Thoughts upon slavery. By John Wesley, A.M. ; [Two lines from Genesis]

THOUGHTS UPON SLAVERY.

1. BY slavery I mean domestic slavery, or that of a servant to a master. A late ingenious writer well observes, "The variety of forms in which slavery appears, makes it almost impossible to convey a just notion of it, by way of de∣finition. There are however certain pro∣perties which have accompanied slavery in most places, whereby it is easily distin∣guished from that mild domestic service which obtains in our own country * 1.1."

2. Slavery imports an obligation of per∣petual service, an obligation which only

the consent of the master can dissolve. Neither in some countries can the master himself dissolve it, without the consent of judges appointed by law. It generally gives the master an arbitrary power of any correction not affecting life or limb.—Sometimes even these are exposed to his will: or protected only by a fine, or some slight punishment, too insiconderable to restrain a master of an harsh temper. It creates an incapacity of acquiring any thing, except for the master's benefit. It allows the master to alienate the slave, in the same manner as his cows and horses. Lastly, it descends in its full extent from parent to child, even to the latest gene∣ration.

3. The beginning of this may be dated from the remotest period, of which we have an account in history. It commenced in the barbarous state of society, and in process of time spread into all nations. It prevailed particularly among the Jews, the Greeks, the Romans, and the antient Germans: And was transmitted by them to the various kingdoms and states, which arose out of the ruins of the Roman em∣pire. But after christianity prevailed, it gradually fell into decline in almost all parts of Europe. This great change began in Spain, about the end of the eighth cen∣tury:

And was become general in most other kingdoms of Europe, before the mid∣dle of the fourteenth.

4. From this time slavery was nearly extinct, till the commencement of the six∣teenth century, when the discovery of America, and of the western and eastern coasts of Africa, gave occasion to the revi∣val of it. It took its rise from the Portu∣guese, who to supply the Spaniards with men, to cultivate their new possessions in America, procured negroes from Africa, whom they sold for slaves to the American Spaniards. This began in the year 1508, when they imported the first negroes into Hispaniola. In 1540 Charles the fifth, then king of Spain, determined to put an end to negro-slavery: Giving positive orders. That all the negro slaves in the Spanish dominions should be set free. And this was accordingly done by Lagasca, whom he sent and impowered to free them all, on condition of continuing to labour for their masters. But soon after Lagasca re∣turned to Spain, slavery returned and flou∣rished as before. Afterwards other na∣tions, as they acquired possessions in America, followed the examples of the Spaniards; and slavery has now taken deep root in most of our American colonies.

II. Such is the nature of slavery: Such the beginning of negro-slavery in America. But some may desire to know, what kind of country it is, from which the negroes are brought? What sort of men, of what temper and behaviour are they in their own country? And in what manner they are generally procured, carried to, and treated in America?

1. And first, What kind of country is that from whence they are brought? Is it so remarkably horrid, dreary and barren, that it is a kindness to deliver them out of it? I believe many have apprehended so: But it is an entire mistake, if we may give credit to those who have lived many years therein, and could have no motive to misrepresent it.

2. That part of Africa whence the ne∣groes are brought, commonly known by the name of Guinea, extends along the coast, in the whole, between three and four thousand miles. From the river Se∣negal, (seventeen degrees north of the line) to Cape Sierra Leona, it contains seven hundred miles. Thence it runs eastward about fifteen hundred miles, including the Grain-Coast, the Ivory-Coast, the Cold-Coast, and the Slave Coast, with the large king∣dom of Benin. From thence it runs south∣ward, about twelve hundred miles, and

contains the kingdoms of Congo and An∣gola.

3. Concerning the first, the Senegal-Coast, Mons. Brue, who lived there sixteen years, after describing its fruitfulness near the sea, says, "The farther you go from the sea, the more fruitful and well im∣proved is the country, abounding in pulse, Indian corn, and various fruits. Here are vast meadows, which feed large herds of great and small cattle. And the villages which lie thick, shew the country is well peopled." And again: "I was surprized, to see the land so well cultivated; scarce a spot day un-improved: The low lands divided by small canals, were all sowed with rice: The higher grounds were plant∣ed with Indian corn, and peas of different sorts. Their beef is excellent; poultry plenty and very cheap, as are all the ne∣cessaries of life."

4. As to the Grain and Ivory Coast, we learn from eye witnesses, that the soil is in general fertile, producing abundance of rice and roots. Indigo and cotton thrive without cultivation.—Fish is in great plenty; the flocks and herds are numerous, and the trees loaded with fruit.

5. The Gold-Coast and Slave-Coast, all who have seen it agree, is exceeding fruit∣ful and pleasant, producing vast quantities

of rice and other grain, plenty of fruit and roots, palm-wine, and oil, and fish in great abundance, with much tame and wild cattle. The very same account is given us of the soil and produce of the kingdoms of Benin, Congo and Angola.—From all which it appears, That Guinea in general, far from being an horrid, dreary, barren country, is one of the most fruitful, as well as the most pleasant countries in the known world. It is said indeed to be unhealthy. And so it is to strangers, but perfectly healthy to the native inhabi∣tants.

6. Such is the country from which the negroes are brought. We come next to enquire, What sort of men they are, of what temper and behaviour, not in our plantations, but in their native country. And here likewise the surest way is to take our account from eye and ear witnesses. Now those who have lived in the Senegal country observe, it is inhabited by three nations, the Jalofs, Fulis, and Mandingos. The king of the Jalofs has under him se∣veral ministers, who assist in the exercise of justice. The chief justice goes in cir∣cuit through all his dominions, to hear complaints and determine controversies. And the viceroy goes with him, to inspect the behaviour of the Alkadi, or Governor

of each village. The Fulis are a numerous people; the soil of their country represent∣ed as rich, affording large harvests, and the people laborious and good farmers: Of some of these Fuli blacks who dwelt on the river Gambia, William Moor the English factor gives a very favourable account.—He says, they are governed by their chief men, who rule with much moderation. Few of them will drink any thing stronger than water, being strict Mahometans. The government is easy, because the people are of a good and quiet disposition; and so well instructed in what is right, that a man who wrongs another is the abomina∣tion of all.—They desire no more land than they use, which they cultivate with great care and industry: If any of them are known to be made slaves by the white men they all join to redeem them. They not only support all that are old, or blind, or lame among themselves; but have frequently supplied the necessities of the Mandingas, when they were distrest by famine.

7. The Mandingos, says Mons. Brue, are rigid Mahometans, drinking neither wine nor brandy. They are industrious and laborious, keeping their ground well cul∣tivated, and breeding a good stock of cat∣tle. Every town has a governor, and he

appoints the labour of the people. The men work the ground designed for corn; the women and girls, the rice-ground.—He afterwards divides the corn and rice among them: And decides all quarrels if any arise. All the Mahometan negroes constantly go to public prayers thrice a day: there being a priest in every village, who regularly calls them together: Some authors say, it is surprizing to see the atten∣tion and reverence which they observe during their worship.—These three nati∣ons practise several trades; they have smiths, sadlers, potters and weavers. And they are very ingenious at their several occupations.—Their smiths not only make all the instruments of iron, which they have occasion to use, but likewise work many things neatly in gold and silver. It is chiefly the women and chil∣dren who weave sine cotton cloth, which they dye blue and black.

