A sermon, preached before the General Assembly of the state of Connecticut, at Hartford, on the day of the anniversary election, May 13, 1779. / By James Dana, D.D. Pastor of the First Church in Wallingford. ; [Eight lines from Tacitus]

AN ELECTION SERMON.

JEREMIAH XVIII. 9, 10.

And at what instant I shall speak concerning a nation, and concerning a kingdom, to build and to plant it: If it do evil in my sight, that it obey not my voice, then I will repent of the good wherewith I said I would benefit them.

THIS passage of sacred writ is peculiarly adapted to infant states. From hence, and the two verses next proceeding, we collect the general rule of the divine allotments towards political combina|tions—what will, on the one hand, assuredly reco|ver them from the brink of ruin—what may, on the other ••and, prevent their exaltation when favorable prospects open upon them.

THE present hour in the sanctuary will accord|ingly be devoted to a subject, which may at no time hereafter be so seasonable. And the candour of this venerable auditory is relied on, while I offer some sketches on the providence of GOD in the rise and fall of empires—the vestiges of it encouraging us that the American confederacy may be built up—the obligations of a people for whom great things have been done, and upon whom such prospects are opening—the danger, in our circumstances, of pre|suming on the smiles of heaven, and the quarters from which this danger is to be apprehended.

THE near relation these things have to the situa|tion of our public affairs will apologize for my not calling your attention so particularly to the origin of government—the ends of magistracy—the cha|racter of a good ruler—and the duty of subjects.

FIRST, The governing providence of GOD is pre|supposed—a doctrine clear from the necessary de|pendence of creatures—the uniform course of na|ture, and special interpositions—implied in the sup|position of a revelation. GOD'S government is alike manifest in the natural and moral world. To a Being of infinite perfection all things are alike easy. It is, moreover, of great moment, that the domini|on of the SOVEREIGN of the universe be considered as guided by unerring wisdom, and immutable holi|ness and goodness. In this view our subject repre|sents it. And hence it is equally the object of fear, pious resignation, filial joy and confidence.

THIS doctrine, the foundation of natural religion, revealed illustrates.

The LORD hath prepared his throne in the heavens; and his kingdom rul|eth over all. Promotion cometh neither from the cast, nor from the west, nor from the south, but GOD is judge: He pulleth down one, and setteth up another. His counsel shall stand.

It is in his family, the universe, as in a great house, wherein are vessels not only of gold and silver; but also of wood and of earth; and some to honor, and some to dishonor:—Words which, however immediately intended, may be ac|commodated to different orders in a civil communi|ty, and the rank different kingdoms hold among their neighbors. Some are strong, and others weak; some are above, and others beneath; some are the head, and others the tail.† 1.1

WHATEVER instruments are employed in building and planting kingdoms, the divine hand is to be ul|timately eyed. All power is of God. HE raiseth up, as well as removeth,

the mighty man, and the man of war, the judge, and the prudent, the counsellor, the cunning artificer, and the eloquent orator,

who, in different ways, contribute to the exaltation of their people. To HIM are to be ascribed their abilities, the time of their coming on the stage to assert the rights of their country and mankind, their sphere of action, the acceptance of their services, and term of their usefullness. And to whom but HIM, who turneth the hearts of an whole people as the

hearts of one man, shall we attribute the union of public bodies? the concurrence and strenuous exer|tions of all ranks for the common safety?

THE same Being turneth wise men backward, di|vides public councils, sends civil discord into king|doms, defeats military enterprizes however well concerted, and fills with terror those who seemed to be made without fear.

At thy rebuke, O GOD of Jacob, the stout-hearted are spoiled, and none of the men of might find their hands. Thou cuttest off the spirit of princes, and art terrible to the kings of the earth. The wrath of man shall praise thee; the remainder of wrath shall thou restrain.

Good rulers are his ministers for good. Cruel tyrants are the rod of his anger.

I have created the waster to destroy. The MOST HIGH ruleth in the kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will, and SETTETH UP OVER IT THE BASEST OF MEN.

THESE things imply no other divine influence than consists with the moral perfections of the DE|ITY and human liberty. Far be it from GOD that he should do wickedly.

IF it is asked, Why doth not GOD govern the world without the instrumentality of subordinate agents? As well might it be asked, Why did he not determine to save the world without the inter|vention of a mediator? With respect to both it should satisfy us, that so it seemeth good in his fight.

"AT what instant I shall speak concerning a na|tion, and concerning a kingdom, to build and to plant it." From what vestiges of providence may we infer, that this language comes addressed to us? It were to be wished that this SECOND enquiry could be answered by referring to the traces of a real re|formation. This would be the strongest assurance of the continuance and enlargement of our liberties. But, O America! saved of the LORD, hast thou not re|volted more and more?

DIVINE providence doth not precipitate events: There is an harmony in its distributions. Bodies politic, like the body natural, have their periods of growing to maturity and decay. Some States go to decay sooner than others, as some persons hasten on themselves a premature old age by various excesses. But judging from analogy, is it to be supposed, ill-deserving as we are, that the desolation of this coun|try is near? a country rescued more than once in circumstances seemingly desperate. From the jus|tice of our cause, past salvations, and present pros|pects, may we not hope, that for his own name's sake the GOD of our fathers will make known his salva|tion in the sight of all nations by humbling our op|pressors?

WE cannot look into futurity. This is HIS pre|rogative who seeth the end from the beginning. But we call to mind his wonders of old. When our ances|tors sought a retreat from oppression, he made a path for them through the sea and furnished them a

table in the wilderness. When few in number, strangers in the land, and encompassed by savage enemies—when help was far off, he drove out the heathen with his hand, increased our fathers, and caused the fear of them to fall on the enemy. The hand which planted, hath hitherto protected, this vine—at no time more remarkably, perhaps, than in our own. Events so conspicuous, so much be|yond all human foresight, as those we have been witnesses to in this war, must impress such as disre|gard the common course of providence. Permit me to mention in this view the debility of the country when the war began—the steps by which it hath collected strength and firmness—the flow progress of the enemy—stores taken from them or brought us from abroad—altogether unexpected internal re|sources (fruits of inventive necessity)—the success of our military operations where we lest expected suc|cess, when and where we were ready to despair—the frustration of them when a spirit of confidence possessed us—the interference of foreign powers—the humiliating circumstances to which our potent enemies are reduced. Such a number and variety of marvellous events seldom take place in an age. Whoso is wise, and will observe these things; even they shall understand the loving-kindness of the LORD.

