A plan for the establishment of public schools and the diffusion of knowledge in Pennsylvania; to which are added thoughts upon the mode of eduction, proper in a republic. : Addressed to the legislature and citizens of the state.

THOUGHTS UPON THE MODE OF EDUCATION PROPER IN A REPUBLIC.

THE business of education has acquired a new complexion by the independence of our country. The form of government we have assumed, has created a new class of duties to every American. It becomes us, therefore, to examine our former habits up|on this subject, and in laying the foundati|ons for nurseries of wise and good men, to adapt our modes of teaching to the peculiar form of our government.

The first remark that I shall make upon this subject is, that an education in our own, is to be preferred to an education in a fo|reign country. The principle of patriotism stands in need of the reinforcement of pre|judice, and it is well known that our strong|est prejudices in favour of our country are

formed in the first one and twenty years of our lives. The policy of the Lacedamoni|ans is well worthy of our imitation. When Antipater demanded fifty of their children as hostages for the fulfilment of a distant en|gagement, those wise republicans refused to comply with his demand, but readily offered him double the number of their adult citi|zens, whose habits and prejudices could not be sha•••••• by residing in a foreign country. Passing by, in this place, the advantages to the community from the early attachment of youth to the laws and constitution of their country, I shall only remark, that young men who have trodden the paths of sci|ence together, or have joined in the same sports, whether of swimming, scating, fish|ing, or hunting, generally feel, thro' life, such ties to each other, as add greatly to the obligations of mutual benevolence.

I conceive the education of our youth in this country to be peculiarly necessary in Pennsylvania, while our citizens are com|posed of the natives of so many different kingdoms in Europe. Our Schools of learn|ing, by producing one general, and uni|form system of education, will render the mass of the people more homogeneous, and thereby fit them more easily for uniform and peaceable government.

I proceed, in the next place, to enquire, what mode of education we shall adopt so as to secure to the state all the advantages that are to be derived from the proper in|struction of youth; and here I beg leave to remark that the only foundation for a useful education in a republic is to be laid in RELIGION. Without this, there can be no virtue, and without virtue there can be no liberty, and liberty is the object and life of all republican governments.

Such is my veneration for every religion that reveals the attributes of the Deity, or a future state of rewards and punishments, that I had rather see the opinions of Confu|cius or Mahomed inculcated upon our youth, than see them grow up wholly devoid of a system of religious principles. But the re|ligion I mean to recommend in this place, is the religion of JESUS CHRIST.

It is foreign to my purpose to hint at the arguments which establish the truth of the Christian revelation. My only business is to declare, that all its doctrines and pre|cepts are calculated to promote the happi|ness of society, and the safety and well be|ing of civil government. A Christian can|not fail of being a republican. The history of the creation of man, and of the relation of our species to each other by birth, which is recorded in the Old Testament, is the best

refutation that can be given to the divine right of kings, and the strongest argument that can be used in favour of the original and natural equality of all mankind. A Christian, I say again, cannot fail of being a republican, for every precept of the Gos|pel inculcates those degrees of humility, self-denial, and brotherly kindness, which are directly opposed to the pride of monarchy and the pageantry of a court. A Christian cannot fail of being useful to the republic, for his religion teacheth him that no man "liveth to himself." And lastly, a Christian cannot fail of being wholly inoffensive, for his religion teacheth him, in all things to do to others what he would wish, in like circumstances, they should do to him.