8. It was of these parts of Guinea, that Mons. Adanson, correspondent of the royal academy of sciences at Paris from 1749 to 1753, gives the following account, both as to the country and people. "Which way soever I turned my eyes, I beheld a per∣fect image of pure nature: An agreeable solitude, bounded on every side by a charming landscape; the rural situation

of cottages, in the midst of trees; the ease and quietness of the negroes, reclined un∣der the shade of the spreading foliage, with the simplicity of their dress and man∣ners: The whole revived in my mind the idea of our first parents, and I seemed to contemplate the world in its primitive state. They are generally-speaking, very good natured, sociable and obliging. I was not a little pleased with my very first reception, and it fully convinced me, that there ought to be a considerable abate∣ment made, in the accounts we have of the savage character of the Africans." He adds, "It is amazing that an illiterate people should reason so pertinently con∣cerning the heavenly bodies. There is no doubt, but that with proper instru∣ments, they would become excellent astro∣nomers."

9. The inhabitants of the Grain and Ivory-Coast are represented by those that deal with them, as sensible, courteous, and the fairest traders on the coasts of Guinea. They rarely drink to excess: If any do, they are severely punished by the king's order. They are seldom troubled with war: If a difference happen between two nations, they commony end the dis∣pute amicably.

The inhabitants of the Gold and Silver-Coast likewise, when they are not artfully

incensed against each other, live in great union and friendship, being generally well-tempered, civil, tractable, and ready to help any that need it. In particular, the natives of the kingdom of Whidah are civil, kind, and obliging to strangers.—And they are the most gentleman-like of all the negroes, abounding in good man∣ners towards each other. The inferiors pay great respect to their superiors:—So wives to their husbands, children to their parents. And they are remarkably industrious: All are constantly employ'd; the men in agriculture, the women in spinning and weaving cotton.

10. The Gold and Slave Coasts are divid∣ed into several districts, some governed by kings, others by the principal men, who take care each of their own town or vil∣lage, and prevent or appease tumults.—They punish murder and adultery se∣verely; very frequently with death.—Theft and robbery are punished by a fine proportionable to the goods that were taken.—All the natives of this coast, though heathens, believe there is one GOD, the author of them and all things. They appear likewise to have a confused appre∣hension of a future state. And accord∣ingly every town and village has a place of public worship.—It is remarkable that

they have no beggars among them: Such is the care of the chief men, in every city and village, to provide some easy labour, even for the old and weak. Some are employ'd in blowing the smiths bellows; others in pressing palm-oil; others in grinding of colours. If they are too weak even for this, they sell provisions in the market.

11. The accounts we have of the na∣tives of the kingdom of Benin is, that they are a reasonable and good-natured people, sincere and inoffensive, and do no injustice either to one another or to strangers.—They are civil and courteous: If you make them a present, they endeavour to repay it double. And if they are trusted, till the ship returns next year, they are sure honestly to pay the whole debt.—Theft is punished among them, altho' not with the same severity as murder. If a man and woman of any quality, are taken in adultery, they are certain to be put to death, and their bodies thrown on a dunghill, and left a prey to wild beasts. They are punctually just and honest in their dealings; and are also very charitable: The king and the great lords taking care to employ all that are capable of any work. And those that are utterly helpless they keep for GOD's sake; so that here also are

no beggars. The inhabitants of Congo and Angola are generally a quiet people. They discover a good understanding, and be∣have in a friendly manner to strangers, being of a mild temper and an affable car∣riage.—Upon the whole therefore the negroes who inhabit the coast of Africa, from the river Senegal to the southern bounds of Angola, are so far from being the stupid, senseless, brutish, lazy barba∣rians, the fierce, cruel, perfidious savages they have been described, that on the contrary, they are represented by them who had no motive to flatter them, as re∣markably sensible, considering the few advantages they have for improving their understanding:—As very industrious, perhaps more so than any other natives of so warm a climate.—As fair, just and honest in their dealings, unless where whitemen have taught them to be otherwise:—And as far more mild, friendly and kind to strangers, than any of our forefathers were. Our forefathers! Where shall we find at this day, among the fair-faced natives of Europe, a nation generally practising the justice mercy, and truth, which are related of these poor black Africans? Suppose the preced∣ing accounts are true, (which I see no rea∣son or pretence 〈◊〉〈◊〉 doubt of) and we may

leave England and France, to seek genuine honesty in Benin, Congo, or Angola.

III. We have now seen, what kind of country it is, from which the negroes are brought: And what sort of men (even whitemen being the judges) they were in their own country. Enquire we, Thirdly, In what manner are they generally pro∣cured, carried to, and treated in America.

1. First. In what manner are they pro∣cured? Part of them by fraud. Captains of ships from time to time, have invited negroes to come on board, and then car∣ried them away. But far more have been procured by force. The ••••••••stians land∣ing upon their coasts, seized as many as they found, men, women and children, and transported them to America. It was about 1551, that the English began trading to Guinea: At first, for gold and elephants teeth, but soon after, for men. In 1566, Sir John Hawkins sailed with two ships to Cape Verd, where he sent eighty men on shore to catch negroes. But the natives flying, they fell farther down, and there set the men on shore, "to burn their towns and take the inhabitants." But they met with such resistance, that they had seven men killed, and took but ten negroes. So they went still farther down,

till having taken enough, they proceeded to the West-Indies, and sold them * 1.2.

2. It was some time before the Europeans found a more compendious way of pro∣curing African slaves, by prevailing upon them to make war upon each other, and to sell their prisoners.—Till then they seldom had any wars: But were in ge∣neral quiet and peaceable. But the white men first taught them drunkenness and avarice, and then hired them to sell one another. Nay, by this means, even their kings are induced to sell their own sub∣jects.

So Mr. Moore (factor of the African company in 1730) informs us, "When the king of Barsalli wants goods or brandy, he sends to the English governor at James' fort, who immediately sends a sloop.—Against the time it arrives, he plunders some of his neighbours towns, selling the people for the goods he wants. At other times he falls upon one of his own towns, and makes bold to sell his own subjects." So Mons. Brue says, "I wrote to the king (not the same) "if he had a suffi∣cient number of slaves I would treat with him. He 〈◊〉〈◊〉 three hundred of his own people, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sent word, he was ready to deliver them for the goods." He adds, "Some of the natives are always ready" (when well paid) "to surprize and carry off their own countrymen. They come at night without noise, and if they find any lone cottage, surround it and carry off all the people."—Barbot, (another French factor) says, "Many of the slaves sold by the negroes are prisoners of war, or taken in the incursions they make into their enemy's territories.—Others are stolen. Abundance of little blacks of both sexes, are stolen away by their neighbours, when found abroad on the road, or in the woods, or else in the corn-fields, at the time of year when their parents keep

them there all day to scare away the de∣vouring birds." That their own parents sell them, is utterly false:

3. To set the manner wherein Negroes are procured in a yet stronger light, it will suffice to give an extract of two voy∣ages to Guinea on this account. The first is taken verbatim from the original manuscript of the Surgeon's Journal.

"SESTRO, Dec. 29, 1724. No trade to day, though many traders came on board. They informed us, that the peo∣ple are gone to war within land, and will bring prisoners enough 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or three days; in hopes of which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 stay.