WE are brought to an AERA as remote from our wishes, as it was from our expectation, till the pre|sent struggle. We aimed at nothing more than a constitutional connection with Britain. But he who is wonderful in counsel hath spoken, (and we cannot

but obey his voice) that we need not go over the sea for law.

The MOST HIGH divideth to the nations their inheritance, and separateth the sons of Adam, de|termining the bounds of their habitation.

His providence, step by step, hath called us to assume an independent rank among the nations. May the new empire, the foundation of which, under the conduct of his over-ruling hand, is already laid, be built up, so as to secure public liberty to America as long as the sun and moon shall endure. May the example provoke to emulation the numerous kingdoms, from which arbitrary sway hath long since deforced this inestimable blessing.

THE powers of the human mind are not exerted, or known, till necessity calls them forth. Like trea|sures hid in the bowels of the earth, unless sought for, unless we dig deep, they cannot be found. Thus it is with the abilities and resources of a coun|try.

A CONFEDERACY between free states, as the Ame|rican, may have advantages superior to any civil es|tablishment.

If a republic is small, it is destroy|ed by a foreign force; if it be large, it is ruined by an internal imperfection. This twofold in|convenience is remedied by a confederate repub|lic—a kind of assemblage of societies that constitute a new one, capable of increasing by means of new associations. It was these associations that con|tributed so long to the prosperity of GREECE. By these the ROMANS attacked the universe; and by

these alone the universe withstood them. For when Rome was arrived to her highest pitch of grandeur, it was the associations behind the Da|nube and the Rhine, associations formed by the terror of her arms, that enabled the barbarians to resist her.

† 1.2

THE American confederacy, from the circumstan|ces of it's formation—the necessity impelling to it—the situation of the confederate States, with the com|mon interest European nations will have in protec|ting them—and the strength it will acquire by im|provements in husbandry, manufactures and com|merce, new settlements in the wilderness, other states joining the union, &c. bids fair to endure, when the power now armed against it shall be broken in pieces—When, perhaps, even the remembrance of it shall be blotted out from under heaven—Or this only written for a memorial, that it brought all the horrors of a bloody war on a country which looked up to it as a parent—that having first thrust out her children, these, taken under the patronage of that Being who is the refuge of the oppressed, whose is the earth and the fullness thereof, derived from him, and him only, a goodly heritage—that their unnatural parent wan|tonly claimed the fruit of their unparrelleled toil and perils, and attempted by famine, fire and sword to compell them to surrender it; but failing in the un|dertaking, precipitated her own ruin.

LIGHT hath risen to us in obscurity, and shone more and more. Wherefore,

THIRDLY, What are the obligations of a people for whom such great things have been done? upon whom such prospects are opening? To conciliate the favour of the Almighty patron of our rights, we must, as our subject recommends, obey his voice.

GOD speaks to men in his word and providence as clearly as when he uttered his voice from the ex|cellent glory. When we view him as the FATHER of the whole family in heaven and earth—making his sun to rise on the evil and good, and sending rain on the just and unjust—exercising loving kindness, judgment, and righ|teousness in the earth—reconciling the world to himself in JESUS CHRIST—leading sinners to repentance by the riches of his goodness and forbearance; but whetting his sword, and taking hold on judgment, if the degenerate turn not—When we reflect further, that the love of GOD and our neighbour is more than whole burnt offer|ings and sacrifices—that faith working by love is the sum of christianity—that the kingdom of GOD is righteous|ness, and peace, and joy in the HOLY GHOST—We are hence sufficiently informed what it is to hearken unto GOD, to obey his voice.

THE love of GOD is the first and great commandment; the love of our neighbor the second, and like unto it. Such is the similarity and connection between these two commandments, that

he who loveth not his brother, whom he hath seen, cannot love GOD,

whom he hath not seen.

The exhortation, Look not every man on his own things, but every man also on the things of others, could not have been enforced by an argument of comparable weight with that the apostle subjoins; Let this mind be in you, which was in CHRIST JESUS. The strength and extent of this divine principle were displayed in him beyond all example. He went about doing good; and, having humbled himself from the form of GOD to that of a servant, in the likeness of men, gave himself a ransom for all. His religion is better adapted to promote the welfare of society, by making it's members what they ought to be, than all the maxims and institu|tions of the wisest philosophers and legislators. Can the rejection of such a religion consist with a public spirit? Men who affect to despise this hea|venly institution, may boast of an exalted benevo|lence and love of their country. But however qua|lified they may be in other respects to serve their country, nothing could more fully prove them ene|mies of it, than their vilifying a religion admirably adapted to promote peace and mutual good will; inculcating those public affections which build up a commonwealth, render it as a city compact together, and to it's enemies terrible as an army with banners. May we never see the time in this Christian State, when the contemners of a religion so beneficial to communities shall be possessed of public trust. This would be to advance men who publicly insult their country, and the cities of our GOD; who pour obloquy on the bright|est character that ever appeared in human form, the friend of all mankind, GOD manifest in the flesh

FURTHER:

Where the spirit of the LORD is, there is liberty.

Arbitrary principles destroy the social affections. They suppose the greater part made for compliance and servitude. They trans|pose the order, and militate with the designs of pro|vidence, which hath equally in the state as in the church appointed the GREATEST, servants of all. Principles which rob mankind of their rights civil and religious, are not very compatible with the love of our people.

WHETHER civil or religious usurpation hath been greatest, is difficult to say. Tyrannical rulers have generally favored the views of tyrannical ecclesias|ticks, in return for the services these have rendered them. Together they have deluged the earth in blood. A better reason cannot, probably be given for the late establishment of popery by a British par|liament, while the protestant religion, founded in principles of liberty, is barely tolerated. Popery can prevail only under an arbitrary government, implying a general ignorance of civil rights. Hence the preservation of our religion depends on the con|tinuance of a free government. Let our allies have their eyes opened on the blessings of such a go|vernment, and they will at once renounce their su|perstition. On the other hand, should we lose our freedom, this will prepare the way to the intro|duction of popery.