I am aware that I dissent from one of those paradoxical opinions with which modern times abound; that it is improper to fill the minds of youth with religious prejudices of any kind, and that they should be left to choose their own principles, after they have arrived at an age in which they are capable of judging for themselves. Could we pre|serve the mind in childhood and youth a perfect blank, this plan of education would have more to recommend it; but this we know to be impossible. The human mind runs as naturally into principles as it does

after facts. It submits with difficulty to those restraints or partial discoveries which are imposed upon it in the infancy of reason. Hence the impatience of children to be in|formed upon all subjects that relate to the invisible world. But I beg leave to ask, Why should we pursue a different plan of education with respect to religion from that which we pursue in teaching the arts and sciences? Do we leave our youth to acquire systems of geography, philosophy, or poli|tics, till they have arrived at an age in which they are capable of judgeing for themselves? We do not. I claim no more then for reli|gion, than for the other sciences, and I add further, that if our youth are disposed after they are of age to think for themselves, a knowledge of one system will be the best means of conducting them in a free enquiry into other systems of religion, just as an ac|quaintance with one system of philosophy is the best introduction to the study of all the other systems in the world.

I must beg leave upon this subject to go one step further. In order more effectually to secure to our youth the advantages of a religious education, it is necessary to impose upon them the doctrines and discipline of a particular church. Man is naturally an un|governable animal, and observations on par|ticular societies and countries will teach us,

that when we add the restraints of eclesiasti|cal, to those of domestic and civil govern|ment, we produce, in him, the highest de|grees of order and virtue. That fashionable liberality which refuses to associate with any one sect of Christians is seldom useful to it|self, or to society, and may fitly be compar|ed to the unprofitable bravery of a soldier, who wastes his valour in solitary enterprizes, without the aid or effect of military associa|tions. Far be it from me to recommend the doctrines or modes of worship of any one denomination of Christians. I only re|commend to the persons entrusted with the education of youth, to inculcate upon them a strict conformity to that mode of worship which is most agreeable to their consciences, or the inclinations of their parents.

Under this head, I must be excused in not agreeing with those modern writers who have opposed the use of the Bible as a school book. The only objection I know to it is, its division into chapters and verses, and its improper punctuation, which render it a more difficult book to read well, than many others; but these defects may easily be cor|rected; and the disadvantages of them are not to be mentioned with the immense ad|vantages of making children early, and in|timately acquainted with the means of ac|quiring happiness both here and hereafter.

How great is the difference between making young people acquainted with the interesting and entertaining truths contained in the Bi|ble, and the fables of Moore and Croxall, or the doubtful histories of antiquity! I maintain that there is no book of its size in the whole world, that contains half so much useful knowledge for the government of states, or the direction of the affairs of in|dividuals as the bible. To object to the prac|tice of having it read in schools, because it tends to destroy our veneration for it, is an argument that applies with equal force, against the frequency of public worship, and all other religious exercises. The first im|pressions upon the mind are the most dura|ble. They survive the wreck of the memo|ry, and exist in old age after the ideas ac|quired in middle life have been obliterated. Of how much consequence then must it be to the human mind in the evening of life, to be able to recal those ideas which are most essential to its happiness; and these are to be found chiefly in the Bible. The great de|light which old people take in reading the Bible, I am persuaded is derived chiefly from its histories and precepts being associated with the events of childhood and youth, the re|collection of which forms a material part of their pleasures.

I do not mean to exclude books of histo|ry, poetry or even fables from our schools. They may, and should be read frequently by our young people, but if the Bible is made to give way to them altogether, I fore|see that it will be read, in a short time, only in churches, and in a few years will proba|bly be found only in the offices of magi|strates, and in courts of justice.

NEXT to the duty which young men owe to their Creator, I wish to see a SUPREME REGARD TO THEIR COUNTRY, inculcated upon them. When the Duke of Sully be|came prime minister to Henry the IVth of France, the first thing he did, he tells us, "Was to subdue and forget his own heart." The same duty is incumbent upon every citi|zen of a republic. Our country includes family, friends and property, and should be preferred to them all. Let our pupil be taught that he does not belong to himself, but that he is public property. Let him be taught to love his family, but let him be

