The history of New-Hampshire. : Volume I. Comprehending the events of one complete century from the discovery of the River Pascataqua. / By Jeremy Belknap, A.M. Member of the American Philosophical Society Held at Philadelphia for Promoting Useful Knowledge. ; [Four lines in Latin from Ovid]

CHAP. I. Discovery of the country. Establishment of the Council of Plymouth. Their Grants to Mason and others. Beginning of the settlements at Portsmouth and Dover. Whelewright's Indian purchase. Neal's adventures. Discouragements. Disso|lution of the Council. Mason's death. Causes of the failure of his enterprize.

IT is happy for America that its discov|ery and settlement by the Europeans happened at a time, when they were emerging from a long period of ignorance and darkness. The discovery of the mag|netic needle, the invention of printing, the revival of literature and the reforma|tion of religion, had caused a vast altera|tion in their views, and taught them the true use of their rational and active pow|ers. To this concurrence of favourable causes we are indebted for the precision with which we are able to fix the begin|ning of this great American empire: An advantage of which the historians of other countries almost universally are destitu••e; their first aeras being either disguised by

fiction and romance, or involved in im|penetrable obscurity.

Mankind do not easily relinquish an|cient and established prejudices, or adopt new systems of conduct, without some powerful attractive. The prospect of im|mense wealth, from the mines of Mexico and Peru, fired the Spaniards to a rapid conquest of those regions and the destruc|tion of their numerous inhabitants; but the northern continent, presenting no such glittering charms, was neglected by the European princes for more than a century after its discovery.* 1.1 No effectual care was taken to secure to themselves the posses|sion of so extensive a territory,* 1.2 or the ad|vantage of a friendly traffic with its na|tives, or of the fishery on its coasts; till private adventurers at a vast expence, with infinite hazard and persevering zeal, estab|lished settlements for themselves, and thereby enlarged the dominions of their sovereigns.

Of the voyagers who visited the north|ern coast of America, for the sake of its furs and fish, one of the most remarkable was Captain John Smith; who ranged the shore from Penobscot to Cape Cod,* 1.3 and in this route discovered the river Pascataqua; which he found to be a safe harbour with

a rocky shore. He returned to England in one of his ships, and there published a description of the country, with a map of the sea-coast, which he presented to Prince Charles,* 1.4 who gave it the name of NEW-ENGLAND. The other ship he left be|hind under the care of Thomas Hunt, who decoyed about twenty of the natives on board, and sold them for slaves at Ma|laga. This perfidious action excited a vi|olent jealousy in the natives and bitter|ly enraged them against succeeding ad|venturers. Two of those savages having found their way back as far as Newfound|land, then under the government of Cap|tain John Mason, were restored to their native country by his friendly interposi|tion, and reported the strong disapproba|tion, which the English in general enter|tained of the mischievous plot by which they had been carried off. By this means, together with the prudent endeavours of Captain Thomas Dermer, and afterward of the Plymouth settlers, tranquillity was re-established between the Indians and the adventurers,* 1.5 which was tolerably preserv|ed for many years. However fond we may have been of accusing the Indians of treachery and infidelity, it must be con|fessed that the example was first set them

by the Europeans. Had we always treat|ed them with that justice and humanity which our religion inculcates, and our true interest at all times required, we might have lived in as much harmony with them, as with any other people on the globe.

* 1.6The importance of the country now began to appear greater than before, and some measures were taken to promote its settlement. A patent had been granted by King James in 1606, limiting the do|minion of Virginia, from the thirty-fourth, to the forty-fourth degree of northern la|titude; which extent of territory had been divided into two parts, called North and South Virginia. The latter was assigned to certain noblemen, knights, and gentle|men of London, the former to others in Bristol,* 1.7 Exeter and Plymouth. Those who were interested in the northern colony, finding that the patent did not secure them from the intrusions of others, petitioned for an enlargement and confirmation of their privileges. After some time, the king, by his sole authority, constituted a council,* 1.8 consisting of forty noblemen, knights and gentlemen* 1.9, by the name of

The council established at Plymouth, in the county of Devon, for the planting, ruling and governing of New-England,* 1.10 in America.

They were a corpora|tion with perpetual succession, by election of the majority; and their territories ex|tended from the fortieth to the forty-eighth degree of northern latitude. This patent, or charter, is the foundation of all the grants that were made of the country of New-England. But either from the jarring interests of the members, or their indistinct knowledge of the country, or their inattention to business, or some other cause which does not fully appear, their affairs were transacted in a confused man|ner from the begining; and the grants which they made wer•• so inaccurately de|scribed, and interfer••d so much with each other, as to occasion difficulties and con|troversies,

some of which are not yet ended.