"The 30th. No trade yet: but our traders came on board to-day, and inform∣ed us the people had burnt four towns: So that to-morrow we expect slaves off.

"The 31st. Fair weather: but no trading yet. We see each night towns burning. But we hear, many of the Sestro men are killed by the inland Ne∣groes: So that we fear this war will be unsuccessful.

"The 2d. of January. Last night we saw a prodigious fire break out about eleven o'clock, and this morning see the town of Sestro burnt down to the ground." (It contained some hundred houses.) "So that we find their enemies are too hard

for them at present, and consequently our trade spoiled here. Therefore about seven o'clock we weighed anchor, to proceed lower down."

4. The second extract taken from the journal of a Surgeon, who went from New-York on the same trade, is as follows. "The Commander of the vessel sent to acquaint the king, that he wanted a car∣go of slaves. The king, promised to fur∣nish him, and in order to it, set out, designing to surprize some town, and make all the people prisoners. Some time after, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 king sent him word, he had not yet 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with the desired success: Having attempted to break up two towns, but having been twice repulsed: But that he still hoped to procure the number of slaves. In this design he persisted, till he met his enemies in the field. A battle was fought, which lasted three days. And the engagement was so bloody, that four thousand five hundred men were slain upon the spot." Such is the man∣ner wherein the Negroes are procured! Thus the christians preach the gospel to the heathens!

5. Thus they are procured. But in what numbers and in what manner are they carried to America?—Mr. Ander∣son in his History of trade and commerce,

observes, "England supplies her Ameri∣can colonies with Negro-slaves, amount∣ing in number to about an hundred thou∣sand every year." That is, so many are taken on board our ships; but at least ten thousand of them die in the voyage: About a fourth part more die at the dif∣ferent Islands, in what is call the Season∣ing. So that at an average, in the pas∣sage and seasoning together, thirty thou∣sand die: That is, properly are mur∣dered. O earth, O Sea, cover not thou their blood!

6. When they are brought down to the shore in order to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 our surge∣ons thoroughly examine them, and that quite naked, women and men, without any distinction: Those that are approved are set on one side. In the mean time a burning iron, with the arms or name of the Company, lies in the fire, with which they are marked on the breast. Before they are put into the ships, their masters strip them of all they have on their backs: So that they come on bord stark naked, women as well as men. It is common for several hundreds of them to be put on board one vessel; where they are stow∣ed together in as little room, as it is pos∣sible for them to be crowded. It is easy to suppose what a condition they must

soon be in, between heat, thirst, and stench of various kinds. So that it is no wonder, so many should die in the pas∣sage; but rather, that any survive it. * 1.3

7. When the vessels arrive at their destined port, the Negroes are again exposed naked, to the eyes of all that flock together, and the examination of their purchasers: Then they are sepa∣rated to the plantations of their several masters, to see each other no more. Here you may see mothers hanging over their daughters, bedewing their naked breasts with tears, and daughters clinging to their parents, till the whipper soon oblig∣es them to part. And what can be more wretched than the condition they then enter upon? Banished from their coun∣try, from their friends 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••••••••ations for ever, from every comfort of life, they are reduced to a state scarce any way preferable to that of beasts of burthen. In general a few roots, not of the nicest kind, usually yams or potatoes, are their

food, and two rags, that neither screen them from the heat of the day, nor the cold of the night their covering. Their sleep is very short, their labour continu∣al, and frequently above their strength; so that death sets many of them at liberty, before they have lived out half their days. The time they work in the West Indies, is from day break to noon, and from two o'clock till dark: During which time they are attended by overseers, who, if they think them dilatory, or think any thing not so well done as it should be, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 them most unmercifully, so that you 〈◊〉〈◊〉 see their bodies long after whealed and scarred usually from the shoulders to the waist. And before they are suffered to go to their quarters, they have commonly something to do, as collecting herbage for the horses, or gathering fewel for the boilers. So that it is often past twelve, before they can get home. Hence if their food was not prepared, they are sometimes called to labour again, before they can satisfy their hunger. And no excuse will avail. If they are not in the field immediately, they must expect to feel the lash. Did the Creator intend, that the noblest creatures in the visible world, should live such a life as this!

"Are these thy glorious works, Pa∣rent of Good?"

8. As to the punishments inflicted on them, says Sir Hans Sloan, "they fre∣quently geld them, or chop off half a foot: After they are whipped till they are raw all over, some put pepper and salt upon them: Some drop melted wax upon their skin. Others cut off their ears, and constrain them to broil and eat them. "For Rebellion," (that is, assert∣ing their native Liberty, which they have as much right to as to the air they breathe) "they fasten them down to the ground with crooked 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on every limb, and then applying fire by degrees, to the feet and hands, they burn them gradually upward to the head." * 1.4

9 But will not the laws made in the Plantations, prevent or redress all cruelty and Oppression? We will take but a

few of those Laws for a specimen, and then let any man judge.

In order to rivet the chain of slavery, the law of Virginia ordains, "That no

slave shall be set free, upon any pretence whatever, except for some meritorious services, to be adjudged and allowed by the governor and council: And that where

any slave shall be set free by his owner, otherwise than is herein directed, the church-wardens of the parish wherein such negro shall reside for the space of

one month are hereby authorized and required, to take up and sell the said negro, by public outcry."

Will not these Law-givers take effec∣tual care, to prevent cruelty and oppres∣sion?

The law of Jamaica ordains, "Every slave that shall run away, and continue absent from his master twelve months, shall be deemed rebellious:" And by ano∣ther

law, fifty pounds are allowed, to those who kill or bring in alive a rebelli∣ous slave." So their law treats these poor men with as little ceremony and consi∣deration, as if they were merely brute beasts! But the innocent blood which is shed in consequence of such a detestable law, must call for vengeance on the mur∣derous abettors and actors of such delibe∣rate wickedness.

11. But the law of Barbadoes exceeds even this. "If any negro under punish∣ment, by his master, or his order, for running away, or any other crime or misdemeanor, shall suffer in life or mem∣ber, no person whatever shall be liable to any fine therefore. But if any man of WAN∣TONNESS, or only of BLOODY-MINDED∣NESS or CRUEL INTENTION, wilfully kill a negro of his own" (Now observe the severe punishment!) "He shall pay into the public treasury fifteen pounds ster∣ling! And not be liable to any other punishment or forfeiture for the same!"

Nearly allied to this is that law of Vir∣ginia: "After proclamation is issued a∣gainst slaves that run away, it is lawful for any person whatsoever to KILL AND DESTROY such slaves, by SUCH WAYS AND MEANS AS HE SHALL THINK FIT.

We have seen already some of the ways and means which have been thought fit on such occasions. And many more might be mentioned. One gentleman, when I was abroad thought fit to roast his slave alive! But if the most natural act of "running away" from intolerable ty∣ranny, deserves such relentness severity, what punishment have these law-makers to expect hereafter, on account of their own enormous offences?

IV. 1. This is the plain, un-aggravat∣ed matter of fact. Such is the manner wherein our African slaves are procured: Such the manner wherein they are remov∣ed from their native land, and wherein they are treaed in our Plantations. I would now enquire, whether these things can be defended, on the principles of even hea∣then honesty? Whether they can be recon∣ciled (setting the Bible out of the question) with any degree of either justice or mercy.

