|tiplied, every kind of labour becomes ignominious: and in fact in those of the United States, in which slaves are the most numerous, gentlemen and ladies of any fashion disdain to employ themselves in bu|siness, which in other states is consisten•• with the dignity of the first families and first offices. In a country filled with Negro slaves, labour belongs to them only, and a white man is despised in propor|tion as he applies to it. Now how destructive to industry in all of the lowest and middle class of ci|tizens, such a situation and the prevalence of such ideas will be, you can easily conceive. The con|sequence is, that some will nearly starve, others will betake themselves to the most dishonest practices, to obtain the means of living.

As slavery produces indolence in the white peo|ple, so it produces all those vices which are natu|rally connected with it; such as intemperance, lewdness and prodigality. These vices enfeeble both the body and the mind, and unfit men for any vigorous exertions and employments either ex|ternal or mental. And those who are unfit for such exertions, are already a very degenerate race; de|generate, not only in a moral, but a natural sense. They are contemptible too, and will soon be de|spised even by their Negroes themselves.

Slavery tends to lewdness, not only as it produces indolence, but as it affords abundant opportunity for that wickedness, without either the danger and difficulty of an attack on the virtue of a woman of chastity, or the danger of a connection with one of ill fame. A planter with his hundred wenches about him is in some respects at least like the Sul|tan in his seraglio, and we learn the too frequent influence and effect of such a situation, not only from common fame, but from the multitude of

mulattoes in countries where slaves are very nu|merous.

Slavery has a most direct tendency to haughti|ness also, and a domineering spirit and conduct in the proprietors of the slaves, in their children, and in all who have the controul of them. A man who has been bred up in domineering over Negroes, can scarcely avoid contracting such a habit of haughti|ness and domination, as will express itself in his general treatment to mankind, whether in his pri|vate capacity, or in any office, civil or military, with which he may be vested. Despotism in economics naturally leads to despotism in politics, and domestic slavery in a free government is a perfect solicism in human affairs.

How baneful all these tendencies and effects of slavery must be to the public good, and especially to the public good of such a free country as our's, I need not inform you.

4. In the same proportion as industry and labour are discouraged, is population discouraged and pre|vented. This is another respect in which slavery is exceedingly impolitic. That population is pre|vented in proportion as industry is discouraged, is, I conceive, so plain, that nothing needs to be said to illustrate it. Mankind in general will enter into matrimony as soon as they possess the means of supporting a family. But the great body of any people have no other way of supporting themselves or a family, than by their own labour. Of course as labour is discouraged, matrimony is dis|couraged, and population is prevented.—But the impolicy of whatever produces these effects will be acknowledged by all. The wealth, strength and glory of a state depend on the number of its virtu|ous citizens: and a state without citizens is at least as great an absurdity, as a king without subjects.

5. The impolicy of slavery still further appears from this, that it weakens the state, and in propor|tion to the degree in which it exists, exposes it to become an easy conquest.—The increase of free ci|tizens is an increase of the strength of the state. But not so with regard to the increase of slaves. They not only add nothing to the strength of the state, but actually diminish it in proportion to their num|ber. Every slave is naturally an enemy to the state in which he is holden in slavery, and wants nothing but an opportunity to assist in its overthrow. And an enemy within a state, is much more dangerous than one without it.

These observations, concerning the prevention of population and weakening the state, are supported by facts, which have fallen within our own observa|tion. That the southern states, in which slaves are so numerous, are in no measure so populous, ac|cording to the extent of territory, as the northern, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a fact of universal notoriety▪ and that during the late war, the southern states found themselves greatly weakened by their slaves, and therefore were so easi|ly over-run by the British army, is equally noto|rious.

From the view we have now taken of this sub|ject we scruple not to infer, that to carry on the slave-trade, and to introduce slaves into our coun|try, is not only to be guilty of injustice, robbery and cruelty, toward our follow-men; but it is to injure ourselves and our country; and therefore it is altogether unjustifiable, wicked and abominable.

Having thus considered the injustice and ruinous tendency of the slave-trade, I proceed to attend to the principal arguments urged in favour of it.