PUBLIC happiness may be enjoyed either under a monarchy or aristocracy, on supposition of public

spirit in princes, or nobles. But faithful history scarce permits us to make the supposition.* 1.3 Where the temptations to violate the rights of society are strong, the opportunities of doing it frequent, and no immediate danger threatens, there is not resolu|tion, and seldom inclination, to withstand the allure|ments of wealth and power. Justice yields to ar|bitrary might. The oppressed have none to com|fort them. Inured to slavery, they bear it patient|ly. Long usage brings men to think those mea|sures just, against which reason loudly remonstrates. He that in a private station might exclaim, with HAZAEL, Is thy servant a dog that he should do this thing? when placed in authority, disregards the voice of reason, the claims of justice, the bonds of gratitude. The fascinating lust of dominion never saith, It is enough: That it's demands are so submissively yield|ed to is surprizing. Yea, some would have us be|lieve, that resistance of the most detestable tyranny is an unpardonable sin. They would have us sa|crifice, at the shrine of ROYALTY, the love of the bro|therhood, the honor we owe to mankind, and even the fear of GOD. If among their numerous prerogatives,

kings had claimed none of the divine, it would have been well. Taking the idea of rebellion from the language of courts, it may be defined, an unsuc|cessful resistance of tyranny. For success effaceth the crime.

THE only form of government expresly instituted by heaven was that of the Hebrews. Their's was a confederate republic with JEHOVAH at the head. It consisted of twelve distinct states; each sovereign in the administration of justice within itself, while their councils and force were united in whatever concerned them all. Their constitution was most friendly to public liberty. For besides the inde|pendence of the respective states on each other, and their confederacy as one kingdom for the better se|curity of their common and particular rights, in this divinely instituted polity public trusts were not hereditary, nor had they any revenue to support the officers of government in affluence. Equality of condition was provided for, and the means of cor|ruption prevented, by the agrarian law, prohibiti|on of money on usury, release of servants and deb|tors, and return of estates in the jubilee. That they might preserve their liberties inviolate, they were instructed to remember their bondage in Egypt, and wonderful deliverance—the preservation of their liberties in all times of danger by the manifest interposition of the Almighty in humbling tyrants for their sakes.

WHEN they at length insisted on a change of their

constitution, GOD gave them a KING in his anger—The first successor to the crown was of another fa|mily—And though the succession was continued in this, yet when the grand-son came to the throne, and refused to ease the burthens complained of, ten of the states revolted. Heaven approved the revolt, and appointed them a king. And when Rehoboam raised an army to recover his revolted subjects, a prophet of the LORD was sent to him with the mes|sage, This thing is done of me. Ye shall not go up to fight against your brethren.

THE constitution of England, reared by the wis|dom of ages, has been called the envy of Europe, and supposed to approach as near perfection as any human form can. But what is the administration? The most important branch of the legislature is en|tirely subservient to the views of the crown. Nor can it be otherwise, while the public honors, trea|sure and force are at the disposal of the prince. With these advantages what can hinder a British king from being an absolute monarch?

WHEN

either branch hath lost it's indepen|dence,

judge Blackstone well observes,

there must soon be an end of the constitution The legislature

is

changed from that which was set up by the general consent and fundamental act of the society.

The same learned writer saith,

The stern commands of prerogative have yielded to the milder voice of influence; the sla|vish and exploded doctrine of non resistance has

given way to military establishment by law; and to the disuse of parliaments has succeeded a parlia|mentary trust of an immense perpetual revenue.

† 1.4 The presumption is, that the constitution is mate|rially defective.

FROM the natural parity of mankind it clearly follows, that all sovereignty is ultimately in the people, or their representatives. They may, at any time, regulate the succession, limit the sovereign, or abolish kingly government. Different forms of government are adapted to different people and cir|cumstances. The only view in which one form is preferable to another, is, the greater prospect of an impartial administration under it. For this reason we give the preference to a representative democra|cy. We may be prejudiced by education. Our present sufferings from an oppressive power may have strengthned those prejudices. But all history assures us, that when the powers of government have been lodged with a single person the care of the public has not been the object of pursuit. He has been content with measures that will last out his own time. Or if his views have extended fur|ther, it has been to compleat a system of tyranny. Nor hath it been otherwise, when the decision of all affairs has been engrossed by a few, and these not dependent on their people. But in the form we speak of, a spirit of love and union is promoted by mediocrity of circumstances—a spirit of envy and

jealousy is prevented. Public employments are not lucrative—they require application they are trans|ferrable. Here merit is more generally distinguish|ed. Every individual considers himself, and is re|garded by the community, as a person of some sig|nificance. The lowest have free access to the chief magistrate. Such a form of government is an ef|fectual cheek to that insupportable pride and bound|less ambition, which have slain millions. People are better satisfied with public measures when their rulers have a common interest with them, and are led by their connections, attachments, and a sense of dependence to care for the state. Popular discon|tent will take place on some occasions. But if groundless, it is soon appeased by the timely inter|position of some wise and prudent person. If well founded, the people know their rulers are ready to hear their complaints—will admit a conviction of any mistakes, and, upon conviction, rectify them. Or if they persist in measures hurtful to the com|munity, they can be displaced. However a popu|lar government has been reproached, it will be found on enquiry less subject to threatning insur|rections than the other forms.

ONE such government at least may be named, in which insurrections have rarely taken place, and never proceeded to any desperate lengths. Were there any such thing on earth, the government re|ferred to might be proposed as a model of a perfect commonwealth. It is indeed a singular example. The legislative body have from the beginning done

the highest honour to popular elections, and shewn the entire safety and wisdom of an annual choice. There can be no danger from frequent elections, while those in authority are tender of the rights of the community. When they are not so, ought elec|tions to return but seldom to secure them in place? In the commonwealth I speak of, a generous con|cern for the public liberties in the legislature, and respect for authority in the people, have happily united. It's exertions on all public occasions, in the present war especially, have placed in a con|vincing light the advantages of a representative de|mocracy. We trust there will never be occasion to say, that it's order and happiness hitherto have not been owing to the spirit of liberty and parity of circumstances, but to the check it has been under from Britain. If it's own wisdom and virtue had not heretofore, as well as more lately, guarded it's rights, that check, instead of defending, would have abridged them. The checks of a monarchy or an aristocracy have not general happiness for their ob|ject: For they both depend on great inequality in a community. They pursue the interests of a few by the misery of many.* 1.5

THERE may, we grant, be equality in the ex|treme. The spirit of liberty, consisting in every man's doing what is right in his own eyes, is the destruction of public happiness, and of society itself. Com|plaints may be indulged without reason. It is true, notwithstanding, that the body of a people much oftner acquiesce in wrong measures, and bear bur|thens which cannot righteously be laid upon them, than complain without reason.