2. The grand plea is, "They are au∣thorized by law." But can law, human law, change the nature of things? Can

it turn darkness into light, or evil into good? By no means. Notwithstanding ten thousand laws, right is right, and wrong is wrong still. There must still remain an essential difference between justice and injustice, cruelty and mercy. So that still I ask, Who can reconcile this treatment of the negroes, first and last, with either mercy or justice.

Where is the justice of inflicting the severest evils, on those that have done us no wrong? Of depriving those that ne∣ver injured us in word or deed, of every comfort of life? Of tearing them from their native country, and depriving them of liberty itself? To which an Angolan, has the same natural right as an English∣man, and on which he sets as high a value? Yea where is the justice of taking away the lives of innocent, inoffensive men? Murdering thousands of them in their own land, by the hands of their own countrymen: Many thousands, year after year, on shipboard, and then cast∣ing them like dung into the sea! And tens of thousands in that cruel slavery, to which they are so unjustly reduced?

3. But waving, for the present, all other considerations, I strike at the root of this complicated villainy. I absolute∣ly deny all slave-holding to be consistent

with any degreee of even natural justice.

I cannot place this in a clearer light, than that great ornament of his profes∣sion, judge Blackstone has already done. Part of his words are as follows:

"The three origins of the right of slavery assigned by Justinian, are all built upon false foundations. 1. Slavery is said to arise from captivity in war. The conqueror having a right to the life of his captive, if he spares that, has then a right to deal with him as he pleases. But this is untrue, it taken generally, That by the law of nations, a man has a right to kill his enemy. He has only a right to kill him in particular cases in cases of absolute necessity for self-defence. And it is plain, this absolute necessity did not subsist, since he did not kill him, but made him prisoner. War itself is justi∣fiable only on principles of self-preserva∣tion. Therefore it gives us no right o∣ver prisoners, but to hinder their hurt∣ing us by confining them. Much less can it give a right to torture, or kill, or even to enslave an enemy when the war is over. Since therefore the right of mak∣ing our prisoners slaves, depends on a supposed right of slaughter, that found∣dation failing, the consequence which is drawn from it must fail likewise."

"It is said, Secondly, slavery may be∣gin, by one man's selling himself to ano∣ther. And it is true, a man may sell him∣self to work for another: But he cannot sell himself to be a slave, as above defined. Every sale implies an equivalent given to the seller, in lieu of what he transfers to the buyer. But what equivalent can be given for life or liberty? His property likewise, with the very price which he seems to receive, devolves ipso facto to his master, the instant he becomes his slave: In this case therefore the buyer gives nothing, and the seller receives nothing. Of what validity then can a sale be, which destroys the very principles upon which all sales are founded?"

"We are told, Thirdly, that men may be born slaves, by being the children of slaves. But this being built on the two former rights, must fall together with them. If neither captivity, nor contract can by the plain law of nature and reason, reduce the parent to a state of slavery, much less can they reduce the offspring." It clearly follows, that all slavery is as ir∣reconcileable to justice as to mercy.

4. That slave-holding is utterly incon∣sistent with mercy, is almost too plain to need a proof. Indeed it is said, "That these negroes being prisoners of war, our

captains and factors buy them merely to save them from being put to death. And is not this mercy?" I answer, 1. Did Sir John Hawkins, and many others, seize upon men, women and children, who were at peace in their own fields or houses, merely to save them from death? 2. Was it to save them from death, that they knock'd out the brains of those they could not bring away? 3. Who occasioned and fomented those wars, wherein these poor creatures were taken prisoners? Who excited them by money, by drink, by every possible means, to fall upon one another? Was it not themselves? They know in their own conscience it was, if they have any conscience left. But 4. To bring the matter to a short issue. Can they say before GOD, That they ever took a single voyage, or bought a single negro from this motive? They cannot. They well know, to get money, not to save lives, was the whole and sole spring of their motions.

5. But if this manner of procuring and treating negroes is not consistent either with mercy or justice, yet there is a plea for it which every man of business will acknowledge to be quite sufficient. Fifty years ago, one meeting an eminent states∣man in the lobby of the house of com∣mons,

said, "You have been long talking about justice and equity. Pray which is this bill? Equity or justice?" He answer∣ed, very short, and plain, "D—n justice: It is necessity." Here also the slave-holder fixes his foot: Here he rests the strength of his cause. "If it is not quite right, yet it must be so: There is an absolute necessity for it. It is necessary we should procure slaves: And when we have procured them, it is necessary to use them with se∣verity, considering their stupidity, stub∣bornness and wickedness."

I answer, You stumble at the threshold: I deny that villany is ever necessary. It is impossible that it should ever be neces∣sary, for any reasonable creature to violate all the laws of justice, mercy, and truth. No circumstances can make it necessary for a man to burst in sunder all the ties of humanity. It can never be necessary for a rational being to sink himself below a brute. A man can be under no necessity, of degrading himself into a wolf. The absurdity of the supposition is so glaring, that one would wonder any one can help seeing it.

6. This in general. But to be more particular, I ask, 1. What is necessary? And, secondly, To what end? It may be be answered, "The whole method now

used by the original purchasers of negroes, is necessary to the furnishing our colonies yearly with an hundred thousand slaves." I grant, this is necessary to that end. But how is that end necessary? How will you prove it necessary, that one hundred, that one of those slaves should be procured? "Why, it is necessary to my gaining an hundred thousand pounds." Perhaps so: But how is this necessary? It is very pos∣sible you might be both a better and an happier man, if you had not a quarter of it. I deny that your gaining one thousand is necessary, either to your present or eternal happiness. "But however you must allow, these slaves are necessary for the cultivation of our islands; inasmuch as white men are not able to labour in hot climates † 1.5." I answer, 1. It were bet∣ter

that all those islands should remain uncultivated for ever, yea, it were more desirable that they were all together sunk in the depth of the sea, than that they should be cultivated at so high a price, as the violation of justice, mercy, and truth. But, Secondly, the supposition on which

you ground your argument is false. For white men, even Englishmen, are well able to labour in hot climates: provided they are temperate both in meat and drink, and that they inure themselves to it by degrees. I speak no more than I know by experience. It appears from the ther∣mometer,

that the summer heat in Georgia, is frequently equal to that in Barbadoes, yea to that under the line. And yet I and my family, (eight in number) did em∣ploy all our spare time there, in felling of trees and clearing of ground, as hard labour as any negro need be employed in. The German family likewise, forty in number,

were employed in all manner of labour. And this was so far from impairing our health, that we all continued perfectly well, while the idle ones all round about us, were swept away as with a pestilence. It is not true therefore that white men are not able to labour, even in hot climates, full as well as black. But if they were not, it would be better that none should

labour there, that the work should be left undone, than that myriads of innocent men should be murdered, and myriads more dragged into the basest slavery.