1. It is said, that the Africans are the posterity of Ham, the son of Noah; that Canaan, one of Ham's sons, was cursed by Noah▪ to be a servant

of servants; that by Canaan we are to understand Ham's posterity in general; that as his posterity are devoted by God to slavery, we have a right to enslave them.—This is the argument: to which I answer:

It is indeed generally thought that Ham peopled Africa; but that the curse on Canaan extended to all the posterity of Ham is a mere imagination. The only reason given for it is, that Canaan was only one of Ham's sons; and that it seems reason|able, that the curse of Ham's conduct should fall on all his posterity, if on any. But this argument is insufficient. We might as clearly argue, that the judgments denounced on the house of David, on account of his sin in the matter of Uriah, must equal|ly fall on all his posterity. Yet we know, that many of them lived and died in great prosperity. So in every case in which judgments are predicted con|cerning any nation or family.

It is allowed in this argument, that the curse was to fall on the posterity of Ham, and not immediate|ly on Ham himself: if otherwise, it is nothing to the purpose of the slave-trade, or of any slaves now in existence. It being allowed then, that this curse was to fall on Ham's posterity, he who had a right to curse the whole of that posterity, had the same right to curse a part of it only, and the posterity of Canaan equally as any other part; and a curse on Ham's posterity in the line of Canaan was as real a curse on Ham himself, as a curse on all his posteri|ty would have been.

Therefore we have no ground to believe, that this curse respected any others, than the posterity of Canaan, who lived in the land of Canaan, which is well known to be remote from Africa. We have a particular account, that all the sons of Canaan settled in the land of Canaan; as may be seen in

Gen. x. 15—20.

And Canaan begat Sidon his first born, and Heth, and the Jebusite, and the Emorite, and the Girgasite, and the Hivite, and the Arkite, and the Sinite, and the Arvadite, and the Zemarite, and the Hamathite; and af|terward were the families of the Canaanites spread abroad. And the border of the Canaanites was from Sidon, as thou goest to Gerar, unto Gaza; as thou goest unto Sodom and Gomorrah, and Ad|mah, and Zeboim, even unto Lashah.

—Nor have we account that any of their posterity except the Carthaginians afterward removed to any part of Africa: and none will pretend that these peo|pled Africa in general; especially considering, that they were subdued, destroyed, and so far extirpated by the Romans.

This curse then of the posterity of Canaan, had no reference to the inhabitants of Guinea, or of Af|rica in general; but was fulfilled partly in Joshua's time, in the reduction and servitude of the Canaan|ites, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 especially of the Gibeonites; partly by what the Phen••••••••••s suffered from the Chaldeans, Persians and Gr••••••s; and finally by what the Car|thaginians suffered from the Romans.

Therefore this curse gives us no right to enslave the Africans, as we do by the slave-trade, because it has no respect to the Africans whom we enslave. Nor if it had respected them, would it have given any such right; because it was not an institution of slavery, but a mere prophecy of it. And from this prophecy we have no more ground to infer the right of slavery, than we have from the prophecy of the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, or by the Romans, to infer their right respectively to de|stroy it in the manner they did; or from other pro|phecies to infer the right of Judas to betray his mas|ter, or the Jews to crucify him.

2. The right of slavery is inferred from the in|stance of Abraham, who had servants born in his house and bought with his money.—But it is by no means certain, that these were slaves as our Ne|groes are. If they were, it is unaccountable, that he went out at the head of an army of them to fight his enemies. No West-India planter would easily be induced to venture himself in such a situation. It is far more probable, that similar to some of the vassals under the feudal constitution, the servants of Abraham were only in a good measure dependent on him, and protected by him. But if they were to all intents and purposes slaves, Abraham's holding of them will no more prove the right of slavery, than his going in to Hagar, will prove it right for any man to cohabit with his wench.

3. From the divine permission given the Israelites to buy servants of the nations round about them, it is argued, that we have a right to buy the Africans and hold them in slavery. See Lev. xxv. 44—47.