taught, at the same time, that he must for|sake and even forget them, when the welfare of his country requires it. He must watch for the state as if its liberties depended upon his vigilance alone, but he must do this in such a manner as not to defraud his creditors, or neglect his family. He must love private life, but he must decline no station, however public or responsable it may be, when called to it by the suffrages of his fellow-citizens. He must love popularity, but he must despise it when set in competition with the dictates of his judgement, or the real interest of his country. He must love character, and have a due sense of injuries, but he must be taught to appeal only to the laws of the state, to de|fend the one, and punish the other. He must love family honour, but he must be taught that neither the rank nor antiquity of his ancestors can command respect, without personal merit. He must avoid neutrality in all questions that divide the state, but he must shun the rage, and acrimony of party spirit. He must be taught to love his fellow crea|tures in every part of the world, but he must cherish with a more intense and peculiar af|fection, the citizens of Pennsylvania and of the United States. I do not wish to see our youth educated with a single prejudice against any nation or country; but we impose a task upon human nature, repugnant alike to rea|son,

revelation and the ordinary dimensions of the human heart, when we require him to embrace, with equal affection, the whole family of mankind. He must be taught to amass wealth, but it must be only to encrease his power of contributing to the wants and demands of the state. He must be indulg|ed occasionally in amusements, but he must be taught that study and business should be his principal pursuits in life. Above all he must love life, and endeavour to acquire as many of its conveniences as possible by in|dustry and oeconomy, but he must be taught that this life "Is not his own," when the safety of his country requires it. These are practicable lessons, and the history of the commonwealths of Greece and Rome show, that human nature, without the aids of Christianity, has attained these degrees of perfection.

While we inculcate these republican duties upon our pupil, we must not neglect, at the same time, to inspire him with republican principles. He must be taught that there can be no durable liberty but in a republic, and that government, like all other sciences, is of a progressive nature. The chains which have bound this science in Europe are happi|ly unloosed in America. Here it is open to investigation and improvement. While phi|losophy has protected us by its discoveries

from a thousand natural evils, government has unhappily followed with an unequal pace. It would be to dishonour human ge|nius only to name the many defects which still exist in the best systems of legislation. We daily see matter of a perishable nature rendered durable by certain chemical opera|tions. In like manner, I conceive, that it is possible to analyze and combine power in such a manner as not only to encrease the happiness, but to promote the duration of republican forms of government far beyond the terms limited for them by history, or the common opinions of mankind.

To assist in rendering religious, moral and political instruction more effectual upon the minds of our youth, it will be necessary to sub|ject their bodies to physical discipline. To obviate the inconveniences of their studious and sedantary mode of life, they should live upon a temperate diet, consisting chiefly of broths, milk and vegetables. The black broth of Sparta, and the barley broth of Scotland, have been alike celebrated for their beneficial effects upon the minds of young people. They should avoid tasting spirituous liquors. They should also be accustomed occasionally to work with their hands, in the intervals of study, and in the busy seasons of the year in the country. Moderate sleep, silence, occasional solitude,

and cleanliness, should be inculcated upon them, and the utmost advantage should be taken of a proper direction of those great principles in human conduct,—sensibility, habit, imitation, and association.

The influence these physical causes will be powerful upon the intellects, as well as upon the principles and morals of young people.

To those who have studied human nature, it will not appear paradoxical to recommend, in this essay, a particular attention to vocal music. Its mechanical effects in civilizing the mind, and thereby preparing it for the influence of religion and government, have been so often felt and recorded, that it will be unnecessary to mention facts in favour of its usefulness in order to excite a proper at|tention to it.

In the education of youth, let the authority of our masters be as absolute as possible. The government of schools like the government of private families, should be arbitary, that it may not be severe. By this mode of edu|cation, we prepare our youth for the subor|dination of laws, and thereby qualify them for becoming good citizens of the republic. I am satisfied that the most useful citizens have been formed from those youth who have never known or felt their own wills till they were one and twenty years of age, and I have often thought that society owes a great deal

of its order and happiness to the deficiencies of parental government, being supplied by those habits of obedience and subordination which are contracted at schools.