Two of the most active members of this council were Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Captain John Mason. Gorges had been an officer in the navy of Queen Elizabeth,* 1.11 intimately connected with Sir Walter Ra|leigh, of whose adventurous spirit he had a large share. After the peace which King James made in 1604, he was appointed governor of the fort and island of Ply|mouth in Devonshire. Whilst he resided there, Captain Weymouth, who had been employed by Lord Arundel in search of a nor••hwest passage, but had fallen short of his course and put in at Pemaquid, brought from thence into the harbour of Plymouth, five natives of America, three of whom were eagerly seized by Georges, and re|tained in his service for three years. Find|ing them of a tractable and communicative disposition, and having won their affec|tions by gentle treatment, he learned from them many particulars concerning their country, its rivers, harbours, islands, fish|eries and other productions; and the num|bers, force, disposition and government of the natives; and from this information he conceived sanguine hopes of indulging his genius, and making his fortune, by a tho|rough

discovery of the country. For this purpose he, in conjunction with others, ventured several ships,* 1.12 whereof some met with peculiar misfortunes; and others brought home accounts, which, though discouraging to some of his associates, made him determine upon farther attempts, wherein his resolution and perseverance were more conspicuous than any solid gain. These transactions were previous to the establishment of the council; in soliciting which, Gorges was so extremely active, that he was appointed their president, and had a principal share in all their transac|tions. Mason was a merchant of London, but became a sea-officer, and, after the peace, governor of Newfoundland, where he acquired a knowledge of America, which led him, on his return to England, into a close attachment to those who were en|gaged in its discovery; and upon some vacancy in the council, he was elected a member and became their secretary; be|ing also governor of Portsmouth in Hamp|shire.* 1.13 He procured a grant from the coun|cil, of all the land from the river Naum|keag [now Salem] round Cape Anne, to the river Merrimack; and up each of those rivers to the farthest head thereof; then to cross over from the head of the one

to the head of the other; with all the islands lying within three miles of the coast. This district was called MARIANA. The next year another grant was made, to Gorges and Mason jointly,* 1.14 of all the lands between the rivers Merrimack and Sagadehock, extending back to the great lakes and river of Canada, and this was called LACONIA.

Under the authority of this grant, Gorges and Mason, in conjunction with several merchants of London, Bristol, Exeter, Plymouth, Shrewsbury and Dor|chester, who styled themselves "The Company of Laconia," attempted the establishment of a colony and fishery at the river Pascataqua; and in the spring of the following year sent over David Thomp|son,* 1.15 a Scotsman, Edward and William Hilton, fishmongers of London, with a number of other people, in two divisions, furnished with all necessaries to carry on their design. One of these companies landed on the southern shore of the river, at its mouth, and called the place Little-Harbour: Here they erected salt-works, and built an house which was afterward called Mason-H••ll; but the Hiltons set up their stages eight miles further up the river toward the northwest, on a neck of

land which the Indians called Winnicha|hanna••, but they named Northam, and afterward Dover. Thompson,* 1.16 not being pleased with his situation, removed the next spring to an island in the Bay of Massachusetts;* 1.17 this the General Court afterward confirmed to him,* 1.18 and it still bears his name.

These settlements went on slowly for several years, but the natives being peace|able and several other small beginnings being made along the coast as far as Ply|mouth, a neighbourly intercourse was kept up among them, each following their respective employments of fishing, trading and planting, till the disorderly behaviour of one Morton, at Mount Wollaston in the Bay of Massachusetts, caused an alarm among the scattered set|tlements as far as Pascataqua.* 1.19 This man had, in defiance of the king's proclama|tion, made a practice of selling arms and ammunition to the Indians, whom he employed in hunting and fowling for him; so that the English, seeing the Indians armed in the woods, began ••o be in terror. They also apprehended danger of another kind; for Morton's plantation was a re|ceptacle for discontented servants, whose desertion weakened the settlements, and

who, being there without law, were more formidable than the savages themselves. The principal persons of Pascataqua therefore readily united with their neigh|bours,* 1.20 in making application to the col|ony of Plymouth, which was of more force than all the rest, to put a stop to this growing mischief; which they hap|pily effected by seizing Morton and sending him prisoner to England.