Both thy bondman and thy bondmaids, which thou shalt have, shall be of the heathen that are round about you: of them shall ye buy bond|men and bondmaids. Moreover, of the child|ren of the strangers that do sojourn among you, of them shall ye buy, and of their families, that are with you, which they begat in your land; and they shall be your possession. And ye shall take them as an inheritance for your children af|ter you, to inherit them for a possession; they shall be your bondmen for ever: but over your brethren the children of Israel ye shall not rule one over another with rigour.

But if this be at all to the purpose, it is a permission to every nation under heaven to buy slaves of the nations round about them; to us, to buy of our Indian neigh|bours; to them, to buy of us; so the French, to

buy of the English, and to the English to buy of the French; and so through the world. If then this argument be valid, every man has an entire right to engage in this trade, and to buy and sell any other man of another nation, and any other man of another nation has an entire right to buy and sell him. Thus, according to this construction, we have in Lev. xxv. 43, &c. an institution of an universal slave-trade, by which every man may not only become a merchant, but may rightfully be|come the merchandize itself of this trade, and may be bought and sold like a beast.—Now this conse|quence will be given up as absurd, and therefore also the construction of scripture, from which it fol|lows, must be given up. Yet it is presumed, that there is no avoiding that construction or the absurd|ity flowing from it, but by admitting, that this per|mission to the Israelites to buy slaves has no respect to us, but was in the same manner peculiar to them, as the permission, and command to subdue, destroy and extirpate the whole Canaanitish nation; and therefore no more gives countenance to African slavery, than the command to extirpate the Canaan|ites, gives countenance to the extirpation of any nation in these days, by an universal slaughter of men and women, young men and maidens, infants and sucklings.

4. It is further pleaded, that there were slaves in the time of the apostles; that they did not forbid the holding of those slaves, but gave directions to servants, doubtless referring to the servants of that day, to obey their masters, and count them worthy of all honour.

To this the answer is, that the apostles teach the general duty of servants who are righteously in the state of servitude, as many are or may be, by hire, by indenture, and by judgment of a civil court.

But they do not say, whether the servants in general of that day were justly holden in slavery or not. In like manner they lay down the general rules of obedience to civil magistrates, without deciding concerning the characters of the magistrates of the Roman empire in the reign of Nero. And as the apostle Paul requires masters to give their 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that which is just and equal (Col. iv. ••) so if any were enslaved unjustly, of course be in this 〈◊〉〈◊〉 re|quires of the masters of such, to give them their freedom.—Thus the apostles great the slavery of that day in the same manner that they treat the civil government; and say nothing more in favour of the former, than they say in favour of the latter.

Besides, this argument from the slavery▪ prevail|ing in the days of the apostles, if it prove any thing, proves too much, and so confutes itself. It proves, that we may enslave all captives taken in war, of any nation, and in any the most unjust war, such as the wars of the Romans, which were generally un|dertaken from the motives of ambition or avarice. On the ground of this argument we had a right to enslave the prisoners, whom we, during the late war, took from the British army; and they had the same right to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 those whom they took from 〈◊〉〈◊〉; and so with respect to all other nations.

5. It is strongly urged, that the Negroes brought from Africa are all captives of war, and therefore are justly bought and holden in slavery.—This is a principal argument always urged by the advocates for slavery; and in a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 debate on this subject, it hath been strongly insisted on very lately, in the British parliament. Therefore it requires our par|ticular attention.

Captives in a war just on their part, cannot be justly enslaved; nor is this pretended. Therefore the captives, who may be justly enslaved, must be

taken in a war unjust on their part. But even on the supposition, that captives in such a war may be justly enslaved, it will not follow, that we can just|ly carry on the slave-trade, as it is commonly car|ried on from the African coast. In this trade any slaves are purchased, who are offered for sale, whe|ther justly or unjustly enslaved. No enquiry is made whether they were captives in any war; much less, whether they were captivated in a war unjust on their part.

