The origin of the American contest with Great-Britain, or The present political state of the Massachusetts-Bay, in general, and the town of Boston in particular. Exhibiting the rise and progress of the disordered state of that country, in a series of weekly essays, published at Boston, under the signature of Massachusettensis, a native of New-England.

THE PRESENT POLITICAL STATE, OF THE PROVINCE OF MASSACHUSETTS-BAY, &c.

WHEN a people, by what means soever, are reduced to such a situation, that every thing they hold dear, as men and citizens, is at stake, it is not only ex|cusable, but even praiseworthy for an individual to offer to the public any thing that he may think has a tendency to ward off the impending dan|ger, nor should he be restrained, from an ap|prehension that what he may offer will be unpo|pular, any more than a physician should be re|strained from prescribing a salutary medicine through fear it might be unpalatable to his patient.

The press, when open to all parties, influ|enced by none, is a salutary engine in a free state, perhaps a necessary one to preserve the fre|dom of that state; but, when a party has gained the ascendency so far as to become the licensers of the press, either by an act of government, or by playing off the resentment of the populace, against printers and authors, the press itself be|comes an engine of oppression and licentiousness, and is as pernicious to society, as otherwise it would be beneficial. It is too true to be denied that since our controversy with Great-Britain, the press in this town has been much devoted to the partizans of liberty, they have been indulged in publishing what they pleased, fas vel nefas, while little has been published on the part of go|vernment, the effect this must have had upon the minds of the people in general is obvious; they must have formed their opinion upon a par|tial view of the subject, and of course it must have been in some degree erroneous; in short the changes have been rung so often upon oppression, tyranny and slavery, that whether sleeping or waking, they are continually vibrating in our ears, and it is now high time to ask ourselves whether we have not been deluded by sound only.

My dear countrymen, let us divest ourselves of prejudice, take a view of our present wretch|ed situation, contrast it with our former happy one, carefully investigate the cause, and indus|triously seek some means to escape the evils we now feel, and prevent those that we have reason to expect.

We have been so long advancing to our pre|sent

state, and by such gradations, that perhaps many of us are insensible of our true state and real danger. Should you be told that acts of high treason are flagrant through the country, that a great part of the province is in actual re|bellion, would you believe it true? Should you not deem the person asserting of it an enemy to the province? Nay should you not spurn him from you with indignation? Be calm, my friends, it is necessary to know the worst of a disease, to enable us to provide an effectual remedy. Are not the bonds of society cut asunder, and the sanctions, that hold man to man trampled upon? Can any of us recover a debt, or obtain compen|sation for an injury, by law? Are not many persons who once we respected and revered, forc|ed to fly from their homes and families, to the army for protection, for no other reason but their having accepted commissions under our King? Is not civil government dissolved? Some have been made to believe that nothing short of attempting the life of the King, or fighting his troops can amount to high treason, or rebellion. If, reader, you are one of those, apply to an ho|nest lawyer▪ (if such a one can be found) and en|quire what kind of offence it is for a number of men to assemble armed, and forceably obstruct the courts of justice, even to prevent the King's courts from being held at the stated terms; for a body of people to seize upon the King's pro|vincial revenue: I mean the monies collected by virtue of grants made by the General Court, to his Majesty, for the support of his government with|in this province; for a body of men to assemble without being called by authority, and to pass

governmental acts, or for a number of people to take the militia out of the hands of the King's Representative, or to form a new militia, or to raise men and appoint officers, for a public pur|pose, without the order or permission of the King, or his representative; or for a number of men to take to their arms, and march, with a professed design of opposing the King's troops; ask, reader, of such a lawyer what is the crime, and what the punishment, and if per chance thou art one that hast been active in those things, and art not insensibility itself; his answer will harrow up thy soul.

I assure you, my friends, I would not that this conduct should be told beyond the borders of this province, I wish it were consigned to perpetual oblivion: but alas, it is too notorious so to be concealed, our news-papers have already published it to the world, we can neither pre|vent nor conceal it, the shaft is already sped, and the utmost exertion is necessary to prevent the blow. We already feel the effects of anar|chy, mutual confidence, affection and tranquilli|ty, those sweetners of human life, are succeeded by distrust, hatred and wild uproar; the useful arts of agriculture and commerce are neglected for caballing, mobbing this or the other man, because he acts, speaks, or is suspected of think|ing different from the prevailing sentiment of the times, in purchasing arms, and forming a militia. O height of madness! with a professed design of opposing Great-Britain.—I suspect ma|ny of us have been induced to join in the mea|sures, or but faintly to oppose them, from an ap|prehension that Great-Britain would not, or could

not exert herself sufficiently to subdue America. Let us consider this matter. However close we may hug ourselves in the opinion that the par|liament has no right to tax or legislate for us, the people of England hold the contrary opinion as firmly; they tell us we are a part of the British empire, that every state, from the nature of go|vernment, must have a supreme uncontroulable power, co-existent with the empire itself, and that that power is vested in parliament; it is as unpopular to deny this doctrine in Great-Britain as it is to assert it in the colonies, so there is but little probability of serving ourselves at this day by our ingenious distinctions between external and internal taxes, between a right of legislation for one purpose and not for another. We have bid them defiance, and the longest sword must carry it, unless we change our measures. Man|kind are the same in all parts of the world, the same fondness for dominion that presides in the breast of an American, rules in the breast of an European. If the colonies are not a part of the British empire already, and subject to the su|preme authority of the state, Great-Britain will make them so. Had we been prudent enough to confine our opposition within certain limits, we might have stood some chance of succeeding once more, but alas, we have passed the Rubi|con. It is now universally said and believed in England, that if this opportunity of reclaiming the colonies, and reducing them to a sense of their duty, is lost, they, in truth, will be dis|membered from the empire, and become as dis|tinct a state from Great-Britain as Hanover; that is, although they may continue their alle|giance

to the person of the King, they will own none to the imperial crown of Great-Britain, nor yield obedience to any of her laws, but such as they shall think proper to adopt. Can you in|dulge the thought for one moment, that Great- Britain will consent to this? For what has she protected and defended the colonies against the maritime powers of Europe, from the first Brit|ish settlement to this day? For what did she pur|chase New-York of the Dutch? For what was she so lavish of her best blood and treasure in the conquest of Canada, and other territories in Ame|rica? Was it to raise up a rival state, or to en|large her own empire? Or if the consideration of an empire was out of the question, what se|curity can she have of our trade, when once she has lost our obedience? I mention these things, my friends, that you may know how people rea|son upon the subject in England, and to con|vince you that you are much deceived if you ima|gine Great-Britain will accede to the claims of the colonies; she will as soon conquer New- England, as Ireland or Canada, if either of them revolted, and by arms, if the milder influences of government prove ineffectual? Perhaps you are as fatally mistaken in another respect, I mean as to the power of Great-Britain to conquer, but can any of you that think soberly upon the mat|ter, be so deluded as to believe that Great-Bri|tain, who so lately carried her arms with success to every part of the globe, triumphed over the united powers of France and Spain, and whose fleets gave law to the ocean, is unable to con|quer us?

Should the colonies unite in a war against

Great-Britain (which by the way is not a sup|poseable case) the colonies south of Pennsylvania would be unable to furnish any men; they have not more than is necessary to govern their nume|rous slaves, and defend themselves against the Indians. I will suppose that the northern colo|nies can furnish as many, and indeed more men than can be used to advantage, but have you arms fit for a campaign? If you have arms, have you military stores, or can you procure them? When this war is proclaimed, all supplies from foreign parts will be cut off. Have you money to maintain the war? Or had you all those things, some others are still wanting, which are absolutely necessary to encounter regular troops, that is discipline, and that subordination where|by each can command all below him, from a ge|neral officer to the lowest subaltern, these you neither have nor can have in such a war. It is well known that the provincials in the late war were never brought to a proper discipline, though they had the example of the regular troops to encourage, and the martial law to en|force it. We all know, notwithstanding the province law for regulating the militia, it was under little more command than what the offi|cers could obtain from treating and humouring the common soldiers; what then can be expect|ed from such an army as you will bring into the field, if you bring any, each one a politician, puffed up with his own opinion, and feeling him|self second to none? Can any of you command forty-thousand such men? Can you punish the disobedient? Can all your wisdom direct their strength, courage, or activity to any given point?

Would not the least disappointment, or unfa|vourable aspect cause a general dereliction of the service? Your new-fangled militia have already given us a specimen of their future conduct, in some of their companies; they have already cho|sen two, in others three setts of officers, and are as dissatisfied with the last choice as the first. I do not doubt the natural bravery of my coun|trymen, all men would act the same part in the same situation; such is the army with which you are to oppose the most powerful nation upon the globe.

An experienced officer would rather take his chance with five thousand British troops, than with fifty-thousand such militia. I have hither|to confined my observations to the war within the interior parts of the colonies, let us now turn our eyes to our extensive sea coasts; and that we find wholly at the mercy of Great-Britain; our trade, fishery, navigation and maritime towns taken from us the very day that war is pro|claimed, inconceivably shocking the scene; if we turn our views to the wilderness, our back settlements a prey to our ancient enemy, the Ca|nadians, whose wounds received from us, in the late war, will bleed afresh at the prospect of re|venge, and to the numerous tribes of savages, whose tender mercies are cruelties; thus with the British navy in the front, Canadians and savages in the rear, a regular army in the midst, we must be certain that whenever the sword of civil war is unsheathed, desolation will pass through our land like a whirlwind, our houses be burnt to ashes, our fair possessions laid waste, and he that

〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the sword will be happy in escaping a more ignominious death.

I have hitherto gone upon a supposition, that all the colonies from Nova-Scotia, to Georgia, would unite in the war against Great-Britain; but I believe, if we consider cooly upon the matter, we shall find no reason to expect any assistance out of New-England; if so, there will be no arm stretched out to save us, New-England, or perhaps this self-devoted province will fall alone the unpitied victim of its own folly, and furnish the world with one more instance of the fatal consequences of rebellion.

I have, as yet, said nothing of the different sen|timents among ourselves; upon a superficial view we might imagine that this province was nearly unanimous, but the case is far different; a very considerable part of the men of property in this province, are at this day firmly attached to the cause of government; bodies of men com|pelling persons to disavow their sentiments, to resign commissions, or to subscribe leagues and covenants, has wrought no change in their sen|timents, it has only attached them more closely to government, and caused them to wish more servently, and to pray more devoutly for its re|storation; these, and thousands beside, if they fight at all, will fight under the banner of loyalty.

I can assure you that associations are now form|ing in several parts of this province, for the support of his Majesty's government and mutual defence; and let me tell you whenever the royal standard shall be set up, there will be such a flocking to it, as will astonish the most obdurate. And now, in God's name, what is it that has brought us

to this brink of destruction? Has not the go|vernment of Great-Britain been as mild and equi|table in the colonies, as in any part of her exten|sive dominions? Has not she been a nursing mother to us from the day of our infancy to this time? has she not been indulged almost to a fault? Might not each of us at this day have sat quietly under his own vine and fig-tree, and there have been none to make us afraid, were it not for our own folly? Will not posterity be amazed when they are told that the present dis|traction took its rise from the parliament's taking off a shilling duty on a pound of tea, and im|posing three pence, and call it a more unaccount|able phrenzy, and more disgraceful to the an|nals of America, than that of the witchcraft? I will attempt in the next paper to re-trace the steps, and mark the progressions that led us to this state.

I promise to do it with fidelity, and if any thing should look like reflecting on individuals, or bodies of men, it must be set down to my im|partiality, and not to a desire of censuring.

I have endeavoured, last week, to convince you of your real danger, not to render you des|perate, but to induce you to seek immediately some effectual remedy. Our case is not yet re|mediless, as we have to deal with a nation not less generous and humane, than powerful and brave, just indeed; but not vindictive.

I shall, in this and successive papers, trace this yet growing distemper, through its several stages, from its first rise to the present hour, point out the causes, mark the effects, shew the madness

of persevering in our present line of conduct, and recommend what, I have been long con|vinced, is our only remedy. I confess myself to be one of those that think our present calamity is in a great measure to be attributed to the bad policy of a popular party in this province, and that their measures, for several years past, what|ever may have been their intention, have been diametrically opposite to their prosession, the public good; and cannot, at present, but com|pare their leaders to a guide that having led a benighted traveller, through many mazes and windings, in a thick wood, finds himself at length on the brink of a horrid precipice, and to save himself seizes fast hold of his follower, to the utmost hazard of plunging both head-long down the steep, and being dashed in pieces to|gether, in the rocks below.

In ordinary cases we may talk in the measured language of a courtier; but when such a weight of vengeance is suspended, over our heads by a single thread, and threatens every moment to crush us to atoms, delicacy itself would be ill-t••••ed; I will declare the plain truth wherever I find it, and claim as a right to canvass popu|lar measures, and expose their errors, and perni|cious tendency as freely, as governmental mea|sures are canvassed, so long as I confine myself within the limits of the law.