BUT the dignity of government should be maintained.

True. They who watch for the public weal are entitled to esteem and an honorable support. Despisers of government are dangerous men in any state. There is, however, a difference be|tween good government and bad. Nor is the dig|nity of government to be maintained by relinquish|ing, on demand, immunities conferred on us by the GOD of nature and grace, recognized by the laws of society, and which we are commanded by the highest authority to stand fast in. The dignity of government depends not less on the wisdom and jus|tice of it's administration, than on the reverence and submission of the governed.

AMONG the various causes which have brought slavery on a free people, a lavish distribution of the public treasure hath not been the least. Hence ru|lers have risen to independence, and subverted the liberties they were appointed to defend. Instead of making the public burthens lighter, they have in|creased them. The body of mankind rise up early,

and sit up late, to toil for a scanty subsistence; while the greater part of their earnings is consumed on the pride and vanity, the sloth dissipation and luxury of a few. Behold the tears of the oppressed in various parts of the earth. They cry out of vi|olence and wrong without redress—Redress, did I say! Even a groan in their bondage is deemed in|solent, and not uttered but at the hazard of life. An opulent magistracy have proved the bane of the state, as an opulent clergy have of the church.

WHILE justice constrains me to say this, it equal|ly requires a caution against a spirit of impatience and insolence under the administration of rulers who seek the wealth of their people. Their vigilance, their unwearied attempts for their country, especially at a time when it's liberties are in imminent danger, demand the warmest acknowledgments and ready concurrence of the community. Gratitude and in|terest oblige a people to say, We will be with you; be of good courage, and do it. Government may lose the respect it claims by an ill judged parsimony. Hence the first places in it may be filled by men of low talents, or no fixed principles.

THE best security of any government is the love of it diffused through all ranks. In order to this lenity must be it's characteristic. Wide is the dif|ference between an eastern DESPOT, like a roaring lion and ranging bear over a poor people; and a ruler who is the FATHER of his subjects scattering the wicked with his eyes, in whose days the righteous flourish. When

the ear heareth him, it blesseth him; and when the eye seeth him, it gives witness to him. In conducting a state, as in a family, severity may procure a forced submission for a time; but, on the whole, renders authority weak and precarious. Hence many and rigorous penal laws are to be avoided. They de|stroy the distinction of crimes—eradicate the princi|ples of ingenuity and shame—beget a slavish spirit—and must end in anarchy or despotism. Multi|plying penal laws, like that of oaths, destroys the force of them. Lenity is peculiarly the character of the divine government. The supreme ruler of the world delighteth in mercy. Punishment is his strange work. Now the nearer any human go|vernment is conformed to this pattern, the more perfect.

WE go on to say, simplicity of manners condu|ces to build a state. Such a people are, for the most part, active, hardy and brave—jealous of their rights—united in their councils—fruitful in resour|ces—fixed in their purpose, unawed by the threats or ravages of tyrants: Yea, these rouse them to greater exploits.

THE principal riches of a state consist in the fruits of the field. Special attention is therefore due to the condition of the husbandman.

ADD to this, the encouragement of manufactures—for which there will be further occasion as the country shall populate; and which may be much

facilitated by inviting industrious and virtuous fo|reigners to settle among us.

FINALLY: A government which gives due en|couragement to schools and public worship hath every way the advantage of one that neglects them, in regard of civil order and happiness. This is easily seen from comparing them together. An early cul|ture in human knowledge, and instruction in reli|gion, are important objects—a like necessary to build up a people. The immediate civil advantages of them, regard to posterity, and to the SOVEREIGN of the universe, who dispenseth to communities in this world according to their character, enforce them upon us. The oath of GOD can no longer be the bond of society, than the public acknowledgment of him is upheld. It is given as part of the cha|racter of one of the best rulers, that he spake com|fortably to all the Levites that taught the good knowledge of the LORD. If the ministers of religion invade the province of the magistrate, or assume dominion over the faith of christians, or are needlesly involved in secular affairs, or lead a life of idleness, dissipation and sensuality, let them be despised. If the gospel hath an unfriendly aspect on civil society—or if any individual can be injured in his christian liberty by being required to uphold it in such public form as he shall chuse, then let the LORD'S-day, and the in|stitutions of religion be neglected. But if the con|trary is the obvious truth, a good magistrate will then take care of religion, that the state may be in health and prosper. Them that honor me, I

will honor; but they who despise me, shall be lightly esteemed.

STATES just emerging from oppression, are in danger of presuming on the smiles of heaven. This danger is intimated in the text: An enquiry from what quarters it ariseth, was the last thing proposed.

ABUSE of prosperity is incident to our lapsed na|ture. Special divine interpositions often meet with no other returns than unthankfulness, security, and self confidence. Should our deliverances be per|verted to the purposes of venality and worldly am|bition, infidelity, dissipation, licentiousness and in|ternal dissentions, this would indeed be to do evil in GOD'S sight. It would, more than the external vi|olence we have hitherto repelled, endanger our pri|vileges. With good reason might we fear, that our gracious GOD would repent of the good, which he has encouraged us to expect.† 1.6 There might be melan|choly occasion to apply to our confederacy, RE••|UNIUS AETATIS.

WHEN the enemy threatned to overwhelm us, we besieged the throne of grace. GOD'S right hand and holy arm hath gotten the victory. We have sung his praise. Shall we soon forget his works! He hath de|livered us, that we might serve him in holiness and righteousness all the days of our lives. Oh that there were such an heart in us!

LOVE of our country, love of liberty, are expres|sions much used by many who are most passionate lovers of their own selves. They have not failed to improve the opportunities of oppressing their neigh|bors and country, at a time when all orders have been called, in a peculiar manner, to cultivate that charity which seeketh not her own. Nothing more than liberty hath been used for a cloke of maliciousness. This hath prejudiced many against the cause of America. But for this our union might have been greater, and many embarrassments and misfortunes prevented. The spirit of liberty, under just regu|lation, is a most efficacious mean of building and planting a state—Liberty, used for a pretence, pulls it down with both hands.

AN honest zeal for the public liberties, not di|rected by sound wisdom, merits the opprobrium, which the enemies of the Jews maliciously cast on them: That which they build, if a fox go up, he shall even break down their stone wall.