By the most authentic accounts, it appears, that the wars in general in Africa are excited by the prospect of gain from the sale of the captives of the war. Therefore those taken by the assailants in such wars, cannot be justly enslaved. Beside these, many are kidnapped by those of neighbouring na|tions▪ some by their own neighbours; and some by their kings or their 〈◊〉〈◊〉 others for debt or some ••••i••ling crime are condemned to perpetual slavery.—But none of these are justly enslaved. And the traders make no enquiry concerning the mode or occasion of their first enslavement. They buy all that are offered, provided they like them and the price.—So that the plea, that the African slaves are captives in war, is entirely insufficient to justify the slave-trade as now carried on.

But this is not all▪ if it were ever so true, that all the Negroes exported from Africa were captives in war, and that they were taken in a war unjust on their p••••t▪ still they could not be justly enslaved.—We have no right to enslave a private for in a state of nature, after he is conquered. Suppose in a state of nature one man rises against another, and endeavours to kill him; in this case the persons as|saulted has no right to kill the assailant, unless it be necessary to preserve his own life. But in wars be|tween nations, one nation may no doubt secure it|self

against another, by other means than the slave|ry of its captives. If a nation be victorious in the war, it may exact some towns or a district of coun|try, by way of caution; or it may impose a fine to deter from future injuries. If the nation be no•• victorious, it will do no good to enslave the captives whom it has taken. It will provoke the victors and foolishly excite vengeance which cannot be re|pelled.

Or if neither nation be decidedly victorious, to enslave the captives on either side can answer no good purpose, but must at least occasion the enslav|ing of the citizens of the other nation, who are now or in future may be in a state of captivity. Such a practice therefore necessarily tends to evil, and not good.

Besides; captives in war are generally common soldiers or common citizens; and they are general|ly ignorant of the true cause or causes of the war, and are by their superiors made to believe, that the war is entirely just on their part. Or if this be not the case, they may by force be compelled to serve in a war which they know to be unjust. In either of these cases, they do not deserve to be con|demned to perpetual slavery. To inflict perpetual slavery on these private soldiers and citizens is man|ifestly not to do as we would wish that men should do to us. If we were taken in a war unjust on our part, we should not think it right to be condemned to perpetual slavery. No more right is it for us to condemn and hold in perpetual slavery others, who are in the same situation.

6. It is argued, that as the Africans in their own country, previously to the purchase of them by the African traders, are captives in war; if they were not bought up by those traders, they would be put to death▪ that therefore to purchase them, and to

subject them to slavery instead of death, is an act of mercy, not only lawful but meritorious.

If the case were indeed so as is now repre|sented, the purchase of the Negroes would be no more meritorious, than the act of a man, who if we were taken by the Algerines, should purchase us out of that slavery. This would indeed be an act of benevolence, if the purchaser should set us at li|berty. But it is no act of benevolence to buy a man out of one state into another no better. Nay, the act of ransoming a man from death, gives no right to the ransome•• to commit a crime or an act of injustice to the person ransomed. The person ransomed is doubtless obligated according to his ability to satisfy the ransomer for his expence and trouble. Yet the ransomer has no more right to enslave the other, than the man who saves the life of another, who was about to be killed by a robber or an assassin, has a right to enslave him▪—The li|berty of a man for life is a far greater good, than the property paid for a Negro on the African coast. And to deprive a man of an immensely greater good, in order to recover one immensely less, is an immense injury and crime.

7. As to the pretence, that to prohibit or lay aside this trade, would be hurtful to our commerce; it is sufficient to ask; whether on the supposition, that it were advantageous to the commerce of Great-Britain to send her ships to these states, and trans|port us into perpetual slavery in the West-Indies, it would be right that she should go into that trade.

8. That to prohibit the slave-trade would in|fringe on the property of those, who have expended large sums to curry on that trade, or of those who wish to purchase the slaves for their plantations▪ hath also been urged as an argument in-favour of the trade▪—But the same argument would prove, 〈◊〉〈◊〉

that if the skins and teeth of the Negroes were as valuable articles of commerce as furs and elephants' teeth, and a merchant were to lay out his property in this commerce, he ought by no means to be ob|structed therein.