At the conclusion of the late war, Great-Bri|tain found, that though she had humbled her enemies, and greatly enlarged her own empire, that the national debt amounted to no less than one hundred and fifty millions, and that the an|nual expence of keeping her extended dominions

in a state of defence, which good policy dictates no less in a time of peace than war, was increased in proportion to the new acquisitions. Heavy taxes and duties were already laid, not only upon the luxuries and conveniencies, but even the ne|cessaries of life in Great-Britain and Ireland. She knew that her colonies were as much benefited by the conquest, in the late war, as any part of the empire; and indeed more so, as their con|tinental foes were subdued, and they might now extend their settlements, not only to Canada, but even to the western ocean. The greatest open|ing was given to agriculture, the natural liveli|hood of the country, that ever was known in the history of the world, and their trade pro|tected by the British navy. The revenue to the crown, from America, amounts to but little more than the charges of collecting it. She thought it as reasonable that the colonies should bear a part of the national burden, as that they should share in the national benefit. For this, purpose the stamp-act was passed. The colonies soon found that the duties imposed by the stamp-act would be grievous, and as they were laid upon custom-house paper, law proceedings, convey|ancing, and indeed extended to all their internal trade and dealings. It was generally believed through the colonies, that this was a tax not on|ly exceeding our proportion, but beyond our ut|most ability to pay. This idea united the colo|nies generally in opposing it. At first we did not dream of denying the authority of parliament to tax us, much less to legislate for us. We knew that by our first charter, our exclusive right of taxation was to continue but twenty

years. We had always considered ourselves as a part of the British empire, and the parliament as the supreme legislature of the whole. Acts of parliament for regulating internal policy were fa|miliar. We had paid postage agreeable to act of parliament, for establishing a post-office, du|ties imposed for regulating trade, and even for raising a revenue to the crown, without question|ing the right, though we closely adverted to the rate, or quantum. We know that in all those acts of government, the good of the whole had been consulted, and whenever through want of information, any thing grievous had been or|dained, we were sure of obtaining redress by a proper representation of it. We were happy in our subordination; but in an evil hour, under the influence of some malignant planet, the de|sign was formed of opposing the stamp-act, by a denial of the right of parliament to make it.

The love of empire is so predominant in the human breast, that we rarely find an individual content with relinquishing a power that he is able to retain, over a body of men. Some few months after it was known that the stamp-act was passed, some resolves of the House of Bur|gesses in Virginia, denying the right of parlia|ment to tax the colonies, made their appearance. We read them with wonder—they savoured of independence, they flattered the human passions —the reasoning was specious—we wished it con|clusive. The transition, to believing it so, was easy—and we, and almost all America, followed their example, in resolving that the parliament had no such right. It now became unpopular to suggest the contrary; his life would be in danger

that asserted it. The news-papers were open to but one side of the question, and the inflamma|tory pieces that issued weekly from the press, worked the populace to a fit temper to commit the outrage that ensued. A non-importation was agreed upon, which alarmed the merchants and manufacturers in England. It was novel, and the people in England then supposed that the love of liberty was so powerful in an American merchant, as to stifle his love of gain, and that the agreement would be religiously adhered to. It has been said, that several thousands were ex|pended in England, to foment the disturbances there. However that may be, opposition to the ministry was then gaining ground, from circum|stances foreign to this. The ministry was chang|ed, and the stamp-act repealed. The repealing statute passed with difficulty however through the House of Lords, forty at least protested against giving way to such an opposition, and foretold what has since literally come to pass in consequence of it. When the statute was made, imposing duties upon glass, paper, India teas, &c. imported into the colonies, it was said, that this was another instance of taxation, for some of the dutied comodities were necessaries, we had them not within ourselves, were prohibited from im|porting them from any place, except Great-Bri|tain, and consequently were obliged to pay the duties. Accordingly news-paper publications, pamphlets, resolves, non-importation agreements, and the whole system of American opposition was again put in motion. We obtained a partial repeal of this statute, which took off the duties from all the articles except teas. This was the

lucky moment to have closed the dispute. We might have made a safe and honourable retreat. We had gained much, perhaps more than we expected. If the parliament had passed an act declarative of their right to tax us, our assemb|lies had resolved, ten times, that they had no such right. We could not complain of the three penny duty on tea, as burdensome, for a shil|ling which had been laid upon it, for the pur|pose of regulating the trade, and therefore was allowed to be constitutional, was taken off; so that we were in fact gainers, nine pence in a pound, by the new regulation. If the appro|priation of the revenue, arising, from this statute, was disrelished, it was only our striking off one article of luxury from our manner of living, an article too, which, if we may believe the resolves of most of the towns in this province, or rely on its collected wisdom in a resolve of the House of Representatives, was to the last degree ruinous to health. It was futile to urge its being a pre|cedent, as a reason for keeping up the ball of contention; for, allowing the supreme legislature ever to want a precedent, they had many for laying duties on commodities imported into the colonies; one of which I will mention, the sta|tute commonly called the molasses act, by which a duty is laid upon molasses imported into these colonies, and the purpose of raising a revenue, is expressly mentioned: And besides, we had great reason to believe that the remaining part of the statute would be repealed, as soon as the parlia|ment should suppose it could be done with ho|nour to themselves, as the incidental revenue arising from the former regulation, was three-fold

to the revenue arising from the latter. A claim of the right, could work no injury, so long as there was no grievous exercise of it, especially as we had protested against it, through the whole, and could not be said to have departed from our claims in the least. We might now upon good terms have dropped the dispute, and been happy in the affections of our mother country; but that is yet to come. Party is inseparable from a free state. The several distributions of power as they are limited by, so they create perpetual dis|sentions between each other, about their respec|tive boundaries; but the greatest source is the competition of individuals for preferment in the state. Popularity is the ladder by which the partizans usually climb. Accordingly the strugg|le is, who shall have the greatest share of it. Each party professes disinterested patriotism, though some cynical writers have ventured to as|sert, that self-love is the ruling passion of the whole. There were two parties in this province of pretty long standing, known by the names of Whig and Tory, which at this time were not a little imbittered against each other. Men of abi|lities and acknowledged probity were on both sides. It is not for me to determine which was the real, and which the false patriot. If the Tories were suspected of pursuing their private interest through the medium of court favour, there was equal reason to suspect the Whigs of pursuing their private interest by means of po|pularity. Indeed some of them owed all their importance to it, and must in a little time have sunk into obscurity, had these turbulent com|motions then subsided.

The Tories and Whigs took different routs, as usual. The Tories were for closing the con|troversy with Great-Britain, the Whigs for con|tinuing it; the Tories were for restoring govern|ment in the province, which had become greatly relaxed by these convulsions, to its former tone; the Whigs were averse to it; they even refused to revive a temporary riot act, which expired about this time. Perhaps they thought that mobs were a necessary ingredient in their system of opposition: However, the Whigs had great advantages in the unequal combat, that scheme flattered the people with the idea of indepen|dence; the Tories plan supposed a degree of subordination, which is rather an humiliating idea; besides, there is a propensity in men to believe themselves injured and oppressed when|ever they are told so: the ferment raised in their minds, in the time of the stamp-act, was not yet allayed, and the leaders of the Whigs had gained the confidence of the people by their success in their former struggles, so that they had nothing to do but to keep up the spirit among the peop|le, and they were sure of commanding this pro|vince. It required some pains to prevent their minds settling into that calm which is ordinarily the effect of a mild government: the Whigs were sensible that there was no oppression that could be either seen or felt; if any thing was in reality amiss in government; it was its being too lax. So far was it from the innocent being in danger of suffering, that the most attrocious offender es|caped with impunity. They accordingly applied themselves to work upon the imagination, and to inflame the passions: for this work they pos|sessed

great talents; I will do justice to their in|genuity; they were intimately acquainted with the feelings of man, and knew all the avenues of the human heart: Effigies, paintings, and other imagery were exhibited; the fourteenth of Au|gust was celebrated annually, as a festival in commemoration of a mob's destroying a build|ing, owned by the late Lieutenant-Governor, which was supposed to have been erected for a stamp-office, and compelling him to resign his office of stamp-master, under liberty-tree; an|nual orations were delivered, in the Old South Meeting-House, on the fifth of March, the day when some persons were unfortunately killed, by a party of the twenty-ninth regiment; lists of imaginary grievances were continually published; the people were told weekly, that the ministry had formed a plan to enslave them; that the du|ty upon tea was only a prelude to a window-tax, hearth-tax, land-tax, and poll-tax; and these were only paving the way for reducing the country to lordships; this last bait was the more easily swallowed; as there seems to be an appre|hension of that kind hereditary to the people of New-England; and were conjured by the duty they owed themselves, their country, and their GOD, by the reverence due to the sacred me|mory of their ancestors, and all their toils and sufferings, in this once inhospitable wilderness, and by their affection for unborn millions, to rouse and exert themselves in the common cause. This perpetual incantation kept the people in continual alarm. We were further stimulated by being told that the people of England were de|praved, the parliament venal, and the ministry

corrupt; nor were attempts wanting to traduce Majesty itself. The kingdom of Great-Britain was depictured as an antient structure, once the admiration of the world, now sliding from its base, and rushing to its fall. At the same time we were called upon to mark out our own rapid growth, and behold the certain evidence, that America was upon the eve of independant em|pire.

When we consider what effects a well-wrote tragedy, or novel, has on the human passions, though we know it all to be ficticious, what ef|fect must all this have had upon those that have believed all these high wrought images to be realities?

The Tories have been censured for remissness in not having exerted themselves sufficiently at this period: The truth of the case is this, they saw, and shuddered at the gathering storm, but durst not attempt to dispel it, lest it should burst on their own heads. Printers were threatened with the loss of their bread, for publishing freely on the Tory side. One Mein was forced to fly the country for persisting in it.

All our dissenting ministers were not inactive on this occasion. When the clergy engage in a political warfare, they become a most powerful engine, either to support or overthrow the state. What effect must it have had upon the audience, to hear the same sentiments and principles, which they had before read in a news-paper, delivered on Sundays from the sacred desk, with a reli|gious awe, and the most solemn appeals to Heav|en, from lips which they had been taught, from their cradles, to believe could utter nothing but

eternal truths? What, was it natural to expect from a people bred under a free constitution, jealous of their liberty, credulous even to a pro|verb, when told their privileges were in danger, thus wrought up in the extreme? I answer:— Outrage disgraceful to humanity itself. What mischief was not an artful man who had obtain|ed the confidence and guidance of such an en|raged multitude capable of doing? He had on|ly to point out this or the other man as an ene|my of his country, and no character, station, or merit could protect the proscribed, from their fury. Happy was it for him if he could secret his person, and subject his property only to their lawless ravages. By such means, many people, naturally brave and humane, have been wrought upon to commit such acts of private mischief, and public violence, as will blacken many a page in the history of our country.

I shall next trace the effects of this spirit which the Whigs had infused into the body of the people, through the courts of common law, and the General Assembly, and mark the ways and means whereby they availed themselves of it to the subversion of our charter constitution, ante|cedent to the late act of Parliament, and erected a provincial democracy, or rather republic upon its ruins, though the form and semblance of the monarchial and aristocratical parts still remained.

To undertake to convince a person of his er|ror, is the indispensable duty, the certain, tho' dangerous test of friendship. He that could see his friend persevering in a fatal error, without reminding him of it, and striving to reclaim him, through fear that he might thereby incur

his displeasure, would little deserve the sacred name himself. Such delicacy is not only false, but criminal. Were I not fully convinced, upon the most mature deliberation that I am capable of, the temporal salvation of this province de|pends upon an entire and speedy change of mea|sures, which must depend upon a change of sen|timent, respecting our own conduct, and the justice of the British nation, I never should have obtruded myself on the public. I repeat my pro|mise, to avoid personal reflection as much as the nature of the task will admit of; but will conti|nue faithfully to expose the wretched policy of the Whigs, though I may be obliged to pene|trate the arcana, and discover such things as, were there not a necessity for it, I should be in|finitely happier in drawing a veil over, or co|vering them with a mantle. Should I be so un|fortunate as to incur your displeasure, I shall ne|vertheless think myself happy if I can but snatch one of my fellow subjects, as a brand, out of the burning.

Perhaps some may imagine that I have repre|sented too many of my countrymen, as well as the leading Whigs, in an unjust point of light, by supposing them so wicked as to mislead, or those so little circumspect as to be misled, in mat|ters of the last importance. Whoever has been conversant with the history of man, must know that it abounds with such instances. The same game, and with the same success, has been play|ed in all ages, and all countries.