* 1.21Some of the scattered planters in the Bay of Massachusetts, being desirous of making a settlement in the neighbour|hood of Pascataqua, and following the ex|ample of those at Plymouth, who had purchased their lands of the Indians, which they conscientiously thought neces|sary to give them a just title, procured a general meeting of Indians,* 1.22 at Squamscot falls, where they obtained a deed from Passaconaway Sagamore of Penacook, Runnaawitt of Pantucket, Wahangnona|witt of Squamscot, and Rowls of New|ichwannock: Wherein they express their

desire to have the English come and settle among them as among their coun|trymen in Massachusetts, whereby they hope to be strengthened against their enemies the Tarrateens; and according|ly with the universal consent of their

subjects, for what they deemed a valua|ble consideration in coats, shirts and kettles, sell to John Whelewright of the Massachusetts Bay, late of England, min|ister of the gospel, Augustine Story (or Storer) Thomas Wight, William Went|worth, and Thomas Leavit,

all that part of the main Land bounded by the river Pascataqua and the river Merri|mack, to begin at Newichwannock falls, in Pascataqua river aforesaid, and down said river to the sea; and along the sea-shore to Merrimack river; and up said river to the falls at Pantucket; and from thence upon a northwest line, twenty English miles into the woods; and from thence upon a strait line north|east, till it meet with the main rivers that run down to Pantucket falls, and Newichwannock falls aforesaid* 1.23; the said rivers to be the bounds from the thwart or head line to the aforesaid falls, and from thence the main chan|nel of each river to the sea to be the side bounds; together with all the islands within the said bounds; as also the isles

of shoals so called.

The conditions of this grant were,

that Whelewright should within ten years, begin a plan|tation at Squamscot falls; that other in|habitants should have the same privile|ges with him; that no plantation should exceed ten miles square; that no lands should be granted but in townships; and that these should be subject to the govern|ment of the Massachusetts colony, until they should have a settled government among themselves; that for each town|ship there should be paid an annual ac|knowledgement of one coat of trucking cloth, to Passaconaway the chief Sag|amore or his successors, and two bush|els of Indian corn to Whelewright and his heirs. The Indians reserved to them|selves free liberty of fishing, fowling▪ hunting and planting within these limits.

The principal persons of Pascataqua and the province of Maine were witnesses to the subscribing of this instrument,* 1.24 and giving possession of the lands.

By this deed the English inhabitants within these limits obtained a right to the soil from the original proprietors, more val|uable in a moral view, than the grants of any European prince could convey. If we smile at the arrogance of a Roman Pontiff

in assuming to divide the whole new world between the Spaniards and Portuguese, with what consistency can we admit the right of a king of England, to parcel out America to his subjects, when he had nei|ther purchased nor conquered it, nor could pretend any other title, than that some of his subjects were the first Europeans who discovered it, whilst it was in possession of its native lords? The only validity which such grants could have in the eye of rea|son was, that the grantees had from their prince a permission to negotiate with the possessors for the purchase of the soil, and thereupon a power of jurisdiction subor|dinate to his crown.

The same year Captain Mason procured a new patent,* 1.25 under the common seal of the council of Plymouth, for the land

from the middle of Pascataqua river and up the same to the farthest head there|of, and from thence northwestward until sixty miles from the mouth of the har|bour were finished; also through Mer|rimack river to the farthest head there|of, and so forward up into the land west|ward, until sixty miles were finished; and from thence to cross over land to the end of the sixty miles accounted from Pascataqua river;* 1.26 together with all

islands within five leagues of the coast.

This tract of land was called NEW-HAMP|SHIRE: It comprehended the whole of Whelewright's purchase; and unless Ma|son's intention was to frustrate his title, it is difficult to assign a reason for the pro|curement of this patent, as the same land, with much more, had been granted to Gorges and Mason jointly, seven years be|fore. If there was an agreement between them to divide the province of Laconia, and take out new patents from the coun|cil, in preference to the making a deed of partition; it is not easy to conceive why the western boundary should be contract|ed to sixty miles from the sea, when the lakes and river of Canada were supposed to be but ninety or an hundred miles from Pascataqua.* 1.27 If this grant was intended as an equivalent for the patent of Mariana, which the council had the preceding year included in their deed to the Massachusetts company; it is impossible to account for the extension of New-Hampshire to the river Merrimack, when the grant of Mas|sachusetts reached to

three miles north of that river and of every part of it* 1.28.