7. "But the furnishing us with slaves is necessary, for the trade, and wealth, and glory of our nation:" Here are se∣veral mistakes. For 1. Wealth is not ne∣cessary to the glory of any nation; but wisdom, virtue, justice, mercy, generosity, public spirit, love of our country. These are necessary to the real glory of a nation; but abundance of wealth is not. Men of understanding allow, that the glory of England was full as high in Queen Eliza∣beth's time as it is now: Although our riches and trade were then as much smaller, as our virtue was greater‡ 1.6. But,

Secondly, it is not clear, that we should have either less money or trade, (only less of that detestable trade of man-stealing) if there was not a negro in all our islands, or in all English America. It is demonstra∣ble, white men, inured to it by degrees can work as well as them: And they would do it, were negroes out of the way, and proper encouragement given them. How∣ever, Thirdly, I come back to the same point; better no^o trade, than trade pro∣cured by villany. It is far better to have

no wealth, than to gain wealth, at the ex∣pence of virtue. Better is honest poverty, than all the riches bought by the tears, and sweat, and blood of our fellow-crea∣tures.

8. "However this be, it is necessary when we have slaves, to use them with severity." What, to whip them for every petty offence, till they are all in gore blood? To take that opportunity, of rub∣bing pepper and salt into their raw slesh? To drop burning sealing wax upon their skin? To castrate them? To cut off half their foot with an axe? To hang them on gibbets, that they may die by inches, with heat, and hunger, and thirst? To pin them down to the ground, and then burn them by degrees, from the feet, to the head? To roast them alive? When did a Turk or a Heathen find it necessary to use a fellow-creature thus?

I pray, to what end is this usage neces∣sary? "Why, to prevent their running away: And to keep them constantly to their labour, that they may not idle away their time. So miserably stupid is this race of men, yea, so stubborn, and so wicked." Allowing them to be as stupid as you say, to whom is that stupidity owing? Without question it lies altoge∣ther at the door of their inhuman masters:

Who give them no means, no opportu∣nity of improving their understanding: And indeed leave them no motive, either from hope or fear, to attempt any such thing. They were no way remarkable for stupidity, while they remained in their own country: The inhabitants of Africa where they have equal motives and equal means of improvement, are not inferior to the inhabitants of Europe: To some of them they are greatly superior. Impar∣tially survey in their own country, the natives of Benin and the natives of Lap∣land. Compare, (setting prejudice aside) the Samoeids and the Angolans. And on which side does the advantage lie, in point of understanding? Certainly the African is in no respect inferior to the European.—Their stupidity therefore in our planta∣tions is not natural; otherwise than it is the natural effect of their condition.—Consequently it is not their fault, but your's: You must answer for it, before GOD and man.

9. "But their stupidity is not the only reason of our treating them with severity. For it is hard to say, which is the greatest, This, or their stubbornness and wicked∣ness."—It may be so:—But do not these, as well as the other, lie at your door? Are not stubbornness, cunning, pilfering, and

divers others vices, the natural, necessary fruits of slavery? Is not this an observati∣on which has been made, in every age and nation.—And what means have you used to remove this stubbornness? Have you tried what mildness and gentleness would do? I knew one that did: That had prudence and patience to make the ex∣periment: Mr. Hugh Bryan, who then lived on the borders of South-Carolina.—And what was the effect? Why, that all his negroes (And he had no small number of them) loved and reverenced him as a father, and chearfully obeyed him out of love. Yea, they were more afraid of a frown from him, than of many blows from an overseer. And what pains have you taken, what method have you used, to reclaim them from their wickedness? Have you carefully taught them, "That there is a GOD, a wise, powerful, merciful Being, the Creator and Governor of Heaven and Earth? That he has appoint∣ed a day wherein he will judge the world, will take an account of all our thoughts, words and actions? That in that day he will reward every child of man according to his works: That "then the righteous shall inherit the kingdom prepared for them from the foundation of the world: And the wicked shall be cast into ever∣lasting

fire, prepared for the devil and his angels." If you have not done this, if you have taken no pains or thought about the matter, can you wonder at their wickedness? What wonder, if they should out your throat? And if they did, whom could you thank for it but yourself? You first acted the villain in making them slaves, (whether you stole them or bought them.) You kept them stupid and wick∣ed, by cutting them off from all appor∣tunities of improving either in know∣ledge or virtue: And now you assign their want of wisdom and goodness as the rea∣son for using them worse than brute beasts!

V. 1. It remains only, to make a little application, of the preceding observations.—But to whom should that application be made? That may bear a question. Should we address ourselves to the public at large? What effect can this have? It may inflame the world against the guilty, but is not likely to remove that guilt. Should we appeal to the English nation in general? This also is striking wide: And is never likely to procure any redress, for the fore evil we complain of.—As little would it in all probability avail, to apply to the par∣liament. So many things, which seem of greater importance lie before them that

they are not likely to attend to this. I therefore add a few words to those who are more immediately concerned, whether captains, merchants or planters.

2. And, first, to the captains employed in this trade. Most of you know, the country of Guinea: Several parts of it at least, between the river Sonegal and the kingdom of Angola. Perhaps now, by your means, part of it is become a dreary uncultivated wilderness, the inhabitants being all murdered or carried away, so that there are none left to till the ground. But you well know, how populous, how fruitful, how pleasant it was a few years ago. You know the people were not stupid, not wanting in sense, considering the few means of improvement they en∣joyed. Neither did you find them savage, fierce, cruel, treacherous, or unkind to strangers. On the contrary, they were in most parts a sensible and ingenious people. They were kind and friendly, courteous and obliging, and remarkably fair and just in their dealings. Such are the men whom you hire their own coun∣trymen, to tear away from this lovely country; part by stealth, part by force, part made captives in those wars, which you raise or foment on purpose. You have seen them torn away, children from

their parents, parents from their children: Husbands from their wives, wives from their beloved husbands, brethren and sisters from each other. You have drag∣ged them who had never done you any wrong, perhaps in chains, from their na∣tive shore. You have forced them into your ships like an herd of swine, them who had souls immortal as your own: (Only some of them have leaped into the sea, and resolutely stayed under water, till they could suffer no more from you.) You have stowed them together as close as ever they could lie, without any regard either to decency or convenience.—And when many of them had been poisoned by foul air, or had sunk under various hardships, you have seen their remains delivered to the deep, till the sea should give up his dead. You have carried the survivors into the vilest slavery, never to end but with life: Such slavery as is not found among the Turks at Algiers, no, nor among the heathens in America.

3. May I speak plainly to you? I must. Love constrains me: Love to you, as well as to those you are concerned with.

Is there a GOD? You know there is. Is He a just GOD? Then there must be a state of retribution: A state wherein the just GOD will reward every man according to

his works. Then what reward will he render to you? O think betimes! Before you drop into eternity! Think now, He shall have judgment without mercy, that shewed no mercy.

Are you a man? Then you should have an human heart. But have you indeed? What is your heart made of? Is there no such principle as compassion there? Do you never feel another's pain? Have you no sympathy? No sense of human woe? No pity for the miserable? When you saw the flowing eyes, the heaving breasts, or the bleeding sides and tortured limbs of your fellow-creatures, was you a stone, or a brute? Did you look upon them with the eyes of a tiger? When you squeezed the agonizing creatures down in the ship, or when you threw their poor mangled remains into the sea, had you no relent∣ing? Did not one tear drop from your eye, one sigh escape from your breast? Do you feel no relenting now? If you do not, you must go on, till the measure of your iniquities is full. Then will the great GOD deal with you, as you have dealt with them, and require all their blood at your hands. And at that day it shall be more tolerable for Sodom and Comorrah than for you! But if your heart does relent, though in a small degree, know it is a call from

the GOD of love. And to day, if you hear his voice, harden not your heart.—To day resolve, GOD being your helper, to escape for your life.—Regard not money! All that a man hath will he give for his life? Whatever you lose, lose not your soul: nothing can countervail that loss. Immediately quit the horrid trade: At all events, be an honest man.