9. But others will carry on the trade, if we do not.—So others will rob, steal and murder, if we do not.

10. It is said, that some men are intended by na|ture to be slaves.—If this mean, that the author of nature has given some men a licence to enslave others; this is denied, and proof is demanded. If it mean, that God hath made some of capacities in|ferior to others, and that the last have a right to en|slave the first▪ this argument will prove, that some of the citizens of every country, have a right to en|slave other citizens of the same country; nay, that some have a right to enslave their own brothers and sisters.—But if this argument mean, that God in his providence suffers some men to be enslaved, and that this proves, that from the beginning he intend|ed they should be enslaved, and made them with this intention; the answer is, that in like manner he suffers some men to be murdered, and in this sense▪ he intended and made them to be murdered. Yet no man in his senses will hence argue the law|fulness of murder.

11. It is further pretended, that no other men, than Negroes▪ can endure labour in the hot cli|mates of the West-Indies, and the southern states▪—But does this appear to be fact? In all other cli|mates, the labouring people are the most healthy. And I confess I have not yet seen evidence, but that those who have been accustomed to labour, and are inured to those climates, can bear labour there also.—However, taking for granted the fact asserted in this objection, does it follow, that the

inhabitants of those countries have a right to enslave the Africans to labour for them? No more surely than from the circumstance, that you are feeble and cannot labour, it follows, that you have a right to enslave your robust neighbour. As in all other cases, he feeble and those who choose not to labour, and ye•• with to have their lands cultivated, are ne|cessitated to hire the robust to labour for them; so no reason can be given, why the inhabitants of not climates should not either perform their own labour, of hire those who can perform it, whether Negroes or others.

If our traders went to the coast of Africa to mur|der the inhabitants, or to rob them of their proper|ty, all would own that such murderous or practical practices are wicked and abominable. Now it is as really wicked to rob a man of his liberty, as to rob him of his life; and it is much more wicked, than to rob him of his property. All men agree to con|demn highway robbery. And the slave-trade is as much a greater wickedness than highway robbery, as liberty is more valuable than property. How strange is it then, that in the same nation highway robbery should be punished with death, and the slave-trade be encouraged by national authority?

We all dread political slavery, or subjection to the arbitrary power of a king, or of any man or men not deriving their authority from the people. Yet such a state is inconceivably preferable to the slave|ry of the Negroes. Suppose that in the late war we had been subdued by Great-Britain; we should have been taxed without our consent. But these taxes would have amounted to but a small part of our property. Whereas the Negroes are deprived of all their property; no part of their earnings is their own; the whole is their masters.—In a conquered state we should have been at liberty to dispose of our|selves

and of our property, in most cases, as we should choose. We should have been free to live in this or that town or place; in any part of the country, or to remove out of the country; to apply to this or that business; to labour or not; and excepting a sufficiency for the taxes, to dispose of the fruit of our labour to our own benefit, or that of our child|ren, or of any other person. But the unhappy. Ne|groes in slavery can do none of these, things. They must do what they are commanded, and as much as they are commanded, on pain of the lash. They must live where they are placed, and must confine themselves to that spot▪ on pain of death.

So that Great-Britain in her late attempt to en|slave America, committed a very small crime in|deed, in comparison with the crime of those who en|slave the Africans.

The arguments which have been urged against the slave-trade, are with little variation applicable▪ to the holding of slaves. He who holds a slave, continues to deprive him of that liberty, which was taken from him on the coast of Africa. And if it were wrong to deprive him of it in the first instance, why not in the second? If this be true, no man hath a better, right to retain his Negro in slavery, than he had to take him from his native African shores. And every man who cannot show, that his Negro hath by his voluntary conduct forfeit|ed his liberty, is obligated immediately to ma|numit him. Undoubtedly we should think so, were we holden in the same slavery in which the Negroes are: and our text requires us to do to others, as we would that they should do to us.

