A Collection of tracts from the late news papers, &c. Containing particularly The American Whig, A whip for the American Whig, with some other pieces, on the subject of the residence of Protestant bishops in the American colonies, and in answer to the writers who opposed it, &c.

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Title
A Collection of tracts from the late news papers, &c. Containing particularly The American Whig, A whip for the American Whig, with some other pieces, on the subject of the residence of Protestant bishops in the American colonies, and in answer to the writers who opposed it, &c.
Publication
New-York: :: Printed by John Holt, at the Exchange.,
1768 [-1769].
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Subject terms
Chandler, Thomas Bradbury, 1726-1790. -- Appeal to the public.
Episcopacy.
Bishops -- United States.
Link to this Item
http://name.umdl.umich.edu/n08774.0001.001
Cite this Item
"A Collection of tracts from the late news papers, &c. Containing particularly The American Whig, A whip for the American Whig, with some other pieces, on the subject of the residence of Protestant bishops in the American colonies, and in answer to the writers who opposed it, &c." In the digital collection Evans Early American Imprint Collection. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/n08774.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed May 14, 2025.

Pages

Page [unnumbered]

Detached Pieces.

[From Mr. Gaine's NEW-YORK GAZETTE. SEPTEMBER 12, 1768.] An EPISTLE from the GHOST of a certain Pamphlet, Entitled, A LETTER to the Bishop of LANDAFF, Which was inhumanly cut to pieces, and ignomiously lost its Life, the second Day of June, A.D. 1768, * 1.1 Aetat, 3 Months, 2 Weeks, and a Day.

To the Tune of CHEVY-CHACE.
Fortes creantur fortibus et bonis: Est in Juvencis, est in equis, patrum Virtus:—HOR. CAR. Simile Simile generat. VET. AD.
The Cat breeds a Kitten, the Serpent a Snake, The Son of a Sow is a Pig; And who would e'er think a good Churchman to make Of a canting American Whig? ANON.
1.
LO I, who whilom trod the Field, Equipp'd in borrow'd Glory, With rude-front steel'd, and brazen shield, On Fame's light Wings to soar high;—
2.
With Truth's stiff slavish chains unbound, A child of Fancy's shaping.— A doleful Sound to echo round, And set the World a gaping;—

Page 4

3.
Too high, like Icarus, had flown, No Fears my Mind appalling, Till giddy grown I tumbled down, And broke my Neck in falling.
4.
My Father is a mortal Swain, His youngest Child was I, Brought forth with Pain, from pregnant Brain, To live an Hour—and die—
5.
Practis'd from Youth with Romish Heat, His thirsty Arms to wield, Tho' often beat, and made retreat, He ne'er was known to yield.
6.
His Fairy Pen, like Moses' Rod, Could presently provide him A grov'ling Brook of Vermin rude, To buzz and croak beside him.
7.
Ah! Why did SUCH a Hero trust To might like mine his Fame? —My doom is just, return I must To Rags, from whence I came.
8.
And yet some cunning Elves would swear My Tricks my Sire's resembled; The Hint severe, the haughty Sneer Of Malice ill-dissembled.
9.
Much, much, was I sent forth to boast Of those brave priestly Legions, Whose godly Host drove Witch and Ghost From their celestial Regions:
10.
Much too, of doughty Doings done By happy Saints, to vapour; —But now out-blown my Blaze is gone, —A meer extinguish'd Taper.
11.
And if, from all my Parts combin'd, I may be a Foreboder, My Friends will find I leave behind No very grateful Odour.
12.
Ye Priests, unstained with earthly Ways, By Christian-pity led, The World may raise proud Victor's praise, You crown the CONQUERED:

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13.
Yet cease, my loving Friends, dete'd By what poor Me befell; For Carrion stirr'd, you must have heard, Will give a ranker Smell.
14.
But that I fall not useless quite, My winding Sheets up-raise; The gloomy Sight your Sons may fright From such ungracious Ways.
15.
So Kites and Crows to Rapine bred, We know are Birds of Prey, Yet serve when dead, on Gibbets spread, To scare their Mates away.
16.
Come hither all ye peevish Things, Ye Hornets of the Age, Buzz, clap your Wings, and whet you Stings, And burn with little Rage!
17.
Still like my Sire's shall be the Fate Of each invidious Elf, For Envy, when it cannot fate On Worth confess'd, its brutal Hate, Will prey upon itself.

From the Gulph of TARTARUS. September 9, 1768.

The following Poem, was published, in the PENNSYLVANIA CHRONICLE.

MUCH ADO ABOUT NOTHING.

YE lovers of freedom and ease, A few words with you, friends, if you please. We have been so much pester'd, of late, With disputes about matters of state, And so tumbled and tost by a tide Of religious contention beside; That, in truth, I suspect that a stranger. Wou'd think us in no little danger

Page 6

Of running all into confusion. A Stranger might draw this conclusion; But—however some Ranters may huff. I think we are still snug enough. For—what do we care, do you see, Whether Bigots, or no, can agree? Let e'm wrangle, dispute, and discuss; 'Tis a matter of moon shine to us. To begin at the rear of the clan; When John has done all that he can In defending the Kirk with—slap-dashes, And the Centinel (peace to his ashes!) Has suppli'd, with waste-paper, the bakers, Cooks, grocers, and periwig-makers; When, by misrepresentation, Bold scandal, and fierce declamation, The Whigs shall have wearied their tongues, And exhausted the force of their lungs;— When the * 1.2 Letter, subscrib'd by—the Author, Shall have feasted an over-grown moth, or In tatters slown out of our sight, On the wings, or the tail, of a kite; When this Author—without † 1.3Aberration, Shall have given his last attestation, That New-England rose under the banners Of primitive faith and good manners;— When that Eminent pattern of both, That ‡ 1.4 Fungus of seven week's growth!

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(Who, in so short a space, did not stick To send Chandler's appeal to old Nick, And who bravely defeated Landaff In less time than you think for by half;) When § 1.5 Dector Ram-Chicken of Boston Shall have pluck'd you the beard of saint Austin, And eclips'd all the Mayhews and Mathers, By dancing the hays ‖ 1.6 round the Fathers;— In a word—when these puritan heroes Shall have prov'd all our Kings to be Neroes, And the Bishops—those creatures of kings, To be Dragons, with terrible stings; When the farce of a Mock Reformation Once more shall have worried the nation, And—to purge it of carnal pollution, Subverted the whole Constitution; And when the fanatical mother Shall, instead of it, bring forth another, A thing without name, by degrees To be form'd—as the Brotherhood please, Till the monster becomes a Republic, As a bear into shape does her cub lick;— Then!—well,—prithee tell us, what then? Why then—all will be quiet agen. Then, I hope, we may venture to sing Tweedledum, without Bishop—or King! While we cheerfully toss of our glasses, And bid all the world kiss—and be friends.

Page [unnumbered]

The PRINTER'S ADVERTISEMENT.

IN the Preceding Volume the several Pieces are in∣serted in the Order of Time in which they were published, except two papers, a Whig and the Answer to it, which were printed in Dutch, a Language few of our Readers understand: These two papers, if the authors, or any other Persons would have sent us a good Translation, we proposed to print at the end of the first Volume; but as that is now finish'd, and no Translation has yet been sent us, if the Gentlemen concern'd or any other Person should think fit to fa∣vour the publick with Translations, and send them in Time, they shall be inserted at the end of th Volume.

As the Anatomist published at Philadelphia, was written in Answer to the Nineteen Numbers of the Centinel, already published in the first Volue of this Collection, it was thought best to print the whole of that performance (the Anatomist) with the several pieces it gave rise to, which were intended as Answers to particular Parts of it, altogether, in the beginning of this Volume, without being mixed with the Writings of the Whig, Kicker, or Whipper, the Printing of which we shall resume as soon as the System of the Anatomist and his Satellites is completed, which may be had separately, or bound together with the Whigs &c. to make it of equal Size with the first Volume. and

If upon finishing the second Volume we find the pro∣fits adequate to the Expence, it is proposed to conti∣nue a publication Weekly in like manner, not only du∣ring the Continuance of the Whig Dispute, but when that is finished,—to consist of a Collection of such pie∣ces as best deserve publick notice, and have from Time to Time appear'd scatter'd thro' a variety of News Papers, but were too long to be inserted in any one; and upon proper encouragement it is hoped we shall be able upon this plan, to produce a useful and enter∣taining Collection.

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From the PENNSYLVANIA GAZETTE, Sept. 8th. The ANATOMIST [No. I.]

Give me leave, and I will stay this DRAGON, without sword or staff.

APOCRYPHA.

AT length after much noise and calumny, and many a false alarm sounded thro' many a Weekly Journal, the doughty CENTINEL of Pennsylvania, the Hero of Pres∣byterianism and * 1.7 independency is heard no more!

Whether he hath gone to sleep on his post where he had been long nodding before, or hath retired from it in the conscious triumph of having so strengthened the hopes and fixed the vigilance of his party in America, that no friend of the CHURCH shall henceforth dare to attack or even approach their lines, or whether (as is more confidently said) his silence is only political and for a time, in expectation that during one short month's forbearance of slander and abuse, good natured easy Church-men may be so made to forget and forgive what is past, as to become willing tools to serve the purposes of their very calumniators themselves at the ensuing election; I say, which ever of these may be the cause of the Centinel's sudden and unexpected silence, the ANATOMIST ventures to approach him with his instruments of dissection; yet scorns to fall to slashing or cutting up in a manner unbecoming his profession, without calling him to stand on his guard, whether he sleepeth, or peradventure dreameth awake, of his own past feats and wonderful prowess.

In short, to drop all farther allusion to the title of this paper, and to proceed with great seriousness:—The treatment which the Church hath met with for many months past, from certain shame∣less scribblers in three of the capital provinces of America, hath been matter of astonishment and grief to good men of very dif∣ferent religious persuasions; who cannot but suspect some dark and wicked design lurking under so much unmerited abuse.

That a CHURCH whose venerable martyrs, unawed by persecu∣tion, undaunted by fire and faggot stood firm in support of the reformation;—A CHURCH which is the principal bulwark of protestanism and true English liberty, as well as the brightest example of moderation and Christian charity to all who dissent

Page 10

from her, should be thus basely vilified and traduced by an aspi∣ring overbearing party, who never knew how to exercise the like virtues when in power themselves; and at a time too when the cause of general liberty in America requires the closest union of all persuasions, cannot be easily reconciled to any motives of public good.

An answer however to the Centinel was forborne, that no inter∣ruption might be given on the part of the Church to any union of councils that might be thought necessary in the present crisis. To those worthy members who expressed uneasiness at this for∣bearance, it was replied, that the foundations of the CHURCH were on a rock, which could scarcely be shaken, much less over∣turned by such attempts; that an answer would be given when it could be seen what plan, if any, the Centinel had; and when the measure of his abuse should be so full that longer silence would be deemed inexcusable, and a retaliation be justified in the eyes of all impartial men.

That time is now come. Whatever could be done for the public in our present situation has been done, uninterrupted by any publications on the part of the Church in Pennsylvania. If in matters of less consequence † 1.8 her members should be found considerably alienated from those who have so basely traduced them, it cannot be deemed strange—Indeed if they were con∣sistent with themselves, and really believed what they have printed, they ought to be covered with confusion to solicit either union or communion, in any matter whatsoever with the mem∣bers of a Church, which their Centinel and his adherents have painted in the following odious characters, viz.

A CHURCH that has opposed the conversion of the Heathen in America:—A CHURCH that has encroached so long on the rights of conscience, and oppressed her fellow Christians, that she can no more be trusted with power.—A CHURCH in which the pure word of God is corrupted and obscured with human inventions.—A CHURCH that maintains the mournful relicts of her ancient persecuting spirit.—A CHURCH that for half a century has squandered away large sums, collected for the relief of the savages, in support of a few missionaries.—A CHURCH that is an enemy to the liberties of America, whose clergy love to fish in troubled waters, and are exerting their utmost influence in conjunction with Mr. Grenville to enslave

Page 11

it.—Whose applications for American Bishops have ever been preludes to attempts on Liberty; that such was their application during the odious Stamp-act, and the like in the end of Queen Ann's reign, when an open rebellion, the introduction of the Pretender, the revival of Popery in England, and the establishment of Bishops in America, were all projected toge∣ther,
&c. &c.

All these charges are to be found in the Centinel and a writer to whom the Centinel can be no stranger, even goes farther and charges the Church roundly with taking off King Charles's head.

If one asks the reason of this shameful attack on the Church? It is answered by another question—who was the aggressor? Why did Dr. Chandler begin? But is Dr. Chandler the Church of England, or the ten thousandth part of it? or had he any general commission from that Church, or even from his own brethren belonging to it in America? This is not pretended; and it is certain, that no more than half a dozen of them ever had an opportunity of seeing his pamphlet till in print, and of that number, it is confidently said, not one to the south of De∣laware.

If Dr. Chandler has said any thing wrong (and what writer claims absolute perfection?) he should be answered as Dr. Chandler, and set right in the same mildness, that he himself hath given an example of. Is it fair to attack the whole Church; its doctrine, discipline and constitution, on account of the wri∣tings of any single member? Would the Presbyterians think this fair in any case of their own? As for example, Si parvis magna componere licet, the venerable JOHN CARMICHAEL, the great advocate of the venerable Synod of New-York and Phila∣delphia has declared that he never

knew that venerable body, in any instance, act below their venerable character of ambassadors of the Lord Jesus Christ; that they are up∣wards of an hundred gentlemen-clergy, all reputable and learn∣ed gentlemen; that they keep an exact history of their trans∣actions, which is to be finally revised by an almighty, omnisci∣ent, impartial, and most righteous judge.

Should any one conclude from those expressions (which might be done without much violence to their sense) that John main∣tains the INFALLIBILITY of the venerable Synod, and thinks their minutes fit for God Almighty's own revisal; and should further contend that the slapdash * 1.9 doctrines of John were the doctrines of the whole Presbyterian Kirk, which was therefore to be deemed a ranting enthusiastick Kirk, a rotten Kirk, a

Page 12

popish Kirk, maintaining more than the infallibility of a single Pope—even the infallibility of an hundred learned reputable Popes, in full synod or conclave met—would this be called fair reasoning?

And yet in the same way has the Church of England been treated on account of Dr. Chandler, who nevertheless seems to have given no provocation for it, nor uttered a single word reflecting on the principles of any protestant denomination. If then Dr. Chandler had been the aggressor, (the contrary of which shall be shewn) if even he had advanced any thing indefensible on the principles of law, liberty, equity and the Christian reve∣lation, would this justify the torrent of abuse and calumny which is poured forth on the Church in answer to him?

The design of these papers, however, is not the defence of Dr. Chandler; who, if he needs any, is sufficient for that office himself. They have a nobler purpose in view—the defence of our national Church—of the religion of our sovereign, and of the far greatest, and, may I be allowed to say, the most re∣spectable part of his subjects.

In prosecuting this design, (though the Centinel has observed no certain method) I think it necessary to fix some plan for my answer; and shall therefore first shew that Dr. Chandler, far from being an aggressor, is only a defendant in a dispute which was commenced on the part of the antagonists of the Church in New-England as early as 1734; from which time their repeated attacks shall be traced down to the publication of Dr. Chandler's pamphlet.

It is then proposed to enter the lists with the Centinel and to shew that in the character of the Bishop, which he and his associ∣ates have drawn, they have been combating a phantom of their own brain; that their true design is evidently to oppress and bear down the Church for the sake of an empire of their own, that they have nothing to do with that mode of government and discipline which Episcopalians choose for themselves, unless they could at least shew some probability of its interfering with the rights of others; that of whatever origin episcopal government is, whether humane or divine it is that which many wise men have preferred, and probably ever will prefer to the motely go∣vernment of Presbytery, which is not indeed the tyranny of One, but too often the tyranny and absurdity of many; and lastly that if the civil and religious liberty of America is ever likely to be in danger from any religious persuasion here, it is not from the CHUFH, but from a restless and aspiring party, who are giving too constant and melancholy proofs of the most intolerant and over bearing spirit.

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If in answering the gross charges brought against the Church, I should be obliged to retort severely on the accusers, and shew who are the clergy that have indeed "loved to fish in troubled waters;" who are they that have in reality applied to their own use, and to the use

of their wives and children, large sums collected for the use of the savages and frontier settlers in A∣merica; who are they that have been King killers and nursed in rebellion from their cradle.
Lastly, if in answering the challenge of the Centinel. No. V. where he calls on our Church, "to shew as much moderation as the New-England Churches." I say if in answering those charges and this challenge, I should be forced even to to disturb the ashes of the dead, and be led to comparisons and facts that may prove extremely disagreeable to the Centinel and his adherents, they must blame only them∣selves who by their illiberal and continued abuse, have so abun∣dantly extorted this reply.

In the course of these papers it will often be necessary to men∣tion Presbyterians as a religious society, in the same indiscri∣minate and general manner, in which the Centinel has mentioned the Church and Churchmen; but I would be far from being understood by this, to mean every individual of the Presbyterian persuasion. I know many among their laity, some even among their clergy, who are real friends to the liberties of their country and of mankind, and adorned with a truly Catholic and for∣bearing spirit. Such I revere, and to such I trust no offence can be given while I rise in opposition to those of a contrary spirit among them, namely their factious and aspiring leaders, the greatest part of their clergy:—For I see nothing sacred in the name of Presbyterian to protect a sour turbulent party, that assume that appellation, who by their unbounded zeal to multiply converts, and to exalt their own party, and their uncharitable attempts to depress, vilify and misrepresent others, especially the national Church of England, have justly alarmed the fears of every other religious persuasion in America, and created a jealousy that the sole view of this party is to erect an empire and establishment for themselves in this new world on the, ruin of every other religious denomination. The steps that they have lately pursued in America, compared with their conduct in former times, when in the pursuit of empire in the Mother Country, give but too much ground for this suspicion. But before they can succeed in their designs, they will meet with a resistance far different from what is to be expected in this paper. —A resistance perhaps even unto blood.—To prevent this, to bring down their temper to the just standard of Christian charity and toleration; and to shew themselves to themselves and wipe off the reproaches which they have cast on the Church, is the

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main design of this paper,—which it is hoped will be carried on with a firmness and spirit, worthy of such a design; and yet without deviating into any recriminations or censures that are personal or not necessarily connected with the defence in hand.

ADVERTISEMENT.

IF any gentlemen of leisure and abilities, the enemies of faction, and the friends of religious liberty and toleration, choose to communicate their thoughts to the public, upon the subject which the ANATOMIST has undertaken, he will be happy in their correspondence, and will pay the highest regard to any letters, essays, &c. which they shall be pleased to direct for him to the care of the Printers hereof.

From the PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL, Sept. 15th. The ANATOMIST. [No. II.]

—"Dreadful Zeal! Fierce and intolerant of all Religion That differs from their own"— THOMPSON.

IN the former number of this paper, it was observed that the common apology made by the Centinel's friends, for the un∣manly and illiberal manner in which he has abused and calumi∣nated the Church, is, that Dr. Chandler, by the publication of his pamphlet, in favour of an American episcopacy, was the ag∣gressor.—The futility of this apology hath been fully shewn.— Dr. Chandler made no attack on the principles of any protestant persuasion, and therefore nothing done by him could justify an attack on the church in general—No way then can Dr. Chand∣ler's publication justify the Centinel, unless he can shew it to be a crime for a member of the church of England to contend for those rights and privileges, which he considers as essential to the being of a church—But the Centinel probably judges that all power and privileges in America are the property of his own par∣ty as the ELECT; and that it is a daring attack upon their pre∣rogative, for any other church to claim even a being, much less a well-being, in the same land with them.—However, let this be, or not be, the sentiments of the Centinel, certain it is, that the presbyterians and independents of New-England have ever

Page 15

looked upon that country as a kind of Deodand, or godly heri∣tage, derived to them from Heaven; and to which none but themselves have right or claim—"We hold our lands" (says a Boston Almanack, for the year 1763) "under no other Lord, but he who gave Canaan to Abraham." * 1.10

Possessed with this notion (namely that God and nature design∣ed New-England as the sole property and inheritance of the saints) they have always considered those among them, who said their prayers in a different manner from themselves, "As spies come to see the good land," or as intruders into their new Ca∣naan, their land of promise. And under this notion it was, that "they hanged up unto the Lord" in Boston so many Quakers; And for above half a century have pursued with grossest calumny and abuse, a venerable and truly charitable society † 1.11 for having only sent a few missionaries to preach the gospel of Christ, ac∣cording to the mode of the church of England, to such members of that church as should be found within their limits—All which will appear evident from what follows.