The west country adventurers were not less attentive to their interest;* 1.29 for in the following spring they obtained a patent from the council whereby

all that part of the river Pascataqua called or known by the name of Hilton's Point, with the south side of the said river up to the falls of Squamscot, and three miles into the main land for breadth,

was granted to Edward Hilton. This patent, sealed with the common seal of the coun|cil, and subscribed by the Earl of War|wick, sets forth, that Hilton and his asso|ciates had at their own proper cost and charges transported servants, built houses and planted corn at Hilton's Point, now Dover, and intended the further increase and advancement of the plantation.* 1.30 Wil|liam Blackstone, William Jefferies and Thomas Lewis or either of them,* 1.31 were impowered to give possession of the prem|ses;

which was done by Lewis, and the livery and seizen endorsed. Within these limits are contained the towns of Dover, Durham, and Stretham, with part of Newington and Greenland. It was com|monly called Squamscot patent, but some|times Bloody-point patent, from a quar|rel between the agents of the two com|panies about a point of land in the river which was convenient for both;* 1.32 and, there being no government then established, the controversy would have ended in blood, if the contending parties had not been persuaded to refer the decision of it to their employers.

The London adventurers also thought it prudent to have some security for the interest which they had advanced, and ac|cordingly obtained a grant from the coun|cil,* 1.33 of

that part of the patent of Laco|nia, on which the buildings and salt-works were erected,* 1.34 situate on both sides the harbour and river of Pascata|qua to the extent of five miles west|ward by the sea-coast, then to cross over towards the other plantation in the hands of Edward Hilton.

The grantees named in this patent* 1.35 were, Sir

Ferdinando Gorges, Captain John Mason, John Gorton, Henry Gardner, George Griffith, Edwin Gay, Thomas Warner|ton, Thomas Eyre and Eliezer Eyre, who, it is said, had already expended three thousand pounds in the undertaking. They were to pay forty-eight pounds per annum by way of acknowledgment to the president and council, if demanded. Captain Camocke, a relation of the Earl of Warwick, with Henry Jocelyn,* 1.36 who were then intending a voyage here were appointed to put the grantees in possession. Within this patent are comprehended the towns of Portsmouth, Newcastle, and Rye, with part of Newington and Greenland.

The whole interest being thus divided into two parts, Captain Thomas Wiggen was appointed agent for the upper, and Captain Walter Neal for the lower plan|tation; with him were associated Ambrose Gibbons, George Vaughan,* 1.37 Thomas War|nerton, Humphry Chadbourne and one Godfrie as superintendants of the several businesses of trade, fishery, salt-making, building and husbandry. Neal resided at Little-Harbour with Godfrie who had the care of the fishery. Chadbourne built an house at Strawberry-bank, which was cal|led the great house, in which Warnerton

resided. Gibbons had the care of a saw|mill, and lived in a palisaded house at Newichwannock, where he carried on trade with the Indians. He afterward re|moved to Sander's-point, where the ad|venturers gave him a settlement for his faithful services. He was succeeded at Newichwannock by Chadbourne, whose posterity are persons of principal figure and interest there at this day. The pro|prietors were also careful to provide for the defence of their plantations, and sent over several cannon which they directed their agents to mount in the most conve|nient place for a fort. They accordingly placed them on the northeast point of the Great-Island at the mouth of the harbour, and laid out the ground

about a bow-shot back from the water-side to an high rock,* 1.38 on which it was intended in time to build the principal fort.

A great part of Captain Neal's errand was to penetrate the interior part of the province of Laconia, concerning which the adventurers had formed very sanguine expectations. It was described as con|taining divers lakes,* 1.39 and extending back to a great lake and river in the country of the Iroquois. This river was said to be fair and large, containing many fruitful

islands; the air pure and salubrious; the country pleasant, having some high hills; full of goodly forests, fair vallies and fer|tile plains; abounding in corn, vines, chesnuts, walnuts, and many other sorts of fruit; the rivers well stored with fish, and environed with goodly meadows full of timber-trees. In the great lake were said to be four islands, full of pleasant woods and meadows, having great store of stags, fallow-deer, elks, roe-bucks, beavers and other game, and these islands were supposed to be commodiously situat|ed for habitation and traffic, in the midst of a fine lake, abounding with the most delicate fish. No one who is acquainted with the interior part of the country in its wilderness state, can forbear smiling at this romantic description, penned in the true style of adventurers: yet such an im|pression had the charms of Laconia made on the minds of our first settlers, that Neal set out on foot, in company with Jocelyn and Darby Field,* 1.40 to discover these beautiful lakes, and settle a trade with the Indians by pinnaces, imagining the dis|tance to be short of an hundred miles. In the course of their travels, they visited the white mountains, which they describ|ed in the same romantic style, to be a