THE experience of all ages shews, that a Kingdom divided cannot stand. Of what moment, then, is a spirit of love, and of a sound mind, that there be no schism in the body politic, but that the members have the same care one of another?

FURTHER: Nothing hath a darker aspect on ris|ing states than effeminate manners. They equally enervate the body and mind—banish all public spi|rit—soon make a sensible people ignorant of their

common interest and danger, and an active people indolent—diminish their resources—destroy the con|sistency and energy of their councils—and extin|guish the ardor which the invasion of their rights had kindled in them. Such manners invite an in|vasion from abroad; or expose them to the intrigue and usurpation of ambitious spirits among them|selves; under whose shadow, instead of enjoying the sweets of liberty, the fruit of their own vine, they are torn and devoured without a possibility of re|lief. Should any have spirit to remonstrate, fire comes out of the bramble and devours the cedars of Lebanon.

ON what rocks have other states split, when they appeared impregnable to foreign arms? What were the attendants on prosperity in the four great em|pires of the world? The prophetic character of the first. Thou that art given to pleasures, that dwellest care|lesly,* 1.7 was most strikingly exemplified on the day of her fall. To this event the following words refer: How is the OPPRESSOR ceased? the GOLDEN city ceased? How art thou cut down to the ground that didst weaken the nations?† 1.8 Another prophet describes the second as flowing in riches, which cherished pride and the lust of conquest—pushing westward, and northward, and southward.‡ 1.9 The inscription on her is, Arise, devour much flesh§ 1.10—words expressive of the savage spirit which worldly greatness begets. After sub|jecting the first mentioned empire, and extricating

the people of GOD from slavery, growing vain and insolent by success, and sinking into effeminacy, she was subdued by the third; or rather by her own vices. However, she avenged herself on the con|querors, by introducing corruption, bribery and lux|ury, which "sunk them from the passionate love of liberty, and made them run eagerly into servitude. Conquest and security dissolved the bonds of union which common danger hold them in. Fatal dissen|tions took place among men originally free, brought up together and natives of the same country, com|panions in the same dangers, and instruments in the accomplishment of the same exploits and victories, tearing in pieces the empire they had all concurred to form at the expence of their blood." The fourth is described by the prophet as exceeding strong, and treading down all the former kingdoms, and devour|ing the whole earth.* 1.11 The Romans were a people "formed to subdue and to govern the world." Their "system of jurisprudence is the noblest mo|nument of their wisdom." But their victories con|tributed to their decline and ruin. Ill boding wealth first introduced foreign manners. No crime, no act of wanton lust is now unknown; for Roman poverty is lost. Luxury, more merciless than arms, invaded Rome, and thus avenged the conquered world.‡ 1.12

AN elegant writer resembles such changes in rich and luxurious states to that in the fine country round VESUVIUS on an eruption of that fiery mountain. "While the inhabitants are sunk in voluptuousness, while all is smiling round them, and they think that no evil, no danger is nigh, the seeds of destruction are fermenting within; and breaking out on a sud|den, lay waste all their opulence, all their delights; till they are left a sad monument of divine wrath, and of the fatal effects of internal corruption."

VOLUPTUOUSNESS, pride, and contempt of religion and providence are the natural growth of opulence and military success. In these respects the sin of our enemies is written with a pen of iron, and with the print of a diamond. For these they are now threatned as in v. 7. of the context. MENE, TEKEL, if not writ|ten on the walls of the palace of GEORGE THE THIRD, at least seems legible on his councils.

PUBLIC crimes not only prevent the good, which providence may intend a community; but sooner or later meet signal vengeance. Because they regard not the work of the LORD, nor the operation of his hands, he shall destroy them, and not build them up. May we learn from the example of others, not from our own experience, the consequences of unamending wick|edness. We see our danger. If our caution is awakened, it may be a lengthening of our tranquillity.

FOR the age of this country we are, perhaps, as degenerate as any people—especially considering

the errand of our ancestors hither, and our privileges and deliverances. Profligate manners, during the present war, have run and been glorified. Is it not to be feared, that as we multiply, and extend our commerce, a vain magnificence, the lust of power, sensuality, and contempt of all principles of religion and virtue will be imported in as large cargoes as foreign commodities? Should this be the case, it would destroy the freedom for which we have en|dured many years severe conflict.

WE may image to ourselves the future glory of these rising states from the abundance of the sea flowing in to them—a rapid population—a vast wilderness turned into a fruitful field—a respectable navy—a well disciplined militia—the progress of science—and the establishment of an empire on such liberal and stable principles, that, humanly speaking, it may defy all foreign assaults.

BUT while one imagines this delightful scene rea|dy to open, a melancholy gloom comes over the mind. Methinks I see profusion and luxury com|ing in like a flood—corruption and bribery invading all ranks—public measures carried by influence—houses of worship forsaken, or frequented only by few—the public support of religion withheld, and it's ministers despised—the LORD'S day devoted to amusements—family devotion almost universally laid aside—revealed religion generally disbelieved—the present infamy wiped off from the vices of in|temperance and uncleanness—our children early

taught to set their mouths against the heavens—per|sonal revenge demanded for an inadvertant speech, or little indignity, and the demand gratified—laws against such crimes, but dormant, and therefore to all intents repealed.

WE may not on a sudden, but gradually, reach this pitch of degeneracy. Would to GOD there were no grounds for such apprehensions. Pardon, re|spectable hearers, the mention of them. These evils may be more easily prevented than eradicated. Could we persuade the rising generation to remem|ber our fears and struggle—Could we make posteri|ty feel the distresses we endure to establish freedom, virtue and religion—Could we speak to future times, and make them shun the vices which have ruined other states, after their escape from and triumph over, most dangerous enemies, it would be well. But should we, and those that come after us, learn the principles and manners which have destroyed kingdoms, what can we expect but to share the same fate? Will not the governor of the world visit for these things? How applicable is the following pas|sage, referring to the redemption of the Jews from Babylonish slavery?

After all that is come upon us for our evil deeds, and for our great trespasses, seeing that thou our GOD hast punished us less than our iniquities deserve, and hast given us such deliverance as this: Should we again break thy commandments?—wouldest thou not be angry with us till thou hadst consumed us, so that there should be no remnant nor escaping? O LORD GOD

of Israel, thou are righteous, for we remain yet escaped, as it is this day. Behold, we are before thee in our tresspasses.