The bulk of the people are generally but little versed in matters of state. Want of inclination or opportunity to figure in public life, makes

them content to rest the affairs of government in the hands where accident, or merit, has placed them. Their views and employments are con|fined to the humbler walks of business or retire|ment. There is a latent spark however in their breasts, capable of being kindled into a flame; to do this has always been the employment of the disaffected. They begin by reminding the people of the elevated rank they hold in the uni|verse, as men; that all men by nature are equal; that Kings are but the ministers of the people; that their authority is delegated to them by the people, for their good, and they have a right to resume it, and place it in other hands, or keep it themselves, whenever it is made use of to op|ress them. Doubtless there have been instances where these principles have been inculcated to obtain a redress of real grievances; but they have been much oftener perverted to the worst of purposes.—No government, however perfect in theory, is administered in perfection, the frail|ty of man does not admit of it. A small mis|take in point of policy, often furnishes a pre|tence to libel government, and persuade the people that their rulers are tyrants, and the whole government a system of oppression. Thus the seeds of sedition are usually sown, and the people are led to sacrifice real liberty to licentiousness, which gradually ripens into rebellion and civil war. And what is still more to be lamented, the generality of the people, who are thus made the dupes of artifice, and the mere stilts of ambi|tion, are sure to be loosers in the end. The best they can expect is to be thrown neglected by, when they are no longer wanted; but they are

seldom so happy; if they are subdued, confisca|tion of estate, and an ignominious death are their portion; if they conquer, their own army is often turned upon them, to subjugate them to a more tyrannical government than they had rebelled against. History is replete with instances of this kind. We can trace them in remote antiquity, we find them in modern times, and have a very remarkable one in the very country from which we were derived. It is an universal truth, that he that would excite a rebellion, whatever pro|fessions of philantrophy he may make when he is insinuating and worming himself into the good graces of the people, is at heart as great a ty|rant as ever wielded the iron rod of oppressi|on. I shall have occasion hereafter to consider this matter more fully, when I shall endeavour to convince you how little we can gain, and how much we may loose, by this unequal, unna|tural, and desperate contest. My present busi|ness is to trace the spirit of opposition to Great- Britain through the general court, and the courts of common law. In moderate times, repre|sentative that votes for an unpopular measure, or opposes a popular one, is in danger of loosing his election the next year, and when party runs high, he is sure to do it. It was the policy of the Whigs to have their questions upon high matters determined by yea and nay votes, which were published with the representatives names in the next Gazette. This was commonly followed by severe strictures, and the most illeberal invec|tives upon the dissentients; sometimes they were held up as objects of resentment and contempt, at others the abuse was in proportion to the ex|travagance

of the measure they opposed. This may seem not worth notice, but its consequences were important. The scurrillity made its way into the dissentient's town, it furnished his com|petitor with means to supplant them, and he took care to shun the rock his predecessor had split upon. In this temper of the times, it was enough to know who voted with Cassius, and who with Lucius, to determine who was a friend, and who was an enemy to the country, without once adverting to the question before the house. The loss of a seat in the house was not of so much consequence, but when once he became stigmatized as an enemy to his country, he was exposed to insult, and if his profession, or busi|ness was such, that his livelihood depended much on the good graces of his fellow citizens, he was in danger of loosing his bread, and involving his whole family into ruin.

One particular set of members in committee, always prepared the resolves, and other spirited measures: at first they were canvassed freely, at length would, slide through the house without meeting any obstacle, the lips of the dissentients were sealed up; they sat in silence, and beheld with infinite regret the measures they durst not oppose. Many were borne down against their wills, by the violence of the current; upon no other principle can we reconcile their ostensible conduct in the house to their declarations in pri|vate circles. The apparent unanimity in the house encouraged the opposition out of doors, and that in its turn strengthened the party in the house. Thus they went on mutually supporting and up-lifting each other. Assemblies and

towns resolved alternately, some of them only omitted resolving to snatch the sceptre out of the hands of our Sovereign, and to strike the imperial crown from his sacred head.

A master-stroke in polities, respecting the agent, ought not to be neglected. Each colony has usually an agent residing at the court of Great-Britain. These agents are appointed by the three branches of their several assemblies, and indeed there cannot be a provincial agent with|out such appointment. The Whigs soon found that they could not have such services rendered them from a provincial agent, as would answer their purposes. The house therefore refused to join with the other two branches of the general court in the appointment. The house chose an agent for themselves, and the council appointed theirs. Thus we had two agents for private purposes, and the expence of agency doubled, and with equal reason a third might have been added as agent for the governor, and the charges have been trebled.

The additional expence was of little conside|ration, compared with another inconveniency that attended this new mode of agency. The person appointed by the house was the osten|sible agent of the province, though in fact he was only the agent of a few individuals that had got the art of wielding the house at their pleasure. He knew his continuing in office depended upon them. An office that yielded several thousand pounds sterling annually; the business of which consisted in little more than attending the levees of the great, and writing letters to America, was worth-preserving. Thus he was under a

strong temptation to sacrifice the province to a party; and echo back the sentiments of his pa|trons.

The advice continually received from one of the persons, that was thus appointed agent, had great influence upon the members of the house of moderate principles. He had pushed his researches deep into nature, and made im|portant discoveries; they thought he had done the same in politicks, and did not admire him less as a politician than as a philosopher. His intelligence as to the disposition of his Majesty, the ministry, the parliament, and the nation in general, was deemed the most authentic. He advised us to keep up our opposition, to resolve, and re-resolve, to cherish a military spirit, uni|formly holding up this idea, that if we conti|nued firm we had nothing to fear from the go|vernment in England. He even proposed some modes of opposition himself. The spirited mea|sures were always ushered into the house with a letter from him. I have been sometimes almost ready to suspect him of being the primum mobile, and to think, that like the man behind the cur|tain at a puppet show, he was playing off the figures here with his own secret wires. If he ad|vised to these measures, contrary to his better knowledge, from sinister views, and to serve a private purpose, he has wilfully done the pro|vince an irreparable injury.—However, I will do him justice, he enjoined upon us to refrain from violence, as that would unite the nation against us; and I am the rather inclined to think that he was deceived himself with respect to the measures he recommended, as he has already

felt the resentment of that very government which he told us there was nothing to fear from. This disposition of the house could not have pro|duced such fatal consequences, had the other two branches of the legislature retained their con|stitutional freedom and influence. They might have been a sufficient check.

The counsellors depended upon the general assembly for the political existence, the Whigs reminded the council of their mortality, if a counsellor opposed the violent measures of the Whigs with any spirit, he lost his election the next May. The council consisted of twenty- eight. From this principle near half that num|ber, mostly men of the first families, first note, abilities, with every possible attachment to their native country, and as far from temptation as wealth, and independence, could remove them, were tumbled from their seats in disgrace. Thus the board which was intended to moderate be|tween the two extremes of prerogative and pri|vilege, lost its weight in the scale, and the poli|tical balance of the province was destroyed.

Had the chair been able to retain its own con|stitutional influence, the loss of the board would have been less felt, but no longer supported by the board that fell likewise. The governor by the charter could do little, or nothing, without the council. If he called upon a military officer to raise the militia, he was answered, they were there already. If called upon the council for their assistance, they must first enquire into the cause. If he wrote to government at home to strengthen his hands, some officious person pro|cured, and sent back his letters.

It was not the person of a Bernard or Hut|chinson that made them obnoxious, any other person would have met with the same fate, had they discharged their duty with equal fidelity; that is, had they strenuously opposed the prin|ciples and practices of the Whigs; and when they found the government here could not sup|port itself, and sent home for aid sufficient to do it. And let me tell you, had the intimations in those letters which you are taught to execrate, been tamely attended to, we had now been as happy a people as good government could make us. Governor Bernard came here recommended by the affections of the province, over which he had presided. His abilities are acknowledged. His true British honesty, and punctuality, are traits in his character too strongly marked, to escape the eye of prejudice itself. We knew Go|vernor Hutchinson to be amiable and exemplary in private life; his great abilities, integrity and humanity are conspicuous in the several impor|tant departments that he filled, before his ap|pointment to the chair, and reflect honour upon his native country. But his abilities and inte|grity, added to his thorough knowledge of the province, in all its interests and connections, were insufficient in this case. The constitution itself was gone, though the ancient form re|mained; the spirit was truly republican. He endeavoured to reclaim us by gentle means. He strove to convince us by arguments, drawn from the first principles of government, our several charters, and the express acknowledgement of our ancestors, that our claims were inconsistent with the subordination due to Great-Britain; and

if persisted in, would work the destruction of those that we were intitled to. For this he was called an enemy to this country, and set up as a mark for the envenomed arrows of malice and party rage. Had I entertained a doubt about its being the governor, and not the man that was aimed at, the admirable facility with which the news-paper abuse was transmitted from gover|nor Hutchinson, to his amiable successor, almost as soon as he set foot on our shores, would have removed it.

Thus, disaffection to Great-Britain being in|fused into the body of the people, the subtle poi|son stole through all the veins and arteries, con|taminated the blood, and destroyed the very sta|mina of the constitution. Had not the courts of justice been tainted in the early stages, our go|vernment might have expelled the virus, and re|covered its former vigour by its own strength. The judges of the superior court were dependent upon the annual grants of the General court, for their support. Their salaries were small in pro|portion to the salaries of other officers in the go|vernment of less importance.

They had often petitioned the assembly to en|large them, without success. They were at this time reminded of their dependance. However, it is but justice to say, that the Judges remained unshaken amidst the raging tempests, which is to be attributed rather to their firmness than situa|tion. But the spirit of the times was very ap|parent in the juries. The grand jurors were elective, and in such places where libels, riots and insurrections were the most frequent, the high Whigs got themselves chosen. The Judges

pointed out to them the seditious libels on Go|vernors, Magistrates, and the whole government, to no effect. They were enjoined to present riots and insurrections, of which there was ample evi|dence, with as little success.

It is difficult to account for so many of the first-rate Whigs being returned to serve on the petit jury at the term next after extraordinary insurrection, without supposing some legerde|main in drawing their names out of the box. It is certain that notwithstanding swarms of the most virulent libels infected the province, and there were so many riots and insurrections, scarce one offender was indicted, and, I think, not one convicted. Causes of meum et tuum were not al|ways exempt from party influence. The mere circumstance of the Whigs gaining the ascenden|cy over the Tories is trifling. Had the Whigs divided the province between them, as they once flattered themselves they should be able to do, it would have been of little consequence to the community, had they not cut asunder the very sinews of government, and broke in pieces the ligaments of social life in the attempt. I will mention two instances which I have selected out of many, of the weakness of our government, as they are recent and unconnected with acts of parliament. One Malcolm, a loyal subject, and as such intitled to protection, the evening before the last winter sessions of the general court, was dragged out of his house, stript, tarred and fea|thered, and carted several hours in the severest frost of that winter, to the utmost hazard of his life. He was carried to the gallows with a hal|ter about his neck, and in his passage to and

from the gallows, was beaten with as cruel stripes as ever were administered by the hands of a sa|vage. The whipping, however, kept up the circulation of his blood, and saved the poor man's life. When they had saciated their ma|lice, they dispersed in good order. This was transacted in the presence of thousands of spec|tators, some of whom were members of the ge|neral court. Malcom's life was despaired of se|veral days, but he survived, and presented a me|morial to the general assembly, praying their in|terposition. The petition was read, and all he obtained was leave to withdraw it. So that he was destitute of protection every hour, until he left the country, as were thousands besides, un|til the arrival of the King's troops. This origin|ated from a small fracas in the street, wherein Malcom struck, or threatened to strike a person that insulted him, with a cutlass, and had no con|nection with the quarrel of the times, unless his sustaining a small post in the customs made it.

The other instance is much stronger than this, as it was totally detached from politics. It had been suspected that infection had been commu|nicated from an hospital, lately erected at Marble|head, for the purpose of inoculating small-pox, to the town's people.

This caused a great insurrection, the insurgents burnt the hospital, not content with that, threat|ened the proprietors and many others, some of the first fortunes and characters in the town, with burning their houses over their heads, and con|tinued parading the streets, to the utmost terror of the inhabitants, several days.

A massacre and general devastation was ap|prehended.

The persons threatened, armed themselves, and petitioned the general assembly, which was then sitting, for assistance, as there was little or no civil authority in the place. A committee was ordered to repair to Marblehead, report the facts, and enquire into the cause. The committee reported the facts nearly as stated in the petition; the report was accepted, and no|thing further done by the assembly. Such de|monstrations of the weakness of government in|duced many persons to join the Whigs, to seek from them that protection which the constitu|tional authority of the province was unable to afford.