ridge, extending an hundred leagues, on which snow lieth all the year, and inac|cessible but by the gullies which the dis|solved snow hath made:* 1.41 on one of these mountains they reported to have found a plain of a day's journey over, whereon nothing grows but moss; and at the fur|ther end of this plain, a rude heap of massy stones, piled up on one another a mile high; on which one might ascend from stone to stone, like a pair of wind|ing stairs, to the top, where was another level of about an acre, with a pond of clear water. This summit was said to be far above the clouds, and from hence they beheld a vapor like a vast pillar, drawn up by the sun-beams, out of a great lake into the air, where it was form|ed into a cloud. The country beyond these mountains northward, was said to be "daunting terrible," full of rocky hills, as thick as mole-hills in a meadow, and clothed with infinite thick woods. They had great expectation of finding precious stones on these mountains; and something resembling chrystal being pick|ed up,* 1.42 was sufficient to give them the name of the CHRYSTAL-HILLS. From hence they continued their route in search of the lake; till finding their provision

almost spent, and the forests of Laconia yielding no supply, they were obliged to return when they supposed themselves so far advanced, that

the discovery wanted but one day's journey of being fi|nished* 1.43.* 1.44

This expedition, being ended, was suc|ceeded by one of another kind. The coast was alarmed by the report of a pirate, one Dixy Bull; who with fifteen others,* 1.45 be|ing employed in the Indian trade at the eastward, had taken several boats and rifled the fort at Pemaquid. Neal, in conjunc|tion with the others, equipped four pin|naces and shallops, manned with forty men, being all the force that both plantations could spare, who, being joined by twenty more in a bark from Boston, proceeded to Pemaquid; but contrary winds and bad weather obliged them to return without meeting the pirates, who made their way farther to the eastward, and at length got to England; where Bull met with his de|serts. The company on their return hang|ed, at Richmond's island,* 1.46 an Indian who had been concerned in the murder of an Englishman.

* 1.47The next year Neal and Wiggen joined in surveying their respective patents, and laying out the towns of Portsmouth and Northam, and another which was called Hampton, though no settlement had been made there. They also agreed with Whelewright that the plantation which he had undertaken to make at Squamscot falls, should be called Exeter; and determined the bounds between his land and theirs. This survey was made by order of the company of Laconia, who gave names to the four towns, and the transaction was duly reported to them:* 1.48 soon after which Neal returned to England.

From a number of letters that passed be|tween the adventurers and Gibbons their factor, and which are yet preserved, it ap|pears that their vie••s were chiefly turned toward the discovery of the lakes and of mines; the cultivation of grapes, and the advantages of trade and fishery; and that little regard was had to agriculture, the surest foundation of all other improvements in such a country as this. They often complain of their expences, as indeed they might with reason; for they had not only to pay wages to their colonists, but to sup|ply them with provisions, clothing, uten|sils, medicines, articles of trade, imple|ments

for building, husbandry and fishing, and to stock their plantations with cattle, swine, and goats. Bread was either brought from England in meal,* 1.49 or from Virginia in grain, and then sent to the wind-mill at Boston, there being none erected here. Very little improvement was made on the lands; the lakes were not explored; the vines were planted but came to nothing; no mines were found but those of iron, and these were not wrought; three or four houses only were built within the first se|ven years; the peltry trade with the In|dians was of some value, and the fishery served for the support of the inhabitants; but yielded no great profit to the adven|turers, who received but inadequate re|turns in lumber and furs. They saw their interest sinking apace, and grew dispirit|ed; and the major part of them either re|linquished the design, or sold their shares to Mason and Gorges, who were more san|guine than the rest, and became (either by purchase or tacit consent of the others) the principal, if not sole proprietors. These gentlemen renewed their exertions with greater vigour, sent over a fresh supply of servants,* 1.50 and materials for carrying on the settlement, and appointed Francis Williams their governor. He was a gentleman of

good sense and discretion; and so very acceptable to the people, that when they combined in a body politic they continu|ed him at their head.* 1.51

The charter by which the council of Plymouth was established,* 1.52 had been from the beginning disrelished by the Virginia company; who spared no pains to get it revoked. Their applications to the king proved fruitless; but when the parliament began to enquire into the grievances of the nation, this patent was complained of as a monopoly.* 1.53 Sir Ferdinando Gorges, being summoned, appeared before them, and both in person and by his council de|fended it in a masterly manner, but in vain; for when the national grievances were presented to the throne, the patent of New-England was the first. The coun|cil also had got into disrepute with the high-church party, for having encouraged the settlement of the Plymouth and Massachu|setts colonists, who fled from their perse|cutions. These prejudices against them, operating as discouragements to their un|dertaking, induced the council to resign their charter to the king; having previ|ously taken care to secure some portion of the expiring interest to such of themselves as were disposed to accept it. The scheme