* 1.13

WE are yet involved in a destructive, tho' neces|sary war. Had gratitude, justice, wisdom, or na|tural affection influenced our public enemy, the scene of blood would not have opened: Had they improv|ed by disappointments, it would have been closed. There was a time, since the commencement of hos|tilities, when a separation might have been prevent|ed. A separation is now determined, and cannot be revoked. Rage against temples and sacred things was thought an ill omen among the heathen: They esteemed clemency in conquerors a virtue. We could name an enemy, boasting of their humanity, and pro|fessing Christianity, whose ravages, whose merciless treatment of those in their power, would blot the page of pagan history. Tyrants make the world a wil|derness. Are they abased? The wilderness and solitary places are glad, and the desartrejoiceth, and blossometh as the rose.

THE events of the war need not be rehearsed. Hitherto the LORD hath helped us. We praise his goodness, manifest in conducting our civil and mi|litary councils; raising up so many patrons and guardians of our rights; and girding with strength and courage our armies and militia. The gentleman at the head of our forces is distinguished for "ad|dress in posting himself to advantage; presence of mind in unexpected emergencies; and intrepidity in the heat of action." The providence of GOD sig|nally

preserved and honored him at his first entrance on the stage of action. At the call of his country he hath sacrificed domestic quiet and affluence. To his wisdom, unskaken fortitude, and universal respect, it is greatly owing, under providence, that the ene|my, after four years exertions to pluck up, pull down, and destroy are themselves reduced to greater straits than in any foreign war. May a life of such impor|tance to America be still preserved. Having bro|ken the power of the oppressor, may he be further prevented with the blessings of goodness, and at length share in the reward of those who are more than conquerers.

THE time would fail me barely to mention other public characters entitled to the acknowledgment of their country. There is one, however, which I may not pass in silence—One who, like a skillfull pilot, has taken the helm, and conducted the ship safe in a tempestuous season—whose unremitting applicati|on to a variety of public business, without the least confusion, bespeak a great mind—whose vigor and dispatch, joined with the prudence and stability of years, adorn an exalted station—who is accepted of the multitude of his brethren, and deservedly held in highest estimation in neighbouring states. We account it among the instances of the signal favor of ALMIGHTY GOD to this state, that he hath given us such a governor in this trying day, and sustained him under the extraordinary cares of government, so that he hath labored, and hath not fainted.

WE doubt not, may it please your EXCELLENCY, but you have other testimony than the affections of your country. Your charity and service, and faith and patience enable you to make the appeal of an eminent lover of his nation, at the head of govern|ment in a day similar to the present, "Think upon me, my GOD, for good, according to all that I have done for this people." The Representatives of a grateful people will not forget your work and la|bor of love. But your highest motives, as were those of another chief magistrate of the Hebrews, are taken from the future recompence of fidelity in a public station: Having respect to this, you have chosen to suffer affliction with the people of GOD. We ardently wish your Excellency divine supports un|der the weight of public affairs which come upon you daily, and the continuance of the public esteem—that you may yet be honored as a principal pillar of this state, and an illustrious instrument in building up the United States. The sovereign disposer of events, who destroyeth the hope of man, hath sensibly touched you in lately removing, in the midst of his days, a son deservedly dear to you.† 1.14 Under this grievous dispensation, and in life's decline, may the prospects of the Christian faith be your support.

I BEG further indulgence, while your Excellency is included in an humble address to the LEGISLATURE now convened in the house of GOD.

YOU are not insensible, FATHERS, (for as such,

GOD be thanked, the rulers of this state of Connecti|cut may fitly be addressed) - You are not insensible what will assuredly build up a commonwealth, and what pull down and destroy it. Nor need I say, that to advance the one and prevent the other depends much on legislators. Suffer me to remind you, that the wisdom from above crowneth all other talents, and applies them to the public good. Possessed of the fear of GOD, in all the afflictions of your people you will be afflicted—will not sacrifice their liberties thro' pusillanimity, or from any secular prospects. The interests of virtue and religion, guarded and advanc|ed by your example and authority, will exalt this community—But "the importance and salutary in|fluence of religion in civil rulers" were well describ|ed and enforced by my reverend brother the last year.* 1.15

As Christian magistrates, you will emulate that public spirit, that spirit of liberty, which the exam|ple and maxims of the author of our religion in|spire.

YOUR EXCELLENCY and HONORS will indulge me, at a juncture so interesting, in the most explicit re|commendation of several things belonging to our peace.

IN these times of convulsion authority hath lost much of that respect which is due to it. This may

be accounted for without the supposition of weakness or unfaithfulness in the rulers, or turbulence in the people. Experience must inform the statesman what public measures are salutary. In America's present contest measures heretofore untried were called for: Many which have been gone into, have had happy effects: Some upon trial have been found unadapted; or their novelty hath prevented their being carried into execution. These reasons have rendered a repeal of several acts of the legislature ne|cessary. Frequent instances of this kind tend to les|sen a regard to authority. Men must be gradually prepared to receive salutary laws. In politicks, as in religion, many things are beneficial, which they cannot bear at present.

Some disorders may gain so great an ascendant in a state, that to at|tempt a reformation of them at such a time, would only discover the weakness of the magistrates and laws; as there are diseases in which medicines would only hasten death.

There was never a sounder maxim than that lately advanced by a wor|thy prelate. The art of government consists in not go|verning too much. Few laws, dictated by wisdom, drawn up with simplicity, and faithfully executed, best support the dignity of government. Your en|deavors to restore authority from it's present relaxa|tion will meet the concurrence of all reasonable men—all well wishers to their country. The miseries of anarchy would exceed those we have withstood at an amazing hazard. Our enemies flatter them|selves, that internal divisions and confusion will soon destroy our independence. We wish they may be

disappointed—that as general distress hath united states very different in their constitution and man|ners, they may, when the common danger shall be removed, guard against so fatal an evil as licentious|ness.* 1.16

IT is of much importance, that those who are in commission for the peace, with whom it lies to sup|port the laws and order thro' the state, be men of known abilities, firmness and prudence; otherwise they will weaken government still more. We trust that in these appointments our civil fathers will have regard to the best gifts. And yet there is a more excellent way, the application of men's talents being of more consequence than the lustre of them.