I cannot help bearing a testimony, in this place, against the custom, which prevails in some parts of America, (but which is daily falling into disuse in Europe) of crouding boys together under one roof for the pur|pose of education. The practice is the gloomy remains of monkish ignorance, and is as unfavourable to the improvements of the mind in useful learning, as monasteries are to the spirit of religion. I grant this mode of secluding boys from the intercourse of private families, has a tendency to make them scholars, but our business is to make them men, citizens and christians. The vices of young people are generally learned from each other. The vices of adults seldom infect them. By separating them from each other, therefore, in their hours of relaxati|on from study, we secure their morals from a principal source of corruption, while we improve their manners, by subjecting them to those restraints, which the difference of age and sex, naturally produce in private families.

I have hitherto said nothing of the AMUSE|MENTS that are proper for young people in a republic. Those which promote health and

good humour, will have a happy effect upon morals and government. To encrease this influence, let the persons who direct these amusements, be admitted into good com|pany, and subjected, by that means, to re|straints in behaviour and moral conduct. Taverns which in most countries are exposed to riot and vice, in Connecticut are places of business and innocent pleasure, because the tavern-keepers in that country are generally men of sober and respectable characters. The theatre will never be perfectly reformed till players are treated with the same respect as persons of other ornamental professions. It is to no purpose to attempt to write or preach down an amusement, which seizes so forcibly upon all the powers of the mind. Let mi|nisters preach to players, instead of against them; let them open their churches and the ordinances of religion to them and their families, and, I am persuaded, we shall soon see such a reformation in the theatre as can never be effected by all the means that have hitherto been employed for that purpose. It is possible to render the stage, by these means, subsurvient to the purposes of virtue and even religion. Why should the minister of the gospel exclude the player from his visits, or from his public or private instruc|tions? The Author of Christianity knew no difference in the occupations of men. He

eat and drank daily with publicans and sin|ners.

From the observations that have been made it is plain, that I consider it as possible to convert men into republican machines. This must be done, if we expect them to perform their parts properly, in the great machine of the government of the state. That republic is sophisticated with monarchy or aristocracy that does not revolve upon the wills of the people, and these must be fitted to each other by means of education before they can be made to produce regularity and unison in government.

Having pointed out those general princi|ples, which should be inculcated alike in all the schools of the state, I proceed now to make a few remarks upon the method of conducting, what is commonly called, a li|beral or learned education in a republic.

I shall begin this part of my subject by bearing a testimony against the common practice of attempting to teach boys the learned languages, and the arts and sciences too early in life. The first twelve years of life are barely sufficient to instruct a boy in reading, writing and arithmetic. With these, he may be taught those modern languages which are necessary for him to speak. The state of the memory, in early life, is favour|able to the acquisition of languages, especi|ally

when they are conveyed to the mind through the ear. It is, moreover, in early life only, that the organs of speech yield in such a manner as to favour the just pronoun|ciation of foreign languages.

I do not wish the LEARNED OR DEAD LAN|GUAGES, as they are commonly called, to be reduced below their present just rank in the universities of Europe, especially as I consider an acquaintance with them as the best foun|dation for a correct and extensive knowledge of the language of our country. Too much pains cannot be taken to teach our youth to read and write our American language with propriety and elegance. The study of the Greek language constituted a material part of the literature of the Athenians, hence the sublimity, purity and immortality of so many of their writings. The advantages of a perfect knowledge of our language to young men intended for the professions of law, physic or divinity are too obvious to be mentioned, but in a state which boasts of the first commercial city in America, I wish to see it cultivated by young men, who are intended for the compting house, for many such, I hope, will be educated in our col|leges. The time is past when an academical education was thought to be unnecessary to qualify a young man for merchandize. I

conceive no profession is capable of receiv|ing more embellishments from it.