they had in view was to divide their ter|ritory into twelve provinces, under as ma|ny proprietary governors, subject to one general governor; and they went so far as to nominate Gorges, then threescore years of age, for the person, and build a ship of war, which was to bring him over and remain in the service of the country. But the ship fell and broke in the launch|ing;* 1.54 and their project not being suffici|ently attended to by those in power, they were obliged to be content with such grants as they could make, of those districts, in|to which they had divided the country. That which was now made to Mason comprehended both his former patents, extending from Naumkeag to Pascataqua, and sixty miles northwestward within the land, together with the south half of the Isles of Shoals, and ten thousand acres at Sagadahock; saving to those already set|tled within these limits,* 1.55 the property of their lawful grants on paying "some "small acknowledgment" to the proprie|tor.* 1.56 This grant was dated the twenty-second of April* 1.57. In June following the

council surrendered their charter to the king; and in September Gorges sold to Mason a tract of land on the northeast side of the river Pascataqua, extending three miles in breadth, and following the course of the river from its mouth to its farthest head,* 1.59 including the saw-mill which had been built at the falls of Newichwannock.

But death, which puts an end to the fairest prospects, cut off all the hopes

which Mason had entertained of aggran|dizing his fortune, by the settlement of New-Hampshire. By his last will, which he signed a few days before his death,* 1.60 he disposed of his American estate in the fol|lowing manner, viz.

To the corporation of Lynn Regis in Norfolk the place of his nativity, he gave two thousand acres of land in New-Hampshire, subject to the yearly rent of one penny per acre to his heirs, and two fifths of all mines royal; on condition that five families should within five years be settled there|upon. To his brother in law John Wal|laston, three thousand acres, subject to the yearly rent of one shilling. To his grandchild Anne Tufton, ten thousand acres at Sagadahock. To Robert Tufton, his grandson, he gave his manor of Mason-hall, on condition that he should take the sirname of Mason. He also gave to his brother Wallaston in trust, one thousand acres for the maintenance of an honest, godly and religious preacher of God's word; and one thousand more for the support of a grammar-school; each of these estates to be conveyed to feoffees in trust, and their successors, paying annually one penny per acre to his heirs. The

residue of his estate in New-Hampshire he gave to his grandson John Tufton, he taking the sirname of Mason, and to his lawful issue; or in want thereof to Robert Tufton and his lawful issue; or in want thereof to Doctor Robert Mason, chancellor of the diocese of Winchester, and his lawful issue; or, in want of such issue, to his own other right heirs for|ever; provided that it should not go out of the name of Mason. The residuary legatee was required to pay five hundred pounds out of this estate to his sister Mary, and all the grandchildren were to relinquish their right to one thousand pounds due from this estate to their fa|ther Joseph Tufton.

The estate in America was valued in the inventory at ten thousand pounds sterling.* 1.61

The Massachusetts planters viewed Ma|son as their enemy, because he with Gorges had privately encouraged some persons whom they had censured and sent home, to petition against them as disaffec|ted to the government; and had endea|voured to get their charter set aside, to make way for the scheme of a general governor* 1.62.

But though Mason and Gorges had not the same religious views with the Massa|chusetts planters, yet their memory de|serves respect. They were both heartily engaged in the settlement of the country; they sunk their estates in the undertaking, and reaped no profit to themselves; yet their enterprizing spirit excited emulation in others, who had the advantage of im|proving their plans and avoiding their mistakes. Gorges accounted for the ill success of his adventures in the following manner.* 1.63 1. He began when there was no hope of any thing for the present but loss; as he had first to seek a place; which, being found, was a wilderness; and so gloomy was the prospect, that he could scarce procure any to go, much less to reside in it; and those whom he at length sent, could not subsist but on the provisions with which he supplied them. 2. He sought not barely his own profit,

but the thorough discovery of the coun|try; wherein he went so far (with the help of his associates) as to open the way for others to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their gain. 3. He never went in person to oversee the people whom he employed. 4. There was no settled government to punish offenders, or mispenders of their masters goods. Two other things contributed to the disap|pointment in as great, if not a greater de|gree than what he has assigned. The one was that instead of applying themselves chiefly to husbandry, the original source of wealth and independence in such a country as this; he and his associates, being merchants, were rather intent on trade and fishery as their primary object▪ These can not be profitable in a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 country, until the foundation is laid 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the cultivation of the lands. If the lum|ber trade and fishery can not now be car|ried on to advantage, without the constant aid of husbandry in their neighbourhood, how could a colony of traders and fisher|men make profitable returns to their em|ployers, when the husbandry necessary for their support was at the distance of Virginia or England? The other mistake which these adventurers fell into was the idea of lordship, and the granting of lands

not as freeholds, but by leases subject to quit-rents. To settle a colony of tenants in a climate so far northward, where the charges of subsistence and improvement were much greater than the value of the lands, after the improvements were made; especially in the neighbourhood of so res|pectable and growing a colony as that of Massachusetts, was indeed a chimerical project; and had not the wiser people among them sought an union with the Massachusetts, in all probability the set|tlements must have been deserted.