4. This equally concerns every mer∣chant, who is engaged in the slave-trade. It is you that induce the African villain, to sell his countrymen; and in order there∣to, to steal, rob, murder men, women and children without number: By enabling the English villain to pay him for so doing; whom you over pay for his execrable labour. It is your money, that is the spring of all, that impowers him to go on: So that whatever he or the African does in this matter, is all your act and deed. And is your conscience quite reconciled to this? Does it never reproach you at all? Has gold entirely blinded your eyes, and stu∣pisied your heart? Can you see, can you feel no harm therein? Is it doing as you would be done to? Make the case your own. "Master, (said a slave at Liverpool to the merchant that owned him) "what if some of my countrymen were to come here, and take away my mistress, and mas∣ter

Tommy, and master Billy, and carry them into our country, and make them slaves, how would you like it?" His an∣swer was worthy of a man: "I will never buy a slave more while I live." O let his resolution be yours! Have no more any part in this detestable business. In∣stantly leave it to those unfeeling wretches, "Who laugh at human nature and com∣passion!" Be you a man! Not a wolf, a devourer of the human species! Be merciful, that you may obtain mercy!

5. And this equally concerns every gentleman that has an estate in our Ameri∣can plantations: Yea all slave-holders of whatever rank and degree; seeing men-buyers are exactly on a level with men-stealers. Indeed you say, "I pay honestly for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 goods: and I am not concerned to know how they are come by." Nay, but you are: You are deeply concerned, to know they are honestly come by. Other∣wise you are partaker with a thief, and are not a jot honester than him. But you know, they are not honestly come by: You know they are procured by means, nothing near so innocent as picking of pockets, house-breaking, or robbery upon the highway. You know they are pro∣cured by a deliberate series of more com∣plicated villany, of fraud, robbery and

murder) than was ever practised either by Mahometans or Pagans: in particular by murders, of all kinds; by the blood of the innocent poured upon the ground like water. Now it is your money that pays the merchant, and thro' him the captain, and the African butchers. You therefore are guilty, yea, principally guilty, of all these frauds, robberies and murders. You are the spring that puts all the rest in mo∣tion: they would not stir a step without you:—Therefore the blood of all these wretches, who die before their time, whe∣ther in their country, or elsewhere lies upon your head. The blood of thy brother, (for, whether thou wilt believe it or no, such he is in the sight of him that made him) crieth against thee from the earth, from the ship, and from the waters. O, what∣ever it costs, put a stop to its cry before it be too late. Instantly, at any price, were it the half of your goods, deliver thyself from blood-guiltiness! Thy hands, thy bed, thy surniture, thy house, thy lands are at present stained with blood. Surely it is enough; accumulate no more guilt: spill no more the blood of the innocent! Do not hire another to shed blood: Do not pay him for doing it! Whether you are a christian or no, shew yourself a man; be not more savage than a lion or a bear!

6. Perhaps you will say, "I do not buy any negroes: I only use those left me by my father."—So far is well: but is it enough to satisfy your own conscience? Had your father, have you, has any man living, a right to use another as a slave? It cannot be, even setting revelation aside. It cannot be, that either war, or contract, can give any man such a property in ano∣ther as he has in his sheep and oxen. Much less is it possible, that any child of man, should ever be born a slave. Liberty is the right of every human creature, as soon as he breathes the vital air. And no human law can deprive him of that right, which he derives from the law of nature.

If therefore you have any regard to justice, (to say nothing of mercy, nor of the revealed law of GOD) render unto all their due. Give liberty to whom liberty is due, that is to every child of man, to every partaker of human nature. Let none serve you but by his own act and deed, by his own voluntary choice.—Away with all whips, all chains, all com∣pulsion! Be gentie towards all men. And see that you invariably do unto every one, as you would he should do unto you.

7. O thou GOD of love, thou who art loving to every man, and whose mercy is over all thy works: Thou who art the

father of the spirits of all flesh, and who art rich in mercy unto all: Thou who hast mingled of one blood, all the nations upon earth: Have compassion upon these out∣casts of men, who are trodden down as dung upon the earth! Arise and help these that have no helper, whose blood is spilt upon the ground like water! Are not these also the work of thine own hands, the purchase of thy Son's blood? Stir them up to cry unto thee in the land of their captivity; and let their complaint come up before thee; let it enter into thy ears! Make even those that lead them away cap∣tive to pity them, and turn their capti∣vity as the rivers in the south. O burst thou all their chains in sunder; more especially the chains of their sins: Thou, Saviour of all, make them free, that they may be free indeed!

The servile progeny of Ham Seize as the purchase of thy blood! Let all the heathen know thy name: From idols to the living GOD The dark Americans convert, And shine in every pagan heart!

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  See Mr. Hargrave's plea for Somerset the negro.
• * 1.2

  Here it may be well to give a particular ac∣count of that transaction in the very words in which it is transmitted to us by early historians, as it is a clear proof, that it was solely from a desire of gain that the English first undertook to seize and bring the unhappy Africans from their native country; and is a clear and positive refutation of those false arguments frequently advanced in vin∣dication of the slave trade, viz. That the first pur∣chase of negro slaves by the English, was from mo∣tives of compass••••••, with views of saving the lives of some of tho•••• ••••acks who being taken prisoners in battle, would, if not thus purchased, have been sacrificed to the revenge of their conquerors: but this plea is manifestly false; from all the accounts we have of the disposition of the negroes in those early times, they appear to have been an innocent people, gentle and easy in their nature; rather averse to war, as is the general disposition of the natives of these warm climates; till being corrupt∣ed by an intercourse with the Europeans, and stimu∣lated by the excessive use of spirituous liquors, they were induced to join them in their cruel deprada∣tions against their unhappy countrymen. The ac∣count given of that transaction by Thomas Lediard in his naval history, at page 141, is in the follow∣ing words:

  That Sir John Hawkins in his several voyages to the Canary islands, understanding that negroes were a very good commodity in Hispani∣ola, (then settling by the Spaniards) and that they were easy to be had in great numbers on the coast of Guinea. Having 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his mind to his friends, he soon found adventurers for his undertaking; amongst whom were Sir Lionel Docket, Sir Thomas Lodge, and others: and having fitted out three small vessels, manned only with 100 men, he departed from the coast of England in October 1562, and sailed first to Teneriffe, where he took in several refreshments; from thence to the coast of Guinea, where he got in possession, partly by the sword, and by other means, up∣wards of three hundred of the natives, besides several commodities which that country afford∣ed: with this booty he set sail for the island of Hispaniola in the West-Indies, where he disposed of his negroes. Two years after, he went another voyage on the coast of Guinea; there he staid se∣veral days at the island Sabula, where every day they took some of the inhabitants; burning and ravaging their towns: when having compleated their number of negroes, they set sail for the West-Indies.
• * 1.3