I proceed therefore to shew who have been the aggressors, and who the defendants, in this cause; and, for the present, need go no farther back than the year 1734.

In that year we find the presbyterians and independents afore∣said basely attacking the church, vilifying her clergy in language which all the other writers of that party, down to our magnani∣mous Centinel, seem only to have copied.—We find them likewise claiming an establishment and empire for themselves; loudly complaining that episcopalians should be suffered to ap∣proach the Holy Land, or come among them to lay blocks in the way of their church power; and therefore they boldly address the Bishop of London to send the episcopal missionaries back among the savages, or to some other part of America.

Both the address and answers being curious, and greatly tend∣ing to shew the early designs of this party for power and domini∣on, and their intolerant uncharitable spirit, I shall give the ne∣cessary extracts from them.

Extracts of a Letter to Dr. Gibson, Lord Bishop of London, from the Ministers of Hampshire, September 10. 1734.

We would approach your Lordship with humble deference and respect, acknowledging our own distance and meanness, and hoping your goodness will render you a righteous judge,

Page 16

though in your own cause, and towards your inferiors, as holy Job professes he did not despise the cause of his Man-servant, or his Maid-servant.

Now, what is it these pious men want his lordship's goodness to judge in? After three long paragraphs, or rather pages, in which they give themselves an excellent character, as the faith∣ful pastors of Christ, and the true preachers of the gospel, they desire his lordship to judge of his missionaries, and take them away; and, to help his lordship's judgment, they proceed as follows:

The missionaries are neither necessary or profitable, but as to many instances injurious to the interest of the kingdom of Christ, and the good of his majesty's subjects.

The missionaries that come among us, endeavour to render the government of our churches insignificant, by receiving into their communion and protection, such as lie open to, or are under censures in them for immoral behaviour; which things tend to breed disorder and confusion in our churches, by che∣rishing a small number of disaffected persons in several places, to the ill example of a whole town.

We cannot but look upon it great injustice, it having been openly declared to the world, that our Fathers left their native land, and at vast expence purchased and settled a wilderness, that they might, in a place of their own, serve God according to their consciences, in peace, without giving offence to other governing powers.

Observe, good reader, with what openness and candour these Hampshire ministers speak—Here is no disguise or mincing of the matter—They come slap dash to the point, and not only call the country 'their own,' but claim also dominion and sove∣reignty over it; and already rank themselves among the govern∣ing powers. How ardently do these good men seem to wish for the day, when they may be able—

"To make PRESBYTERY supreme And KINGS themselves submit to them."

HUDIBRAS.

But an opportunity of doing this, they thought, might be lost if episcopal missionaries were sent and settled among then—For, after telling the bishop, in the words already quoted, that their

Fathers settled a wilderness that they might, in a place of their own, and without offence to other governing powers, serve God according to their consciences,
they proceed to inform his lordship, this is,
a liberty which we have too great reason to fear may in time be wrested from us, by means of such mis∣sionaries, as have set themselves to set blocks in the way of

Page 17

our having synods convened, for reforming such evils as have a threatning aspect upon us.—We would not take upon us to judge men's hearts, but we heartily wish that the honourable society might not be misled, and that missionaries might have the worthy views of carrying the gospel among the heathen, or to such parts of his majesty's dominious where ignorance and error prevail, and have no provision made for them.
— Mighty kind indeed, was their wish for the missionaries!— But not so kind, I am afraid, was their intention towards them; as appears from the treatment they have ever since met with in those parts of his majesty's dominions.

A letter from Dr. Coleman of Boston, of the same strain with the above quoted letter, accompanied and enclosed it to the bishop, who answered Dr. Coleman, and left the society for pro∣pagation of the gospel, &c. to answer the Hampshire ministers.

Extracts from the Bishop of London's Letter to Dr. Coleman, dated May 24th, 1735.

In answer to their claim of an establishment, or exclusive right to the country, his lordship writes,

I need not descend to particulars, because you will clearly see the sentiments of the society in their answer to the mi∣nisters.—But my opinion has always been, that the religious state of New-England is founded in an equal liberty to all pro∣testants, none of whom can claim the name of a national establishment, nor any kind of superiority over the rest; and that therefore every instance, in which either ministers or peo∣ple take upon them to act as if they were a national establish∣ment, is a violation of the charter, the adhering to which as a rule to all, is, in my opinion, the only sure foundation of peace and love among the several denominations or professions, who have an equal right to the benefit of it.—I am aware, that acts of assembly have passed in New-England, which seem to favour the notion that one denomination of protestants is the established church there.—And some of those acts may have obtained a confirmation here, for want of a due atten∣tion to the charter, and to the consequences of them, with regard to the other denominations: But a doubt may be raised, with respect to the validity of them, so far as they shall be found contrary to the tenor of the charter: And besides, a national church, and the independent way, are things which the bishops and clergy here know not how to reconcile.

Thus we see what was the opinion of Bishop Gibson, one of the ablest men, and greatest civilians of his age, concerning the claims of presbyterians and independents to church establish∣ments,

Page 18

and an exclusive empire of their own.—An empire which indeed they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 never attain, while Great-Britain conti∣nues to have any sovereignty over this country, and our legislative acts remain subjected to the negative of our most gracious sove∣reign.—But should the case ever be altered in these respects, every religious society in America will have just cause to dread the aspiring spirit of this intolerant party. O my children!—Upon the prospect of such a change, how should I tremble and lament for you!—How far these people might in the issue agree in the division of power, too probable it seems that they would join together in their attempts for dominion over all others. * 3.1

As to the charges brought against the the missionaries, the bish∣op referred the New-Hampshire ministers to the society for propa∣gation of the gospel, &c. who, in their letter of May 16, 1735, observe,

1st.

That the fund of the society is not a confined charity, or restrained to any place otherwise than as specified in the char∣ter, viz. is majesty's plantations, colonies and territories beyond the seas, belonging to the kingdom of England.— And 2dly. That it is the plain design to empower the society to support learned and orthodox ministers, to instruct his ma∣jesty's subjects in the principles of true religion, where there is not a sufficient provision for to live among them.

And though it may be alledged that the presbyterians and independents were in many places provided with ministers, according to their persuasion; yet there were considerable numbers of people in severel places, who could not join with the dissenters there in their form of worship, but were desirous of joining in communication with the church of England, and were wholly unprovided of ministers; and in such places only the society have supported missionaries, upon the earnest desire of the people, and their promising to contribute to the utmost of their abilities towards their support

And whereas it is objected that missionaries are sent where there are dissenting teachers; the society remarked further, in

Page 19

answer thereunto, that it is notorious that here in Great-Bri∣tain several dissenting teachers are sent to many market towns, and other places, where there is a legal incumbent; which teachers ar also partly supported by a fund raised here in London.

And whereas it is represented that the design of the donors is not answered in supporting missionaries in several places of of New-England, the society here remarked, that they print yearly an account of the place where missionaries are sent, and their reasons for sending them, and that such accounts are distributed to all the benefactors, who therefore cannot be un∣acquainted with this matter of fact; and consequently, the society have good reason to think that the said donors are so far from disapproving this method of the society, that they would not contribute, if the society did not send missionaries to such places.

With respect to that part of the letter, signed William Williams, moderator, wherein it is expressed by him, in the name of the associated ministers (so called) that it hath been often openly declared to the world, that their fathers left their native land, and at vast expence purchased and subdued a wilderness, that they might, in a place of their own, serve God according to their consciences, in peace; it appears to the society, that in the charter granted by the late King Wil∣liam to the province of Massachusetts-Bay, in New-England, it is established or ordained, that forever hereafter there shall be liberty of conscience allowed in the worship of God to all Christians (except papists) inhabiting, or which shall inhabit or be resident within the said province or territory: And there∣fore the society concluded, that the members of the church of England are at least equally entitled to the privileges and immunities with his majesty's protestant subjects of any other denomination—And upon looking into the laws of Massa∣chusetts-Bay, the society could not but observe there are ma∣ny laws which tend to establish a particular sect; and one at least extending so far as to oblige persons of every persuasion, even those of the church of England, to pay towards the main∣tenance of the ministers of that particular sect, in direct contradiction to their charter, which restrains them from the power of making any laws repugnant to the laws of Great-Britain.

Signed, DAVID HUMPHKEY'S, Secretary.

The next attack made upon the church which I shall take notice of, was in the Independent Reflectors and Watch Towers of New-York; and in a history of that province by a gentleman who calls himself William Smith, A. M. These with proper re∣marks shall be the subject of a succeeding paper.

Page 20

From the PENNSYLVANIA GAZETTE, Sept. 22. The ANATOMIST [No. III.]

I Should have proceeded to the next attack made on the church in America by the Independent Reflectors, Watch-Towers, &c. of New-York, as proposed in my second num∣ber; but having received the following letter, containing some observations and historical facts, so immediately connected with the subject in hand, that I cannot omit giving it a place here, — The kind reader, I am persuaded, will indulge this small deviation from the plan, when he considers how much my cor∣respondent justifies the present defence of the church, by shewing that the violent assaults she has suffered were so far from being in consequence of Dr. Chandler's appeal, that they were com∣menced above a century before the time I had fixed for their date, (namely the year 1734)—even in the earliest period of of American presbyterianism and independency.

To the ANATOMIST.

"Son of man, be not afraid of them, neither be afraid of their words, though briars and thorns be with thee, and thou dost dwell among Scorpions; be not afraid of their words; nor be dis∣mayed at their looks, though they be a rebellious house."— Ezek. vi. 6.

SIR,

LONG hath the impartial public looked for the defence which you have now begun.—The church of England hath ever been deemed by all protestants (a few hot-headed sects who assume that appellation excepted) a church not only pure and orthodox in her doctrines, catholic and charitable in her prin∣ciples, but a church likewise which has been a glorious instru∣ment in helping forward the reformation, and in asserting and supporting the cause of protestantism even in the triumphant days of papacy, when the sword of persecution was often sheathed in her bowels.—This is a character which the reformers themselves have given her,—and which the wisest and ablest divines abroad have declared to be due to her. Monsieur Le Moyne, professor of divinity at Leyden, a man distinguished in the learned world, and whose assertion will receive credit wherever his name is known, in a letter to the bishop of London, observes, that the foreign protestant churches have always viewed the church of

Page 21

England in this light.—

C'est ce qui sont les protestants de France, ceux de Geneva, cux de Swisse, & d gne, & ceux d'Hollande aussi. Car ils se firent un fri grand ••••nneur, davoir dans leur concile de Dordrecht des thealogiens dangleterre, & monstrerent bien qu'ls avoient pour Pliglise nglicane une profonde veneration.—Et d'on vient done. que des nglots memes en ont aujourbuy si mechante opinion?—Thus,
says he,
all the protestants of France do, thos of Gene∣va, those of Switzerland and Germany, and those of Holland too; for they did themselves a very great honour in having some divines of England in their Synod of Dort, which plain∣ly discovered that they had a profound vencration for the church of England—How comes it then, that some Englishmen themselves have so 〈◊〉〈◊〉 an opinion of her?
—This is a question which must naturally arise to every person, not ac∣quainted with the intolleant uncharitable spirit and selfish de∣signs of those Englishmen whom the good professor alludes to: But we, who "have seen with our yes and heard with our ears," the things which they and their children have attempted, are at no loss to discover the motives that did, and still do, influence their conduct. To obtain as exclusive dominion, founded on true Oliverian principles, * 3.2 and with it, a power of tyrannizing over the consciences and religious sentiments of all who should pre∣sume to differ from them, have, ever since the days of Knox, been the constant aim of those people.—The church of England, ever friendly to our present glorious constitution, and to the religious rights of every protestant denomination, hath constant∣ly opposed them in these pursuits; and for this reason they hat the church of England, and "have so ill an opinion of her."— They look upon her as the grand obstacle in their way, which if they could once remove, their wish'd for superiority over the rest of their fellow-subjects might, they think, be easily effected. In it not then equally the duty, and the interest too, of every reli∣gious society in the new world, as well as of the church of En∣gland, to make head against this aspiring party; and to join

Page 22

unnimously in crushing the cockatrice in the egg, which other∣wise may and assuredly will, one day become a fiery flying ser∣pen?

It was a reflection of this kind, joined with the consideration of their rivetd malice, and long unprovoked abuse against the church, which, no doubt, induced you to propose a weekly dis∣section of the Centinel and his associates. In the prosecution of so necessary anadertaking you 〈◊〉〈◊〉 have the good wishes of every real friend of our civil and religions libeties. The cause you have embarked in is a virtu us cause. It is the cause of freedom struggling against the rude attack of ••••pation. The plan you have proposed is a good one, but will require to be more en∣larged. For, (to use the sentiments of an old vindicator of the church) "you must expose the hypocrites naked, and stript of their artificial beauties. You must take off those false jewels of piety and innocence, which strike with so much lustre, and so fatally impose upon the minds of credulous and easy people; you must offer them to be surveyed by the light of nature, reason and religion; you must represent them to the world in the mirrors of their own manufacturing; and if they dislike the figures and images they reflect, they cannot lay the blame on you, but upon their own deformities; you must convince deluded vulgar, that under all those sanctimonious appearances, those saintly faces, this whining about gospel liberty, this snivelling about persecution, this puking at liturgies and ceremonies, and this bellowing against bishops, there lay once concealed the ruin of a flourishing king∣dom, and the subversion of a happy church; you must shew the world that the cause of those faints has always been carried on and supported by muskets and bibles, psalm books and rusty swords; you must teach posterity wisdom by displaying the sufferings of their ancestors, and by distinguishing the eternal blessings of a British monarchy from the confusion of usurpa∣tion, and a fantastical republic."

All these things, Mr. Anatomist, and much more, you must take into your plan, if you expect to complete your work. I am not insensible how much you will expose yourself to the fury and resentment of those foul-mouthed republicans by these means. Every man that meddles with them may expect to have "briars and thorns with him, and to put his hand into a nest of hornets, or a hole of scorpions; 'and such a man ought to have inno∣cence and law upon his side to protect him against their stings. But when guarded by these, it would be criminal in him to fear when he contends for the truth. I cannot doubt, without doing great injustice to the opinion I have conceived of you, but that you will proceed 'with a firmness and spirit" worthy your undertaking. But in order to shew the world the early designs

Page 23

of this faction in America, and how soon, after they were perse∣cuted into the wilderness, they opened their batteries and attack∣ed the church, you must "go farther back than 1734:"— And as I have the following facts, faithfully deduced from history † 3.3 just at hand, I convey them to you for these purposes. I begin then with the introduction of independency into New-England in the year 62; but first, let me say something of its origin. The independents, known at first by the name of Brownists, from one Robert Brown, their sounder or leader, "were the very worst and most troublesome of all the English sectaries. By the rebellious principles they taught, they rendered themselves so obnoxious to the government, that they thought fit to transport themselves to Amsterdam, where they soon began to differ among themselves, and crumble into so many parties, that Mr. Brown grew weary of his office; and ring to England, renounced his principles of separation, and was preferred to the rectory of a church in Northamptonshire.

This revolt of Brown was attended with almost the total dissolu∣tion of his church; but part of the scattered flock being collected by Mr. John Robinson, one of their preachers, they removed with him to Leyden about the year 1610. Here they remained 7 years, but at length, the Dutch either grew weary of them, or they grew weary of the Dutch, for they complained of having suffered very great hardships among them, declaring that impri∣sonment in England was preferable to the condition of refugees in Holland, whereupon many of them actually returned to En∣gland. Robinson and his elders apprehending a general deser∣tion, hit upon this expedient to keep them together, and increase their numbers: They represented that New-England was not only a place that abounded with all things desirable in life, but that there were great expectations of discovering treasures equal to those of Mexico or Peru, and that there they might be∣come the founders of some mighty state. Such a promising scheme could not fail of having the desired effect; the adventurers therefore set themselves to work to purchase a territory in New-England of the Plymouth Company, and to obtain a patent from the crown. The motives made use of at court to obtain this patent were, the glorious pretence of propagating the Christian religion among infidets: the extending his Majesty's dominions; enriching their mother country; and preventing both the French and Dutch from poss••••ing themselves of this de∣sirable country. All things being at last agreed on, our Brown∣ists, alias Independents, embarked at Delft in Holland, in July 1620, and arrived at Cape Cod in New-England on the 19th of

Page 24

November following. As soon as they got footing on shore, they determined to have no regard to the patents they had obtained from the crown, but to elect a governor, and strike out such a form of government as best suited their designs. Having there∣fore formed an association, and agreed to submit to such laws as should be approved by a majority, they dre up and signed an instrument to that effect; and then elected Mr. John Carver for their governor.

Soon after this, Mr. Weston, a merchant, came over with a number of passengers, in order to form a settlement, and accord∣ingly sat down at a place called Wesagusquaset, afterwards Weymouth; but unfortunately for Mr. Weston and his people they happened to be members of the church of England, and being therefore looked upon with an evil eye by the independ∣ents, and abandoned to the fury of the savages, they were o∣bliged to quit their settlement, with the following character from their pious and godly neighbou,

Weston and his men were so scandalously wicked, that they were a nusance to the very savages.

Soon after this, Capt. Gorges came over with several families, and Mr. Murres, a minister, all of the episcopal persuasion, with a design to restore the settlement Weston had quitted; but this gentleman also finding how obnoxious he was to the Saints, returned to England, and says the puritanical historian "his bish∣op followed him."

The company in a little time after, sent over Mr. Lyford as chaplain in the Plymouth colony, who being an episcopalian, would have performed divine service and administered the sacra∣ments after the manner of the church of England; but the plan∣ters compelled him to conform himself to their way of worship, and at last drove him fairly off.

Some of the planters however, being conscientious churchmen, and finding that they could have no ministers of their own, set up an assembly, wherein they used the liturgy of the church of Eng∣land; and of these Mr Samuel Brown, a lawyer, and his bro∣ther John Brown, a merchant, men of estates and figure, were the chief, being of the number of the first patentees. The depu∣ty governor sending to these gentlemen to demand the reason of their separation, they represented, that as they were of the church established by law in their native country, it was highly reason∣able they should worship God in the manner that government re∣quired from which they received their charter; at least they ought to allow the members of the church that liberty of conscience they themselves thought so reasonable when they were on the other side of the water; and as one article in their charter pro∣vided that all persuasions of Christians should have liberty of con∣conscience,

Page 25

they did not know whether their denying it to them was not a forfeiture of their charter. But these arguments were called seditious and mutinous, and the holy brethren, de∣termining to suffer none to reside there, that were not of the same levelling principles in Church and State as they professed, forced the two Mr. Brown's to return back to Old-England in the same ship that brought them over.

About the year 1630, one Mr. Blackstone, an Episcopal minister, built a little house opposite to Charles Town, by virtue whereof he laid claim to the whole Peninsula, but the inhabi∣tants of this town observing that the parson's situation was pre∣ferable to their own, they immediately dispossessed him, and justified the outrage by suggesting that Mr. Blackstone was an odd sort of a man, who would not join himself with any of their New England churches; and when they had driven away this odd sort of a man, they laid the foundation of their capital city upon this very spot of ground, to which they gave the name of Boston."