IF any efficacious measures for the free course of commutative justice can be devised, it will be hap|py. An unfixed medium insensibly corrupts the public morals, and disseminates most threatning jea|lousies, alienations and animosities. We doubt not but this matter will have its due weight with the legislature.

THE public support of schools, houses of wor|ship,

and a learned ministry, hath hitherto, under providence, preserved tranquillity and order, respect for rulers, obedience to their laws, and promoted virtuous manners. The same means are still neces|sary to the same ends.

A DOOR is opening for the improvement and en|largement of education. Various circumstances, arising from new connections and the state of popu|lation in the country, particularly call your attention to this object—an object which grows in impor|tance every day. Foreign manners will gain ad|mission, if the most prudent and faithful care is not taken: Should they be admitted, our glory and de|fence would depart from us. One way of prevent|ing them, is, to put the education of youth upon the best plan. "Learning," says a great civilian,* 1.17 "proves dangerous in dspotic states; emulation fatal. But in a republican government the whole force of education is required."‡ 1.18

THE British nation though supposed free, have really lost their independence, the fountain of pub|lic liberty being corrupted. Hence a timely vigi|lance against all corrupt influence in the choice of

the legislative body from being once introduced among us, will be of essential service to the state: It will prevent the reins of government from ever falling into the hands of weak or designing men. You cannot have too jealous an eye on tyranny un|der every form; nor can your zeal be better em|ployed than against the means of it, bribery and cor|ruption. It helps to secure public liberty, when no one man is allowed to hold many public offices, and these offices are not lucrative.

MAY I not add, the security of a state, and re|gard to that Being who builds and destroys king|doms, require, that such as pay no acknowledg|ments to him, perhaps question his existence, be ne|glected in the distribution of public trusts? Shall the oath of GOD be offered them? Can it have any binding force? And if their oath is no tie, do they not dissolve the bond of society?

SHOULD corruption, voluptuousness and tyranny get the ascendant among us, notwithstanding all we have suffered, the most signal interpositions of hea|ven for our deliverance, and our advantages to mo|del a confederate republic on stable principles of freedom and justice, how should we merit the wrath of the Almighty!* 1.19 Detested be the thought of sup|porting

a few individuals in magnificence and dis|sipation on the spoils of an industrious people. Is there no ground to apprehend, that opulence and the lust of dominion may be introduced, and at length destroy the happy equality we enjoy at present? Survey the past history of human nature. Is it es|sentially changed? OBSTA PRINCIPIIS is an excellent political maxim applied to the evil we speak of. We may date the loss of liberty from the time we lose our equality. Bribery, corruption and tyran|ny prevail wherever luxury doth, and nearly in the same proportion. It may be worthy your consider|ation, whether sumptuary laws may not be one mean of preserving the virtue of the state. Whether such laws can or cannot effectually prevent luxury the example of legislators themselves may go far to do it. Their simplicity of manners will be followed. Frugality should be reputable in a christian com|monwealth. For our LORD hath taught us to gather up the fragments, that nothing be lost.

I WOULD not before such an auditory suggest any thing that might imply want of respect, that would argue distrust▪ or might seem forward or assuming. I am persuaded there is not a legislature on earth en|titled

to fuller confidence than that I have the ho|nor to address. I speak with the greater freedom, revered fathers, assured that from inclination and principle you will not be wanting in precaution against whatever might encourage avarice, danger|ous ambition, or a vain luxurious taste.

THE powers of government are lodged with you, GENTLEMEN, in a time of such public embarrassment as calls for rulers of tried abilities, firm attachment to the public liberties, and an uncommon degree of probity and magnanimity. This people are not in|sensible of the solicitude that must attend your deli|berations—the difficulties which will call forth all your talents and patience. The measures of this as|sembly, of the present session, may be of the utmost consequence to remote posterity. Out of the house of the LORD we wish you understanding of the times, and the special presence of HIM who standeth in the congregation of the mighty. Allow me to accommodate, with some variation, the words of a pious ruler: These states are young and tender, and the empire to be builded exceeding magnifical, of fame and of glory throughout all countries. May he who increaseth the nations, and destroyeth them, establish the work of our hands.

THAT I be not further tedious, the address shall be closed with wishing you, HONORED FATHERS, the affectionate and dutiful regards of this commu|nity—a sense of divine approbation—the remem|brance of posterity as the restorers of the public li|berty

—and the plaudit of the great day, Well done, good and faithful servants.

CHRISTIAN pastors, with the concurrence of the legislature, may be greatly instrumental in forming the principles and manners of their country. Would they build it up, they will not desire affluence or se|cular power. Their ambition will be to display that meekness, contentment, moderation and abstracted|ness from the world; that concern for the highest interests of their fellow-men, which so engagingly recommend the example of their LORD. They will serve their country by inculcating a public spirit and principles of liberty—protesting equally against civil and spiritual tyranny—recommending sobriety and frugality, obedience to magistrates, and a peace|able life in all godliness and honesty—and by bear|ing testimony against profusion, dissipation and li|centiousness. They will doubtless have occasion to unite against the avowed enemies of the christian religion. For the prevalence of dissolute manners naturally leads to infidelity in principle. Men love darkness rather than light, because their deeds are evil. It will, perhaps, be the best method with such men, as they assert christianity to be a forgery, to call upon them to shew when the forgery was introduc|ed—by whom—and by what means it gained ground.

SAGACITY, activity, patience, with attachment to her interests, distinguish the emissaries of ROME. Shall the children of this world be wiser than the children of light? It must also be observed, that sloth, luxury

and effeminacy are connected with boundless ambi|tion, pride, avarice and the intolerant spirit of per|secution in the Romish clergy. Their character and doom we collect from our SAVIOUR.

If that ser|vant say in his heart, my LORD delayeth his com|ing, and shall begin to beat the men-servants, and maidens, and to eat and drink, and be drunk|en: The LORD of that servant will come in a day when he looketh not for him, and at an hour when he is not ware, and will cut him in sun|der, and will appoint him his portion with the unbelievers.

To this profligate and detestable character stands opposed that of a laborious, faith|ful and exemplary clergy—a character estimable in the eye of the great LORD of the houshold, which will inspire with confidence at his appearing. This also is described in the same place.

Who then is that faithful and wise steward, whom his LORD shall make ruler over his houshold, to give them their portion of meat in due season? Blessed is that servant, whom his LORD when he cometh, shall find so doing.