Connected with the study of our own lan|guage is the study of ELOQUENCE. It is well known how great a part it constituted of the Roman education. It is the first ac|complishment in a republic, and often sets the whole machine of government in motion. Let our youth, therefore, be instructed in this art. We do not extol it too highly when we attribute as much to the power of eloquence as to the sword in bringing about the American revolution.

With the usual arts and sciences that are taught in our American colleges, I wish to see a regular course of lectures given upon HISTORY and CHRONOLOGY. The science of government, whether it relates to consti|tutions or laws, can only be advanced by a careful selection of facts, and these are to be found chiefly in history. Above all, let our youth be instructed in the history of the an|cient republics, and the progress of liberty and tyranny in the different states of Europe. I wish likewise to see the numerous facts that relate to the origin and present state of COM|MERCE, together with the nature and prin|ciples of MONEY, reduced to such a system as to be intelligible and agreeable to a young man. If we consider the commerce of our metropolis only as the avenue of the wealth

of the state, the study of it merits a place in a young man's education; but, I consider commerce in a much higher light when I recommend the study of it in republican seminaries. I view it as the best security against the influence of heriditary monopo|lies of land, and, therefore, the surest pro|tection against aristocracy. I consider its effects as next to those of religion in huma|nizing mankind, and lastly, I view it as the means of uniting the different nations of the world together by the ties of mutual wants and obligations.

CHEMISTRY by unfolding to us the effects of heat and mixture, enlarges our acquaint|ance with the wonders of nature, and the mysteries of art, hence it has become, in most of the universities of Europe, a neces|sary branch of a gentleman's education. In a young country, where improvements in agriculture and manufactures are so much to be desired, the cultivation of this science, which explains the principles of both of them, should be considered as an object of the ut|most importance.

In a state where every citizen is liable to be a soldier and a legislator, it will be neces|sary to have some regular instruction given upon the ART OF WAR and upon PRACTICAL LEGISLATION. These branches of know|ledge are of too much importance in a re|public

to be trusted to solitary study, or to a fortuitous acquaintance with books. Let mathematical learning, therefore, be care|fully applied, in our colleges, to gunnery and fortification, and let philosophy be applied to the history of those compositions which have been made use of for the terrible pur|poses of destroying human life. These branches of knowledge will be indispensably necessary in our republic, if unfortunately war should continue hereafter to be the unchristian mode of arbitrating disputes be|tween Christian nations. Again, let our youth be instructed in all the means of pro|moting national prosperity and independence, whether they relate to improvements in agri|culture, manufactures, or inland navigation. Let him be instructed further in the general principles of legislation, whether they relate to revenue, or to the preservation of life, liberty or property. Let him be directed frequently to attend the courts of justice, where he will have the best opportunities of acquiring habits of arranging and comparing his ideas by observing the secretion of truth, in the examination of witnesses, and where he will hear the laws of the state explained, with all the advantages of that species of eloquence which belongs to the bar. Of so much importance do I conceive it to be, to a young man, to attend occasionally to the

decisions of our courts of law, that I wish to see our colleges and academies establish|ed, only in county towns.

But further, considering the nature of our connection with the United States it will be necessary to make our pupil acquainted with all the prerogatives of the foederal govern|ment. He must be instructed in the nature and variety of treaties. He must know the difference in the powers and duties of the several species of ambassadors. He must be taught wherein the obligations of individuals and of states are the same, and wherein they differ. In short, he must acquire a general knowledge of all those laws and forms, which unite the sovereigns of the earth, or separate them from each other.

I have only to add that it will be to no pur|pose to adopt this, or any other mode of education, unless we make choice of suita|ble masters to carry our plans into execution. Let our teachers be distinguished for their abilities and knowledge. Let them be grave in their manners,—gentle in their tempers,—exemplary in their morals, and of found principles in religion and government. Let us not leave their support to the precarious resources to be derived from their pupils, but let such funds be provided for our schools and colleges as will enable us to allow them liberal salaries. By these means we shall

render the chairs,—the professorships and rectorships of our colleges and academies objects of competition among learned men. By conferring upon our masters that inde|pendence, which is the companion of com|petency, we shall, moreover, strengthen their authority over the youth committed to their care. Let us remember that a great part of the divines, lawyers, physicians, legislators, soldiers, generals, delegates, counsellors, and governors of the state will probably hereafter pass through their hands. How great then should be the wisdom!—how honourable the rank! and how generous the reward of those men who are to form these necessary and leading members of the re|public!