Having thus silenced or banished the Episcopalians, they then fell foul of one another, and divided into two factions, the one zealous for the covenant of works, and the other for the cove∣nant of grace. For as the witty Butler observes,

—"Zeal's a dreadful termagant, "That teaches saints to tear and rant, And Independents to profess "The doctrine of dependencies; "Turns meek, and secret, sneaking ones, "To raw heads fierce, and bloody-bones; "And not content with endless quarrels "Against the wicked and their morals, "The Guibellines, for want of Guelfs "Divert their rage upon themselves. "For now the war is not between "The brethren and the men of sin; "But saint and saint, to spill the blood "Of one another's brotherhood"—

In short, the covenant of grace-men were severely handled, and being at length banished, retired to Rhode-Island, where they planted a colony. I am the more particular in these mat∣ters because a late infamous scribbler has asserted, by "refugees who fled from the persecutions of the imperious Arch-bishop Laud, were Boston, Rhode-Island, &c. first planted." And for the same reason, I beg to add the following extract of a letter

Page 26

sent by some of those Refugees to the bishops, clergy and mem∣bers of the Church of England, from on board the ship Ara∣bella, when they were quitting their native land; which will shew how unjustly this cry of persecution has been kept up.

We beseech you, Rev. fathers and brethren, by the mer∣cies of the Lord Jesus, to consider us as your brethren, stand∣ing in very great need of your help, and earnestly imploring it. And however your charity may have met with some oc∣casion of discouragement, through the misreport of our in∣tentions, or through the disaffection or indiscretion of some of us, or rather among us; (for we are not of those who dream of perfection in this world) yet we desire you would be pleased to take notice of the principal and body of our com∣pany, as those who esteem it an honour to call the Church of England, from whence we rise, our dear mother; and we can∣not part from our native country, where she especially resi∣deth, without much sadness of heart, and many tears in our eyes; ever acknowledging, that such hope and part as we obtained in the common salvation, we have received in her bosom, and sucked from her breasts. We leave her not therefore as loathing that milk wherewith we were nourished there; but blessing God for the parentage and education, as members of the same body, shall always rejoice in her good, and unfeignedly grieve for any sorrow that may ever betide her; and while we have breath, sincerely desire and endeavour the continuance and abundance of her welfare, with the en∣largement of her bounds in the kingdom of Christ Jesus,
* 3.4 &c. &c.—This letter was signed by John Winthrop then governor, and a great number of reputable adventurers.

In this manner did some of the persecuted refugees write and speak of that church and her clergy, whom their enlightened sons have since so much abused, calumniated, and mal-treated!

But here I shall stop, and leave you to trace those people from the period you have proposed. In the mean time, if any thing should occur to me, which I think may be necessary to elucidate this subject, you may expect to hear from me again, being very much,

Mr. ANATOMIST,

The friend of Liberty, Truth and the Church, HORATIO.

Page 27

From the PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL. Sept. 29. To Messrs. William and Thomas Bradford, Printers of the the PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL.

GENTLEMEN,

As in various instances you have given undoubted evidence of your impartiality; particularly by your giving a place not only to the American Whig and Pennsylvania Centinel, but also to the Anatomist; I hope therefore; you will insert the following in your very useful paper, which will oblige more than your friend

IRENICUS.

THE God of Truth has informed us, that a kingdom di∣vided against itself cannot stand; and that such as bite and devour one another, will be destroyed one of another. And the evidences we have in every age of the truth of these assertions, must oblige all to grant, that the strength of a people depends on their harmony in sentiment and conduct.

Those therefore who study to promote truth and concord among men, ought to be considered as their true friends; where∣as such as endeavour to divide, and stir up contentions, may justly be deemed their enemies and destroyers. How affecting is it then that measures of this destructive nature are pursued by any among us? As I learn from a late paper, there are, by one who stiles himself the Anatomist. As for the Centinel whom he attacks, the American Whig, or yet Dr. Chandler, I know little of them; having read but a few paragraphs in any one, and not seen the others, and therefore cannot be a judge of what they have said. Nor is it my design to vindicate he Centinel; should that be requisite, it belongs to himself. But I am in∣formed that Dr, Chandler raised the debate, at this time, in these middle provinces, and publickly insisted for an answer. And if the Centinel has given one, and therein attacked the Church of England, this is not to be imputed to the Presbyteri∣an or Independent Church, as the Anatomist does, had the Centinel gone ever so far wrong. For (to use the Anatomist's own way of reasoning, which in this appears just) is the Centi∣nel the Independent, or yet the Presbyterian Church? or the ten thousandth part of either of them? Or had he any general com∣mission from these Churches; or a commission from any in them? That is not pretended. It does not appear that so much as one,

Page 28

much less that half a dozen, ever had the sight of the Centinel's pieces till in print. If the Continel has said any thing wrong, (and what writer claims absolute persection) he should be an∣swered as the Centinel, and set right. Is it fair to attack the whole Church on account of the writings of any single person? Would the Episcopalians think this fair in any case of their own? How unfairly then does the Anatomist act (himself being judge) who (when speaking of the Church of England) says,

it has been basely vilified and traduced, by an aspiring over-bearing party,
(referring to the Presbyterians) and that
if they were consistent with themselves, and really believed what they have printed, they ought to be covered with confusion to solicit either union or communion, in any matter whatsoe∣ver, with the members of a Church which their Centinel and his adherents have painted in the following odious charac∣ters.
And then, he mentions various charges against the Church of England, which he says are to be found in the Cen∣tinel. And having found these in one who calls himself the Pennsylvania Centinel, (whether a Presbyterian or not I cannot tell) he goes on to represent the Presbyterian society in a very shocking light indeed; is no way sparing of the basest charac∣ters, which, it seems, come readier to him than arguments. He even insinuates, that they are at last begun to plot some horrible things; and that the civil and religious liberty of America is in danger from them; with abundance of the like. In his visions he is even carried into the field of battle; and talks of resisting unto blood! 'Tis to be hoped that Presbyte∣rians will not surmise that such scurrility and unmannerly treatment is approved of by any sober Churchmen. It cannot. History informs us that in Britain, Ireland, Germany and America, Presbyterians have been full as loyal and pacific as other churches; and we have found it true. The Anatomist, by overturning the rubbish of confused times, may find enough in any Church to make him cautious. By raking up the ashes of the dead, and representing things agreeable to his own tem∣per, he may indeed foment debates, promote jealousies in the minds of inconsiderate persons, and favour some political plans not very salutary to the colonies. But, is it likely, that by good reasoning, he will either be of service or an honour to the Church of England? On the contrary has he not given too much reason to suspect, either tha his capacity is insufficient to maintain a consistency in his reasoning, or that his passions will not permit him? Even the paragraph of Mr. Carmichael, that he has foisted into his piece, though not expressed in the best manner, may be taken in a consistent and justifiable sense;

Page 29

but his own performance never can. And is not such a defence worse than none? Wherefore, if he would be so wise as to take a friendly advice, he would resign the Centinel at present to another hand. And if he really believes what he has printed, that the Centinel has been long nodding, he need not doubt that he has dropped asleep, and consequently that it would be no credit to an Anatomist either to flay him, or begin his kind of operation upon him in that condition, but had better take a nap also. Would he but yield to this, we might have some hopes that after his awaking he would be much better composed, and inclined to entertain us with something salutary and pacific. Therefore, wishing him a calm repose, I proceed to seek what is of more importance, the peace of my country.

Although our seperate interests in these American provinces have sometimes occasioned jars; yet the harmony that of late appeared in support of our common privileges must, I think, afford unspeakable pleasure to every lover of his country. For my own part, I consider the man as a friend, a brother and a patron, who undauntedly exerts himself to promote a rational concord either in Church or State. Some have merited well of the State by their essays to unite us in political affairs, as the Pennsylvania Farmer. And would to God that the zealous contenders for Christianity would shew their skill, and be more assiduous in labouring to heal our unchristian divisions in the Church. Upon this head let me beg the attention of such, to the following queries. Is there any country in the world more divided in their sentiments about religion than we are? Are not our divisions very injurious in many respects? Do they not weaken confidence, promote jealousies, mar our profiting by the gifts and talents of each other, put a stumbling block in the way of infidels, open a door to error, and greatly dishonour God? Would not our agreement in spiritual truths and duties tend more, firmly to unite us in our temporal affairs, and render us more like an army with banners, yea like the heavenly society? Has not the Church of Christ been long expecting and praying for a time of greater purity and peace? And has not God himself given us grounds to expect this by his promise Col. xiv. 9. that he shall be king over all the earth; that there shall be one Lord, and his name one; and by many other places to the like purpose? He will surely accomplish his promises in the use of means; and as he has not told us the time when, ought we not always to be using such means as appear proper? Do we expect or can we attempt any thing more noble in this world? How absurd would it be for enquirers after truth (which we all profess ourselves to be) to content themselves with

Page 30

being of the same religion with their ancestors, so glory that they are of the same religion with the King? Has all been at∣tempted that can, or may not the same attempts be renewed? Altho' a reconciliation with some has long ago been attempted in vain, are we sure it will always be so; or are all differences of a religious nature incurable? A union between Episcopali∣ans and Presbyterians is desired by thousands on both sides. Their difference in articles about the doctrines of religion is next to nothing. There is not that strictness with regard to some canons and ceremonies that used to be; and an emenda∣tion in these is desired by a great many sober Episcopalians. We have no dignified Clergymen whose interest might perhaps pre∣vent their yielding to some requisitions that possibly might be thought reasonable, so that now is the fittest like season. But if an agreement between these churches cannot be effected, perhaps it might between others that do not differ so much. And were prudent and Christian measures taken, a better understanding might be promoted among all Consider that attempts of this nature have been successful of late years among some who had been at great variance. A happy omen truly! But as some de∣sire to hear the minds of others, I hope they will take the op∣portunity and speak freely. And let them consider, that the Lord blesses the peace-makers, and calls them his children; whereas he who soweth discord among brethren is one of those seven things that are an abomination to the Lord. If persons of moderation and judgment on each side would agree candidly to discuss the matters of difference, adhere to necessary regulations in their reasoning, submit to the corrections of men chosen to keep them to rule; might not this answer a good end? Especial∣ly if friendly conferences were agreed upon and kept up. Si quid novisti rectius istis candidus imparte, si non, his utere mecum.

IRENICUS.

The ANTI-CENTINEL, [No. II.]

AT length after many a promise and many a threat, por∣tending great events, the ecclesiastical Anatomist stands forth brandishing his knife. Long had our Church com∣plained that a person of such profound erudition and mighty in words; long distinguished as the hopes and pillar of episcopacy in this new world, should like another Achilles, have lain by in his camp, while our enemies were carrying all before them

Page 31

with fire and faggot; but he foresaw and marked the critical season, when the Centinel being a sleep, he might fall upon him, cut him limb from limb, and give his flesh for food to the fowls of the air, and the beasts of the field. Long had I desired to contribute towards the desirable work of demolish∣ing that doughty Centinel; but while the first rate advocate of our Church stood by in silent gaze, I thought it would be prudent to forbear.—Encouraged now by the Anatomist, who kindly invites all the enemies of faction and friends of reli∣gion, liberty and toleration, to communicate their thoughts to the public, I have ventured, tho' not so fortunate, as he is in leisure and Abilities, to bespeak the attention of the public, while I offer a few arguments in favour of an American Episco∣pate, in opposition to the Centinel, and all his scribbling factious friends. I have said, I shall offer some arguments, the reader is not to suppose they are such trifling ones as Bacon or Locke would have offered; but such as are usually advanced by the advocates of our Church in this more enlightened age:—Yet conscious how unfit I am to produce any new arguments that will bear this test, I shall generally take the liberty of borrow∣ing from the Anatomist,—

Hanc veniam petimus: damus que vicissim. I shall borrow from him in particular.

1. Because I am persuaded that for certain reasons we are both acquainted with, he cannot in conscience complain of my using the freedom.

2. I am persuaded he will say, all that need be said on the subject, and so render it needless for me to attempt investiga∣ting new arguments.

3. I take this to be the most effectual method of convincing our antagonists; for one good argument well seconded, that is, as lawyers understand it, advanced a second time with a lit∣tle abbreviation or paraphrase, as may seem best, has always been found to do more execution than twenty arguments simply advanced without any friend to support them.

By this time the reader understands that I do hardly assume the character of an author, being content with the more hum∣ble rank of an editor or translator, and yet considering the greatness of my original, this same is no inconsiderable station —Even as the secretary of a powerful Monarch is dignified above the clerk of some little peddling store-keeper. I have ta∣ken the liberty, to call this paper the Anti-Centinel, and would have it considered as a supplement to a paper that was publish∣ed

Page 32

some months ago, of which, as the author seems to have dis∣continued it, I have ventured to borrow the title, since my plan too is very similar to his, mutatis utandis.—In prosecuting this work, tho' I don't preclude the liberty of saying any clever thing that may occur on the subject, yet I shall generally con∣fine myself to seconding, inforcing, abreviating and explaining the arguments of the Anatomist; and that he may have the credit to which he has a title. When I use his arguments, they shall be marked with inverted coma's—when I use his very words, they shall be marked in Italick. Such, reader, is to be the plan of the following papers, proceed we now to de∣molish the Centinel.

EXORDIUM.

A set of shameless scribblers—an overbearing party, in three of the capital provinces in America, who certainly are actuated by some base and wicked design, have had the insolence and temerity to speak and write against the Church —against our Church, against that Church which is the bull-work of protestantism and true English liberty, A Church, which unawed by Presbyterian persecution, fire and faggot, stood firm in defence of the Reformation, and is now the bright∣est example of moderation to all who differ from her— and more moderate still to those who agree with her.— We should have answered those shameless scribblers and the Centinel among the rest much sooner, we refrained, lest we should interrupt a union in councils among the inhabitants of this province, at this dangerous crisis, and yet for all this was the reason, we are determined not to have any union or communion with them, for they certainly ha some dark wicked design lurking under such open (which is more dan∣gerous than secret) abuse, and so we will not unite with them in councils, for we believe in our hearts that they intend to make tools of us at the ensuing election, to serve their pur∣pose.
—We imagine they intend to put a certain Republi∣can Writer into the Assembly at next election—but we are resolved he shall not go there, for he is an enemy to the colo∣nies, at least, he is an enemy to the prerogative of parliament and ministers of state, from whose favour we hope for an Epis∣copal estblishament; and whom, for that reason, we are deter∣mined to serve, come what will of the more trifling Liberties of our fellow subjects.

The Centinel has painted the Church in the most odious cha∣racters. He calls her—A Church that has long encroached on the rights of conscience, and oppressed her fellow Christian,

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—which is not true, for she has no test act—A number of other falsehoods he has advanced about her corrupting the pure word of God by human inventions—squandering a∣way large sums of money in support of missionaries, and such groundless aspertions—Wherefore is our Church loaded with all this calumny? For no other reason than that Dr. Chandler in the spirit of meekness wrote a small book, in hopes of recommending an American Bishop—But why should Presbyterians be angry with Dr. Chandler for such an innocent milky performance, surely he said no harm of them.
He only said, or rather hinted, that they are all rebels in Ame∣rica, and have no natural right to any place of profit or trust under the government—that their teachers are no ministers, and that they are no Christians—
Now surely, it is not fair to abuse the Dr. for this meek sort of writing, much less is it fair to abuse the Church on the account of its advocate Dr. Chandler, any more than it would be fair to traduce the Synod of Philadelphia, on account of their advocate John Carmichael, for the cases are perfectly similar,
with this trifling difference, that the Dr. wrote by the approbation, order and assistance of a general convention of our clergy, and John only wrote for and by himself dis-connected with any soul living.
Yet, notwithstanding that the cases are so perfectly similar, we have the good nature and modesty not to insist much on it.
That the Synod are acountable for John's blun∣ders, as when he says or swears that he is the learned member of a learned body, while the very performance proves that he is quite as illeterate as any son of our Church in that part of the country, which is saying a great deal for him. Ah John! John! It's a pity you had ever thought of printing your lucu∣brations since you had no time to write for the Press. If you should ever think of appearing again in print be persuaded to pursue a different plan.—Take example from your brother Thomas up the way—Since you are ignorant don't be a∣shamed to steal, 'tis a common and a thriving traffick; whether you preach or publish, don't trouble the world with any more of your slap-dash sermons; borrow or steal, tho' it were from another Church—Some good Christians hold all things in common—By such shifty means, as these, unanimity and public spirit not long since elevated a Missionary in our Church, to the highest pitch of eminence and literary fame.—But of this on some future occasion. In the mean time I insist on it, that unless we traduce the Synod on John's account, it will be very indecent in the Presbyterians to speak hard of any other person living, on account of Dr. Chandler, who, as I proved

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just now, has not uttered a single word reflecting on the principles of any protestant denomination. But the design of the following papers, is not the defence of Dr. Chandler, which by the way brings me in compliance with the prevailing custom, to present the reader with a bill of fare. In the first place, negatively, tho' we are going to answer the Anatomist, who has attempted a for∣mal refutation of Dr. Chandler's argument, yet we shall not so much as attempt to support the Dr. and of course, we shall not interfere with the Centinel, except to call him a factious scrib∣bler, &c.—I know better things than to defend the Doctor or his appeal, we have observed what advantage the adversary has gained over him, and have therefore resolved to surrender him and his appeal to be devoured by Whigs and Centinels, know∣ing, that it has ever been accounted better policy to desert a weak fortress, than attempt its defence,—Secondly, by answer∣ing the Centinel, we humbly presume no man can be so absurd as to think we have any thing to do with the truth and validity of his arguments upon the danger of Episcopal establishments in this new world, &c. such arguments are below our notice. But thirdly, we are determines to carry the war into the enemy's country, and give them a Rowland for their Oliver.—We shall prove that the Presbyterians and Independents are and have been enemies to our Church, and that for this and several other reasons they are a set of factious, seditious, restless, ambi∣tious, hypocritical, enthusiastic, fanatical, rebellious, impudent fellows. These things, with sundry others, being fairly proved or being frequently asserted, it must follow of natural conse∣quence that a bishop is a very harmless person. That intro∣ducing him here by act of parliament, vesting him with proper powers, and maintaining him by a small public tax, &c. is not, and cannot be injurious to the civil or religious liberties of any denomination of Christians on the continent. Perhaps the reader does not see how such consequences can follow from the premi∣ses; but they must and shall follow—for to speak our mind plainly, we have a had opinion of the vulgar method of handling a debate—Nothing is so stubborn as plain direct argument; We are determined to shun it—But we shall deal pretty freely with the characters of the dead, and if the Centinel or his ghost should ever think proper to answer us, we shall lead him such a wild-goose chace from one piece of scandal to another, that no person shall be able to guess, in a little time, what was the original subject of debate.—As to the question whether a bishop should be sent over to America, how he should be esta∣blished, and how the liberties of other denominations of Chris∣tians would be safe within his reach. These are articles we re∣solve

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not to meddle with. They are thorny questions—We hope to keep them out of sight. Such is our present plan, which, for the prudence discovered therein, we hope will obtain the reader's approbation.

P. S. If any person has any objections to make against the Anatomist, let him send th•••• to the Printers hereof, and they, with the proper answer to them, shall obtain a place in the Anti-Centinel, for we are determined to rescue his labours from all kind of darkness or ambiguicy.

From the PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL, Sept. 29. The ANATOMIST, No. IV.

I AM again obliged to solicit the reader's indulgence in be∣half of my friend HORATIA, who having, it seems, found leisure to collect additional remarks, with regard to the early attacks upon the CHURCH in New-England, is desirous of having them inserted before I begin with those which have been made upon her at New-York:—And as these remarks tend to shew that the opposition to the Church was not by starts and turns; or in consequence of any unkind or severe treatment which its antagonists might have received, but, for a long series of years, carried on without remission and without provocation, I willingly comply with the gentleman's request.

To the ANATOMIST.

"I have spread out my hands unto a people, which say, stand by thyself, come not near to me, for I am holier than thou: These are a smoak in my nose."

Isa. lxv. 2, 5.