Notes

• * 1.1

  1496.
• * 1.2

  Prince's Annals.
• * 1.3

  1614.
• * 1.4

  Smith's Voyage.
• * 1.5

  Hubbard's printed Narrative of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with the Indians▪ p. 3.
• * 1.6

  1620.
• * 1.7

  Gorges's Narrative.
• * 1.8

  Nov. 3.
• * 1.9

  • The Duke of Lenox,
  • Marquis of Buckingham,
  • —Hamilton,
  • Earl of Pembroke,
  • Earl of Arundel,
  • —Bath,
  • —Southampton,
  • —Salisbury,
  • Earl of Warwick,
  • Viscount Haddington,
  • Lord Zouche,
  • —Sheffield,
  • —Gorges,
  • Sir Edward Seymour,
  • —Robert Mansel,
  • —Edward Zouche,
  • —Dudley Digges
  • —Thomas Roe
  • —Ferd••nando Gorges.
  • —Francis Popham,
  • —John Brooks
  • —Thomas Gates,
  • —Richard Hawkins,
  • —Richard Edgecombe,
  • —Sir Allen Apsiey,
  • —Warwick Heal,
  • —Richard Cotchmay,
  • —John Bourgchiere,
  • —Nathaniel Rich,
  • —Edward Giles,
  • —Giles Mompesson,
  • —Thomas Wroth, Knights.
  • Matthew Sutcliffe,
  • Robert Hea••h,
  • Henry Bourg••hiere,
  • John Drake,
  • Rawley Gilbert,
  • George Chudley,
  • Thomas Hammond,
  • John Argall, Esquire••
• * 1.10

  MS Copy in Super. Court files.
• * 1.11

  Hume.
• * 1.12

  Gorges's Narrative.
• * 1.13

  1621. March 9.
• * 1.14

  1622. Aug. 10.
• * 1.15

  1623.
• * 1.16

  Hubbard's MS.
• * 1.17

  1624.
• * 1.18

  Prince's Annal••.
• * 1.19

  1628.
• * 1.20

  Prince's Annals.
• * 1.21

  1629
• * 1.22

  May 17.
• * 1.23

  The NW line here described will end within the township of Amherst; and the NE line from thence will cross the river Merri|mack about Amuskeeg falls; and passing through C••••ster, Not|tingham, Barrington and Rochester will strike Ne••ichwannock rive•• about ten miles above the Salmon falls.
• * 1.24

  MS Copy in Super. Court files.
• * 1.25

  Nov. 7.
• * 1.26

  MS in file•• of Superior Court.
• * 1.27

  Gorges's Hist of A|merica, p. 48.
• * 1.28

  Mr. Hubbard in his MS history says

  it hath been affirmed by Mr. Josselyn, who first came over into New England on Captain Mason's account, that there was an agreement made between Mr. Matthew Cradock (the first Governor of the Massachusetts company) and Captain John Mason, that the bounds of the Massachusetts should reach to three miles northward of Merrimack and the remainder of the land betwixt that line and Pascataqua river, should be left for Captain Mason's patent.

  The Commissioners sent by Charles II in 1664, report that

  Mr. Mason had a patent for some land about Cape Anne before the Massa|chusetts had their first patent; whereupon Captain Mason and Mr. Cradock agreed that the Massachusetts should have that land, which was granted to Captain Mason about Cape Anne, and Captain Mason should have that land, which was beyond Merrimack and granted to the Massachusetts. This agreement was sent to Mr. Henry Jocelyn to get recorded at Boston, but before he could have leisure to go there he heard that Captain Mason was dead and therefore went not. Of this he made affidavit, before the commissioners.