I beg pardon for having delayed so long, to say any thing of the separate and peculiar mode of education proper for WOMEN in a republic. I am sensible that they must con|cur in all our plans of education for young men, or no laws will ever render them effec|tual. To qualify our women for this pur|pose, they should not only be instructed in the usual branches of female education, but they should be instructed in the principles of liberty and government; and the obligations of patriotism, should be inculcated upon them. The opinions and conduct of men are often regulated by the women in the

most arduous enterprizes of life; and their approbation is frequently the principal re|ward of the hero's dangers, and the patriot's toils. Besides, the first impressions upon the minds of children are generally derived from the women. Of how much conse|quence, therefore, is it in a republic, that they should think justly upon the great sub|jects of liberty and government!

The complaints that have been made against religion, liberty and learning, have been made against each of them in a seperate state. Perhaps like certain liquors, they should only be used in a state of mixture. They mutually assist in correcting the abuses, and in improving the good effects of each other. From the combined and reciprocal influence of religion, liberty and learning up|on the morals, manners and knowledge of in|dividuals, of these, upon government, and of government, upon individuals, it is impossi|ble to measure the degrees of happiness and perfection to which mankind may be raised. For my part, I can form no ideas of the golden age, so much celebrated by the poets, more delightful, than the contemplation of that happiness which it is now in the power of the legislature of Pennsylvania to confer upon her citizens, by establishing proper modes and places of education in every part of the state.

The present time is peculiarly favourable to the establishment of these benevolent and necessary institutions in Pennsylvania. The minds of our people have not as yet lost the yeilding texture they acquired by the heat of the late revolution. They will now receive more readily, than five or even three years hence, new impressions and habits of all kinds. The spirit of liberty now pervades every part of the state. The influence of error and deception are now of short dura|tion. Seven years hence, the affairs of our state may assume a new complexion. We may be rivetted to a criminal indifference for the safety and happiness of ourselves and our posterity. An aristocratic or democratic junto may arise, that shall find its despotic views connected with the prevalence of ig|norance and vice in the state; or a few art|ful pedagogues who consider learning as use|ful only in proportion as it favours their pride or avarice, may prevent all new literary esta|blishments from taking place, by raising a hue and cry against them, as the offspring of improper rivalship, or the nurseries of party spirit.

But in vain shall we lavish pains and ex|pence, in establishing nurseries of virtue and knowledge in every part of the state. In vain shall we attempt to give the minds of our citizens a virtuous and ••••iform bias in

early life, while the arms of our state are opened alike to receive into its bosom, and to confer equal priviledges upon, the virtuous emigrant, and the annual refuse of the jails of Britain, Ireland and our sister states. Of the many criminals that have been executed within these seven years, four out of five of them have been foreigners, who have arriv|ed here during the war and since the peace. We are yet, perhaps, to see, and deplore the tracks of the enormous vices and crimes these men have left behind them. Legislators of Pennsylvania!—Stewards of the justice and virtue of heaven!—Fathers of children, who may be corrupted and disgraced by bad examples; say—can nothing be done to pre|serve our morals, manners, and government, from the infection of European vices?

FINIS.

Notes

• In a republic where all votes for public officers are given by ballot, should not a knowledge of read|ing and writing be considered as essential qualificati|ons for an elector? and when a man, who is of a doubtful character, offers his vote, would it not be more consistent with sound policy and wise govern|ment to oblige him to read a few verses in the Bible to prove his qualifications, than simply to compel him to kiss the outside of it?