SIR,

THERE are no people upon earth who decry self-righteous∣ness so much as Presbyterians and Independents; and yet, if we may judge from their outward deportment and conduct, they think there are none righteous and holy but themselves. Of the like stamp with these were the Pharisees of old, who the Evangelist tells us

trusted in themselves that they were righteous, and despised others.
* 3.5 But, notwithstanding all the pretences that men can make to superior sanctity, when we behold them come forth with scripture in their mouths, and

Page 36

enmity in their hearts; infringing the civil and religious rights of their fellow Christians; hanging, banishing, and basely ra∣ducing such as they suspect might thwart their darling schemes for exclusive territory and dominion, we may conclude, without a breach of charity, that such men are not "holier than" those whom, they desire to "stand by" themselves, and to "come not near to" them. The Church of England ha•••• constantly been, and still is, the principal object of the jealousy and oppo∣sition of Presbyterians and Independents. This is the Church which gives the greatest check to their political designs; and this, therefore, is the Church whose foundations they have been so long struggling to raze and demolish. And that there may never be a time when these attempts shall be given up, they take care to transmit their enmity to the Church from generation to generation. They are taught from their cradles to think ill of her, and to look upon her principles and doc∣trines as "an abomination unto the Lord;" and these opinions are confirmed by their teachers, who constantly cry out, "down with her, down with her even to the ground." So that the furious zeal and uncharitable spirit, which we find diffused through a considerable part of their laity, are in a great measure to be charg∣ed upon those who have undertaken to be their instructors. The chief part of their prejudices against the Church they de∣rive from the sermons they hear in their Meeting-houses. There, they are taught to pray (not as our blessed Lord taught his disciples * 3.6 But) for the downfall of popery and prelacy in one breath. There they are taught to make no distinction between the Church of England and the Church of Rome. To call the habits of the Clergy, ags of the Whore of Babylon † 3.7

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Our prayers and liturgy, the Romish breviary and mass-book —Our worship and ceremonies, superstition, carnal ordi∣nances and idolatry—And our bishops and clergy, bastardly governors of the Church; priests of the devil; petty antichrists, beelzebubs of Canterbury; scarlet whores; Caiphases; cozen∣ing knaves; liars; drunkards, hogs: wolves; dogs; bloody murderers of souls; robbers of Christ's Church, &c. &c. ‡ 3.8

Hence it comes to pass that a true-blue Presbyterian "will no more enter a Church than he would the house of Rimmon. To hear the service of the Church would be to hear Mass. And if you enquire of him what exceptions he has to the book of common prayer, he will with closed eyes and up-lifted hands, thank the Lord he never saw it. If any of his friends are to be buried in a Church yard, he will scarce stay to see them "committed to the ground," so much is he frighted at the funeral service. As for the sign of the cross he will scamper away from it as fast, as the Roman Catholicks fancy evil spirits and hobgoblins do." ‖ 3.9

And to such ridiculous heights had their zeal carried them in this last mentioned affair, that history informs us of one Roger Williams, pastor of a meeting at Salem, New-England, who among the many wild and extravagant notions into which he had led his followers brought them to conceive so ill of the sign of the Cross, that in the heighth of their zeal they cut the cross out of the King's standard, declaring it to be an Idol. The people thereupon became divided in their opinions, whe∣ther it was lawful to have the cross in their colours or not. Se∣veral furious books were wrote and published on each side of the question; and most of their militia refused to march with the colours so long as the cross remained in them, lest they should be thought to do honour to an Idol; while others were for following the colours with the cross in them, lest their de∣serting them should be interpreted a casting off their allegiance to the crown of England: But at length the magistrates and officers compromised the matter in the following manner; they ordered that all castles and ships should have the same colours as

Page 38

formerly, but that the cross might be omitted in the colours be∣longing to the regiments of militia. § 3.10

When we read of the Egyptian's worshipping monkies, cats, crocodiles, garlic and onions; of the people of Madagascar be∣ing at everlasting strife with such of their countrymen as will not pay adoration to an elephant's tooth, which, they say, fell down from Heaven; of the Turks and Persians who charge each other with sin and heresy on account of their different head-dresses, the former wearing white turbants, and the latter red bonnets, does not our astonishment abate, when we look around us, and find among ourselves a people who would wil∣lingly be distinguished by the name of sensible men, reformed Christians, and enlightened protestants, whose religious opinions lead them into such ridiculous extravagancies, as those men∣tioned above; and excite them to quarrel with, and charge their neighbours with heresies and errors for things as harmless and indifferent in themselves, as a white turbant or a red bonnet?

Such absurd opinions and so base a treatment of us are not only unjust to the Church, but most scandalous to those teachers who inculcate and encourage them. They blame (and very justly) the Romish clergy for stopping up, as much as possible, every avenue of knowledge from their laity, and keeping them in the dark, lest they should receive informations that might be injurious to the designs of priest-craft. But what shall we say of those protestant clergy, who keep their followers, in some respects, as much in the dark; Who persuade them that the Church of England is so infested with popish errors; anti-christian principles, and idolatrous ceremonies, that it is not safe to hear her; and in short, that salvation is attainable only within the pale of the Kirk? * 3.11 It is true the moderate, sensible and think∣ing

Page 39

part of their followers do not choose to submit to an implicit faith, but to judge for themselves: And accordingly we find, that such of them as have examined our articles, perused our liturgy, and heard our religious services performed, have, at least, thought favourably of the Church, and have wished her prosperity. But the moment that any favourable or friendly dispositions appear in the people towards us, they are checked and discouraged by their leaders and pastors. This appears evident from numberless instances, and particularly from the fol∣lowing one, faithfully deduced from history; and with which I shall finish my remarks of the early and violent opposition which the Church met with in New-England.

"Soon after the establishment of the society for the propa∣gation of the gospel in foreign parts, in the year 1701, the Rev. Mr. Muirson was sent Missionary to Rye, in the government of New-York. The people of Stratford in the colony of Con∣necticut, distant from Rye about 60 miles, earnestly requested Mr. Muirson to pay them a visit, to which he agreed. Colonel Heathcote, a worthy gentleman of a considerable interest in West-Chester, was pleased to accompany Mr. Muirson in this progress, and afterwards wrote to the society the following ac∣count of their reception there.

We found that colony much as we expected, very ignorant of the constitution of our Church, and therefore enemies to it. The towns are furnish∣ed with ministers chiefly Independants, who were very uneasy at our coming among them, and abundance of pains were taken to terrify the people from hearing Mr. Muirson; but it availed nothing, for notwithstanding all their endeavours, we had a very great congregation; and the people were won∣derfully surprised at the order of our Church, expecting to have heard some strange thing, by the accounts and represen∣tations of it that their teachers had given them.

These people having zealously pressed Mr. Muirson to come again to them, he was honoured with Colonel Heathcote's company in his second visit. They now found the people much more earnest to have the Church worship settled among them, and the Independents more incensed. The ministers and magistrates were remarkably industrious, going from house to house persuading the people from hearing Mr. Muirson, and threatening those with punishment and imprisonment who would go to hear him preach. Mr. Muirson describes their opposition in these words.

One of their magistrates, with some other officers, came to my lodgings, and in the hearing of 〈…〉〈…〉 Heathcote and a great many people, read a 〈…〉〈…〉 ing of it was, to let me know, that I had 〈…〉〈…〉

Page 40

thing, in coming among them to establish a new way of worship, and to forewarn me from preaching any more; and this he did by virtue of one of their laws, the words of which, as he expressed them, were these—Be it enacted, &c. That there shall be no ministry or church administration enter∣tained or attended by the inhabitants of any town or plantation in the colony, distinct and seperate from that which is publicly observed and dispensed by the approved minister of the place.
—Now, whatever interpretation the words of the said law may admit of, yet we are to regard the sense and force they put upon them; which is plainly this, to exclude the Church their government, as appears by their proceedings with me. So that hereby they deny a liberty of conscience to the Church of Eng∣land people, as well as to all others that are not of their opi∣nion; which being repugnant to the laws of England, is con∣trary to the grant of their charter.

But these methods which the Independents used, were so far from hindering the people from resorting to the Church service, that still greater numbers came; and other towns sent and in∣vited Mr. Muirson to visit them; particularly the people of Fairfield, to whom he went next. The Independents used all means to obstruct him, and refused him the use of the meeting-house, though on a week day; but the principal gentleman of the town invited him to his house, where he preached to a nu∣merous congregation, and afterwards described to the society the opposition he still met with in these words:

The people were likewise threatened with imprisonment and a forfeiture of five pounds for coming to hear me. It would require more time than you would willingly bestow on these Lines, to express how rigid∣ly and severely they treat our people, by taking their estates by distress when they do not willingly pay to support their ministers; and though every Churchman in that colony pays his rate for building and repairing their meeting-houses, yet they are so set against us, that they deny us the use of them, though on a week day. All that the Churchmen in this colony request, is, that they may not be oppressed and insulted over; that they may obtain a liberty of conscience, and call a mi∣nister of their own; that they may be freed from paying to their ministers and thereby be enabled to maintain their own; this is all these good men desire.
* 3.12

Such hath been the opposition, and such have been the grie∣vances which the Church met with in New-England. I hope

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the accounts I have furnished you with will not be thought im∣pertinent to your subject; and that you will give them a place before you proceed any further. Perhaps you may hear from me again. For the present, I shall conclude with this observa∣vation, that hard indeed, is the lot of the people belonging to the Church of England! The Papists would burn us for being Protestants, and the Presbyterians and Independents would de∣molish us another way for being Papists! The present confede∣racy against the Church 〈◊〉〈◊〉 truly a formidable one—Papist and Arian, Presbyterian and Independent, Atheist and Deist, American Whig and Gentinel, all attempting to overturn her, in order to erect upon her ruins their own giddy systems. But this Church, thus attacked, and thus abused, instructs all her sons to pray for their adversaries. Let us therefore, in the words of our "most excellent liturgy, say—

We beseech thee good Lord, to forgive our enemies, persecutors and slan∣derers, and to turn their hearts.

I am yours, &c. HORATIO.

From the PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL, Oct. 6. The REMONSTRANT. No. I.

Qui pergit, quae vult, dicere, quae non vult, audiet.

TER.

DR. Chandler's appeal is a noted performance, in which he represents the episcopal church in America as oppres∣sed, persecuted and groaning under unparallelled hard∣ships for want of an episcopate established in these colonies. He with great confidence proposes a new plan of episcopacy, agreed on as he asserts, by the episcopal church in England and Ame∣rica, which unlike the episcopate established in England, shall have no concern with the probate of wills or affairs matrimoni∣al or relating to scandal, nor hurt the civil or religious rights of any other denomination; and he challenges every man in the colonies or else where to make objections to this new plan, if they have any, or if they be silent, it will be taken for granted that all parties acquiesce and are satisfied.

He has likewise strongly asserted the divine right of diocesan episcopacy, and the necessity of an uninterupted succession of bishops for the ordination of ministers, nay he makes this un∣broken line as necessary, as to believe in Jesus Christ, and there∣by

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excludes all the ministers of the protestant churches from the number of Christ's ministers, who derive not their pedigree from St. Peter, disregarding this ridiculous pretension.

He represents the prelates that are to be sent on this new plan, as persons to be invested with great power and dignity, to protect both the clergy and laity; for whose support great funds are provided; who may possibly be entrusted with great power in our civil affairs, and for whose support he tells us, it is reasonable that we should all be taxed, and that we deserve not the name of good subjects if we should complain if taxed for this purpose; nay, he tells us, that the episcopal church is established in America as well as in England, for it is a part of that church, and all that belong not to that church by law esta∣blished, have no natural rights to any degree of civil or milita∣ry power.

When such a challenge was given to all the American colonies, is it a crime, to make objections when thus called on by the Doctor? Were his high pretensions to be passed without notice? or how can this universal appeal be called a continuation of a dispute between the episcopal and other New-England minis∣ters? Was the appeal made to them only, or was it to every denomination in the English colonies? or did Dr. Chauncey who wrote a methodical answer to the appeal ever understand or suspect, that it was a continuation of an old controversy? The Centinel does not think that he had any concern with the New-England controversies, the rejectors of diocesan episcopacy in those four provinces are able to manage their own affairs, and in the judgment of most men are more than a match for their adversaries in America, even with the assistance of their friends beyond the Atlantic, though we are told that a high dignitary of the church of England refreshed their drooping spirits by his seasonable interposition, nay Dr. Chandler, sets this controver∣sy in a different light and tells us,

that having addressed the public on the expediency of an American episcopate, he and his brethren judged it a matter of necessity and duty fairly to explain this plan on which bishops had been requested to offer to the public the reasons of this request, and to obviate objections: For this reason he was ordered to publish the ap∣peal, that all might either be satisfied or that such as were not, might publish their objections,
yet our modest Anato∣mist declares the Doctor was not the aggressor, and thus all these objects that he dislikes or cannot answer, are called unme∣rited abuse.

It has been often objected to Dr. Chandler, that he has gi∣ven the world no assurance that his proposed plan of Episcopacy

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so savourable to civil and religious liberty is approved by all the Episcopal Churches in England and America; that if it gave all the colonies the universal satisfaction that he expected, yet it was proposed by himself only, or by a few of his friends, and would be denied or opposed by all the narrow bigots in that church, it would probably be rejected by the powers that could confirm i, for some political reasons, as it would weaken the dependency of the colonies on the mother country; and it would be rejected by all sober men, because these bishops were only to inspect the morals of the clergy, whilst the laity were totally to be neglected. And it was alledged that prelates, if once sent among us, would erect their ecclesiastical courts, as in former times, and possibly vex every religious denomination, that they were pleased to call dissenters, as in the days of Arch∣bishop Land, and some of his successors, whose tyranny drove many to seek habitations in this wilderness. These fears arous∣ed and alarmed great numbers who paid little regard to Dr. Chandler's fair words, whilst they saw the dangerous snare laid for their liberties by his specious proposals. And we find alrea∣dy by the Anatomist, that our fears were just, that most of the episcopalians paid no regard to his pretences, for he now asks,—

Had Dr. Chandler any general commission from that church or even from his brethren belonging to it in America? This is not, says he, pretended. It is certain that not more than half a dozen of them ever had an opportunity of seeing his pamphlet till in print.

The Centines's debate is only with Dr. Chandler, and he with his friends are loudly called on to answer the Centinel and to shew his mistakes; if he bears hard on the church of Eng∣land as by law established, with respect to her ecclesiastical courts, or any other part of her conduct, he or they are to vindicate her as far as it can be done with truth and candour, and her vindi∣cation will be heard with pleasure and fairly acknowledged, where the defence is just; but this doughty champion declines this task. Yet to say something like argument, he cries the national church is abused, he will defend the national church —the religion of his Sovereign, and of the far greater and most respectable part of his subjects, and Dr. Chandler is, by him, set on a level with Mr. Carmichael, whom no man ever employed nor thanked for meddling with public affairs, both we hope are good men; but our respect for Doctor Chandler, makes us resent the comparison.

How noble is the purpose of the Anatomist and how secure of a victory? He is in the same situation with the champion at a coronation, who armed cap a pee challenges all pretenders to

Page 44

the crown, in the presence of the king and his guards—But the Anatomist with the bloody knife in his hand must be put in mind, that his argument had equal force in the mouth of all the heathen powers who persecuted the primitive church. It would have equal force in Turkey in defence of the Aoran, against the religion of Jesus; and in France, against all the pro∣testants, that have been inhumanly persecuted since the revoca∣tion of the edict of Nantz. They all plead for the national religion, the religion, of their sovereign, and of the most re∣spectable part of his subjects.

We respect the church of England as by law established, and she is deservedly respected by all Christian churches.

She has had martyrs that sealed the truths of the gospel with their blood, and many bishops, ministers, and common Christi∣ans eminent for learning, piety and charity, that have been esteemed bright ornaments of our holy religion: And with pleasure we acknowledge that her complexion is greatly mended by the act of toleration.

But she never pretended to infallibility, she daily confesses to Almighty God, that she has erred and strayed like a lost sheep, and done many things which she ought not to have done, during the long and severe execution of the acts of uniformity, the act against conventicles and others, that distressed the followers of the same Redeemer and the children of the same heavenly Fa∣ther; her looks were savage and severe, and bore a near resem∣blance of her who was drunk with the blood of the saints: there were always in her a moderate and a high flying party, and the last were for severe measures to all that did not come into their measures. And had the corporation and test acts ne∣ver existed she had been more lovely and the spouse of him who was meek and lowly in spirit. We revere her merit, but are not blind to ber imperfection; in her there is great room for a reformation, this the best of her own sons do allow; nay they loudly call for it; the Lutheran and Calvinist churches were and are still more truly the bulwark of the reformation than the church of England. They bore the burden and heat of the day, when old Harry was pleading the cause of popery, and acquired from Rome the glorio itle of defender of the Faith. The church of Scotland and the Dissenters in England and Ireland, and the Fresbyterian states of Holland, deserve their share in these praises, or this boasted bulwark had on some occa∣sions proved but a tettering desence.

The Anatomist tells us

the treatment this church has met with for many months past, from certain shameless scribblers, in three of the capital provinces in America, is matter of

Page 45

astonishment and grief to good men of very different religious persuasions, who cannot but suspect some dark and wicked designs lurking under such unmeritted abuse.
Men of dark designs are not so apt to give abuse, they strike in silence, and had not these three capital provinces been alarmed with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dark designs of a turbulent discontented party which bega to appear in Dr. Chandler's Appeal, and been thereby a••••••••ed from their security, to examine how far an American episcopate was consistent with our civil and religious liberties, these shame∣less scribblers, as he politely calls them, had not set pen to pa∣per on this subject. And if the danger from ecclesiastical courts, if they should take place among us, must not be men∣tioned, if it be unmerited abuse to set before the world, the ty∣ranny and severity of these courts as they have been managed in England; all other religious denominations, from the days of Elizabeth have constantly abused that church, and the fears of being subjected to this yoke of bondage and nothing else has given occasion for what is here called unmerited abuse.

From the PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL, Oct. 6. The ANATOMIST. No. V.

—You lie so ope That I without a Telescope Can find your Tricks out, and descry Where you speak Truth, and where you Lye. BUTLER.

ALTHOUGH furnished with sundry papers from Horatio, and other correspondents, which would still further de∣monstrate the early settled plan of New-England In∣dependents, &c. to oppress and bear down the Church, for the sake of erecting an exclusive dominion of their own, yet I am unwilling to lengthen out these papers into more numbers than those of the Centinel. I likewise forbear many things on ac∣count of the present critical situation of the people of New-England; and would not be provoked, to seek any ungenerous advantage, from times or circumstances.

The eyes of many are now upon them. If the present lead which they take in the affairs of America be with the single view of supporting the cause of general Liberty; if it shall betray

Page 46

no thirst for dangerous preheminence, no unconstitutional oppo∣sition to a Church and nation that have so long nursed them— we sincerely pray them—God speed! We are alike interested; our feelings for liberty are the same; and all their evil treat∣ment of Churchmen in America, I am persuaded, will not make them stand aloof in the common concern. But if a con∣trary spirit should appear; if, in any case, the bounds of law and the constitution should be leaped over; then thousands who will be brought to suffer with them, will be ready, without the Anatomist, to heap upon their heads the political as well as reli∣gious transgressions both of themselves and of their forefathers; and all the fatal consequences that followed from attacks on the national Church in a former age, will be too justly apprehend∣ed from the like attack in the present.

With these reflections, which may stand in the room of many that might come in this place, I leave these people for the pre∣sent, and proceed to a more southern province, where the op∣position to the Church has been more properly and strictly Presbyterian; but the mode and spirit of it the same.

The antagonists of the Church in America are well aware of the grievous hardships she labours under, in being obliged to send her candidates across an ocean of 3000 miles for holy or∣ders, and in being at that distance from the government of Bi∣shops,—the only mode of government which she can hold agreeable to her constitution. They know further that while this con••••••ces to be the case, she can have no chance of keeping pace in her growth, with Presbyterians or Independents, who have opportunities of filling up every corner of the country with their preachers at small expence, and no risk or delay of ordination. And therefore they think, if they can continue the Church under this hardship, and prevent the introduction of a Bishop into America, by painting the whole order in odi∣ous characters, and dangerous to liberty, they shall be able, when they arrive to their * 3.13 prophesied Ten Millions, to swallow her entirely up in this new world, and perhaps enable their brethren to do the like in the old.