  Thomas Philips in his account of a voyage he made to Guinea, and from thence to Barbadoes, with a cargo of slaves relates, "That they took seven hundred slaves on board. When they were brought in the vessel, the men were all put in irons, two and two shackled together, to prevent their mutinying or swimming ashore. The negroes, he says, are so 〈◊〉〈◊〉 leave their own country, that they have often 〈◊〉〈◊〉 out of the canoe, boat and ship, into the seas, and kept under water till they were drowned, to avoid being taken up, and saved by the boats which pursue them."—They had about twelve negroes who willingly drowned themselves; others starved themselves to death—Philips was advised to cut off the legs and arms of some to terrify the rest; (as other captains had done) but this he refused to do: From the time of his taking the negroes on board, to his arrival at Barbadoes, no less than three hundred and twenty died of various diseases: Which the author says, "was to their great regret, after enduring much misery and stench, so long, among a parcel of creatures nastier than swine: No gold-finder, says Philips, can suffer such noisome drudgery as they do who carry negroes, having no respite from their afflictions so long as any of their slaves are alive." How unreasonable was it in Philips, thus to reflect on negroes; could such a number be crowded together in so warm a climate, even if they had all been healthy, without being extremely offensive: How much more when so many lay sick, dead and dying. He speaks of the English people's great sufferings by nastiness, stench, &c. but he forgets the sufferings of the poor blacks, which must have been incomparably greater than their's; not to mention the painful sorrow, and anxiety of mind these distressed creatures must have laboured under.
• * 1.4

  Sir Hans Sloan after describing the severe tor∣tures practised on the negroes, sums up the pains they are made to suffer under the terms of exqui∣site and extravagant

  Now must not the reasonable and humane nature of those who order these dreadful tortures as well as those who execute them, be changed into de∣velish who can thus put their fellow creatures to such extravagant, such exquisite torment? And for what? Often, even for that which their tor∣mentors themselves would have done if in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 situation. If thro' the exertion of barbarous and unjust laws, the natural attendant on slavery, these our hapless fellow men are doomed to die, yet in their deaths, let it at least be remembered that they are men. We hear with horror and de∣testation of some such execution in the inquisitions and under some tyrannic governments; but these inhumanities are certainly contrary to the genius and disposition of the British nation, and quite abhorent of its laws, which do not allow of tor∣tures either in punishment, or to extort confes∣sions. Sir I Dalrymple in his memoirs says that the Parliament in the declaration of right asserted, that pitying and ••••••••••ing humane nature, no cruel and un∣usual punishment should be inflicted.

  How Britons can so readily admit of a change in their disposition and sentiments, as to practice in America what they abhor and detested in Britain, can be accounted for on no other principle, but as being the natural effect of slave-keeping, which as the celebrated Montesquieu observes, "insensibly accustoms those who are in the practice of it, to want all moral virtues, to become haughty, hasty hard hearted, passionate, voluptuous and cruel. The evil attendant on the condition of the poor slaves will end with their lives, and the merciful fa∣ther of the family of mankind will doubtless look on their deep affliction, and where their hearts are thereby humbled, requite them good in ano∣ther state of existence for their sufferings in this: but with respect to their lordly oppressors, this horrible abuse of their fellow men, will doubtless extend its baneful influence even into the regions of eternity. It is surprising that the thoughtful people, where slavery prevails should so little ad∣vert to its dreadful consequent effects to themselves and families, particularly on the necessity they are in of sending away their offspring from under their own paternal care, in very early life, lest their tender minds should be corrupted, and every noble and generous sentiments eradicated by the op∣pression and cruelty they are daily witnesses of.—That parents should be thus incapacitated and de∣prived of the opportunity and satisfaction of form∣ing the minds of their offspring to virtue and hap∣piness, but that this most sacred and delightful trust must be lest to the care of the hireling and the stranger, must to every tender thinking parent, appear an evil of so afflictive a nature, and so con∣trary to the divine order, that no human advantage can compensate for.

  The author of the history of Jamaica, wrote a∣bout the year 1740, in his account of the sufferings of the negroes, says, The people of that island have indeed the severest ways of punishing; no country exceeds them in a barbarous treatment of their slaves, or in the cruel methods by which they are put to death. After confirming what is before said he adds, "They starve them to death, with a loaf hanging over their mouths. I have seen these unfortunate wretches gnaw the flesh off their shoulders, and expire in all the frightful agonies of one under the most horrible tortures. He adds, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 incline to touch the hardship which these poor creatures suffer in the tenderest manner, from a par∣ticular regard which I have to many of their masters; but I cannot conceal their sad circum∣stances entirely: the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 trivial error is punished with terrible whipping. I have seen some of them treated in that cruel manner, for no other reason but to satisfy the brutish pleasure of an overseer, who has their punishment mostly at his discretion. I have seen their bodies all in a gore of blood, the skin torn off their back, with the cruel whip, beaten pepper and salt rubbed in the wounds, and a large stick of sealing-wax cropped leisurely upon them. It is no wonder, (adds this 〈◊〉〈◊〉) if the horrid pain of such inhuman tortures incline them to rebel." The same author gives us extracts of some of the laws of Jamaica relating to the punishment of slaves, taken as he says, from a general collection of the plantation laws, the printed statutes, or the secre∣tary's-office, viz.

  "If any slave by punishment from his owner for running away, or other offence, suffer in life or limb, none shall be liable to the law for the same; but whosoever shall kill a slave out of wilfulness, wan∣tonness, or bloody mindedness, shall suffer three months imprisonment, and pay fifty pounds to the owner of the slave. If the party so offending be a servant, he or she shall have on the bare back thirty-nine lashes, and also (after the expiration of the term with his or her master or mistress) shall serve the owner of the deceased slave the full term of four years. If any person kill a slave stealing or running away, or found by night out of his owner's ground, road, or common path, such person shall not be subject to any damage or action for the same.

  "Those that go out in parties to reduce the negroes, shall receive from the treasurer for every rebellious negro that shall be killed, bringing in his head to any justice, forty pounds; for every negro taken and brought in alive, and not maimed, ten pounds, to be paid by the owner, who is hereby obliged under the penalty of fifty pounds, to trans∣port such slave so taken; and in case the owner cannot be found, then the treasurer shall pay the ten pounds, receive the slave, sell and transport him, and retain the produce to be employed in the said service."

  The following advertisement was taken from one of the North-Carolina news papers. "Run-away last November, from the subscriber, a negro fellow named Zeb, about 36 years of age, about 5 feet 8 inches high, a very good cooper by trade &c.—As he is outlawed, I will pay twenty pounds proclamation money out of what the act of assembly allows in such cases, to any person who shall produce his head severed from his body, and five pounds pro∣clamation money if brought home alive."

  JOHN MOSLEY.

  An advertisement of the same kind was printed in London, in the general evening post, Jan 1, 1774, said to be taken from the Williamsburgh gazette, where after describing the negro, the master adds, "The said fellow is outlawed, and I will give ten pounds reward for his head severed from his body, or forty shillings if brought alive." As strange as such publications may appear to such whose hearts as are not hardned by the practice of slavery, yet I am informed advertisements of this kind are fre∣quent in the southern colonies.