Government at home, early in the day, made an effort to check us in our career, and to en|able us to recover from anarchy, without her being driven to the necessity of altering our pro|vincial constitution, knowing the predeliction that people always have for an ancient form of government. The judges of the superior court had not been staggered, though their feet stood in slippery places, they depended upon the leading Whigs for their support. To keep them steady, they were made independent of the grants of the general assembly. But it was not a remedy any way adequate to the disease. The Whigs now turned their artillery against them, and it played briskly. The Chief Justice, for accepting the crown grant, was accused of receiving a royal bribe. Thus, my friends, those very persons that had made you believe that every attempt to strengthen government and save our charter, was an infringement of your privileges; by little and little destroyed your real liberty, subverted your

charter constitution, abridged the freedom of the house, annihilated the freedom of the board, and rendered the governor a mere Doge of Ve|nice. They ingrossed all the power of the pro|vince into their own hands. A democracy or republic I once called it, but it does not deserve the name of either; it was however, a despotism, cruelly carried into execution by mobs and riots, and more incompatible with the rights of man|kind, than the enormous monarchies of the east. The absolute necessity of the interposition of par|liament is apparent. The good policy of the act for regulating the government in this pro|vince, will be the subject of some future paper. A particular enquiry into the despotism of the Whigs will be deferred for a chapter on congres|ses. I shall next ask your attention to a trans|action as important in its consequences, and per|haps more so, than any I have yet mentioned, I mean the destruction of the tea, belonging to the East India Company. I am sensible of the difficulty of the task, in combating general re|ceived opinions. It is hard work to eradicate deep-rooted prejudices. But I will persevere. There are hundreds, if not thousands, in the pro|vince that will fe•••• the truth of what I have wrote, line by line, as they read it, and as to those who obstinately shut their eyes against it now, happily there may be some lucid interval, when their minds shall be open to truth, before it is too late to serve them, otherwise it will be revealed to them in bitter moments, attended with keen remorse, and unutterable anguish▪ Magna est veritas et prevalebit.

Perhaps by this time some of you may enquire who it is that suffers his pen to run so freely? I will tell you; it is a native of this province, that knew it before many that are now basking in the rays of political sun-shine, had a being. He was favoured not by Whigs or Tories, but the people, with such a stand in the community, as that he could distinctly see all the political ma|noeuvres of the province. He saw some with pleasure, others with pain. If he condemns the conduct of Whigs, he does not always approve of the conduct of the Tories. He dwells upon the misconduct of the former, because that has been the means of bringing us into this wretched state, unless the supiness of the latter, at some pe|riods, and some impolitic efforts, to check the Whigs in their carreer, at others, that 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 like adding fuel to fire, ought to be added to the account. He is now repaying your favours, if he knows his own heart, from the purest gra|titude, and the most undissembled patriotism, which will one day be acknowledged. I saw the small seed of sedition, when it was implanted, it was as a grain of mustard. I have watched the plant, till it has become a great tree, the vilest reptiles that crawl upon the earth, are concealed at the root, the foulest birds of the air rest upon its branches. I now would induce you to go to work immediately with axes and hatchets, and cut it down; for a two-fold reason, because it is a pest to society, and lest it be felled sudden|ly by a stronger arm, and crush its thousands in its fall.

An apprehension of injustice in the conduct of Great-Britain towards us, I have already told

you was the source of our misery. Last week I endeavoured to convince you of the necessity of her regulating, or rather establishing some go|vernment amongst us. I am now to point out the principles and motives upon which the blockade act was made. It was the violent at|tack upon the property of the East-India Com|pany, in the destruction of their tea. In order to form a right judgement of that transaction, it is necessary to go back, and view the cause of its being sent here. As the government of Eng|land is mixed, so the spirit or genius of the na|tion is at once monarchical, aristocratical, de|mocratical, martial and commercial. It is dif|ficult to determine which is the most predomi|nant principle; but it is worthy of remark, that to injure the British nation upon either of these points, is like injuring a Frenchman in the point of honour. Commerce is the great source of national wealth, for this reason it is cherished by all orders of men, from the palace to the cot|tage. In some countries a merchant is held in contempt by the nobles, in England they respect him. He rises to high honours in the state, of|ten contracts alliances with the first families in the kingdom, and noble blood flows in the veins of his posterity. Trade is founded upon persons, or countries, mutually supplying each other with their redundancies. Thus none are empoverish|ed, all enriched, the asperities of human life worn away, and mankind made happier by it. Husbandry, manufacture and merchandise are its treple support, deprived of either of these, it would cease.

Agriculture is the natural livelihood of a

country but thinly inhabited, as arts and manu|factures are of a opulous one. The high price of labour prevents manufactures being carried on to advantage in the first, scarcity of soil obliges the inhabitants to pursue them in the latter. Upon these, and considerations arising from the fertility, and produce of different clim|ates, and such like principles, the grand system of the British trade is founded. The collected wisdom of the nation has always been attentive to this great point of policy, that the national trade might be so balanced and poised, as that each part of her extended dominions, might be benefited, and the whole concentre to the good of the empire. This evinces the necessity of acts for regulating trade.

To prevent one part of the empire being en|riched at the expence and impoverishing of an|other, checks, restrictions, and sometimes ab|solute prohibitions are necessary. These are im|posed or taken off as circumstances vary. To carry the acts of trade into execution many of|ficers are necessity. Thus we see a number of custom-house officers so constituted as to be checks and controuls upon each other, and pre|vent their swerving from their duty, should they be tempted, and a board of commissioners ap|pointed to supperintend the whole, like the board of trade in England. Hence also arises the necessity of courts of admiralty.

The laws and regulations of trade are esteem|ed, in England, sacred. And an estate made by smuggling, or pursuing an illicit trade, is there looked upon as filthy lucre, as monies amassed by gaming, and upon the same principle, because

it is obtained at the expence, and often ruin, of others. The smuggler not only injures the pub|lic, but often ruins the fair trader.

The great extent of sea-coast, many harbours, the variety of islands, the numerous creeks, and navigable rivers, afford the greatest opportunity to drive an illicit trade in these colonies without detection. This advantage has not been over|looked by the avaricious, and many persons seem to have set the laws of trade at defiance; this accounts so far for many new regulations be|ing made, new officers being appointed, and ships of war from time to time stationed along the continent. The way to Holland and back again is well known, and by much the greatest part of tea that has been drank in America, for se|veral years, has been imported from thence, and other places, in direct violation of law. By this the smugglers have amassed great estates, to the prejudice of the fair trader. It was sensibly felt at the India House, the East India company were prohibited from exporting their teas to America, they were obliged to sell it by auction in Lon|don; the London merchant purchased it, and put a profit upon it, when he shipped it for Ame|rica; the American merchant, in his turn, put a profit upon it and after him, the shop-keeper; so that it came to the consumer's hands at a ve|ry advanced price. Such quantities of tea were annually smuggled that it was scarcely worth while for the American merchant to import tea from England at all, not because the Dutch was usually sold at a lower rate to the consumer, peo|ple in general were no gainers by it, but because it lessened the demand for that article. Some of

the principal trading towns in America were wholly supplied with this commodity by smugg|ling; Boston however continued to import it, until advice was received that parliament had it in contemplation to permit the East-India com|pany to send their teas directly to America: the Boston merchants then sent their orders condi|tionally to their correspondents in England, to have tea shipt for them in case the East-India company's did not come out; one merchant, a great Whig, had such an order lying in Eng|land, for sixty chests, on his own account, when the company's tea was sent. An act of parlia|ment was made to enable the East-India compa|ny to send their tea directly to America, and sell it at auction there, not with a view of raising a revenue from the three-penny duty, but to put it out of the power of the smugglers to injure them by their infamous trade.

We have it from good authority, that the re|venue was not the consideration before parlia|ment, and it is reasonable to suppose it, for had that been the point in view, it was only to restore the former regulation, which was then allowed to be the constitutional, and the revenue would have been respectable. Had this new regulation taken effect, the people in America would have been great gainers. The wholesale merchant might have been deprived of some of his gains; but the retailer would have supplied himself with this article, directly from the auction, and the consumer reap the benefit, as tea would have been sold under the price that had been usual, by near one half. Thus the country in general would have been great gainers, the East-India

company secured in supplying the American market with this article, which they are en|titled to by the laws of trade, and smuggling suppressed, at least as to tea. A smuggler and a Whig are cousin Germans, the offspring of two sisters, avarice and ambition. They had been playing into each others hands a long time. The smuggler reeeived protection from the Whig, and he in his turn received support from the smuggler. The illicit trader now demands protection from his kinsman, and it would have been unnatural in him to have refused it, and besides, an opportunity presented of strengthening his own interest. The consignees were connect|ed with the Tories, and that was a further sti|mulus.—Accordingly the press was again set to work, and the old story repeated with addition about monopolies, and many infatuated per|sons once more wrought up to a proper pitch to carry into execution any violent measures that their leaders should propose. A bold stroke was resolved upon. The Whigs, though they had got the art of managing the people, had too much sense to be ignorant that it was all a meer finesse, not only without, but directly repugnant to law, constitution and government, and could not last always. They determined to put all at hazard, and to be aut Caesar, aut nullus The consignees saw the approaching storm, and de|tained the first ship that arrived with the tea at Castle William, a body meeting was assembled at the Old South Meeting-House, and a body meeting has great advantages over a town-meet|ing, as no law has yet ascertained a qualification of the voters; each person present, of whatever

age, estate or country, may take the liberty to speak or vote at such an assembly; and that might serve as a screen to the town where it ori|ginated, in case of any disastrous consequence. The body meeting consisting of several thou|sands, being thus assembled, with the leading Whigs at its head, in the first place sent for the owner of the tea ship, and required of him to bring her to the wharf, upon pain of their dis|pleasure; the ship was accordingly brought up, and the master was obliged to enter at the cus|tom-house: He reported the tea, after which twenty days are allowed for landing it, and pay|ing the duty.

The next step was to resolve.— They resolved, that the tea should not be landed, nor the duty paid, that it should go home in the same bot|tom that it came in, &c. &c. This was the same as resolving to destroy it, for as the ship had been compelled to come to the wharf, and was entered at the custom-house, it could not, by law, be cleared out, without the duties being first paid, nor could the governor grant a permit for the vessel to pass Castle-William, without a certificate from the custom-house of such clear|ance, consistent with his duty. The body ac|cordingly, ordered a military guard to watch the ship every night until further orders. The con|signees had been applied to, by the selectmen, to send the tea to England, they answered they could not, for if they did, it would be forfeited by the acts of trade, and they should be liable to make good the loss to the East-India company. Some of the consignees were mobbed, and all were obliged to fly to the castle, and there im|mure

themselves. They petitioned the Gover|nor and Council to take the property of the East-India company under their protection. The Council declined being concerned in it. The consignees then offered the body to store the tea under the care of the selectmen, or a committee of the town of Boston, and to have no further concern in the matter until they could send to England, and receive further instructions from their principals. This was refused with disdain. The military guard was regularly kept in rota|tion, till the eve of the twentieth day, when the duties must have been paid, the tea landed, or become forfeit; then the military guard was withdrawn, or rather omitted being posted, and a number of persons in disguise, forceably en|tered the ships (three being by this time arrived) split open the chests, and emptied all the tea, be|ing of ten thousand pounds sterling value, into the dock, and perfumed the whole town with its fragrance. Another circumstance ought not to be omitted, the afternoon before the destruction of the tea, the body sent the owner of one of the ships to the Governor, to demand a pass, he an|swered, that he would as soon give a pass for that as any other vessel, if he had the proper cer|tificate from the custom-house, without which he could not give a pass for any, consistent with his duty. It was known that this would be the answer, when the message was sent, and it was with the utmost difficulty that the body was kept together till the messenger returned. When the report was made, a shout was set up in the galleries and at the door, and the meeting im|mediately dispersed. The governor had, pre|vious

to this, sent a proclamation by the sheriff, commanding the body to disperse; they permit|ted it to be read, and answered it with a general hiss. These are the facts as truly and fairly stated, as I am able to state them. The osten|sible reason for this conduct, was the tea's being subject to the three penny duty. Let us take the advocates for this transaction upon their own principle, and admit the duty to be unconstitu|tional, and see how the argument stands.

Here is a cargo of tea, subject upon its being entered and landed, to a duty of three-pence per pound, which is paid by the East-India compa|ny or their factors, which amounts to the same thing. Unless we purchase the tea, we shall ne|ver pay the duty, if we purchase it, we pay the three pence included in the price; therefore, lest we purchase it, we have no right to destroy it. A flimsy pretext! and either supposes the people destitute of virtue, or that their purchasing the tea was a matter of no importance to the com|munity; but even this gause covering is so stript off, when we consider that the Boston mer|chants, and some who were active at the body meeting, were every day importing from Eng|land▪ large quantities of tea, subject to the same duty, and vending it unmolested; and at this time had orders lying in their correspondents hands, to send them considerable quantities of tea, in case the East-India company should not send it themselves.

When the news of this transaction arrived in England, and it was considered in what manner almost every other regulation of trade had been evaded by artifice, and when artifice could no

longer serve, recourse was had to violence, the British lion was roused. The crown lawyers were called upon for the law, they answered high treason. Had a Cromwell, whom some amongst us deify, and imitate in all his imitable perfections, had the guidance of the national ire, unless compensation had been made to the suffe|rers immediately, upon its being demanded, your proud capital would have been levelled with the dust, not content with that, rivers of blood would have been shed to make atonement for the injured honour of the nation. It was debated, whether to attaint the principals of treason. We have a gracious King upon the throne, he felt the resentment of a man, softened by the relent|ings of a parent. The bowels of our mother country yearned towards her refractory, obstinate child.