To hold a slave, who has a right to his liberty, is not only a real crime, but a very great one. Ma|ny good Christians have wondered how Abra|ham, ••he father of the faithful, could take Hagar to

his bed; and how Sarah, celebrated as an holy woman, could consent to this transaction: also, how David and Solomon could have so many wives and concubines, and yet be real saints. Let such enquire how it is possible that our fathers, and men now alive, universally reputed pious, should hold Negro slaves, and yet be the subjects of real piety? And whether to reduce a man, who hath the same right to liberty as any other man, to a state of absolute slavery, or to hold him in that state, be not as great a crime as concubinage or fornication. I presume it will not be denied, that to commit theft or robbery every day of a man's life, is as great a sin as to commit fornication in one instance. But to steal a man, or to rob him of his liberty, is a greater sin than to steal his property, or to take it by violence. And to hold a man in a state of slavery, who has a right to his liberty, is to be every day guilty of robbing him of his liberty, or of man-stealing. The consequence is inevitable, that other things being the same, to hold a Negro slave, un|less he have forfeited his liberty, is a greater sin in the sight of God than concubinage or fornication.

Does this conclusion seem strange to any of you? Let me entreat you to weigh it candidly, before you reject it. You will not deny, that liberty is more valuable than property: and that it is a greater sin to deprive a man of his whole liberty during life, than to deprive him of his whole property; or that man-stealing is a greater crime than robbery. Nor will you deny, that to hold in slavery a man who was stolen, is substantially the same crime as to steal him. These principles being undeniable, I leave it to yourselves to draw the plain and necessary con|sequence. And if your consciences shall, in spite of all opposition, tell you, that while you hold your Negroes in slavery, you do wrong, exceedingly

wrong; that you do not, as you would that men should do to you; that you commit sin in the sight of God; that you daily violate the plain rights of mankind, and that in a higher degree, than if you committed these or robbery; let me beseech you not to stifle this conviction, but attend to it and act accordingly; lest you add to your former guilt, that of sinning against the light of truth, and of your own consciences.

To convince yourselves, that, your information being the same, to hold a Negro slave is a greater sin than fornication, theft or robbery, you need on|ly bring the matter home to yourselves. I am wil|ling to appeal to your own consciences, whether you would not judge it to be a greater sin for a man to hold you or your child during life in such slavery as▪ that of the Negroes, than for him to spend one night in a brother, or in one instance to steal or rob. Let conscience speak, and I will sub|mit to its decision.

This question seems to be clearly decided by re|velation. Exod. xxi. 16.

He that stealeth a man and selleth him or if he be found in his hand▪ he shall surely be put to death.

Thus death is, by the divine express declaration, the punishment due to the crime of man-stealing. But death is not the punishment declared by God to be due to for|nication, theft or robbery, in common cases. There|fore we have the divine authority to assert, that man-stealing is a greater crime than fornication, theft or robbery. Now to hold in slavery a man who has a right to liberty, is substantially the same crime as to deprive him of his liberty. And to deprive of li|berty, and reduce to slavery, a man who has a right to liberty, is man-stealing For it is immaterial, whether he be taken and reduced to slavery clan|destinely, or by open violence. Therefore if the

Negroes have a right to liberty; to hold them in slavery is manumitting, which we have seen is, by God himself, declared to be a greater crime than fornication, theft or robbery.

Perhaps, though this truth be clearly demon|strable, both from reason and revelation, you scarce|ly dare receive it, because it seems to bear hardly on the characters of our pious fathers, who held slaves But they did it ignorantly, and in unbelief of the truth; as Abraham; Jacob, David and So|lomon, were ignorant that polygamy or concubin|age was wrong. As to domestic slavery, our fathers lived in a time of ignorance, which God winked at but now be commandeth all men every where to re|pent of this wickedness, and to break off this sin by righteousness, and this iniquity by shewing mercy to the poor, if it may be a lengthening out of their tranquil|ity. You therefore to whom the present blaze of light as to this subject has reached, cannot sin at so cheap a rate as our fathers.

But methinks I hear some say, I have bought my Negro. I have paid a large sum for him; I cannot lose this sum, and therefore I cannot manumit him.—Alas! this is bitting the nail on the head. This brings into view the true cause which makes it so difficult to convince men of what is right in this case.—You recollect the story of Amaziah's hiring an hundred thousand men of Israel; for an hun|dred talents, to assist him against the Edomites▪ and that when by the word of the Lord, he was forbidden to take those hired men with him to the war, he cried out,

But what shall we do for the hundred talents, which I have given to the army of Israel?