There is another measure which they think will facilita•••• this end. They confider the annual bounties or salari•••• given by the venerable society to missionaries in America as some support to the Church here, and perhaps an inducement to some young men to subject themselves to the peril of the ocean in a voyage

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for holy orders. The constant endeavour therefore of those antagonists of the Church, is to dry up that fund, by repre∣senting it as misapplied and perverted from its original inten∣tion. This charge is always a leading one in every attack upon the Church in America; though it has been often abundantly an∣swered, and though it be evident that the greatest part of the fund comes from the clergy of the Church of England themselves, who well know for what purpose their charity is bestowed, and ap∣plied; not to mention that the accounts of the society, agreea∣ble to charter, have annually the solemn sanction of the heads of the three great courts in Westminster-hall. Strange it is then that the great oracles of the law, the whole clergy of the Church, and thousands of pious benefactors in England, should all be so deceived in the original design of this society, or should be so desperately wicked as to connive at, or encourage a per∣version of it; and that a few zealots at 3000 miles distance should be the only persons acquainted with the purposes for which the society was instituted.

Upon this plan were a set of papers written and published at New-York, in the years 1752, 1753, called the Independent Reflectors and Watch-Towers, which I scarce think it worth while to disturb in that silence wherein they now rot, especially as every thing worth notice in them has been hashed out into new dishes, by the Centinel, and will be answered in the proper place.

Soon after the publication of the Independent Reflectors, &c. a history of New-York was published by William Smith, A. M. in which the old hackneyed charges against the society for the propagation of the gospel were carefully inserted. No doubt that gentleman imagined that this work (being a history and quarto volume) might have a greater chance of reaching posterity than loose or detached papers; and I am persuaded he would take it amiss to have it passed over in neglect. I shall therefore the more readily bestow some notice on is, as the ‡ 3.14 partial and ungenerous

Page 48

manner in which he hath written on certain points, will be a further proof of that spirit of bitterness and intolerancy trans∣mitted from father to son, through his whole party, against the Church.

It is lucky for me on this occasion that I have nothing to do, but to transcribe an answer which was prepared for that part of Mr. Smith's history, soon after its first appearance by the late worthy Dr. Henry Barclay, Rector of Trinity Church in New-York; who had the best opportunities for detecting the particular misrepresentations here referred to. It pleased God that Dr. Barclay did not survive the finishing this answer long enough to publish it, nor was he in any particular haste about it; but he had intended it for the press, sent a copy to the vene∣rable society, and another copy to some of his brethren in Penn∣sylvania; from which the copy now before me was transcribed. I shall lay before the reader such extracts from it as seem necessary in the present dispute: And if what has been inserted in the two former numbers from my friend Horatio, should to any appear too severe (though not near so severe as the provocation given) I am sure the amiable Christian spirit of Dr. Barclay will be pleasing to all, and I think must even induce Mr. Smith him∣self to venerate his memory.

The answer of this worthy man begins with a remark (which it is thought will appear just in the sequel) that

the author of the history labours under too great an attachment to a particular sect to be impartial in his account of the state of religion in America. The great encomiums he, on every

Page 49

occasion, passes on the ministers of a certain denomination, his silence with regard to those of other churches, except the bare mention of their names, look as though he designed to in∣sinuate a contrast; and his frequent invectives against those of the Church of England are too glaring evidences of parti∣ality.

Mr. Smith's accounts of the Indian mission which are the ob∣jects of the Doctor's answer run thus—"Nothing to the purpose hath yet been attempted in England for the propagation of Christianity among the Indians. Queen Anne sent a missionary among them, and gave him an appointment out of the privy purse;—the Revd. Mr. Barclay afterward resided among the Mohawks, but no suitable provision being made for an interpreter, he was obliged to break up the mission."

Here says the benevolent Dr. Barclay "I find myself obliged to undertake a very disagreeable task—the vindication of the society, as well as my own character requiring me to say things that would come with much better grace from others. I never thought it becoming me to make a parade of the discharge of those things which I was under an indispensible obligation to perform. I have never published a journal of my mission; nor should I have had any occasion at present to give so particular an account of my labours among the Mohawks, had this gentleman either done me justice or left my name out of his history. It is well known in this province that I have neither been altogether re∣miss nor unsuccessful; and that I never alledged the want of a suitable provision for an interpreter as the reason for breaking up the mission; a reason which I blush to think that any person should be led to think me capable of assigning, after near twelve years residence among them. From Mr. Smith's account indeed no person, unacquainted with my labours in that mission, can conclude that I did any more than make my appearance among the Mohawks, and that the society being unwilling or unable to pay an Interpreter. I left them without effecting or attempting any thing."

The Doctor then tells us that while he was at College he had formed a resolution of visiting the Indians, and to endeavour their conversion; that among others he communicated his de∣sign to Mr. Sergeant, then a public tutor in college, and adds (with a candour which Mr. Smith does not shew to other persuasions) "that from that time he entered into a very inti∣mate friendship with Mr. Sergeant, who had formed a de∣sign of going among another tribe of Indians; and justice (says he) requires me to say, that Mr. Sergeant was a most faithful laborious missionary, and his early death justly lamented."

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"Immediately after taking my Batchelor's Degree, having some encouragement from the assembly of New-York then sit∣ting. I went up to the lower Mohawk-town, where excepting the hunting seasons, I staid upwards of two years, endeavour∣ing to attain their language; at the end of which the assembly passed an act for paying me sixty pounds out of the treasury; and the honourable society (in England) granted me an allow∣ance of twenty pounds, sterling per annum. How I employed myself during the time will appear from the following certifi∣cate, the original of which is still in my possession."

"We the Commissioners appointed for the management of Indian affairs for the colony of New-York, do hereby certify, that we are credibly informed, by some of the principal inhabi∣tants of the Mohawk Country, and have reason to believe the truth thereof, that Mr. Henry Barclay has resided among the Mohawk Indians about eighteen months; and with great study and constant application attained to such knowledge of their language, that he performs divine service to them every Sunday in their own tongue; that he teaches above forty young men and children to read and write, some of whom make great pro∣ficiency; that he instructs them daily in the Church Catechism; that the Indians express great love and esteem for him, and that they are very much reformed since his residing amongst them.

Given under our hands in Albany, the thirteenth day of July, 1736,

  • Ph. Livingston, Secretary to Indian affairs.
  • ...Myndert Schuyler.
  • ...John Schuyler.
  • ...Phil. Schuyler.
  • ...Edward Holland.
  • ...Reyer Gerritse.
  • ...Nicholas Bleecker.
  • ...John De Peyster.
  • ...J. V. Renselaer.

Here we see men of the first reputation testifying that as early as the year 1736, Dr. Barclay was able to perform divine ser∣vice to the Indians in their own tongue. Could one professing to write the history of his country be ignorant of this testimony, or the sum granted by the assembly to reward this worthy man for the pains he had taken to qualify himself as an Indian mission∣ary, by acquiring their language? Or what but the most de∣termined resolution to traduce the society and the Church, at all hazards, could make Mr. Smith say, that after ten years longer residence among the Indians "Mr. Barclay was obliged to break up the mission, no suitable provision being made for an interpreter." Impartiality and candor (says a writer already quoted concerning this history) are qualities ••••••••tially necessary to an

Page 51

historian. The history in which due regard is paid to these, will be read and esteemed; while such as breath a contrary spi∣rit, and are just intended to serve a party, will be neglected and despised."

In my next I shall give the necessary extracts from the remainder of the Doctor's answer; in which there will appear many more striking proofs of this Presbyterian Historian's impartiality and candor towards the Church. Nor let the Centinel think, all this while, that I am losing sight of him. While I am resu∣ting his masters and predecessors, from whom he has copied his scandal, I shall be making some progress in the refutation of him. I have been led by a correspondent a little tour north∣wards, but he may see I am now on my return.

My plan has been consistent, from the beginning; and when I have fully shewn who have been the aggressors in this dispute, I shall, as I proposed, enter the lists with the Centinel. Why can he not have a little patience? He was fairly and without interruption heard out his fifteen papers. Before I arrive at that number I shall certainly take notice of what he calls "the truth and validity of his arguments upon the danger of episco∣pal establishments in this new world. And fifty such papers as those of Irenicus and the Anti-Centinel, shall not divert me from my plan. These papers shall be noticed in due time if they appear worthy of any; and in the mean while, I would advise their author or authors to be very careful of setting any more examples of personal invectives; which, as they have been hi∣therto avoided on both sides, I was in hopes might be avoided to the end of this dispute; by which means it may be of much shorter duration, and that harmony be sooner restored for which Irenicus so warmly preaches. It is a pity that he had not be∣stowed his advice on the Centinel at the commencement of his papers; but to tell the Church now, that she is to bear the whole load of abuse patiently, and without a reply, can have but little weight; when we find that more than a century's forbearance on her part, has only aggravated the insolence of her antago∣nists in America.

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From the PENNSYLVANIA GAZETTE, Oct. 13. The ANATOMIST. No. VI.

Was there no felony, no bawd, Cut-purse, nor burglary abroad? No stolen pig, nor plunder'd goose, To tie thee up from breaking loose? No ale unlicens'd, broken hedge, For which thou statute might'st alledge, To keep the busy from foul evil?— BUTLER.

IN my last, I had given some account of the attack made on the Church by Mr. Smith, the impartial Presbyterian Historian of New-York; and endeavoured to shew, that nothing but the most determined resolution to traduce the Church, and the Society for the propagation of the gospel, could have induced that gentleman to assert, that the late Dr. Barclay was obliged to break up his Mohawk mission, because no suitable provision had been made for an interpreter by the Society.

Dr. Barclay received holy orders, and was appointed to that mission in 1737; and supposing Mr. Smith so extremely igno∣rant of the transactions of the country whereof he undertakes to write a history, as not to know that Dr. Barclay had, at a provincial expence, spent two years in endeavouring to acquire the Mohawk language, before he went for orders, and carried home with him a certificate from the commissioners for Indian affairs, setting forth, that he had attained such a knowledge in that language, as to be able to perform divine service in it; yet surely the historian must have seen the following message from Governor Clarke in December 1740, from which it would seem that the Doctor's labours did not meet with any obstruction from want of skill in the Indian language, nor from any other cause but that mentioned in the message.

The Mohawk sachems (says the Governor to the Assem∣bly) have represented to me the irreparable condition of the chapel formerly built for their religious worship, and desiring to have a new one built: I cannot but earnestly recommend it to you, as a thing worthy the consideration of a Christian assembly. The progress already made by the reverend Mr. Barclay, opens to our view a glorious prospect of spreading

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the Christian faith and worship throughout all the Six-Na∣tions, especially if he be enabled by you to proceed in the work he has so happily and successfully begun.

"The honourable mention here made of my labours (conti∣nues the Doctor) by the Governor, proceeded from the great satisfaction he received in seeing the regular and decent beha∣viour of the Indians at public worship at Albany, where he held a treaty with them. For however unhappily my mission ended, I had the pleasure of seeing some fruit of my labours 'til the two last years. I found them a most ignorant savage people, so uni∣versally addicted to drunkenness, that scarce a day passed with∣out seeing several of them intoxicated, and frequently above three-fourths of them, the women as well as men, fighting and tearing each other like ravenous beasts. They were in a short time so far reclaimed, that I have sometimes, for two months together, not seen above ten of them drunk; and the women, excepting a few of the elder, were wholly reclamed."

"It is well known that I was so universally beloved, that I became the umpire of all their differences, and had so great an ascendant over them, that they permitted me to appoint officers to seize all spirituous liquors that were brought among them for sale. I found them without the use of letters, which ren∣dering their instruction very tedious, obliged me to open a school, teach them to read and write, which I attended six hours a day, the two first years, with such surprising success, that in about four years from my first coming among them, many were able to bear their parts in the Church service with great decency and regularity. Many of them were well advanced in the know∣ledge of Christianity; and their attendance and behaviour at public worship was matter of reproach to their neighbours, who had enjoyed the light of the gospel from their infancy, under much greater advantages."

"Thus I went on, encouraged with a most pleasing pros∣pect of seeing the rising generation a very regular and serious Christian congregation; and, at the same time, had the oppor∣tunity of preaching once every Lord's day to a considerable English congregation, and sometimes to a much larger of Low-Dutch, whose language I was well versed in. But, to my great grief and mortification, these pleasing hopes were soon cut off. A strange jealousy was infused into the poor Indians, a little before the breaking out of the last French war, by a very wicked and ma∣licious person, of which I gave the Society an account. Upon this I found their regard and affection for me sensibly diminishing till the latter end of the year 1744; when, in the dead of night, the Indians were alarmed with a pretended discovery of a hor∣rid

Page 54

plot to murder them all, of which I was represented as the chief contriver. This would have cost me my life in the rage of their first resentments, had not some of the more intelligent among them, as they afterwards confessed, prevented it. The particulars of this affair I also gave the Society an account of at the time when it happened, and they are also very well known to the honourable Mr. Clinton, who was at that time Governor of New York. I continued after this, near fifteen months, la∣ouring under the greatest discouragements, and using all pos∣sible methods to regain their confidence and affection, but with little success, and at last, by the advice of some of my steadiest friends among the Indians themselves, I retired to Albany in April 1746."

"These were the reasons of my leaving the Indians, and not the want of a suitable provision for an interpreter —From whom Mr. Smith had his information concerning the reason of my breaking up my mission, I know not; but he has been ac∣quainted with me upwards of ten years last past, and might have seen me almost every day during that time. In the note under the forty second page, he gives an account of the "extreme mortification, inextinguishable zeal, and great success of Mr. David Brainerd, a late missionary from the Scotch Society, among some Indians in New Jersey, not one of whom, he tells us, has been concerned in those barbarous irruptions which have lately deluged the south-western provinces with the blood of several hundred innocents of every age and sex." And concludes this note in the following words. "Dr. Douglass, ever ready to do honour to his native country, after remarking that this self-denying clergyman rode about 400 miles in the year 1744, with an air of approbation asks, is there any missionary from any of the Societies for propagating the gospel in foreign parts, that has reported the like?

"As to Mr. Brainord's mortification and zeal, every good man must approve and commend these virtues wherever they are found, and I hope he is now reaping the glorious rewards of them. As to his success, tho' Paul plant, and Apollos wa∣ter, it is God alone that gives the increase. I heartily wish I could say that I had heard those Indians continue the same re∣gular society of Christians since his death. His brother and successor in that mission, I am told, has left them, and taken the charge * 4.1 of an English congregation at Newark.

Page 55

"With regard to myself, I confess that I might have been more mortified, more zealous and industrious than I have been; and I pray God to pardon my defects. However blessed be his goodness, which has enabled me to say, that I have not been altogether destitute of these virtues, so indispensably necessary to an Indian missionary. And tho' I never reported the num∣ber of miles I have rode in the discharge of my mission, hun∣dreds can attest that it was many more than 400 every year. And much more is done by several missionaries in the Society's service. As to Mr. Smith's remark on that happy effect of Mr. Brainerd's mission, viz. "That not one of those Indians have been concerned in those barbarous irruptions, &c. I am persuaded some prejudice must have prevented his making the same observations with regard to the Mohawks, as it is most no∣torious that they have not only been inoffensive, but are the only tribe of the Confederates that have openly joined us, and at∣tended our armies in the present war."

"But how comes every favourable circumstance that may redound either to the credit of the English Society, or their missionaries, to be thus passed over in silence by this impartial historian, and whence all those insinuations to their disadvan∣tage?" The Doctor gives the same reason that has already been advanced; namely, that the intention of all these misrepresen∣tations of the Society, and their conduct, is to dry up the chari∣ties which they receive from benevolent minds in Great-Britain, and thus to reduce the interest of the Church to as low an ebb as possible in the colonies.

But not content "with passing over in silence what might re∣dound to the credit of the English Society, and their missiona∣ries," this historian, in the abundance of his spleen, does not scruple sometimes to invent, rather than fail in, charges against them.

The Episcopal missionaries (says he, page 42) for enlar∣ging the sphere of their secular business, not many years ago, attempted, by a petition to the late Governor Clinton, to en∣gross the privilege of solemnizing all marriages. A great clamour ensued, and the attempt was abortive.

Dr. Barclay shews this whole paragraph to be an absolute falshood. He appeals to Governor Clinton, and all concerned in the government, whether any such attempt was ever made, directly or indirectly, or any such petition ever presented? as to the great clamour said to ensue, he appeals to the whole province (Mr. Smith excepted) whether any such clamour was ever heard?

"I can speak (says he) with certainty, as Mr. Smith fixes the time of this imaginary attempt to Governor Clinton's ad∣ministration, and not many years ago—Now the petition pre∣sented

Page 56

to Governor Clinton by the clergy (and the only one ever presented to him by them) was in May 1748—setting forth, that some inconveniencies arose from justices of the peace taking upon them to execute marriage licences, by virtue of their di∣rection—to any Protestant minister; alledging, that justi∣ces of the peace, being ministers of justices, were * 4.2 Protestant ministers, and capable of executing the licence. The prayer of the clergy therefore was, that an addition might be made to the future direction of licences thus, viz. "To any Protestant minister of the gospel (Mr. Smith says, not very accurately— "To all Protestant ministers of the gospel")—The Gover∣nor complied with this request, and far from raising any cla∣mour, the measure was greatly approved by † 4.3 the clergy of all other denominations, who reaped, proportionably, far more be∣nefit from it than the Episcopal clergy."

But it was of little consequence to this historian, whether the Episcopal clergy did well or ill. For in the temper with which he wrote, obloquy and misrepresentation were to be their portion. And yet if ever his history should come to a second edition, charity would make one hope, that more years, with better con∣sideration and enquiry, may release him from some of his pre∣judices, and make him appear with that dignity as a historian, which his composition, and confessed abilities, might otherwise give him some title to hold.

But the party did not choose to trust their cause long to this history. For finding, probably, that it soon began to share the fate of many other mortal compositions, namely, to rest harm∣less on its shelf, the ball was still to be kept up against the Church; as if it were by alternate blows from Presbyterian and Independent.

The great Dr. Mayhew, of Boston, therefore, next enters the lists, as if ready to burst with all the reiterated tales about Bishops, the Church, and the Society for propagating the gospel. But I beg pardon for offering to place this Goliah of the party (to whom the Centinel is but a dwarf) in the tail of my paper.

Page 57

He shall therefore have the front of my next, and I purpose that the tail of it shall reach to the Centinel, not to part again till we have settled our account.

P. S. October 10. The Remonstrant, No. I. has just come to my hand. There is nothing in it that gives me uneasiness, but that the Remonstrant, from his ignorance of Latin, should make me put Dr. Chandler on a level with Mr. Carmichael, when my words are—Si parvis magna componere licet. In English—

If little men may be to great prepared.

The curious anecdotes of A. B. are come to hand, by favour of Messieurs Hall and Sellers; by whom also any other Papers, directed to the Anatomist, will be carefully delivered to him.

From the PENNSYLVANIA GAZETTE, Oct. 13. The REMONSTRANT. No. II.

THE Quakers, we are told, are for introducing Episcopa∣cy; and a severe stroke is given to the disadvantage of the Presbyterians, because some of those people were persecuted in New-England. We condemn persecution in New-England, and every other church and nation; we plead for no national establishments, that bear hard on the civil or religious rights of mankind. But were not the Quakers persecuted in Jamaica, Antigua, Barbados, Nevis and Maryland, where Presbyterians had no authority? Were they not persecuted in Ireland? Were they not vexed, plundered, excommunicated, and dreadfully persecuted in every shire of England? Read Bisse's history of the sufferings of that religious society. Here I shall present the reader with abstracts of a petition of this perse∣cuted people in the reg•••• of James the Second, from another writer.