It was determined to consider the offence in a milder light; and to compel an indemnification for the sufferers, and prevent the like for the fu|ture, by such means as would be mild, compared with the insult to the nation, or severe as our fu|ture conduct should be; that was to depend upon us. Accordingly the blockade act was passed, and had an act of justice been done in indemni|fying the sufferers, and an act of loyalty in put|ting a stop to seditious practices, our port had long since been opened. This act has been cal|led unjust, because it involves the innocent in the same predicament with the guilty, but it ought to be considered that our news papers had announced to the world, that several thousands attended those body meetings, and it did not ap|pear that there was one dissentient, or any protest

entered. I do not know how a person could expect distinction in such a case, if he neglected to distinguish himself. When the noble Lord proposed in the house of commons, he called upon all the members present, to mention a bet|ter method of obtaining justice in this case, scarce one denied the necessity of doing something, but none could mention a more eligible way. Even ministerial opposition was abashed. If any part of the act strikes us like the severity of a master, let us cooly advert to the aggravated insult, and perhaps we shall wonder at the lenity of a parent. After this transaction all parties seem to have laid upon their oars, waiting to see what parlia|ment would do. When the blockade act arrived many and many were desirous of paying for the tea immediately, and some who were guiltless of the crime, offered to contribute to the compen|sation, but our leading Whigs must still rule the roast, and that inauspicious influence that had brought us hitherto, plunged us still deeper into misery. The Whigs saw their ruin connected with a compliance with the terms of opening the port, as it would furnish a convincing proof of the wretchedness of their policy, in the de|struction of the tea, and they might justly been expected to pay the money demanded themselves, and set themselves industriously to work to pre|vent it, and engage other colonies to espouse their cause. This was a crisis too important and alarm|ing to the province to be neglected by its friends. A number of as respectable persons as any in this province, belonging to Boston, Cambridge, Sa|lem, and Marblehead, now came forward, pub|lickly to disavow the proceedings of the Whigs,

to do justice to the much injured character of Mr. Hutchinson, and strengthening his influence at the court of Great-Britain, where he was go|ing to receive the well deserved plaudit of his Sovereign, that he might be able to obtain a re|peal, or some mitigation of that act, the terms of which they foresaw, the perverseness of the Whigs would prevent a compliance with. This was done by several addresses, which were sub|scribed by upwards of two hundred persons, and would have been by many more, had not the sud|den embarkation of Mr. Hutchinson prevented it. The justices of the court of common pleas and general sessions of the peace for the county of Plymouth, sent their address to him in Eng|land. There were some of all orders of men among these addressers. But they consisted prin|cipally of men of property, large family connec|tions, and several were independant in their cir|cumstances, and lived wholy upon the income of their estates. Some indeed might be called party-men, but a very considerable proportion were persons that had of choice kept themselves at a distance from the political vortex, had be|held the competition of the Whigs and Tories without any commotion, while the community remained safe, had looked down on the political dance in its various mazes and intricacies, and saw one falling, another rising, rather as a mat|ter of amusement; but when they saw the capi|tal of the province upon the point of being sa|crificed by political cunning, it called up all their feelings.

Their motives were truly patriotic. Let us now attend to the ways and means by which the

Whigs prevented these exertions producing such effects. Previous to this, a new, and till lately, unheard of, mode of opposition had been devised, said to be the invention of the fertile brain of one of our party agents, called a committee of cor|respondence. This is the foulest, subtlest, and most venomous serpent that ever issued from the eggs of sedition. These committees generally consist of the highest Whigs, or at least there are Whigs among them, that is the ruling spirit of the whole.

They are commonly appointed at thin town meetings, or if the meetings happen to be full, the moderate men seldom speak, or act at all, when this sort of business comes on. They have been by much too modest. Thus the meeting is of|ten prefaced with "At a full meeting," and the several resolves headed with nem. con. with strict truth, when in fact, but a small proportion of the town have had a hand in the matter. It is said that the committee of the town of Boston was appointed for a special purpose, and that their commissions long since expired. However that may be, these committees, when once established, think themselves amenable to none, they assume a dictatorial stile, and have an opportunity un|der the apparent sanction of their several towns, of clandestinely wreaking private revenge on in|dividuals, by traducing their characters, and holding them up as enemies to their country wherever they go, as also, of misrepresenting facts, and propagating sedition through the coun|try. Thus a man of principle and property in travelling through the country, would be insult|ed by persons whose faces he had never before

seen, he would often feel the smart without sus|pecting the hand that administered the blow. These committees as they are not known in law, and can derive no authority from thence, least they should not get their share of power, some|times engross it all; they frequently erect them|selves into a tribunal, where the same persons are at once legislator, accusers, witnesses, judges and jurors, and the mob the executioners. The accused has no day in court, and the execution of the sentence is the first notice he receives. This is the channel through which liberty mat|ters have been chiefly conducted the summer and fall past. This accounts for the same distem|pers breaking out in different parts of the pro|vince at one and the same time, which might be attributed to something supernatural, by those that were unacquainted with the secret conduct of the infection. It is chiefly owing to these committees, that so many respectable persons have been abused, and forced to sign recanta|tions and resignations: That so many persons, to avoid such reiterated insults, as are more to be deprecated by a man of sentiment than death itself, have been obliged to quit their houses, fa|milies and business, and fly to the army for pro|tection that husband has been separated from wife, father from son, brother from brother, the sweet intercourse of conjugal and natural af|fection interrupted, and the unfortunate refugee forced to abandon all the comforts of domestic life.

My countrymen, I beg to pause and reflect on this conduct, have not these people that are thus insulted, as good right to think and act for them|selves

in matters of the last importance as the Whigs? Do not their former lives and conversa|tion appear to have been regulated by principle as much as those of the Whigs? You must answer yes. Why then do you suffer them to be so cru|elly treated for differing in sentiment from you? Is it consistent with the liberty you profess? Let us wave the consideration of right and liberty, and see it this conduct can be reconciled to good policy. Do you expect to make converts by it?

Persecution has the same effect in politics that it has in religion, it confirms the sectary. Do you wish to silence them, that the inhabitants of the province may appear unanimous? The mal|treatment they receive for differing from you is undeniable evidence that we are not unanimous. It may not be amiss to consider, that this is a changeable world, and times rolling wheel may 'eer long bring them uppermost; in that case I am sure you would not wish to have them fraught with resentment It is astonishing, my friends, that those who are in pursuit of liberty, should ever suffer arbitrary power in such an hideous form and squalid hue, to get a footing among them. I appeal to your good sense, I know you have it, and hope to penetrate to it, before I have finished my publications, notwithstanding the thick atmosphere that now invelopes it. But to return from my digression; the committee of correspondence represented the destruction of the tea in their own way: They represented those that addressed Governor Hutchinson, as persons of no note or property, as mean, base wretches, and seekers that had been sacrificing their coun|try in adulation of him. Whole nations have

worshipped the rising, but if this be an instance, it is the only one of peoples worshipping the setting sun. By this means the humane and be|nevolent in various parts of the continent, were induced to advise us not to comply with the terms for opening our port, and engage to re|lieve us with their charities, from the distress that must otherwise fall upon the poor. Their charitable intentions ascend to heaven, like in|cense from the altar, in sweet memorial before the throne of God; but their donations came near proving fatal to the province: It encou|raged the Whigs to persevere in injustice, and has been the means of seducing many an honest man into the commission of a crime that he did not suspect himself capable of being guilty of. What I have told you, is not the meer sugges|tions of a speculatist; there are some mistakes as to numbers, and there may be some as to time and place, partly owing to mis-copying, and part|ly to my not always having had the books and papers necessary to greater accuracy, at hand; but the relation of facts is in substance true, I had almost said as holy writ. I do not ask you to take the truths of them from an anonymous scribbler in a news-paper: The evidence of most of them is within your reach, examine for yourselves:—I promise that the benefit you will reap there from will abundantly pay you for the trouble of the research, you will find I have faithfully unriddled the whole mystery of our political enquiry: I do not address myself to Whigs or Tories, but to the whole people. I know you well; you are loyal at heart, friends to good order, and do violence to yourselves, in

harbouring one moment disrespectful sentiments towards Great-Britain, the land of our forefa|thers nativity, the sacred repository of their bones; but they have been most insidiously induced to believe, that Great Britain is rapa|cious, cruel and vindictive, and envies us the inheritance purchased by the sweat and blood of our ancestors. Could that thick mist that hov|ers over the land, and involves it in more than Egyptian darkness, be but once dispelled, that you might see our sovereign, the provident fa|ther of all his people, and Great-Britain, a nurs|ing mother to these colonies, as they really are; long live our gracious King, and happiness to Britain, would resound from one end of the pro|vince to the other. I have yet many things to say, but have already trespassed on the printer's patience, perhaps the readers, and promise to be shorter in my future publications.

Some of you may perhaps suspect that I have been wantonly scattering firebrands, arrows and death, to gratify a most depraved, malicious and revengeful disposition: The truth is this, I had seen many excellent detached pieces, but could see no pen at work to trace our calamities from their source, and point out the many adventi|tious aids, that conspired to raise to its present height, though I impatiently expected it, being fully convinced that you wait only to know the true state of facts, to rectify whatever is amiss in the province, without any foreign assistance. Others may be induced to think that I grudge the industrious poor of Boston their scantlings of cha|rity. I will issue a brief in their favour. The opu|lent, be their political sentiments what they may,

ought to relieve them from their sufferings, and those who by former donations have been the inno|cent cause of protracting their sufferings, are under a tenfold obligation to assist them now; and at the same time to make the most explicit decla|rations, that they did not intend to promote, nor ever will join in rebellion. Great allowances are to be made for the crossings, windings and ter|giversations of a politician; he is a cunning ani|mal, and as government is said to be founded in opinion, his tricks may be part of the arcana im|perandi. Had our politicians confined them|selves within any reasonable bounds, I never should have molested them; but when I became satisfied, that many innocent, unsuspecting per|sons, were in danger of being seduced, to their utter ruin, and the province of Massachusetts-Bay in danger of being drenched with blood and carnage, I could restrain my emotions no lon|ger; and having once broken the bonds of my natural reserve, was determined to probe the sore to the bottom, though I was sure to touch the quick. It is very foreign from my intentions to draw down the vengance of Great-Britain upon the Whigs; they are too valuable a part of the community to lose, if they will permit them|selves to be saved; I wish nothing worse to the highest of them, than that they may be deprived of their influence, till such time as they shall have changed their sentiments, principles and measures. Sedition has already been marked through its zigzag path, to the present times. When the statute for regulating the government arrived, a match was put to the train, and the mine that had been long forming, sprung, and

threw the whole province into confusion and anarchy. The occurrences of the summer and autumn past are so recent and notorious, that a particular history of them is unnecessary. Suf|fice it to say, that every barrier that civil go|vernment had erected for the security of proper|ty, liberty and life, was broken down, and law, constitution and government, trampled under foot, by the rudest invaders. I shall not dwell upon these harsh notes much longer. I shall yet become an advocate for the leading Whigs; much must be allowed to men in their situation, forcibly actuated by the chagrin of disappoint|ment, the fear of punishment, and the fascina|tion of hope at the same time.