  It is alledged by the planters in excuse for these unnatural, these monstrous cruelties, that the greatest severity, the most cruel punishments, are absolutely necessary for the management of slaves, on account of those train of vices which slavery necessarily introduces. A late author remarks how shocking it is to think that those unhappy victims must from the nature of the thing become danger∣ous and refactory, in proportion to the greatness and generosity of their minds.

  Can there be a more dangerous maxim, than that necessity is a plea for injustice? For who shall fix the degree of this necessity? What villain so atrocious who may not urge this excuse? or as Milton expresses it—

  —And with necessity The tyrant's plea, excuse his dev'lish deed.

  How many thousands and tens of thousands has this dev'lish plea of necessity brought to a cruel and untimely end? What account will in future states of existence, be given to the father of the family of mankind, for the lives of so many of our fellow men so inhumanly murdered. A particular instance of the destruction of human beings, under the pre∣tence of necessity, is related by captain Cook, in his voyage round the world, in company with messieurs Banks and Solander, in the year 1768, being at Rio Janiero, one, if not the principal town of Brazil; he relates, page 29, "That the inha∣bitants, who are very numerous, consists of Portu∣guese, Negroes and Indians. The township of Rio Janiero, which he was told was but a small part of the province, is said to contain thirty-seven thousand white people, and six hundred and twen∣ty-nine thousand blacks, many of whom are free, in the proportion of seventeen to one."

  Page 34. (he tellsus "The riches of the place consists chiefly in the mines; that much gold is brought from these mines, but at an expence of life that must strike every man, to whom custom has not made it familiar, with horror. No less than forty thousand Negroes are annually imported on the king's account to dig in the mines; and (he adds) we are credibly informed, that the last year but one before we arrived here this number fell so short, probably from some epidemic disease, that twenty thousand more were draughted from the town of Rio Janiero."
• † 1.5

  It is not proposed to remove the negroes from labouring in the several provinces and islands where they are now employed; in order to employ white men in their stead, what is proposed, is only to pre∣vent any farther import of negroes, except those who may come voluntarily and in a free condition; and to fall upon such just regulations and proper encouragement with respect to those already a∣mongst us, that from dangerous grudging slaves, they may become willing hearted labourers, who having an interest in the peace and welfare of the country, will be parties in its strength and support. But whilst deficiencies by the death of the labouring slaves can be so easily made up by the continual fresh imports from Guinea, and the planters find it cheaper to make new purchases than to raise the children, or spare and cherish the parents of those already in their service, little amendment can be expected in the hardship they are put to, and the cruelties exercised upon them. Surely the number already in our colonies and islands, which on a calculation made four or five years past, was be∣tween eight and nine hundred thousand, besides that there has' been a vast number, said to be about an hundred thousand since yearly imported: all these, with their increase, if well used, would certainly be sufficient to perform all necessary la∣bour.

  If an end was put to the import of negroes, and the odious and cruel distinction of master and slaves, with all its attendant horrors should cease, many labouring people from Europe, who are now dis∣couraged from an apprension of being put on a level with slaves, would probably be willing to come ever and engage in the service.

  John Miller, professor of law at Glasgow, in his late observations concerning distinction of ranks in society, observes, "That the slavery established in our co∣lonies is an object of great importance, and is at∣tended with difficulties which cannot be easily re∣moved. It has been thought that the manage∣ment of our plantations requires a labour in which free men would not be willing to engage, and which the white people are from their constitution in∣capable of performing. How far this opinion is well founded according to the present maimer of labouring in that part of the world, seems difficult to determine, as it has never been properly examin∣ed by those who are in a condition to ascertain the facts in question. But there is ground to believe, that the institution of slavery is the chief circum∣stance that has prevented those contrivances to shorten and facilitate the more laborious employ∣ments of the people, which takes place in other coun∣tries, where freedom has been introduced. With regard to the planting of sugar, experiments have been made in some of the islands, from which it ap∣pears, that in some species of cultivation, cattle might be employed with advantage, and that the number of slaves might be greatly diminished. But these experiments have been little regarded, in op∣position to the former usage, and in opposition to a lucrative branch of trade which these innovasions would in a great measure destroy. At any rate, the interest of our colonies seems to demand, that the negroes should be better treated, and even that they should be raised to a better condition—The author of a late elegant account of our American settle∣ments, has proposed, that small wages should be given them, as an encouragement to industry. If this measure were once begun, it is probable that the master would soon find the utility of pushing it to a greater extent. Nothing can appear more astonishing than the little attention that has hitherto been paid to any improvement of this nature, after the good effects of them have been so fully illustrat∣ed in the case of the villains in Eurose. At the same time, it affords a curious spectacle to observe, that the same people who talk in so high a strain of political liberty, and who consider the privilege of imposing their own taxes, as one of the unalien∣able rights of mankind, should make no scruple of reducing a great proportion of the inhabitants into circumstances by which they are not only deprived of property, but almost of every right whatsoever. Fortune, perhaps never produced a situation more calculated to ridicule a grave and even a liberal hypothesis, or to show how little the conduct of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is at bottom directed by any philosophical principles."

  We have accounts from England of some regula∣tions that have taken place in the Spanish colonies, which do the Spaniards much honour, and are cer∣tainly worthy our imitation; they are to the follow∣ing effect:—"As soon as a slave is landed, his name, price, &c. are registered in a public register, and the master is obliged by law, to allow him one working day in every week to himself, besides sundays: so that if the slave chuses to work for his master on that day, he receives the wages of a freeman for it; and whatever he gains by his labour on that day, is so secured to him by law, that the master cannot deprive him of it. As soon as the slave is able to purchase another working day, the master is obliged to sell it to him at a proportion∣able price, viz. one fifth part of his original cost, and so likewise the remaining four days at the same rate, as soon as the slave is able to redeem them; after which he is absolutely free." This is such en∣couragement to industry, that even the most in∣dolent would be tempted to exert themselves. Men who have thus worked out their freedom, are in∣ured to the labour of the country and are certainly the most useful subjects that a colony can acquire.
• ‡ 1.6

  We are told in Hill's naval history, page 239, That when captain Hawkins returned from his first voyage to Africa, he was sent for by Queen Elizabeth, who expressed her concern to him, lest any of the African negroes should be carried off without their free consent, declaring it would be detestable, and call down the vengeance of heaven upon the undertakers.—Captain Hawkins promised to comply with the Queen's injunction, but acted quite contrary to his promise, which occasioned that author to remark, "That here began the horrid practice of forcing the Africans into slavery, an injustice and barbarity which so sure as there is vengeance in heaven for the worst of crimes, will sometime be the destruction of all who act, or who encourage it."

  Geraldus Cambrensis, a noted author who lived about six hundred years past, in his observations concerning the causes of the prosperity of the Eng∣lish undertakings in Ireland, when they conquered that island, tells us, "That a synod or council of the clergy being then assembled at Armagh, and that point fully debated, it was unanimously agreed, that the sins of the people were the occasion of that heavy judgment then fallen upon their nation; and that especially their buying of Englishmen from merchants and pirates, and detaining them under most miserable hard bondage, had caused the Lord by way of just retaliation, to leave them to be reduc∣ed by the English to the same slate of slavery; where∣upon they made a public act in that council, that all the English held in captivity throughout the whole land should be presently restored to their former liberty."