In this case, the answer of God was

The Lord is able to give thee much more than this.

—To apply this to the subject before us▪ God is able to give thee much more than thou shalt lose by man••••ritting thy slave.

You may plead, that you use your sla••••▪ well; you are not cruel to him, but feed and clothe him comfortably, &c. Still every day you rob him of a most valuable and important right. And a high|wayman, who robs a man of his money in the most easy and complai••ant manner, is still a robber; and murder may be effected in a manner the least cruel and tormenting; still it is murder.

Having now taken that view of our subject which was proposed, we may in reflection see abundant reason to acquiesce in the institution of this society. If the slave-trade be unjust, and as gross a violation of the rights of mankind, as would be, if the Afri|cans should transport us into perpetual slavery in Africa; to unite our influence against it, is a duty which we owe to mankind, to ourselves, and to God too. It is but doing as we would that men should do to us.—Nor is it enough that we have formed the society; we must do the duties of it. The first of these is to put an end to the slave-trade. The second is to relieve those who, contrary to the laws of the country, are holden in bondage. Another is to defend those in their remaining legal and natural rights, who are by law holden in bondage. Ano|ther, and not the least important object of this so|ciety, I conceive to be, to increase and disperse the light of truth with respect to the subject of African slavery, and so prepare the way for its total aboli|tion. For until men in general are convinced of the injustice of the trade, and of the slavery itself, comparatively little can be done to effect the most important purposes of the institution.

It is not to be doubted, that the trade is even now carried on from this state. Vessels are from time to time fitted out for the coast of Africa, to transport the Negroes to the West-Indies and other parts. Nor will an end be put to this trade, with|out

out vigilance and strenuous exertion on the part of this society; or other friends of humanity; nor with|out a patient enduring of the opposition and odium of all who are concerned in it, of their friends, and of all who are of the opinion that it is justifiable. Among these we are doubtless to reckon some of large property, and considerable influence. And if the laws and customs of the country equally allow|ed of it, many, and perhaps as many as now plead for the right of the African slave-trade, would plead for the right of kidnapping us, the citizens of the United States, and of selling us into perpetual slave|ry.—If then we dare not occur the displeasure of such men, we may as well dissolve the society, and leave the slave-trade to be carried on, and the Ne|groes to be kidnapped; and though free in this state, to be sold into perpetual slavery in distant parts, at the pleasure of any man, who wishes to make gain by such abominable practices.

Though we must expect opposition, yet if we be steady and persevering, we need not fear that we shall fail of success. The advantages, which the cause has already gained, are many and great. Thirty years ago scarcely a man in this country thought either the slave-trade or the slavery of Ne|groes to be wrong. But now how many and able advocates in private life, in our legislatures▪ in Con|gress, have appeared, and have openly and irrefra|gably pleaded the rights of humanity in this as well as other instances? Nay, the great body of the peo|ple, from New-Hampshire to Virginia inclusively, have obtained such light, that in all those states the further importation of slaves is prohibited by law. And in Massachusetts and New-Hampshire, slave|ry is totally abolished.

Nor is the light concerning this subject confined to America. It hath appeared with great clearness

in France, and produced remarkable effects in the National Assembly. It hath also shone in bright beams in Great-Britain. It flashes with splendour in the writings of Clarkson, and in the proceedings of several societies formed to abolish the slave-trade▪ Nor hath it been possible to shut it out of the Brit|ish parliament. This light is still increasing▪ and in time will effect a total revolution. And if we judge of the future by the past, within fifty years from this time, it will ••e as shameful for a man to hold a Negro slave, as to be guilty of common robbery or these. But it is our duty to remove the obsta|cles which intercept the rays of this light, that it may reach not only public bodies, but every indi|vidual. And when it shall have obtained a gene|ral spread, shall have dispelled all darkness, and slavery shall be no more, it will be an honour to be recorded in history as a society which was form|ed, and which exerted itself with vigou•• and fideli|ty, to bring about an event so necessary and condu|cive to the interests of humanity and virtue, to the support of the rights, and to the advancement of the happiness of mankind.