Perhaps the whole story of empire does not furnish another instance of forcible opposition to government with so much apparent and little real cause, with such apparent probability with|out any possibility of success. The stamp-act gave the alarm. The instability of the public councils from the Grenvillian administration, to the appointment of the Earl of Hillsborough, to the American department, afforded as great a prospect of success, as the heavy duties im|posed by the stamp-act, did a colour for the op|position. It was necessary to give the history of this matter in its course, offend who it would, because those acts of government that are called the greatest grievances, became proper and ne|cessary, through the misconduct of our politi|cians, and the justice of Great-Britain towards us, could not be made apparent without first pointing out that. I intend to consider the seve|ral acts of the British government, which are

held up as grievances, and enquire whether Great-Britain is chargeable with injustice in any of them; but must first ask your attention to the authority of parliament. I suspect many of our politicians are wrong in their first principle, in denying that the constitutional authority of par|liament extends to the colonies; if so it must not be wondered at, that their whole fabric is so rui|nous: I shall not travel through all the argu|ments that have been adduced, for and against this question, but attempt to reduce the sub|stance of them to a narrow compass, after hav|ing taken a cursory view of the British constitu|tion. The security of the people from internal rapacity and violence, and from foreign inva|sions is the end and design of government. The simple forms of government are monarchy, aris|tocracy and democracy, that is, where the au|thority of the state is vested in one, a few, or the many. Each of these species of government has advantages peculiar to itself, and would an|swer the ends of government, where the persons intrusted with the authority of the state always guided themselves by unerring wisdom and pub|lic virtue; but rulers are not always exempt from the weakness and depravity which make go|vernment necessary to society. Thus monarchy is apt to rush headlong into tyranny, aristocracy to beget faction and multiplied usurpations, and democracy to degenerate into tumult, violence and anarchy. A government formed upon these three principles in due proportion, is the best calculated to answer the ends of government, and to endure. Such a government is the British constitution, consisting of King, Lords, and

Commons, which at once includes the principal excellencies, and excludes the principal defects of the other kinds of government. It is allowed, both by Englishmen and foreigners to be the most perfect system that the wisdom of ages has produced. The distributions of power are so just, and the proportions so exact, as at once to support and controul each other. An English|man glories in being subject to, and protected by, such a government. The colonies are a part of the British empire. The best writers upon the law of nations, tell us, that when a nation takes possession of a distant country, and settles there, that country though separated from the principal establishment, or mother country, na|turally becomes a part of the state, equal with its ancient possessions. Two supreme or inde|pendant authorities cannot exist in the same state. It would be what is called imperium in imperio, the heighth of political absurdity. The analogy between the political and human bodies is great. Two independant authorities in a state would be like two distinct principles of volition and action in the human body, dissenting, op|posing and destroying each other. If then we are a part of the British empire, we must be sub|ject to the supreme power of the state which is vested in the estates of parliament, notwithstand|ing each of the colonies have legislative and exe|cutive powers of their own, delegated or granted to them, for the purposes of regulating their own internal police, which are subordinate to, and must necessarily be subject to the checks, controul and regulation of the supreme authority of the state.

This doctrine is not new, but the denial of it is. It is beyond a doubt that it was the sense both of the parent country, and our ancestors, that they were to remain subject to parliament. It is evident from the charter itself, and this au|thority has been exercised by parliament, from time to time, almost ever since the first settle|ment of the country, and has been expressly acknowledged by our provincial legislatures. It is not less our interest than our duty to continue subject to the authority of parliament, which will be more fully considered hereafter. The principal argument against the authority of parliament, is this, the Americans are entitled to all the privileges of an Englishman, it is the privilege of an Englishman to be exempt from all laws that he does not consent to in per|son, or by representative; the Americans are not represented in parliament, and therefore are exempt from acts of parliament, or in other words, not subject to its authority. This ap|pears specious; but leads to such absurdities as demonstrate its fallacy. If the colonies are not subject to the authority of parliament, Great-Britain and the colonies must be distinct states, as compleatly so as England and Scotland were before the union, or as Great-Britain and Ha|nover are now: The colonies in that case will owe no allegiance to the imperial crown, and per|haps not to the person of the King, as the title to the crown is derived from an act of parliament, made since the settlement of this province, which act respects the imperial crown only. Let us wave this difficulty, and suppose allegiance due from the colonies to the person of the King of Great-Britain, he then appears in a new capa|city,

of King of America, or rather in several new capacities of King of Massachusetts, King of Rhode-Island, King of Connecticut, &c. &c. For if our connexion with Great-Britain by the parliament be dissolved, we shall have none among ourselves, but each colony become as distinct from the others, as England was from Scotland before the Union. Some have suppos|ed that each state having one and the same per|son for its Sovereign, is a sufficient connection; where the Sovereign is an absolute Monarch it might be, but in a mixed government, it is no union at all: For as the King must govern each state by its parliament, those several parliaments would pursue the particular interest of its own state, and however well disposed the King might be to pursue a line of interest that was common to all, the checks and controul that he would meet with, would render it impossible. If the King of Great-Britain has really these new ca|pacities, they ought to be added to his titles; and another difficulty will arise, the prerogatives of these new crowns have never been defined or limited. Is the monarchical part of the several provincial constitutions to be nearer or more re|mote from absolute monarchy, in an inverted ra|tio to each one's approaching to, or receding from a republic. But let us suppose the same prerogatives inherent in the several American crowns, as are in the imperial crown of Great-Britain, where shall we find the British constitu|tion that we all agree we are entitled to. We shall seek for it in vain in our provincial assem|blies. They are but faint sketches of the estates of parliament. The houses of representatives,

or Burgesses, have not all the powers of the House of Commons, in the charter govern|ments they have no more than what is expressly granted by their several charters. The first charter granted to this province did not impower the assembly to tax the people at all. Our Coun|cil-Boards are as destitute of the constitutional authority of the House of Lords, as their seve|ral members are of the noble independance and splendid appendages of Peerage. The House of Peers is the bulwark of the British constitution, and through successive ages, has withstood the shocks of monarchy, and the sappings of De|mocracy, and the constitution gained strength by the conflict. Thus the supposition of our be|ing independent states, or exempt from the au|thority of parliament, destroys the very idea of our having a British constitution. The provin|cial constitutions, considered as subordinate, are generally well adapted to those purposes of go|vernment, for which they were intended, that is, to regulate the internal police of the several co|lonies; but have no principle of stability within themselves, they may support themselves in mo|derate times, but would be merged by the vio|lence of turbulent ones, and the several colonies become wholy monarchical, or wholly republican, were it not for the checks, controuls, regulations and supports of the supreme authority of the em|pire. Thus the argument that is drawn from their first principle of our being entitled to Eng|lish liberties, destroys the principle itself, it de|prives us of the Bill of Rights, and all the bene|fits resulting from the revolution, of English laws, and of the British constitution. Our pa|triots

have been so intent upon building up Ame|rican rights, that they have overlooked the rights of Great-Britain, and our own interest. Instead of proving that we are entitled to privileges that our fathers knew our situation would not admit us to enjoy, they have been arguing away our most essential rights. If there be any grievance it does not consist in our being subject to the authority of Parliament, but in our not having an actual representation in it. Were it possible for the colonies to have an equal representation in Parliament, and were refused it upon proper ap|plication, I confess I should think it a grievance; but at present it seems to be allowed by all par|ties, to be impracticable, considering the colo|nies are distant from Great-Britain a thousand transmarine leagues. If that be the case, the right or privilege that we complain of being de|prived of, is not witheld by Britain, but the first principle of government, and the immutable laws of nature, render it impossible for us to en|joy it. This is apparently the meaning of that celebrated passage in Governor Hutchinson's let|ter, that rang through the continent, viz. There must be an abridgment of what is called Eng|lish liberties. He subjoins that he had never yet seen the projection, whereby a colony three thou|sand miles distant from the parent state, might enjoy all the privileges of the parent state, and remain subject to it, or in words to that effect. The obnoxious sentence taken detached from the letter, appears very unfriendly to the colo|nies; but considered in connexion with the other parts of the letter▪ it is but a necessary result from our situation. Allegiance and protection

are reciprocal. It is our highest interest to con|tinue a part of the British empire, and equally our duty to remain subject to the authority of parliament. Our own internal police may gene|rally be regulated by our provincial legislatures, but in national concerns, or where our own as|semblies do not answer the ends of government with respect to ourselves, the ordinances or in|terposition of the great council of the nation is necessary. In this case the major must rule the minor. After many more centuries shall have rolled away, long after we, who are now bustling upon the stage of life, shall have been received to the bosom of mother earth, and our names are forgotten, the colonies may be so far increased as to have the balance of wealth, numbers, and power in their favour, the good of the empire make it necessary to fix the seat of government here; and some future GEORGE, equally the friend of mankind with him that now sways the British sceptre, may cross the Atlantic, and rule Great-Britain by an American Parliament.

Had a person, some fifteen years ago, under|taken to prove that the colonies were annexed to the realm, were a part of the British empire or dominion, and as such subject to the authori|ty of the British parliament, he would have acted as ridiculous a part, as to have undertaken to prove a self evident proposition:—Had any person denied it, he would have been called a fool or madman. At this wise period, individu|als and bodies of men deny it, notwithstanding in doing it they subvert the fundamentals of go|vernment, deprive us of British liberties, and build up an absolute monarchy in the colonies;

for our charters suppose regal authority in the grantor, if that authority be derived from the British crown, it pre-supposes this territory to have been a part of the British dominion, and as such subject to the Imperial Sovereign; if that authority was vested in the person of the King in a different capacity, the British constitution and laws are out of the question, and the King must be absolute as to us, as his prerogatives have ne|ver been limited. Such must have been the So|vereign authority of the several Kings, who have granted American charters, previous to the se|veral grants, there is nothing to detract from it, at this time in those colonies that are destitute of charters, and the charter governments must se|verally revert to absolute monarchy, as their charters may happen to be forfeited by the gran|tees, not fulfilling the conditions of them, as every charter contains an express or implied con|dition.

It is curious indeed to trace the denial and oppugnation to the supreme authority of the state. When the stamp-act was made, the authority of parliament to impose internal taxes was denied, but their right to impose external ones; or in other words, to lay duties upon goods and mer|chandise was admitted. When the act was made imposing duties upon tea, &c. a new distinction was set up, that the parliament had a right to lay duties upon merchandise for the purpose of regulating trade, but not for the purpose of rais|ing a revenue: That is, the parliament had good right and lawful authority, to lay the former du|ty of a shilling on the pound, but had none to lay the present duty of three pence. Having got

thus far safe, it was only taking one step more to extricate ourselves entirely from their fangs, and become independant states; that our patriots most heroically resolved upon, and flatly denied that parliament had a right to make any laws whatever, that should be binding upon the co|lonies. There is no possible medium between absolute independance and subjection to the au|thority of parliament. He must be blind indeed that cannot see our dearest interest in the latter notwithstanding many pant after the former, misguided men! Could they once overtake their wish, they would be convinced of the madness of the pursuit. My dear countrymen, it is of the last importance that we settle this point clearly in our minds; it will serve as a sure test, certain criterion and invariable standard 10 dis|tinguish the friends from the enemies of our country, patriotism from sedition, loyalty from rebellion. To deny the supreme authority of the state is a high misdemeanor, to say no worse of it; to oppose it by force is an overt act of trea|son, punishable by confiscation of estate, and most ignominious death. The realm of England is an appropriate term for the antient realm of England, in contradiction to Wales and other territories that have been annexed to it. These as they have been severally annexed, whether by conquest or otherwise, become a part of the British dominions, and subject to the authority of Parliament, whether they send members to Parliament or not, and whether they have legis|lative powers of their own or not.

Thus Ireland, who has perhaps the greatest possible subordinate legislature, and sends no

members to the British parliament, is bound by its acts, when expressly named, Guernsey and Jersey are no part of the realm of England, nor are they represented in parliament, but are sub|ject to its authority: And, in the same predica|ment are the American colonies, and all the other dispersions of the empire. Permit me to request your attention to this subject a little longer; I assure you it is as interesting and important as it is dry and unentertaining. Let us now recur to the first charter of this province, and we shall find irresistible evidence, that our being a part of the empire, subject to the supreme authority of the state, bound by its laws and subject to its protection, was the very terms and conditions by which our ancestors held their lands and sett|led the province. Our charter, like all other American charters, are in the royal stile, and under the great seal of England; the grants are named by the King, for his heirs and successors, the several tenures to be of the King, his heirs and successors, in like manner are the reservations. It is apparent the King acted in his royal capa|city, as King of England, which necessarily sup|poses the territory granted to be a part of the English dominions, holden of the crown of England

The charter after receiving the several grants of the territory to Sir Henry Roswell and others, proceed to incorporation in these words:

And for as much as the good and prosperous suc|cess of the plantations of the said parts of New-England aforesaid intended by the said Sir Henry Roswell and others, to be speedily set upon, cannot but chiefly depend, next un|der

the blessing of Almighty God, and the support of our royal authority, upon the good government of the same, to the end that the affairs of business, which from time to time shall happen and arise concerning the said lands, and the plantations of the same may be the better managed and ordered, We have further hereby, of our especial grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion given, granted and confirmed, and for us, our heirs and suc|cessors, do give, grant and confirm unto our said trusty and well beloved subjects, Sir Henry Roswell; &c. and all such others as shall hereafter be admitted and made free of the company and society hereafter mentioned, shall from time to time and all times, forever here|after, be by virtue of these presents, one body corporate politic, in fact and name, by the name of the Governor and company of the Massachusetts-Bay, in New-England; and them by the name of the Governor and company of the Massa|chusetts-Bay, in New-England, one body po|litic and corporate in deed, fact and name. We do for us, our heirs and successors make, ordain, constitute and confirm by these pre|sents, and that by that name they shall have perpetual succession, and that by that name they and their successors shall be capable and enabled as well to implead, and to be pleaded, and to prosecute, demand and an|swer, and be answered unto all and singular suits, causes, quarrels and actions of what kind or na|ture soever; and also to have, take, possess, ac|quire and purchase, any lands, tenements, and

hereditaments, or any goods or chattels, the same to lease, grant, de••ise, al••••••e, bargain, sell and dis|pose of as our leige people of this our realm of England, or any other corporation, or body politic of the same may do.