To the King and both houses of parliament, the suffering condition of the people called Quakers, only for tender consci∣ence towards Almighty GOD, humbly presented, shewing, that of late above a Thousand five hundred of the said people, both men and women, having been detained prisoners in England, and part of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Wales, some of which being since discharged by the judges and others freed by death, through their long

Page 58

and tedious imprisonment—there are now remaining, by late accounts, One thousand three hundred, eighty and three; a∣bove two hundred women—many under sentence of premu∣nire—many on writs of excommunication—and fines for the King—and on the act for banishment; besides, above Three hundred have died in prison, and prisoners since the year 1660 (when all power was in the hand of the Church of England) Sewell's history of the Quaker's, page 563, 564. As the petition is too long, we shall give the reader one at length from the same historian, presented to James the Second, which is shorter, and is as follows.

To the KING. The distressed case and request of the suffering people, commonly called QUAKER'S, humbly presented shewing.

"That according to accounts lately given, above Fourteen hundred of the said People, both men and women, are continued prisoners in England and Wales, only for tender conscience to∣wards Almighty GOD that made them; many-under sentence of premunire, and many near it, not for refusing the duty or sub∣stance of allegiance itself, but only because they date not swear. Besides, some hundreds have died prisoners, many by means of this long imprisonment, since the year 1680, (as it is judged) thereby making widows and fatherless, and leaving poor inno∣cent families in distress and sorrow. These two hard winters confinement tending also to the destruction of many in cold holes and jails, their healths being greatly impaired thereby; besides, violence and woful spoil made by merciless informers on the conventicle act upon many convicted, unsummoned and un∣heard in their own defence, both in city and country; as also on qui tam writs, and other process, on twenty pounds a month, and two thirds of estates seized for the King, all tending to the ruin of trade, husbandry and industrious families; to some not a bed left; to others no cattle to till the ground, or give them milk; nor corn for bread or feed, nor tools to work withal; and all these and other severities, done under a pretence of serving the King and Church, and thereby to force us to violate our consciences, and consequently to destroy our souls, which we are very tender of, as we are of our peace with GOD, and our own consciences, though accounted as sheep to the slaugh∣ter. And notwithstanding all these long sustained extremities, we the said people do solemnly profess and declare, in the sight of the Heart-searcher, that we have nothing but good will, and

Page 59

true affection, to the King, praying for his safety, and the king∣dom's peace. We have never been found in any seditious or treasonable designs, as being wholly contrary to our Christian principles, and holy profession.

"And knowing where the word of the King is, there is power, we, in Christian humility, and for CHRIST's sake, intreat that the King will please to find out some expedient for our relief in these cases, from prison, spoil, and ruin; and we shall (as in Christian duty bound) pray GOD for the King's welfare in this world, and his eternal happiness in that which is to come. De∣livered to the King the 3d of the First Month called March, 1684-5, with the number of prisoners in every shire, in all 1460."

This petition induced King James to write from his court at Whitehall, April the 18th, 1685, to all

archbishops, and bishops, and to their chancellors, and commissioners, and to all archdeacons, and other officiates, and to all other ordina∣ries, executing ecclesiastical jurisdiction, to cause process a∣against these persons to be stayed, and if they were in prison on the writ de excommunicato capiendo, to absolve, discharge and set them all at liberty.
See Sewell's history of the Quakers, page 566.

Would the Quakers, or any other men, wish to be under the power of such instruments of cruelty? Or is it unmeritted abuse of the Church of England, to say that her courts acted after this manner? But the old Puritans, comprehending under that name Presbyterians, Independents, Baptist, &c. felt these severe persecutions for non-conformity to the established Church of England, through the long reigns of Elizabeth and of James, before the Quakers became a religious society in England. And they were all as severely handred as these Quaker sufferers, from the restoration till the glorious revolution. And if the Anato∣mist's abusive pen thus continues to bespatter men called forth to plead for their liberties, we shall be obliged to revive the me∣mory of those severe persecutions that are now almost forgotten; and well it is, if all gratitude due to GOD for our glorious de∣liverances from such cruelty, be not also forgotten.

We are not to be intimidated, though threatened with blood∣shed by this writer; we pray GOD there may never be a religi∣ous establishment in America to deprive any man, or any religi∣ous denomination, of their just rights; we desire none: But he adopts the glorious method prescribed lately in our Chronicle by an Episcopal clergyman, of clearing himself by recrimination. When he cannot vindicate himself and his friends, he boldly charges his accusers with the same crime, of eecting an establish∣ment

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for themselves in this new world. The Episcopal Church, it is well known, already claims an establishment in all the colo∣nies, and a superiority over all other religious persuasions; they claim it as a kind of birthright, to have their clergy every where supported by all other societies, which they reproachful∣ly call Dissenters. They have struggled hard for an establish∣ment in North-Carolina, and are oppressing that poor colony with new taxes from time to time for purchasing glebes, building churches, and parsonage houses, for the support of their clergy, though the number of that church be small, in comparison of other societies. And this unwearied industry we may expect in all the colonies, to bring North-America every where to pay tribute to hungry ambitious missionaries. The Presbyterians, in these provinces, desire no establishments, they rather think them hurtful to religion, yet they that claim them, and pant for them, and are willing to move heaven and earth for them, charge this as a crime on their innocent neighbours; but this abusive writer cares not what he affirms, nor on what foundation, and if perse∣cution to blood striving must be our lot, if we strive to prevent such oppression, we hope we shall be armed with Christian pa∣tience and fortitude, to do or suffer according to the will of GOD. We desire no union with him, or any other society, to do mischief, nay we abhor it. We neither desire nor expect the attachment of Churchmen, nor any of the human race, unless for good purposes, for the defence of our country in their just rights and privileges, and the common good of all men. But we would ask this blustering writer, Have all Churchmen, as he calls them, given him a commission to abuse and threaten their neighbours? Or is he superior to Dr. Chandler, who is blamed by him for speaking for them without authority? When Presby∣terians are slighted in general, and we hear great encomiums given to Episcopacy, as a national church, we must remind this writer, that neither of these names can warrant men to do mischief; and that either or both derive their honour from obeying the gospel, and following the example of CHRIST, and not from worldly pomp or grandeur; CHRIST's kingdom is not of this world. But if establishments, or national churches, make Christians more venerable; the Presbyterians or Reformed are one of the three religious persuasions established by law in the German Empire. It is one of the two religious persuasions esta∣blished in Switzerland; it is the national religion of Holland and Geneva; and the national church of Scotland is Presbyterian; but all the ministers of these churches, with all the Lutheran ministers of Sweden, Denmark, and the German Empire, are rejected as unworthy the name of gospel ministers by this bul∣wark

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of the reformation, this mirror of charity, which is itself confined to the narrow bounds of Ireland and England. And let it be for ever remembered, for the honour of Presbyterians, here called a sour intolerant party, that universal liberty of con∣science was first proclaimed and established among Protestants in the national church of Holland, where men and women, perse∣cuted by both Protestants and Papists, found a sure assylum, and a city of refuge. The Centinel equally pleaded the common cause of all other denominations, and the Preshyterians here a∣bused, owe him no more thanks than are due to him by all that dread a yoke of bondage, that neither we nor our fathers could bear, and if he be cut up while asleep, and even devoured by this second Polypheme, we hope there will be men found to vin∣dicate Presbyterians, and to defend the common cause of civil and religious liberty; but as champions and strong men are said to be merciful, we have hopes that the Centinel may yet escape his bloody knife and perform his duty.

From the PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL, Oct. 20. The ANATOMIST. No. VII.

Each Leader strives to draw the Rabble With Zeal and Noises formidable, And make all Cries about the Town Join Throats to cry —the Bishops down. No Sow-Gelder doth blow his Horn To geld a Cat, but cries Reform. The Oyster-Women lock their Fish up And trudge away to cry—No Bishop. BUTLER.

PEACE to thy manes, honest BUTLER! Much labour dost thou save me in my turning over the musty Volumes of the learned; for still, in the mother tongue, thou hast a motto ready for my subject—As thou art now, I hope, in a place of love, from which my charity would not even exclude Dr. Mayhew, the hero of my present number, gladly would I know, If Bishop's can possibly come there, what passes between him and them? Is enmity now at an end? Or does the Doctor, like a fallen champion ghost, still eye them with disdain, as "the mitred lordly successors of the fishermen of Galilee"? Does he still "with horror," consider the Church over which they pre∣sided

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while on earth, as "an enormous heirarchy ascending by vari∣ous gradations, from the dirt to the skies"?—So he spoke, and so he wrote, while actuated with human passions here be∣low! What says he now? A message from him to his brethren might do them much good; and save me, perhaps much trou∣ble.—But I wish in vain—the dead will not hear me; or, if they hear, they will not answer—I must turn, then, to the living, and pursue my plan.

I was observing, in the conclusion of my last number, that it seems to have been a settled agreement between Presbyterians and Independents, that the Church in America should suffer no rest, but still be pursued by them, as it were by alternate attacks and fury. No sooner, therefore was it found that the charges levelled against the society and their missionaries, by the Pres∣byterian historian of New-York, had passed unnoticed, and that his work was like to prove but a mortal one; than the indepen∣dent Boston champion, the great Dr. Mayhew, like another Goliah, appears in the field, with all the old artillery that had been so often played off against the Church, charged a new and double. The reader will observe above, what a dreadful volley he lets fly at the Bishops and Heirarchy, as it were at the first onset —But that is little to what follows.—

"The Church herself is a persecuting Church. (1) 4.4 Her con∣stitution and worship unscriptural." (2) 4.5 Her ministers in New-England dare to wear 'jovial countenances' (3) 4.6 They come into New-England sheepfolds, by indirect pretences; as thieves and robbers (4) 4.7—gaming, swearing, &c. are beyond all comparison more frequent in New England, since the Church prevailed there, than before. (5) 4.8 There is less real religion than if the society's money expended there, had been sunk in the ocean. (6) 4.9 He never knew a proselyte from his Church to ours, brought back to a Christian life. (7) 4.10 If Churchmen were exempted from ministerial taxes in New-England, almost all who loved their money better than any thing else might in a few years have adorned the communion of the Church." (8) 4.11

Mighty kind, all this, to the members of the Church in New-England! And now, what says the benevolent Doctor to the society and the members of the Church in Old England? Why "the society have, in a great measure, neglected the ends of their institution. (9) 4.12 Their essays for converting the savages have been sparing and feeble. Mr. Barclay had not half a pro∣per

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support; the mission was starved, and he could obtain no salary for an interpreter or schoolmaster." (10) 4.13 On account of all which conduct of the society, the Doctor holds out to them "the guilt of Annanias and Sapphira." (11) 4.14

I shall conclude my quotations from the Doctor, with one stroke more at the Bishops. "He cannot think (he says) of the Church of England gaining ground to any great degree, and especially of seeing Bishops fixed here, without great reluctance. (12) 4.15 He hopes in God, that point will never be carried. (13) 4.16 The state of religion (he tells us) is much better amongst those of his own communion in America, than in England under the immediate eye and documents of the venerable Bishops." (14) 4.17 —And now comes the finest stroke of all. He says, he cannot think of the Church, and flood of episcopacy thus following good independents to America, "without calling to mind (though he declares without applying) the passage in the Revelation, of the Woman flying into the wilderness from the face of the Serpent; and the serpent casting out of his mouth water, as a flood after the woman, that he might cause her to he carried away of the flood." (15) 4.18

And now, Mr. Centinel, what think you of your master Mayhew? Have you such a grand flight in all your work as this, viz. that your good party is the flying Woman, and the Church and Bishop the pursuing Serpent? Why could you not, when retailing Dr. Mayhew, give us some of his best touche? But perhaps he did not suit you in every thing. For, furious as he is in certain places, he has spoilt the whole by concessions in other places. Although he belabours the society so vehemently, and presents them with the guilt of Annanias and Sapphira, yet (good man) he declares it

by no means his intention to charge that venerable body with any wilful known misconduct, or impro∣per applications of Monies, even though any incautious ex∣pression should at first view have that appearance.
For no one, he says, "whoever read their charter, can possibly ima∣gine

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that their care and charity ought to be confined to the hea∣then slaves in, or the savages bordering on, the plantations."

Again, altho' "Bishops are mitred lordly successors of the fishermen o Galilee; tho' they have ascended from the dirt to the skies; though they are serpents spewng out whole floods to drown the good woman"—yet he declares, all 〈◊〉〈◊〉 while, that he is one speaking one word of any Bishops that live in the present age, but those that lived near a century ago—for he would not have it thought that "he designs to dishonor the more moderate and Christian spirit of the English Bishops since the revolution, and particularly of this day, by comparing it to the persecuting anti-Christian spirit of many prelates, antece∣dent to that glorious aera."

Amazing this! Though there is less religion in New-England, than if the society's money had been sunk in the ocean, yet he does not charge them with improper application of their money —Though he has described Bishops as monsters, yet he has no fault to find with those that have lived sie the revolution —what then, in the name of sense, has the man been writing about all this while?—Surely he did not expect that the King was to send over to America any Bishops that lived before the revolution, for they are all dead long since.

"Why then such dismal apprehensions? Why such outcries? Where are the persecutors? Where is the dragon? All the world must see, the doctor himself might have seen, that his declamation was quite foreign to the purpose; and, on his first recollection, he should have been ashamed of it, and have struck it out. But paternal tenderness would not let him destroy so pathetic a rant, on so darling a subject."—

This last Paragraph I copy from an answer given to the Doc∣tor in his life time. For although most of the attacks made up∣on the Church in America, before the Doctor's publication, were suffered to pass unnoticed; yet, as by these concessions which he made here and there, when his raging fits were a little off, he appeared to be under some compunctions of mind, that might at length open him to conviction; it was judged that an answer in the spirit of moderation and truth might not be whol∣ly thrown away upon him, this answer was marked in every line with that benevolence of temper, that force of argument, that amiable decorum and yet dignity of expression, which cha∣racterized an Illustrious Prelate lately deceased, to whom it hath been generally ascribed—I mean the great and good Archbish∣op Secker—at mention of whole name, every true son of the Church, every lover of primitive integrity, piety and unaffected simplicity of manners, must drop a tear, as for a father lost!

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Rude as the Doctor's attack on the Church was; although (as he confesses in his second piece) his expressions were "too harsh and irritating," yet the answerer never forgets himself or his own character. He calmly tells him, that—"if mitres offend him, our Bishops wear none—if they are styled Lords, it is because, by the antient constitution of our country, they sit in the upper house of Parliament; and adds (what he still farther proved by his own example) "that men may be Lords without being lordly."" As to fishermen of Galilee, the answer∣er says that he cannot tell whether the Doctor means "that all ministers of Christ should follow some trade, nor whether he fol∣lows any himself—but that reviling his brethren is certainly a very bad one."—

As to the charge of persecution, our answerer observes, "that the lawfulness of it is no doctrine of the Church— that dissenters did not suffer their hardships in England on ac∣count of their religious tenets, but because, in general, their avowed aim, was not an exemption for themselves, but the de∣struction of the ecclesiastical establishment—that on this, they were treated too severely, and they returned the treatment to the full, as soon as they were able, in the total overthrow of Church and state." He puts them in mind of the doctrine held by the New-England platform, "that heresy is to be restrained and punished by the civil magistrate"—a doctrine which without an establishment has been more rigorously carried into execution in that country, than ever it was by the Church at home—for the confirmation of which, the testimony of a third party is appealed to, namely the Quakers; who affirm, that they who had loudly cried out of the tyranny and oppression of the Bishops in old England, from whom they fled, when set∣tled in a place where they had liberty to govern, made their lit∣tle finger of cruelty bigger than ever they sound the loins of the bishops * 4.19

But I dismiss this charge of persecution for the present, which (on account of some old mistakes that are to be lamented on both sides) is still unjustly kept up against one o the mildest Churches on earth; and if our antagonists are not satisfied with what has been already hinted on this head, I shall take another opportunity of comparing notes fully with them, upon it.

The answerer to Doctor Mayhew, afterwards proceeds to the charge repeated from Mr. Smith's history (which I have al∣ready taken notice of) that Mr. Barclay's mission was starved for want of support, and broken up for want of an interprete.

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This charge both by Mr. Smith and Dr. Mayhew, appears to have been perversely taken from a letter to Mr. Serjeant from Mr. Barclay, June 11, 1736, soon after he went among the In∣dians, and before he was in orders, or in the society's service as a missionary, and when he was labouring under his first difficul∣ties in learning the language. Mr. Barclay himself declares that when he came to his mission, "he found the society at all times, anxiously solicitous to encourage him; that they readily consented to the establishment of two Indian schools; that they ordered him to employ an interpreter." (not indeed to interpret in his preaching, but to assist in the instruction of the youth;) "but that the old interpreter being dead, he could never meet with any other qualified for the office; that his subsistance was comfortable; that he never broke up his mission on account of any backwardness of the venerable society to support him; but from an unavoidable necessity, on account of base, insinuations infused by an ill designing party into the minds of the Indians, just before the breaking out of the French war"—All which, both Mr. Smith and Dr, Mayhew must have well known. And here I hope the reader will not think I have dwelt too long on these particulars; for they are material to shew what spirit the antagonists of the Church have, and to what shifts they are re∣duced, in seeking matter to vilify her.

The answerer to Dr. Mayhew proceeds farther, to inform him of all the pains and expence of the society, in establishing many Indian missions which he deigns not to take notice of, and men∣tions from the Doctor's own words, the great discouragements that have been and still are in attempting to Christianize the In∣dians."—Discouragements which all sides must labour with, till God's own time comes for converting them, and till he finds instruments worthy of this great honour. Till then, neither side should reproach the other for want of that success which God alone can give. There are now large funds in the hands of the Presbyterians and Independents themselves, expressly for Indian missions; and I wish there never may be more cause to reproach them with negligence in the execution of their trust, or perversion of the fund there has been to reproach the truly venerable society.

The next endeavour of Dr. Mayhew's answerer, is to quiet his apprehensions about American Bishops—But the Centinel thinks that he himself is the man that has hit upon the true valid arguments against an American episcopate, and it seems would be very angry if the answer was addressed to any body but him∣self. Now although I can see nothing in the Centinel but what is better said by his predecessor, I shall indulge him in what he desires, if not to his satisfaction, yet I hope to the satisfaction, of all impartial men.

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From the PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL, Oct, 20. THE REMONSTRANT, No. III.

THAT there is a project on foot to establish Bishops in America, is publickly avowed and contended for by many of the episcopal Church; and they as confidently con∣tend that they are part of the English established Church, and that all others are Dissenters. But as an episcopate with its ec∣clesiastical courts and other appendages has in former times been found hurtful to other religious societies, the plan now proposed is represented in such a favourable view, as, in their judgment, no reasonable man can object to it. For these Bishops are to have no powers but what are purely spiritual. They are only to or∣dain, confirm and inspect the morals of the clergy of their own denomination. Had twenty such Bishops been sent to America, provided they had no connection with our civil affairs, nor a prospect of being able to claim or exercise the powers that made them terrible in England, no man had been uneasy about them. But for many reasons already offered on this subject, all the co∣lonies have just grounds to fear that the episcopate really desired, and which will be established, if ever any be established among us, will not be so harmless and innocent as they pretend, nor so like those that were in the primitive Church. Even Doctor Chandler, who so strongly asserts that they desire no power that can be hurtful to the civil or religious rights and privileges of other denominations, paints his intended Bishops in such colours as must strike all considerate persons with terror, and convince them that if Bishops be once established, they will oblige thou∣sands once more to seek shelter among the savage Indians,

But for want of arguments to refute Doctor Chauncy, the Centinel, Whig, and others who have pointed out our danger; and with a view to turn the public attention from this avowed de∣sign of an establishment so dreadful in its consequences, the Anatomist cries aloud that the colonies are in danger from a Pres∣byterian establishment, which, as he alledges, is projected and carrying into execution.