  Hutch. Collection Papers, p. 423.
• * 1.29

  1630, March 12.
• * 1.30

  MS Copy in Proprie|tary Office.
• * 1.31

  1631. July 7.
• * 1.32

  Hubbard's MS.
• * 1.33

  Novem. 3·
• * 1.34

  Hutch. vol. I. p. ••16.
• * 1.35

  Mr. Hubbard says, that this patent was in the hands of some gentlemen at Portsmouth when he wrote. I have seen no copy of it but what is preserved in his MS history. There is among the ancient files in the Recorder's office, an invoice of goods sent over in 1631, subscribed by all the above 〈…〉〈…〉 th•• last, in whose stead i•• subscribed William Oy••••
• * 1.36

  Hubbard's MS.
• * 1.37

  MS Let|ters.
• * 1.38

  MS in the Recorder's Files.
• * 1.39

  Gorges's Hist. of A|merica, p. 47.
• * 1.40

  1632.
• * 1.41

  Jocelyn's rarities of New-Eng|land.
• * 1.42

  Hubbard's MS Hist.
• * 1.43

  Mr. Hubbard and after him Governor Hutchinson, place this discovery of the White Hills in 1642. But as Neal had positive or|ders to discover the lakes▪ and tarried but three years in the coun|try, employing great part of his time in searching the woods, it is probable that Mr. Hubbard mistook one figure in his date.
• * 1.44

  Gorges's Hist. of A|merica, p. 48.
• * 1.45

  November.
• * 1.46

  Prince's Annals, vol. 2. p. 73.83.
• * 1.47

  1633.
• * 1.48

  MS in Re|corder's Office.
• * 1.49

  Prince's Annals. vol. 2. p. 30.70.
• * 1.50

  1634.
• * 1.51

  Hub••a••d's MS Hist.
• * 1.52

  1635.
• * 1.53

  Gorges's Narrative, p. 22 & 44.
• * 1.54

  Hubbard's MS Hist.
• * 1.55

  Files of the Sup. Cour.
• * 1.56

  Hubbard's MS Hist.
• * 1.57

  Whether Capt. Mason had his title confirmed by the king after the surrender of the charter is a point that has been questi|oned. I shall here collect what evidence I have met with on both sides.

  In a pamphlet published in 1728, containing a detail of the grants and transactions of Capt. Mason, it is said

  K. Charles I. by charter dated Aug. 19, 1635, gives, grants and confirms unto Capt. John Mason, then called treasurer and paymaster of his army, his heirs and assigns, all the aforesaid tract of land grant|ed to him by the council of Plymouth, by the name of the pro|vince of New-Hampshire; with power of government, and as am|ple jurisdiction and prerogatives as used by the bishop of Dur|ham; creating him and his aforesaids absolute lords and proprietors of the province of New-Hampshire, with power of conferring honours,

  &c. On this authority (I suppose) Douglas has as|serted the same thing. On which Hutchinson remarks

  This is not probable. His heirs were certainly unacquainted with it, or they would have made mention of it before the king in coun|cil in 1691.

  The report of the Lords Chief Justices in 1677, wherein the several grants are recited, makes no mention of this: But on the contrary it is said▪

  As to Mr. Mason's right of govern|ment within the soil he claimed their lordships, and indeed his own council, agreed he had none▪ the great council of Plymouth, under whom he claimed, having no power to transfer govern|ment to any.

  The Lords of Trade in a report to the king in 1753, say,

  It is alledged that this last grant to Mason was ratified and confirmed by the crown, by charter dated Aug. 19, 1635, with full power of civil jurisdiction and government, but no such charter as this appears upon record.

  None of Mason's heirs ever attempted to assume government by virtue of such a charter, as the heirs of Gorges did in the province of Maine. Robert Mason was appointed councellor by mandamus▪ and Samuel Allen, who purchased the title, was governor by com|mission from the crown.

  There is an original letter in the Recorder's files, written by George Vaughan to Ambrose Gibbons, both factors for the compa|ny of Laconia, April 10, 1636, long before any controversy arose on this point, which may give more light to it than any thing that has yet been published. I shall give it a place in the Appendix.
• * 1.58

  Doug. Summary, l. 418. Hist. Mass. l. 317.
• * 1.59

  Printed State of Allen's Ti|tle.
• * 1.60

  Nov. 26.
• * 1.61

  MS in Sup. Court files.
• * 1.62

  Mr. Hubbard relates the following anecdote, without men|tioning the name of the person.

  One of the gentlemen who was known to be one of the greatest adversaries to the affairs of the Massachusetts, fell sick and died. In his sickness he sent for the minister, and bewailed his enmity against them: and promised if he recovered, he would be as good a friend to New-England, as he had been an enemy; but his fatal hour being come, his purposes of that nature were cut off. The passage aforegoing was certified by letters from lord Say and others to the governor of New-England about the year 1635

  Governor Winthrop has the following remark in his Journal.

  1636. The last winter Captain Mason died. He was the chief mover, in all attempts against us; and was to have sent the ge|neral governor; and for this end was providing ships. But the Lord in mercy taking him away, all the business fell on sleep.
• * 1.63

  Gorges's Narrative, p. 49.