I would beg have to ask one simple question, whether this looks like a distinct state, or inde|pendant empire? Provision is then made for electing a governor, deputy governor, and eigh|teen assistants. After which is this clause;

we do for us, our heirs and successors, give and grant to the said governor and company, and their successors, that the governor, or in his absence the deputy governor, of the said com|pany, for the time being, and such of the as|sistants, or freemen of the said company, as shall be present, or the greater number of them so assembled, whereof the governor, or deputy governor, and six of the assistants, at the least to be seven, shall have full power and authority to choose, nominate and appoint such, and so many others, as they shall think fit, and shall be willing to accept the same, to be free of the said company and body, and them into the same to admit, and to elect and constitute such officers, as they shall think fit and requisite for the ordering, managing and dispatching of the affairs of the said gover|nor and company and their successors, and to make laws and ordinances for the good and welfare of the said company, and for the govern|ment and ordering of the said lands and plan|tations, and the people inhabiting and to in|habit the same, as to them from time to time shall be thought me•••••• So as such laws and

ordinances be not contrary or repugnant to the laws and statutes of this our realm of England.

Another clause is this,

And for their further encouragement, of our especial grace and fa|vour, we do by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, yield and grant to the said governor and company, and their successors, and every of them, their factors and assigns, that they and every of them shall be free and quit from all takes, subsidies and customs in New-England, for the space of seven years, and from all taxes and impositions for the space of twenty-one years, upon all goods and merchandise, at any time or times hereafter, either upon importation thither, or exporta|tion from thence into our realm of England, or into other of our dominions, by the said governor and company, and their successors, their deputies, factors and assigns, &c.

The exception of twenty-one years, plainly indicates, that after their expiration, goods and merchandize imported or exported, would be liable to taxes and impositions, which is rather an unfavourable circumstance for those who call the three-penny duty on tea unconstitutional. It is true that this charter has been vacated by a decree in chancery, for the governor and compa|ny assuming powers which they were not invested with by it; but it is evidence nevertheless of the terms stipulated between the crown and our an|cestors, at the first settlement of the country. If the province was then subject to the authority of parliament, it must be now, unless it can be shewn, by some act of the whole legislature, that right has been renounced; for it is not in the

prerogatives of the crown to alienate a part of its dominions, excepting the ceding of conquer|ed countries, to obtain a more advantageous peace. I am no advocate for internal taxation, let the right in theory be where it may. It is impracticable in many cases, perhaps inexpedient in all. The right of parliament to lay duties upon trade, is so intervowen with the right of le|gislation, that it is impossible to discriminate them, and it is preposterous to the last degree, to buoy ourselves up with a false principle, that must fail us in the end, and sink us the deeper for having depended upon it.

I shall recite but one more clause of this char|ter, which is this,

And further our will and pleasure is, and we do hereby for us, our heirs and successors, ordain, declare and grant to the said Governor and company, and their suc|cessors, that all and every of the subjects of us, our heirs and successors, which shall go to, and inhabit within the said lands and premises hereby mentioned to be granted, and every of their children which shall happen to be born there, or on the seas in going thither, or re|turning from thence, shall have and enjoy all liberties and immunities of free and natural sub|jects, within any of the dominions of us, our heirs or successors, to all intents, construc|tions and purposes whatsoever, as if they and every of them were born within the realm of England.

It is upon this, or a similar clause in the charter of William and Mary that our pa|triots have built up the stupenduous fabric of American independance. They argue from it a

total exemption from Parliamentary authority, because we are not represented in parliament.

I have already shewn that the supposition of our being exempt from the authority of parlia|ment, is pregnant with the grossest absurdities. Let us now consider this clause in connexion with the other parts of the charter. It is a rule of law, founded in reason and common sense, to construe each part, of an instrument, so as the whole may hang together, and be consistent with itself. If we suppose this clause to exempt us from the authority of parliament, we must throw away all the rest of the charter, for every other part indicates the contrary, as plainly as words can do it; and what is still worse, this clause becomes felo de se, and destroys itself, for if we are not annexed to the realm, we are aliens, and no charter, grant, or other act of the crown, can naturalize, or entitle us to the liberties and immu|nities of Englishmen. It can be done only by act of parliament. An alien is one born in a strange country, out of the allegiance of the King, and is under many disabilities, though re|siding in the realm; as Wales, Jersey, Guernsey, Ireland, the foreign plantations, &c. were seve|rally added, or annexed, to the antient realm, they became parts of one and the same empire, the natives of which are equally free as though they had been born in that territory which was the ancient realm. As our patriots depend upon this clause, detached from the charter, let us view it in that light. If a person born in Eng|land removes to Ireland, and settles there, he is then no longer represented in the British parlia|ment, but he and his posterity are and will ever

be subject to the authority of the British parlia|ment: If he removes to Jersey, Guernsey, or any other parts of the British dominions, that send no members to parliament, he will still be in the same predicament. So that the inhabi|tants of the American colonies do in fact enjoy all the liberties and immunities of natural born subjects. We are entitled to no greater privi|leges than those that are born within the realm, and they can enjoy no other than we do, when they reside out of it. Thus it is evident that this clause amounts to no more than the royal assurance, that we are a part of the British em|pire, are not aliens, but natural born subjects; and as such bound to obey the supreme power of the state, and entitled to protection from it. To avoid prolixity I shall not remark particularly upon other parts of this charter, but observe in general, that whoever reads it with attention will meet with irresistible evidence in every part of it, that our being a part of the English dominions, subject to the English crown, and within the ju|risdiction of parliament, were the terms upon which our ancestors settled this colony, and the very tenures by which they held their estates.

No lands within the British dominions are per|fectly allodial; they are held mediately or im|mediately of the king, and upon forfeiture, re|vert to the crown.

My dear countrymen, you have many of you, been most falsly and wickedly told, by our pa|triots, that Great-Britain was meditating a land tax, and seeking to deprive us of our inheritance; but had all the malice and subtilty of men and devils been united, a readier method to effect it

could not have been devised, than the late de|nials of the authority of parliament, and for|cible oppositions to its acts: Yet, this has been done, planned and executed chiefly by persons of desperate fortunes.

If we carry our researches further back than the emigration of our ancestors, we shall find many things that reflect light upon the object we are in quest of. It is immaterial when America was first discovered or taken possession of by the English. In 1602 one Gosnold landed upon one of the islands, called Elizabeth-Islands, which were so named in honour of Queen Elizabeth, built a fort and projected a settlement, his men were discouraged, and the project failed. In 1606 King James granted all the continent from 34 to 45 degrees, which he divided into two co|lonies, viz. the southern, or Virginia, to certain merchants at London, the northern, or New-England, to certain merchants at Plymouth, in England. In 1607 some of the patentees of the northern colony began a settlement at Sogadahoc, but the emigrants were disheartened after the tri|al of one winter, and that attempt failed of suc|cess. Thus this territory has not only been granted by the crown for purposes of coloniza|tion, which are to enlarge the empire, or domi|nion, of the parent state, and to open new sources of national wealth, but actual possession had been taken by the grantees, previous to the emi|gration of our ancestors, or any grant to them. In 1620 a patent was granted to the adventurers for the northern colony, incorporating them by the name of the council for the affairs of New-Ply|mouth. From this company of merchants in Eng|land,

our ancestors derived their title to this ter|ritory. The tract of land called Massachusetts was purchased of this Company, by Sir Henry Roswell and associates, their deed bearing date, March 19th, 1627. In 1628 they obtained a charter of incorporation, which I have already remarked upon. The liberties, privileges and franchises, granted by this charter, do not per|haps exceed those granted to the city of London, and other corporations within the realm. The legislative power was very confined; it did not even extend to the levying of taxes of any kind, that power was however assumed under this char|ter, which by law worked a forfeiture, and for this, among other things, in the reign of Charles the Second, the charter was adjudged forfeited, and the franchises seized into the King's hands. This judgment did not affect our an|cestors title to their lands that was not derived originally from the charter, though confirmed by it, but by purchase from the council at Ply|mouth, who held immediately under the crown. Besides our ancestors had now reduced what be|fore was a naked right to possession and by per|severing through unequal toils, hardships and dangers, at the approach of which other emi|grants had fainted, rendered New-England a ve|ry valuable acquisition, both to the crown and nation. This was highly meritorious, and ought not to be overlooked in adjusting the present un|happy dispute, but our patriots would deprive us of all the merit, both to the crown and na|tion, by severing us from both. After the re|volution, our ancestors petitioned the parliament to restore the charter. A bill for that purpose

passed the house of commons, but went no fur|ther. In consequence of another petition King William and Queen Mary granted our present charter, for uniting and incorporating the Massa|chusetts, New-Plymouth, and several other ter|ritories into one province. More extensive pow|ers of legislation than those contained in the first charter were become necessary, and were granted. And the form of the legislature made to approach nearer to the form of the supreme legislature. The powers of legislation are confined to local or provincial purposes, and further restricted by these words, viz. So as the same be not repug|nant, or contrary to the laws of this our realm of England. Our patriots have made many nice distinctions and curious refinements, to evade the force of these words, but after all, it is as im|possible to reconcile them to the idea of an in|dependant state, as it is to reconcile disability to omnipotence. The provincial power of taxation is also restricted to provincial purposes, and al|lowed to be exercised over such only as are inha|bitants, or proprietors, within the province. I would observe here, that the granting subordi|nate powers of legislation, does not abridge or diminish the powers of the higher legislatures: thus we see corporations in England, and the se|veral towns in this province, vested with greater or lesser powers of legislation, without the par|liament, in one case, or the general court in the other being restrained, from enacting those very laws, that fall within the jurisdiction of the seve|ral corporations. Had our present charter been conceived in such equivocal terms as that it might be construed as restraining the authori|ty

of parliament, the uniform usage ever since it passed the seal, would satisfy us that its intents was different. The parliament in the reign when it was granted, and in every reign since, has been making statutes to extend to the colonies, and those statutes have been as uniformly sub|mitted to as authoritative, by the colonies, till within ten, or a dozen years. Sometimes acts of parliament have been made, and sometimes have been repealed in consequence of petitions from the colonies. The provincial assemblies often refer to acts of parliament in their own, and have sometimes made acts to aid their execution. It is evident that it was the intention of their Ma|jesties, to grant subordinate powers of legislation, without impairing or diminishing the authority of the supreme legislature. Had there been any words in the charter, that precluded that con|struction, or did the whole taken together, con|tradict it, lawyers would tell us, that their Ma|jesties were deceived in their grant, and the pa|tentees took no estate by it, because the crown can neither alienate a part of the British domi|nions, nor impair the supreme power of the em|pire. I have dwelt longer on this subject than I at first intended, and not by any means done it justice, as to avoid prolix narratives, and tedious deduction, I have omitted perhaps more than I have adduced, that evinces the truth of the po|sition, that we are a part of the British domi|nions, and subject to the authority of parlia|ment. The novelty of the contrary tenets, will appear by extracting a part of a pamphlet, pub|lished in 1764, by a Boston gentleman, who was then the oracle of the Whigs, and whose pro|found

knowledge in the law and constitution is equaled but by few.

I also lay it down as one of the first prin|ciples from whence I intend to deduce the ci|vil rights of the British colonies, that all of them are subject to, and dependant on Great-Britain; and that therefore as over subordi|nate governments, the parliament of Great-Britain has an undoubted power, and lawful authority to make acts for the general good, that by naming them, shall and ought to be equally binding, as upon the subjects of Great-Britain within the realm. Is there the least difference, as to the consent of the colo|nists, whether taxes and impositions are laid on their trade, and other property by the crown alone, or by the parliament. As it is agreed on all hands, the crown alone cannot impose them, we should be justifiable in re|fusing to pay them, but must and ought to yield obedience to an act of parliament, though erro|neous, till repealed.

It is a maxim, that the King can do no wrong; and every good subject is bound to believe his King is not inclined to do any. We are blessed with a prince who has given abun|dant demonstrations, that in all his actions, he studies the good of his people, and the true glory of his crown, which are inseparable. It would therefore be the highest degree of impu|dence and disloyalty, to imagine that the King, at the head of his parliament, could have any but the most pure and perfect intentions of justice, goodness and truth, that human na|ture is cap•••••••• of. All this I say and believe

of the King and parliament, in all their acts; even in that which so nearly affects the inte|rests of the colonists; and that a most perfect and ready obedience is to be yielded to it, while it remains in force. The power of par|liament is uncontroulable but by themselves, and we must obey. They only can repeal their own acts. There would be an end of all government, if one or a number of subjects, or subordinate provinces should take upon them so far to judge of the justice of an act of parliament, as to refuse obedience to it. If there was nothing else to restrain such a step, prudence ought to do it, for forceably resist|ing the parliament and the King's laws is high treason. Therefore let the parliament lay what burdens they please on us, we must, it is our duty to submit and patiently bear them, till they will be pleased to relieve us.