"This four turbulent party, says he, have justly alarmed the fear of every other religious persuasion in America, and cre∣ated a jealousy that the sole view of this party is to erect an em∣pire and establishment for themselves in this new world, on the ruin of every other religious denomination. But before they can succeed in their designs, they will meet with a resistance

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far different from what is to be expected in this paper; a resist∣ance perhaps even unto blood. That the episcopal Churches have an establishment in Maryland and Virginia, and the Inde∣pendents (as he calls them) have a sort of establishment in some of the New-England provinces is well known. But a Presbyte∣rian establishment in the colonies is neither projected nor desired, nor can it ever be attempted with any rational prospect of suc∣cess. No denominations of Christians in any of the other colo∣nies, the episcopalians only excepted, have the least ground to expect it. They, and they only have power and interest in England, to get such a bill passed in their favour by the King and his Granees, who are all of that persuasion; but no act passed in the colonies to establish Presbytery, or any religious persuasion, (episcopacy excepted) on the ruins of other societies, would obtain a sanction in England. It would be madness to attempt it, Nay the Lutheran and Presbyterian so∣cieties in New-York could not procure even a charter in England for securing their churches and burying grounds. Letters of incorporation, such as are granted to almost every com∣pany of mechanicks, were denied them by the interposition of gentlemen of the episcopal establishment, and in particular by one of their Bishops, as we are informed. With what face then can the Anatomist alarm the world with the notion of a Presbyterian establishment, a thing in itself not only improbable, but even impossible; we utterly deny this charge; It is a ground∣less calumny, without the least foundation; and we call on this abusive writer either to make good his assertion, or to take to himself the shame of publishing notorious falshoods, for want of better arguments; but this he did to amuse other religious societies, and to turn their attention from the common danger.

But suppose, for argument sake, that this establishment was projected, is this a good reason why the Anatomist should shake his bloody knife, and puff and abuse the Presbyterians? Is it a sufficient reason to threaten then, with a resistance far different from what is in his paper, possibly he intends prosecutions, and fines, and imprisonments, and banishment, and confiscation of goods as in old times. Is every attempt to have an establish∣ment sufficient provocation to resist even unto blood. Let us then turn his arguments against himself, and ask what should other societies do to prevent an episcopal establishment, that dreadful evil, so ruinous to every other religious denomination, when it comes to be determined that it shall take place among us. Are we accused and threatened for writing against it, and pointing out the direful consequences of a well-known establish∣ment,

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which has already by its couts persecuted and oppressed thousands of loyal subjects, and sincere Christians, and driven many to seek habitations in a howling wilderness. He and his party threaten to strive even to blood, to prevent a Pres∣byterian establishment, which is impossible to accomplish; and yet he will not allow others even to lament their dan∣ger from his projected, and almost executed establishment, nor to complain that they are in danger. All denominations are loudly or humbly to petition those that are in power and autho∣rity to prevent this evil. But how must the world detest a per∣secuting Church, or a Churchman threatning blood and slaugh∣ter to any that would aim at an establishment, tough it be a thing that he, and almost all episcopalians contend for, as for a blessing to a religious society. This is not the Christian spirit; this is not to obey his commands, who enjoins us to do to others as we would be done by.

The Centinel was as much an advocate for every society in the colonies as the Presbyterians, yet they and the New-Eng∣land Independents only must bear the lash of this writer. What has the New-England Independents to do with this controversy? If they dealt hardly by the missionaries or the people of their persuation, we would by no means vindicate them, but will this pretended abuse warrant Episcopalian, to unite in England and America, once more to harrass the world with their ecclesiastical courts? If the first settlers in New-England were unfriendly to the Episcopalians and other denominations, they imported the bitter root of persecution and intolerance, and a love of religi∣gious establishments from England to Boston, and under these unhappy prejudices enacted, that other denominations should contribute to the support of the established or town minister: This crying iniquity was done, and still is done in England be∣fore the face of all Israel, and in the face of the sun. For there all other denominations must, and do maintain the esta∣blished clergy. But when the Episcopalians had their own measures returned, what clamours did they raise? What cries of injustice and oppression? The bishops and zealous highfliers interposed for their relief, and the New-England Independents were told, that notwithstanding their acts of assembly, every denomination must maintain their own clergy. And this just and equitable determination, beyond the Atlantic, we, and the In∣dependents themselves highly approve; but is this equity and justice observed in Old England, where near a million of Dissent∣ers must maintain the established clergy? Is this equity and justice regarded in the episcopal colonies, as in Maryland or Virginia? Or is this equity and justice observed in North Caro∣lina,

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where Governor Dobbs obtained severe and oppressive laws to maintain the episcopal clergy? In these cases there are no cries of injustice, no advocates to plead the cause of other soci∣eties, that are burdened and oppressed. And all such acts, when once confirmed in England, are not likely ever to be repealed. The Independents in New-England were led by the practices and laws of Old England to treat Dissenters from their esta∣blishment such as it was, in the same manner the episcopalians did, and still do treat Dissenters from their religious establish∣ments. Of all men in the world they should be the last to con∣demn others, for what they justify in themselves. We condemn all persecution severity and injustice in all establishments, whe∣ther Roman Catholic, Episcopal, Independent, or Presbyteri∣an. But what have we to do with these affairs in New Eng∣land, or with their present debate with the missionaries? Is it an attack on the Church of England, to dispute with a few of her missionaries; or is it unlawful to write against her bigotted sons, who contend for an unbroken succession, a divine right of episcopacy, and other chimaeras that are despised by the best and most moderate part of that Church? Are her missionaries so fa∣cred that all Presbyterians in America must be abused, because Mr. Smith, a Presbyterian historian, has omitted to give one of them a full compliment of praises? What have all these tri∣fles to do with the present dispute? They solve none of our ob∣jections; they are only designed to draw our attention from a gathering storm, ready to burst on us and destroy us.

Ecclesiastical courts like a furious wild beast are at present un∣der restraints, but are not tamed. They have in some degree maintained their influence, even under the milder administration, since the glorious revolution; and if an episcopate be here esta∣blished, we fear they will rage with seven sold sury. One great reason of our fear, arises from the nature and constitution of these colonies. In England, the nobility in general hate op∣pression, and have on many occasions checked the exorbitant power of ecclesiasticks, and delivered their friends, tenants and religious societies, from persecution. The judges in England, are men of great reputation and influence; they are raised a∣bove the frowns of the proudest ecclesiasticks, nay they are set above the pride or malice even of the King's ministers, that they may without danger, adhere to the laws, and defend the rights of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 people. They are empowered to grant, and do frequently grant prohibitions to check the tyranny, and to stop the rigour of the bishops courts. But should episcopacy with its courts be here established, (and that they certainly will be established is what we fear) we have no powerful nobility to

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check their rage, no independent judges established for life to interpose and deliver us. A judge, or even a governor in the colonies, would be treated with insolence and abuse, that would appear against the oppression of any of our proud unmerciful prelates, most bitter complaints of his conduct would be made to the Arch-bishops and Bishops and the King's ministers. He would be traduced as a republican, an enemy to the church of England, and to his Majesty's government in the colonies and to Monarchy itself. The old cry would be raised again, no Bi∣shops, no King, and possibly the offender, whether Judge or Governor, would be rumbled down with disgrace from his station, and made an example to all who would not bow down their necks, to our American Bishops. Let me on this occasion, use the words of the Anatomists, O my children, on the prospect of this change, how I tremble and lament for you!

How carefully has the Anatomist raked up every thing to blacken the Independents in New England; even the Boston Alma∣nack is pressed into his service. But do these shifts and evasions satisfy any reasonable man, that the intended episcopate will not be hurtful to other religious societies? or that it will not in∣troduce confusion, into our civil courts, and overturn many of our laws? Does a story of Independent Reflectors, and Watch Towers, or of a Historian, that did not extol one of their Missionaries as much as he deserved and expected, prove that the Presbyterians are labouring for an establishment? Our granting that they were, which is a notorious falshood, would that con∣vince us that our civil and religious liberties were in no danger from the intended episcopate and its ecclesiastical courts? If he thinks it any advantage to his cause, to mention the faults of Presbyterians and Independents, who were ever as moderate in the exercise of power as the church of England; we are ready to balance accounts with him, and our accounts of the severi∣ties of the Highfliers in the church of England, and their se∣vere acts of Parliament to distress all non conformists, shall not be taken from almanacks, pamplets, or unprinted histories, but from Historians of undoubted Authority and good reputation. We intend to give the world an abstract of the acts of Parlia∣ment, which distressed the British churches from the memorable act of Elizabeth, which condemned a persons refusing peremp∣torily to come to church, after conviction, to banishment, and in case of return, to death without benefit of clergy, down to the se∣vere act called the Schism Bill, in the eign of Queen Ann, and shall at the same time, mention some of the grievous sufferings of many thousands, by the cruel execution of those laws.

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From the PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL, Oct. 27. The ANATOMIST. No. VIII.

Let the Mastiffs amuse themselves about a sheep-skin stuffed with hay, provided it will keep them from worrying the flock.

SWIFT.

IT was hinted in my introductory number, that "in the character of the Bishop, which the Centinel and his associ∣ates have drawn, they have been combating a phantom of their own brain;" and, therefore, I should have considered them in the case of the mastiffs mentioned in my motto, viz. as "amusing themselves about a sheep-skin stuffed with hay," pro∣vided they had not fallen foul of the flock, and attacked the whole body of the Churh, her doctrine, and discipline, and the principles of her clergy and members. For what less can be meant by asserting,

that the pure word of God is corrupted and obscured among us with human inventions; and that our clergy are exerting their utmost influence in conjunction with Mr. Grenville, to enslave America; that the Bishop we want, would be dangerous to liberty,
—and such like expressions, fairly quoted from the Centinel?

It was observed in the second number, "that the common apology made by the Centinel's adherents, for this illiberal and unmanly abuse of the Church, is, that Dr. Chandler was the ag∣gressor." But to this it was answered, and no one hath offered to deny the truth of the assertion,—"that Doctor Chandler far from being an aggressor, hath not uttered a single word, in his whole performance, reflecting on the principles of any pro∣testant persuasion of men; and therefore nothing done by him could be the least plea for an attack on the Church in general."

That this matter might be more clear to every impartial rea∣der, I have even gone more than a century back and have shewn that the opposition to the Church of England in America, on the part of the Presbyterians and Independents, has been car∣ried on through that long period of time, with such uniformity of bitterness, and inextinguishable malignity, as could flow from nothing less than a rooted desire of crushing the Church wholly on this continent, for the sake of erecting an exclusive dominion of their own.

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Some instances, out of many, have been given, of their un∣christian endeavours to prevent his Majesty's good subjects settled among them from enjoying the free exercise of that mode of re∣ligious worship which their consciences directed them to follow. Some instances have also been given, of the shameful falshoods and illiberal abuse constantly propagated against the society and members of the Church at home, for reaching out their charita∣ble hand to the assistance of dispersed congregations of their brethren in America. And to the whole have been added some examples of the hideous characters in which the Church, her Bishops &c. have been painted, as pursuing schemes danger∣ous to American liberty, and the like; all which our antagonists help out with prayers, as well in their publications as pulpits, that Bishops may never get footing here, nor the Church gain ground to any great degree—a conduct too evidently calcu∣lated to prejudice and enflame the minds of their followers, not only against their episcopal brethren in America, but (I wish it could not be said) to alienate their affections from the constitu∣tion of the mother country. Nay, so far gone are they in their domineering uncharitable spirit, that even our secret wishes are construed into crimes; and our humble petitions to our sove∣reign and superiors in the Church, praying that we may be ad∣admitted to the natural rights enjoyed by all other religious so∣cieties, are said to be deep laid plots, ready to break forth into every evil, political and religious, which their fertile imagina∣tions can invent.

This is no exaggerated account of the treatment which the Church hath met with in America; but is much short of what might have been said under this head. * 4.20

It is therefore submitted to the impartial world to declare, whether. Doctor Chandler hath been an aggressor in this dispute, and whether the Church in America is not now, and constantly hath been, acting on the defensive? Traduced vilified, and flandered, whenever she claims her natural rights, as if she was unfit to have a being, much less a well-eing, in Christian soci∣ety; could it be a crime in Doctor Chandler, or any one else, to

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endeavour, in the spirit of meekness, to state our case, and en∣deavour to convince these our intolerant antagonists that we ask nothing, and wish nothing which, on the principles of equi∣ty, law, and the constitution, can reasonably be denied us? Doctor Chandler declared this to be the design of his Appeal, and tells the world, that, "as some persons were said to be a∣larmed at the application made by the clergy in several colonies for one or more Bishops to be sent to America, he thought it proper to shew candidly and explicitly for what reasons this appli∣cation had been made, and that no invasion of the civil or reli∣gious privileges of any, whether Churchmen or Dissenters, was thereby intended. And if any thing should appear to be less fitly spoken, or not clearly evidenced, he requests notice of it in a charitable and Christian way, declaring farther, "that the person who should act thus to him, should be as welcome to him as an angel of God, sent to conduct him from the lanes of error into the open ways of truth?"

But has the Centinel acted like this angel of God? Or rather hath he not acted, (let the impartial world say) like an angel of a different complexion, in turning from a charitable and Christian answer to Dr. Chandler, into a most uncharitable and unchristian attack of the whole body of the Church, whereof he is a Member? The Doctor had a number of antagonists up∣on him from the northern governments, who were boasted to be more than his match. What need then of our Centinel's in∣terfering, unless it was to shew his peness and dexterity of apeing Mayhew, and others; or perhaps, to have the first merit of introducing this dispute into Pennsylvania, where all had so long subsisted in harmony and brotherly love between Church∣men and Presbyterians? Or was it intended, by bringing the dispute into this southern latitude, to make the world believe that the northern contagion and intolerant raving against episcopacy, was become general through all America?

Which ever of these was our Centinel's motive, he must now take the consequences; for having, I think, fully finished the first head, and shewn that Dr. Chandler was not an aggressor in this dispute, much less any member of the Church in Penn∣sylvania. I shall come to close quarters with the Centinel. But I own myself at some loss how to deal with such an eccentric ad∣versary—for, as Monsieur Bayle observes upon the like oc∣casion; it is like hunting a duck, which as soon as you think you have her, dives down, and leaves you staring about to see where she will pop up again. Our Centinel skips from Bishops to Stamp-Acts, and from Stamp-Acts to judges of the admiralty, and from judges of the admiralty, back again to ecclesiastical

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courts, and canons, and Bute, and Grenville, and palaces, and coach wheels, and square caps, and lawn sleves, and tests, and persecutions, and slavery, and wooden shoes, and the leeks and onions of Egypt, &c. &c.

But I must do as well as I can, and, as "the truth and va∣lidity af his arguments, upon the danger of episcopal establish∣ments in America," seem to be his main fort, I shall strive there to storm him in my next number.

POSTSCRIPT.

While I am pursuing this erratic scribbler through all his mazes and turnings, I pray, Mr. Remonstrant, Mr. Irenicus, Mr. Anti-Centinel, and others his auxiliaries, not to bear too hard upon me, by standing and cuffing me behind bushes, and at eve∣ry corner. It is unmanly Indian-like war; for, whilst I am en∣gaged with such a mighty champion as the Centinel, I cannot be supposed able to spare his auxiliaries more than a back blow now and then.

The Remonstrant, No, II. not content with what the Cen∣tinel has said about persecution, lays before the Quakers, from their own history by Sewell, which most of them have in their hands, a petition to the King, setting forth many hardships and sufferings they laboured under; and threatens the Anatomist with reviving the memory of many more such transactions. The Re∣monstrant may use his pleasure in this; for the members of the Church have nothing to fear from his utmost efforts. The histo∣ry of the Church of England is part of the history of the nation, and where she hath done amiss, the Quakers can as well distin∣guish as the Remonstrant or any of his party; and therefore, he will not be able to tell them or us any thing that is new. But many of the persecutions by his party, which (if forced to it) we can set in the balance, have been carried on in low and barbarous obscurity—and for the sake of Religion, I would be unwilling to drag them into light.

Nevertheless, since the Church has been charged with perse∣cution, it was intended (If I could be permitted to proceed re∣gularly) to distinguish the period before the act of toleration, from that after it. In the former period the principles of civil liberty were perhaps as little fixed as those of religious liberty; and where the Church erred in the execution of the laws, by which she was secured, it was with far less savageness of man∣ner, and fanatc barbarity, than were exercised by our accusers during the same period. Again, since the toleration-act, scarce an instance can be given wherein both the spirit and letter of the

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act have not been inviolably observed on the part of the Church; and that not as matter of constraint on the Bishops, but from an examplary spirit of moderation and Christian charity; where∣as, on the other hand, during the same period, our antagonists have too often shewn, where they had power, that their spirit ath not mended with the spirit of the laws, but still continues ••••e same in the present day even to the mad zeal of knocking in head, where other means might fail.

And here, I could such a tale unfold—But I content my∣self with acting on the defensive; and since the Remonstrant has given one petition of the Quakers to the King, I will give ano∣ther, and let him say what he will against the Church, I have sufficient materials still to balance the account with him.

The petition I mean, is that of the Quakers, to Charles II. 1669, complaining of the intolerable persecutions they suffered by the sanguinary laws of New-England; when, after enume∣rating some of their sufferings under Cromwell's usurpation, they proceed thus.

And now, O King, since the very day the Lord brought thee into thy land again, and gave thee thy land again, and gave thee thy regal power, have they in thy name, made strange and cruel havock of thy true subjects, in putting to death and banishing: And in thy name, with many torturing whippings of old and young at posts, and at wheels of great guns, and at carts tails, dragging the naked bodies of parents and children through divers long towns, through the filth and dirt of their channels and cart-ways. And in thy name com∣manding one friend and brother to help to imprison the other, yea in thy name they have lately pressed the son to help to force his tender father and mother to goal, sundry miles, in the extremity of the winter season, to the hazard of their lives: And such as refused to obey their unnatural and abominable commands, they have fined at their courts.—And thus from court to court do these monsters of men, In thy name, fine, imprison, and break open the houses of the people called Quakers, and rob them of their goods, and take away that they should eat in, and that they should drink in, yea, the very clothes from their backs in the winter, and the bed they lie on, while they keep the body sundry miles off in prison; driving husbands and wives to prison in times of great frost and snow keeping them close prisoners to the endangering of their lives, and to the ruin of their families, had not the LORD preserved them. All this, and much more, have they done to the servants of the LORD in New-England in thy name, saying that thou ownest their doings and esteemest their

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laws as thy laws: And all these hard things have the servants of the Lord patiently suffered and sustained at their hands, for no other cause but for their faithful obedience to the spi∣rit of the Lord in their hearts, which spirit of holiness teach∣eth them, that forced worship and worshippers are an abo∣mination unto the Lord. These few lines are written not from any defire of the least revenge from thy hand upon them, but that thou mayest know it, and make known thy dislike of their wickedness, that so the blood of the innocent might not be laid to thy charge in the terrible day of the Lord.
* 4.21

☞ As the Remonstrant tells us he is to oblige the world with "abstracts of the acts of parliament which distressed the British Churches from Queen Elizabeth to Queen Anne," pray would it not be best to do this by subscription? For we shall be forced in self-defense, let him go as far as he will, to balance t ac∣count with the like laws and penal proceeding of Presbyterians and Independents, even though we should take them from what he calls "pamphlets and unprinted histories," if he chooses to call the history of Scotland and New-England, and the proceedings of Synods, Presbyteries, and Kirk-Sessions, by that name.

From the PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL, Nov. 9. The ANATOMIST, No. IX.

How easy and plain might we make our defence? How clear and allowable even unto themselves; if we could but obtain of them to admit the same things consonante to equity in our mouths, which they require to be so taken from their own? If that which is truth, being uttered in maintenance of Scotland and Geneva, do not cease to be truth, when the Church of En∣gland once alledgeth it.—

HOOKER.

I come now to that part of my undertaking, in which the Centinel's adherents )by their repeated challenges) seem to think I shall be chiefly pressed.—I mean, in answering his arguments "on the danger of introducing (or, as they phrase it, importing) a Bishop, or Bishops to America."—And, I confess, I have no small difficulties to encounter with. For,

1st, What he says on this head lies so scattered through his different papers, that, after wading through all of them, I

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find it almost impossible to sort what I glean up, into any kind of form or connection.