‡ 1.20

A RECOMMENDATION to other orders of this com|munity, to co-operate with their rulers and teachers in building it up, will conclude a discourse, already too long for the strength of the speaker—he fears also for the patience of the hearers.

MORE depends on the virtue of the state taken

collectively, than on that of any individuals, how important soever their station. The best public characters cannot build up, or save from ruin, a peo|ple resolved to do evil in GOD's sight.* 1.21 They can|not make a secure people vigilant, a pusillanimous people brave, or a vicious people happy. All ranks must do their part to prevent public ruin, and build up the commonwealth, by hearkening unto GOD. Enforce then, in your respective stations, the laws against impiety and immorality, and the counsels from the pulpit on the same subjects. Reverence the truths and institutions of religion. Be frugal, industrious and temperate, shunning "every species of extravagance and dissipation, all expensive diver|sions and entertainments," as was resolved and re|commended by the illustrious patriots who laid the foundation of our confederacy.† 1.22 If persons of fi|gure, fortune and influence would join in this lau|dable resolution, they would merit much of their country. America's daughters would honor them|selves by encouraging simplicity, oeconomy and indus|try, promoting the manufactures of the country, and guarding against foreign fashions and amusements.

WHAT is done and suffered, by persons in a pri|vate station, for those that live near them, or even for their immediate dependents, is ultimately done and suffered for the community, and may, through various connections, be followed with lasting effects of the highest public utility. May such be just and

charitable, abide in their calling, and be faithful in Israel. Chearfully support good government. Keep a wakeful eye on your rights. Oppose tyranny in church or state with equal zeal and firmness: Withstand it in it's beginnings. Pray for the peace of Jerusalem. They shall prosper that seek her good.

IN whatever station we are any of us called to act for our country, let us promote her welfare to the extent of our ability. While we feel her wrongs, let us bewail her crimes, and every one repent him of his wickedness. On the whole, may the prospects of futurity swallow up every other concern.

IT is a sublime description of the felicity of Israel, (referring to their quiet settlement in Palestine) which Moses has given: May it in some good mea|sure be verified in our beloved country.* 1.23 There is none like unto the GOD of Jesurun, who rideth upon the heavens in thy help, and in his excellency on the sky. The eternal GOD is thy refuge. And he shall thrust out the enemy from before thee, and shall say, Destroy them. Israel shall then dwell in safety alone: The fountain of Jacob shall be upon a land of corn and wine; also his heavens shall drop down dew. Happy art thou, O Is|rael! Who is like unto thee, O people saved by the LORD, the shield of thy help, and who is the sword of thy excellency! and thine enemies shall be found lyars unto thee, and thou shalt tread upon their high places.

AMEN.

Notes

• † 1.1

  2. TIM. ii. 20. DRUT. xxviii. 13.
• † 1.2

  Spirit of Laws, Vol. I. p. 159, 160.
• * 1.3

  "Ambition joined to idleness, and baseness to pride, a de|sire of obtaining riches without labor, and an aversion to truth, flattery▪ treason perfidy, violation of engagements, contempt of civil duties, fear of the prince's virtue hope from his weakness▪ but above all a perpetual ridicule cast upon virtue▪ are the cha|racteristicks by which most courtiers in all ages and countries have been consta••tly distinguished. If their should chance to be some unlucky honest man among the people, Cardinal Richlieu hints▪ that a prince should not employ him." SPIRIT of LAWS. Vol. 1. p. 29. 30.
• † 1.4

  COMMENTARIES, Vol. I, p. 51, 52: 336.
• * 1.5

  Perhaps no amendment can be proposed in the present civil polity of Connecticut but what would be attended with greater ••isque than prospect of advantage. Alterations of the constituti|on, or ancient usages are always hazardous; nor should ever be attempted unless important in themselves—unless also the pros|pect of success will justify the hazard. Their tendency is to unsettle men's minds, and dissolve government—especially if they are frequent.
• † 1.6

  DEUT. viii. 10, 11. 19, 20.
• * 1.7

  ISAI xlvii. 8.
• † 1.8

  CHAP. xiv. 4; 12.
• ‡ 1.9

  DAN. xi. 2. viii. 4.
• § 1.10

  CHAP. vii. 5.
• * 1.11

  DAN. ii. 40. and vii. 7. 23.
• ‡ 1.12

  Prima peragrinos obscoena pecunia mores Intulit. Nullum crimen abe•••• facinusque libidinis, ex quo Paupertas Romana perit.

  Soevior armis

  Luxuria incubuit, victumque ulciscitur orbem.

  JUVEN. l. 2. Satyr. 6.
• * 1.13

  EZRA ix. 13,▪15.
• † 1.14

  Col. JOSEPH TRUMBULL; who died August 23, 1778, act. 42.
• * 1.15

  The Reverend Mr. WHITTELSEY.
• * 1.16

  A good magistrate will not "flatter people in their follies, nor comply with their passions against their true interests and his own judgment. By a wise moderation he will raise their spirits when they are too low, and shew them their danger when they grow too presumptuous. Not satisfied with governing wisely for his own time, he leaves the government in such a state, that no others shall have the power of abusing their trust, and hurting the re|public."
• * 1.17

  MONTESQUIEU.
• ‡ 1.18

  Bad books, like bad company, corrupt good morals. Publi|cations replete with levity, irreligion and obscenity have for ma|ny years had a general circulation in Europe. The authors of them must be ranked among the worst enemies of society. A taste for such publications begins to prevail among the American youth, foreboding the entire loss of principles and manners unless sea|sonably checked.
• * 1.19

  An European confederacy, after many years bloody struggle against monarchical tyranny, were brought under an aristocratic of their own establishing; by which they are at present governed. "This stomachful people, who could not endure the least exer|cise of arbitrary power or impositions, or the fight of any foreign troops under the Spanish government, have been since inured to them all, in the highest degree, under their own popular magis|trates; bridled with hard laws; terrified with severe executions; environed w•••••• foreign forces: and oppressed with the most cruel hardships and variety of taxes, that was ever known under any government." SIR WILLIAM TEMPLE'S history of the united provinces, p. ••55, duodecimo.
• ‡ 1.20

  LUKE xii. 42,—46.
• * 1.21

  EZEK. xiv. 13,—21.
• † 1.22

  Extracts from the votes and proceedings of Congress, A.D.1774.
• * 1.23

  DEUT. xxxiii. 26,—29.