The Pennsylvania Farmer, who took the lead in explaining away the right of parliament, to raise a revenue in America, speaking of regulat|ing trade, tells us that

He who considers these provinces as states distinct from the British empire has very slender notions of justice, or of their interest; we are but parts of the whole, and therefore there must exist a power some|where to preside and preserve the connection in due order. This power is lodged in parlia|ment, and we are as much dependant on Great-Britain as a perfectly free people can be on an|other.

He supposes that we are dependant in some considerable degree upon Great-Britain; and that, that dependance is nevertheless consis|tent with perfect freedom.

Having settled this point, let us reflect upon the resolves and proceedings of our patriots. We often read resolves denying the authority of par|liament, which is the imperial Sovereign, gilded over with professions of loyalty to the King; but the golden leaf is too thin to conceal the treason: It either argues profound ignorance, or hypocri|tical cunning.

We find many unsuspecting persons prevailed on openly to oppose the execution of acts of par|liament with force and arms. My friends! some of the persons that beguiled you, could have turned to the chapter, page and section, where such insurrections are pronounced rebellion, by the law of the land; and had not their hearts been dead to a sense of justice, and steeled against eve|ry feeling of humanity, they would have timely warned you of your danger. Our patriots have sent us in pursuit of a mere ignis fatuus, a fasci|nating glare, devoid of substance; and now, when we find ourselves bewildered, with scarce one ray of hope to raise our sinking spirits, or stay our fainting souls, they conjure up phantoms more de|lusive and fleeting, if possible, than that which first led us astray. They tell us we are a match for Great-Britain:—The twentieth part of the strength that Great-Britain could exert, were it necessary, is more than sufficient to crush this defenceless province to atoms, notwithstanding all the vapouring of the disaffected here and else|where. They tell us the army is disaffected to the service: What pains have our wretched po|liticians not taken to attach them to it? The of|ficers conceive no very favourable opinion of the cause of the Whigs, from the obloquy with

which the general hath been treated, in return for his humanity, nor from the infamous attempts to seduce the soldiers from his Majesty's service. The policy of some of our patriots has been as weak and contemptible as their motives are sor|did and malevolent, for when they found their success, in corrupting the soldiery, did not an|swer their expectations, they took pains to at|tach them firmer to the cause they adhered to, by preventing the erecting of barracks for their winter quarters, by which means many contract|ed diseases, and some lives were lost, from the unwholesome buildings they were obliged to oc|cupy; and, as though some stimulus was still wanting, some provocation to prevent human nature revolting in the hour of battle, they de|prived the soldiers of a gratification never denied to the brute creation,—straw to lie on. I do not mention this conduct to raise the resentment of the troops, it has had its effect already, and it is proper you should know it; nor should I have blotted paper in relating facts so mortifying to the pride of man, had it not been basely sug|gested that there would be a defection should the army take the field. Those are matters of small moment compared to another, which is the cause they are engaged in. It is no longer a struggle between Whigs and Tories, whether these or those shall occupy posts of honour, or enjoy the emoluments of office, nor is it now whether this or the other act of parliament shall be repealed. The army is sent here to decide a question, inti|mately connected with the honour and interest of the nation, no less than whether the colonies shall continue a part of, or be forever dismem|bered

from the British empire. It is a cause in which no honest American, can wish our politi|cians success, though it is devoutly to be wished, that their discomfiture may be effected without recourse being had to the ultima ratio—the sword. This our wretched situation is but the natural consequence of denying the authority of parlia|ment, and forcibly opposing its acts.

Sometimes we are amused with intimations that Holland, France or Spain will make a di|version in our favour.—These, equally with the others, are suggestions of despair. These powers have colonies of their own, and might not choose to set a bad example, by encouraging the colo|nies of any other state to revolt. The Dutch have too much money in the English funds, and are too much attached to their money to espouse our quarrel. The French and Spaniards have not yet forgot the drubbing they received from Great-Britain last war; and all three fear to of|fend that power which our politicians would per|suade us to despise.

Lastly, they tell us that the people in England will take our part, and prevent matters from coming to extremity. This is their fort, where, when driven from every other post, they fly for refuge.

Alas! my friends, our congresses have stopt up every avenue that leads to that sanctuary. We hear by every arrival from England, that it is no longer a ministerial (if ever it was) but a natio|nal cause. My dear countrymen, I deal plainly with you; I never should forgive myself if I did not. Are there not eleven regiments in Bos|ton? A respectable fleet in the harbour? Men

of war stationed at every considerable port along the continent? Are not three ships of the line sent here, notwithstanding the danger of the win|ter coast, with more than the usual compliment of marines? Have not our congresses, county, provincial and continental, instead of making advances for an accommodation, bid defiance to Great-Britain?—He that runs may read.

If our politicians will not be persuaded from running against the thick bosses of the buckler, it is time for us to leave them to their fate, and provide for the safety of ourselves, our wives, our children, our friends and our country.

I have many things to add, but must now take my leave for this week, by submitting to your judgment whether there be not an absolute ne|cessity of immediately protesting against all trai|terous resolves, leagues and associations, of bo|dies of men that appear to have acted in a repre|sentative capacity. Had our congresses been ac|cidental or spontaneous meetings, the whole blame might have rested upon the individuals that composed them, but as they appear in the character of the peoples delegates, is there not the utmost danger of the innocent being con|founded with the guilty, unless they take care timely to distinguish themselves?

As the oppugnation to the King in parliament tends manifestly to independance, and the colo|nies would soon arrive at that point, did not Great Britain check them in their carreer; let us indulge the idea, however extravagant and ro|mantic, and suppose ourselves for ever separated from the parent state. Let us suppose Great-Bri|tain sinking under the violence of the shock, and

overwhelmed by her ancient hereditary enemies; or what is more probable, opening new sources of national wealth, to supply the deficiency of that which used to flow to her through Ameri|can channels, and perhaps planting more loyal colonies in the new discovered regions of the south, still retaining her preeminence among the nations, though regardless of America.

Let us now advert to our own situation. Des|titute of British protection, that impervious bar|rier, behind which in perfect security, we have encreased to a degree almost exceeding the bounds of probability, what other Britain could we look to when in distress? What succedaneum does the world afford to make good the loss? Would not our trade, navigation and fishery, which no nation in Europe dares violate or in|vade, when distinguished by the British colours, become the sport and prey of the maritime pow|ers of Europe? Would not our maritime towns be exposed to the pillaging of every piratical en|terprize? Are the colonies able to maintain a fleet, sufficient to afford one idea of security to such an extensive sea-coast? Before they can de|fend themselves against foreign invasions, they must unite into one empire, otherwise the jar|ring interests, and opposite propensities, would render the many headed monster in politics, un|wieldy and inactive. Neither the form or seat of government would be readily agreed upon; more difficult still would it be to fix upon the person or persons, to be invested with the impe|rial authority. There is perhaps as great a di|versity between the tempers and habits of the inhabitants of this province, and the tempers

and habits of the Carolinians, as there subsist between some different nations; nor need we travel so far, the Rhode-Islanders are as diverse from the people of the adjoining colony of Connecticut, as those mentioned before. Most of the colonies are rivals to each other in trade. Between others there subsist deep animosities, re|specting their boundaries, which have hereto|fore produced violent altercations, and the sword of civil war has been more than once unsheath|ed, without bringing these disputes to a decision. It is apparent that so many discordant, hetero|genius particles could not suddenly unite and consolidate into one body: It is most probable, that if ever they were united, the union would be effected by some aspiring genius, putting himself at the head of the colonists army (for we must suppose a very respectable one indeed before we are severed from Britain) and taking advantage of the enfeebled, bleeding and distracted state of the colonies, subjugate the whole to the yoke of despotism. Human nature is every where the same, and this has often been the issue of those rebellions that the rightful Prince was unable to subdue. We need not travel through the states of ancient Greece and Rome, or the more modern ones in Europe, to pick up the instances, with which the way is strewed; we have a no|table one in our own. So odious and arbitrary was the protectorate of Cromwell, that when death had delivered them from the dread of the tyrant, all parties conspired to restore monarchy, and each one strove to be foremost in inviting home, and placing upon the imperial throne,

their exiled prince, the son of the same Charles, who not many years before, had died on the scaf|fold: The republicans themselves now rushed to the opposite extreme, and had Charles the second been as ambitious, as some of his predecessors were, he might have established in England a power more arbitrary than the first Charles ever had in contemplation.

Let us now suppose the colonies united and moulded into some form of government. Think one moment of the revenue necessary to support this government, and to provide for even the appearance of defence. Conceive yourselves in a manner exhausted by the conflict with Great-Britain, now staggering and sinking under the load of your own taxes, and the weight of your own government. Consider further, that to ren|der government operative and salutary, subordi|nation is necessary. This our patriots need not be told of, and when once they had mounted the steed, and found themselves so well seated as to run no risk of being thrown from the saddle, the severity of their discipline to restore subordina|tion, would be in proportion to their former treachery in destroying it. We have already seen specimens of their tyranny, in their inhu|man treatment of persons guilty of no crime, ex|cept that of differing in sentiment from the whigs. What then must we expect from such scourges of mankind, when supported by imperial power?

To elude the difficulty resulting from our de|fenceless situation, we are told that the colonies would open a free trade with all the world, and all nations would join in protecting their com|mon mart. A very little reflection will convince

us, that this is chimerical. American trade, how|ever beneficial to Great-Britain, while she can command it, would be but as a drop of the bucket, or the light dust of the balance, to all the commercial states of Europe: Besides, were the British fleets and armies no longer destined to our protection, in a very short time France and Spain would recover possession of those territories, that were torn reluctant and bleeding from them, in the last war, by the superior strength of Bri|tain. Our enemies would again extend their line of fortification, from the northern to the south|ern shore, and by means of our late settlements stretching themselves to the confines of Canada, and the communication opened from one country to the other, we should be exposed to perpetual incursions from Canadians and savages; but our distress would not end here, for when once these incursions should be supported by the formi|dable armaments of France and Spain, the whole continent would become their easy prey, and would be parcelled out, Poland like. Recollect the consternation we were thrown into last war, when fort William Henry was taken by the French: It was apprehended that New-England would be over-run by their conquering arms: It was even proposed, for our own people to burn and lay waste all the country west of Connecticut river, to impede the enemies march, and prevent their ravaging the country east of it. This pro|posal came from no inconsiderable man. Consider what must really have been our fate, unaided by Britain last war.

Great-Britain aside, what earthly power could stretch out the compassionate arm to shield us

from those powers, that have long beheld us with the sharp piercing eyes of avidity, and have heretofore bled freely, and expended their millions to obtain us? Do you suppose their lust of empire is satiated? Or do you suppose, they would scorn to obtain so glorious a prize by an easy conquest? Or can any be so visiona|ry and enthusiastical as to believe that the Father of the universe will work miracles in favour of rebellion? And after having, by some unseen arm, and mighty power, destroyed Great-Bri|tain for us, will in the same mysterious way de|fend us against other European powers? Some|times we are told, that the colonies may put them|selves under the protection of some one foreign state, but it ought to be considered that to do that, we must throw ourselves into their power. We can make them no return for protection but by trade, and of that they can have no assurance, unless we become subject to their laws; this is evident by our contention with Britain.

Which state would you prefer being annexed to, France, Spain or Holland? I suppose the latter, as it is a republic; but are you sure that the other powers of Europe would be idle spec|tators, content to suffer the Dutch to ingross the American colonies, or their trade? And what figure would the Dutch probably make in the unequal contest? Their sword has been long since sheathed in commerce. Those of you that have visited Surinam, and seen a Dutch Gover|nor dispensing, at discretion, his own opinions for law, would not suddenly exchange the Eng|lish for Dutch government.

I will subjoin some observations from the

Farmer's letters. "When the appeal is made to the sword, highly probable it is, that the punish|ment will exceed the offence, and the calamities attending on war outweigh those preceding it. These considerations of justice and prudence, will always have great influence with good and wise men. To these reflections it remains to be added, and ought for ever to be remembered, that re|sistance in the case of the colonies against their mother-country, is extremely different from the resistance of a people against their prince: A na|tion may change their King, or race of Kings, and retaining their ancient form of government be gainers by changing. Thus Great-Britain under the illustrious house of Brunswick, a house that seems to flourish for the happiness of mankind, has found a felicity unknown in the reigns of the Stewarts; but if once we are separated from our mother country, what new form of government shall we adopt, or where shall we find another Britain to supply our loss? Torn from the body to which we are united by religion, laws, affec|tion, relation, language and commerce, we must bleed at every vein. In truth, the prosperity of these provinces is founded in their dependance on Great-Britain."

Thus, not only our allegiance binds us to obey acts of parliament, but every civil and religious privilege we enjoy depends upon it. I shall next enquire into those acts that are called grievances. I do not know that I could wish that Great-Bri|tain should appear altogether blameless, but I assure you, we shall find nothing to justify the conduct of our patriots.

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Notes

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  ☞ In the Press, and speedily will be published a Continua|tion of this Work.