2dly, After this pains, which I have taken without any de∣sire of mangleing or weakening what he has advanced, I can meet with scarce any thing that wears the semblance of ar∣gument.

It would, indeed, be a pleasure, while we claim what we think a natural right, to be instrumental in removing the apprehensi∣ons which any sincere and candid man may entertain from our prosecution of that claim. But, when called on to reason with a man, who will neither trust the faith of nations, the sanctity of laws and charters, nor any human security whatsoever, but will still cry out—"danger, slavery, persecution"— I find myself in the situation of one who foolishly undertook to reason a man into his senses, whose imagination was continual∣ly haunted with ghosts and hobgoblins.

"Come, says he, who undertook this work, shew me the chamber where they are—For GOD's sake, replies the other, enter not in. See how it stares! It is ready to devour you!—Where, where, says the former; I see no such thing. In yonder corner! I beseech you, continues the haunt∣ed man, go not near it!—Sir, says the former, it is no such thing. It is a sheet, a sheet—It is a ghost, a ghost! continues the other—Sir, says the former, it is a sheet. I assure you, it is a sheèt. I feel it, I handle it—a ghost! still continues the other." And thus might the dialogue pro∣ceed for ever, without conviction on the part of the poor distem∣pered man.

That I am doing no injustice to what is called the Centinel's "arguments," I hope to shew to every candid reader. I shall, therefore, endeavour, with the utmost impartiality, to gather them into one view.

There are grounds, he says, to suspect that Dr. Chandler has not given the plan on which Bishops are to be sent to America, with that openness and candor that might have been expected.—It is plain, beyond a contradiction, that the defire of the Missionaries is to have such suffragan Bishops IMPORTED into America, as shall have authority to exercise all the powers given THEM * 4.22 by the laws of England.
— Now, altho' here he seems to make the Episcopal Clergy desire

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a Bishop in America, who has already "powers by the laws of England," yet No. 11, and elsewhere, he intimates, that they want to introduce him by an act of Parliament," and new laws. In short, he takes it for granted all along (for it would be need∣less to quote particular papers, because, if he denies this, we have no contest) that the design of the Episcopal Clergy is a general establishment, as in England, through all America; that the sending out a Bishop is an establishment of himself, as well as his Clergy; that whatever may be pretended, he must have jurisdiction over the laity; that arbitrary spiritual courts must inseparably accompany him, &c.

The laity, says he, are amused with the false and inconsistent hopes of being en∣tirely exempted from the jurisdiction of the American Bishop. We call it an inconsistent hope, as it is contradictory, not on∣ly to the known sentiments of the English Episcopal Church, but also to the sentiments of every other Christian Church in the World. This plan of American Bishops is a mere novel invention, without any parallel in history, since the first esta∣blishment of a Church upon earth.

Nevertheless, this consistent writer, No. 15, "wonders at those who have no idea of a Bishop separate from the appen∣dages of the office;"—but still, when he finds Dr. Chandler has this idea as well as himself, and speaks of a Bishop without the appendage of spiritual courts, he cries out—"What is this, but to say, that an arbitrary spiritual jurisdiction, un∣known in the British constitution, and abhorret of the rights of freemen, is asked, and about to be established in America?" He kindly adds, "Alas! for the poor Clergy!" Indeed the Clergy are once obliged to him for his pity; but they did not need it here. For Dr. Chandler has said in the same sentence, and the Centinel has quoted the words, that the Clergy are not to be governed arbitrarily, but "by laws and canons of the Church," clear and explicit in themselves, which the Clergy have voluntarily bound themselves to obey, and which may be executed in respect to them, without any jurisdiction over the laity, because such jurisdiction, as I shall fully shew, is derived

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from other laws, that neither have, nor are desired to have, any place here.

These few "arguments" of the Centinel, will be sufficient, till I try whether they can be answered. Others shall be quo∣ted in their proper place; only it may not be amiss to shew, be∣fore I begin, how, in those already quoted, he is explained and helped out by his associates, the Remonstrant, &c.—who tell us, "that there is a gathering storm ready to burst on them, and flstroy them;" that they fear "Episcopacy, and its courts, will certainly be established together; and that all judges and governors, who will not bow their necks to American Bishops, will be tumbled down with disgrace from their stations."— And then we hear of "LAUD, and Persecutions, and flying once more to the wilderness, as their FATHERS did;" for it seems every writer now adays had fathers, and can count his pe∣digree back to the first settlement of America!

Having thus cut out my work, the question is, where to be∣gin; for I have not a single spectre to lay, but am surrounded with them.—

"GORGONS, and HYDRAS, and CHIMERAS dire!"

I will begin then, at a venture; for it makes little odds where. The Centinel's main argument seems to be—that "eccle∣siastical courts, and slavery, and persecutions," are a necessary consequence of the introduction of Bishops into America; and I am called on to hew that his apprehensions on this head are not well grounded. Hard it is to prove a negative, but in all fair argument, I shall do what may be equally satisfactory, if I prove this affirmative,—viz.—that it is possible, and even certain, that a Bishop can be settled in America, without affecting the civil or religious rights of any person whatsoever; and that every presumption that can be adduced to the contra∣ry, would militae equally against every institution in society, even down to the appointment of a petty constable. And I will engage to shew much greater security against any arbitrary proceedings on the part of a Bishop, than I think our antagonist will be able to shew on the part of such self-made, and self-de∣legated things, as Synods, Presbyteries, and Kirk-Sessions, in America.

However ungenerously the Centinel has been pleased to tra∣duce the Episcopal Clergy of America, as in a conspiracy with B—te and Gr—n—lle, to enslave their country; however basely he has associated attempts for an American Bishop with plans of rebellion, and the introduction of Popery, and the Pretender; however wickedly he has endeavoured to prejudice the vulgar, by jumbling our claim of natural right to the pri∣vileges

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of a Christian Church, with odious Stamp-Acts, and arbitrary Courts of Admiralty, yet I am bold to say, that if the Episco∣pal Clergy did not clearly see, and firmly believe, that what they ask is perfectly consistent with their own rights, and those of the laity, they would detest the thoughts of becoming instru∣ments in the ruin of their country. For what motive could in∣duce them to such a conduct? Surely the present sett of Mini∣sters can expect little personal benefit from any scheme of this kind. And they are not Anchorites, without children, nor wholly without property; nor is their priesthood, like the Levi∣tical, to descend from father to son.

Surely then this abusive writer should have some solid foun∣dations for such a horrible charge against the Clergy, as that of shewing one scheme to the world "plausible, specious, and calculated to amuse with inconsistent hopes," while the real one lies concealed under it, pregnant with every possible mischief.— Let us see what those foundations are.—

He says,

the exemption of the laity from the jurisdiction of the Bishop is contradictory, not only to the known sentiments of the Church of England, but of every other Christian Church in the world—and is a mere novel invention, without any parallel in history, since the first establishment of a Church on earth.

Now both these assertions I utterly deny; and if the Centinel was in earnest in them, or meant any thing more than to im∣pose on the ignorant, he must give me leave to pronounce him wholly unacquainted with Church-history, as well as the con∣stitution of the Church of England, and the foundation of that temporal jurisdiction, with which it has been thought proper to vest her Bishops.

What meaning the Centinel designs to have put on the words —"since the first establishment of a Church on earth."— I know not. For he often writes, as if he chose to keep a back∣door for an escape, in case of detection. But if CHRIST can be said to have established a Church on earth, or if there was a Christian Church during the three first centuries, then there were Bishops during that period, such as we desire for America, that had no jurisdiction over the laity, different from what every Presbyter had, as essential to the office of a pastor.

I shall give an authority for this, which will not be denied. It is the learned and accurate Civilian BURN.—For the first 300 years after CHRIST (he says) the distinction of ecclesias∣tical and spiritual causes, in point of jurisdiction, did not be∣gin. At that time, no such distinction was heard of, in the Christian world. For the causes of testimony, matrimony,

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bastardy, adultery, and the rest, which are called ecclesiastical or spiritual causes, were merely civil, and determined by the rules of the civil law, and subject only to the jurisdiction of the civil magistrate."

What has BEEN, is possible to BE again; and the same author proceeds to shew how Bishops came to have jurisdiction over the laity, even in causes called spiritual; which were never claimed as inherent in their spiritual character, or derived from CHRIST; but given by the powers then in being, for what they esteemed salutary purposes.

Christian Emperors, says he, out of a zeal to grace and honour learned and godly Bishops, were pleased to single out certain causes, wherein they granted them jurisdiction,— viz. in case of tithes, because paid to the men of the Church; in causes of matrimony, because marriages were, for the most part, solemnized in the Church; in causes testamentary, be∣cause testaments were many times made in extremis, when Churchmen were present giving spiritual comfort;—and in all these causes, the Bishops proceeded according to the im∣perial law, and as the civil magistrate did in other causes.
Who then will say that they assumed this jurisdiction, as inse∣parable from their office, or that it was arbitrary, or could have been exercised without law?

In the same manner did the English Bishops derive jurisdicti∣on over the laity, in certain causes ecclesiastical. It is no doc∣trine of our Church, as the Centinel would assert, that they hold it inseparable from their office, and immediately of CHRIST. This proud boast is indeed made by Independents and Presbyte∣rians, tho' they have never yet produced their charter. But the latter, I mean the Presbyterians, in the new national Church of Scotland, hold this doctrine with much as bad a grace, as they accuse our Church of Sham-elections, dictated by the King's Conge d'Elire. For though the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland pretend that they meet yearly with CHRIST as their head, and from him alone derive their authority to determine causes, civil and ecclesiastical, yet the King, by his Commissi∣oner, sits at least as their visible head, and when in his royal prerogative, he thinks fit to adjourn them to a certain day, they always find (and good worldly wisdom it is) that CHRIST approves of what the King has done, and they adjourn them∣selves to the same day accordingly.

Having already transgressed the bounds allotted me by my publishers, I shall, in my next, resume this subject, and show, by full authorities, that the proposed plan for American Bishops,

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simply as it stands, is no novel invention, nor any way con∣tradictory to the known sentiments of the Church of England.

From the PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL, Nov. 3. THE REMONSTRANT, No. IV.

THE Anatomist, and his friend Horatio, have rked toge∣ther abstracts of pamphlets, written in the New-England provinces, from which they have picked an expression, here and there, which they dislike; and having dressed it in Italicks, and double commas, they cry out, that the whole performances are written with a bitter intolerant spirit. If in their contro∣versies▪ with any of the Missionaries, the Independent Ministers have set the vain pretensions of these gentlemen, to an uninter∣rupted succession, and the power which their Church claims to ordain or decree rites and ceremonies, &c. in a true light, there is a loud outcry raised, that they attack the whole body of the Church, her doctrine and discipline, and the principles of her clergy and members. Is it so rotten a fabrick, that it cannot bear to be touched? A Church that is so very tender, should give no provocation. But does any of these quotations prove that the Independents would have crushed the Church of En∣gland, or that they were the first aggressors in any of these de∣bates? No, it is well known that the Episcopal Missionaries, or their friends, first proclaimed the war, and when they were foundly drubbed, they would make the world believe, that the whole Church of England has been too roughly handled; but what have these squabbles to do with Chandler's Appeal? Eve∣ry colony, and religious denomination, are equally called forth by that champion for an American Episcopate. They are to make their objections, if they have any, or all parties are sup∣posed to acquiesce in his plan.

The first Episcopal Church set up among the Independents in New-England, was about the year 1680. They were poor, and few in number, and were allowed the use of the Town-house by the Independents, as he calls the Congregational Churches. Was not this an instance of brotherly love? It was an evidence of no malignity of spirit, or a desire to crush them. But how did they requite this kindness * 4.23? Under the

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administration of Sir Edmund Andross, they declared that they were the Church of England by law established; they would no longer assemble in the Town-house, but demanded the keys of the South Meeting-house. And when some gentlemen, proprietors of that house, refused to deliver them, Governor Andross told them, he would presently seize on that house, and all the Meeting-houses in the country, and hinder them from con∣tributing the value of Two-pence towards the maintenance of any Non conformist Minister. And when this threatening could not prevail, they thrust themselves into the Meeting house, and there continued, until, by interrupting the people of the South Congregation, often in the times, and sometimes in the very parts of their worship▪ the whole town cried shame upon them. Here was a sample of the same persecuting spirit, from which the Independents fled to this wilderness. At the funeral of one Mr. Lilly, their Minister came with his gown and book, to read the service, and to settle this laudable custom in that barbarous country. One Mr. Fray••••••, a relation of the deceased, in the name of the rest, only with fit words, desired him to forbear; but Mr. Frayray was bound over to the Court for this offence, where they intended to have ruined him, had not the unlucky Revolution prevented these designs.

And, that the Ministers might have their share, Mr. Cotton Mather was prosecuted upon the act of Uniformity, and illegal∣ly condemned, but the Revolution prevented the execution of the sentence against him. For on that very day on which he was to be committed to half a year's imprisonment, those that would have wronged him, were justly taken into custody. This beloved act of Uniformity, and the penal laws in support of it, tore the established Church of England to pieces, and brought unnumbered mischiefs on many of its own Ministers and people, which it drove from their communion. And this same act of Uniformity, which the Episcopal Church determined to esta∣blish in New-England, began all those controversies, that the Anatomist complains of, and it had been for his honour, and for the benefit of his cause, rather to have let them sleep in silence, than to have so spitefully revived them.

It is urged, that since the Act of Toleration an exemplary spirit of moderation and Christian charity have prevailed among the Episcopalians. For this we thank GOD, and for this we cheerfully praise, and give them due commendation, as far as they deserve it. But are things really so? Let us remind the Episcopalians of their conduct in New-York, since the Tole∣ration

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Act, under the administration of Lord Cornbury * 4.24. Mr. Makemie, a worthy Presbyterian Minister, preached a sermon in New-York, at the desire of a number of the inhabitants, who were Presbyterians. And though he produced a certificate of his having qualified himself according to the Act of Toleration, he was committed to prison, and prosecuted upon an indictment that says, that he unlawfully used other rites, ceremonies, form and manner of divine worship, than what are contained in a certain book of Common Prayer, and Administration of the Sacraments, &c. against the form of the Statute. &c. Here the attack was vigorously begun by the Church of England, a∣gainst the Presbyterians, in open defiance of the Act of Tole∣ration, and in a city that was originally settled with Dutch Pres∣byterians, and where the Episcopal Church, in its infant state, had been kindly cherished, and had received many favours. Was n•••• the unmerciful and scandalous Schism Bill, enacted in the last year of Queen Anne, and enacted in open defiance to the Toleration Act, by which the friends of this beloved Act of Uniformity deprived all parents that were not of the established Church, of the great trust committed to them by GOD, and nature, to train up their own children according to their own sentiments in religion, and the fear of GOD. No catechism was to be taught to children, but that of the Church of Eng∣land, and no man under severe penalties, was allowed to teach even an English school, who did not, in all things, con∣form to that Church. Let our Anatomist call this unmerited abuse; it is the truth, and it was done when High Church rode triumphant. And had not GOD in mercy placed the Hano∣ver family on the throne of Great Britain, all the severities that distressed England for near one hundred years, and ruined ma∣ny thousands of families, had been felt once more, with seven∣fold rigor.

In Connecticut the Episcopal party carried their pretensions to an establishment in the Plantations, by the Act of Unifor∣mity, to a very high pitch. This was urged by Caner and Wetmore, from a principle established, as Wetmore said, by skilful Lawyers, that colonies transplanting themselves, carry the laws of their mother country with them. And from these strug∣gles and attempts to establish themselves by the Act of Unifor∣mity, the world may judge who have been the aggressors in these disputes; or whether the Episcopal Churches, or Indepen∣dents,

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who strive to defend their liberties and privileges, are most to be blamed. But this aspiring, restless, ambitious spirit of the Missionaries, never was content to have equal privileges, but always strove for something superior to all other religious so∣cieties, and to introduce the Act of Uniformity, with its penal laws. These struggles have given just ground to fer them as a common enemy, and to believe, that if any Episcopate be e∣stablished among us, it will not be so innocent and harmless as some pretend, but that it will bring with it the usual appendage of its Tyrannical Ecclesiasticle Courts, and with them vex∣atious law suits, and expensive appeals, and distress and confusion.

As the old story of New-England persecution is again repeat∣ed, to the disadvantage of Presbyterians, though the Anatomist allows it was done by the Independents, we will once more give it a due attention. We declare, in the most solemn man∣ner, that we detest and abhor persecution for conscience sake, in Presbyterians, Independents, Episcopalians and Roman Ca∣tholicks, as inhuman and antichristian. We observed already, that the people of New-England were led into these severities by an act of parliament, made in the 35th year of Elizabeth, which condemns all Non-conformists, after they are convicted, to banishment; in case of return, without licence, to death, without benefit of Clergy. This severe law was again renewed anno 1664, in the act against conventicles, with some additi∣onal severities, in the reign of King Charles, by which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Quakers, with all other Protestant Dissenters, suffered most se∣verely. The persecution in New-England was in a time of troubles both in Church and State; the persecution in Old-England was in a time of peace and tranquility, when the Church of England sat at the helm, and carried all before her. The Quakers could not, with any colour or pretence, be prosecuted by the government for any plots or conspiracies, or any distursbance given to the peace of the State, yet a law was enacted against them in particular, anno 1662, intituled, An Act for preventing mischiefs, and danger that might arise from certain people called Quakers, by which they were made liable to severe fines and imprisonment, and after the third of∣fence to transportation, for refusing to swear. I shall here transcribe a passage from Sewell's History (Page 335)

Hay∣ing now left America, and returned to England, let us go and see the state of persecution at London, where desperate sury now raged, though it was not in that chief city alone the Quakers, so called, were most grievously persecuted; for a little before this time there was published in print, a

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short relation of their persecution through all England, signed by twelve persons, shewing that more than four thou∣sand two hundred of those called Quakers, both men and women, were in prison in England, and denoting the num∣ber of them that were imprisoned in each county, either for frequenting Meetings, or for denying to swear. &c. Many of these had been grievously beaten, or their clothes torn, or taken away from them, and some were put into such stinking dungeons, that some great men said, they would not put their hunting dogs there. Some prisons were crowd∣ed full, both of men and women, so that there was not suf∣ficient room for all to sit down at once; and in Chessm, sixty eight persons, were in this manner looked up in a small room; an evident sign, that they were an harmless people, that would not make any resistance, nor use force. By such ill treatment many grew sick, and not a few died in such jails; for no age, nor sex, was regarded. Even ancient people of sixty, seventy, and more years of age, were not spared; and most of these, being tradesmen, shop-keepers, and husbandmen, were thus reduced to poverty. For their goods were also seized for not going to Church (so called) or for not paying tithes. Many times they were fain to lie in prison, on cold nasty ground, without being suffered to have any straw, and often they have been kept several days without any victu∣als. No wonder therefore many died by such hard imprison∣ments as these,

At London, and in the suburbs, were about this time no less than five hundred of those people called Quakers, impri∣soned; and some in such narrow holes, that every person had scarcely conveniency to lie down, and the felons were suffered to rob them of their clothes and money.
— This author proceeds to relate many instances of cruelty and severity to these people, during the administration of the two brothers, Charles and James. He informs us (Page 517) that since the Restoration of King Charles (till the year 1676) above two hundred of the people called Quakers, had died in prisons in England, where they had been confined because of their re∣ligion. But they were not the only sufferers. It is well known that De Laune, who wrote the Plea for Non-conformity, was one of near eight thousand, who had perished in prison in the reign of King Charles the Second, merely for dissenting from the Church in some points, for which they were able to give reasons; and that one Jeremiah White had carefully collected a list of the Dissenting sufferers, and of their sufferings, and had the names of sixty thousand persons, who had suffered on

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a religious account, between the Restoration of King Charles the Second, and the Revolution by King William; five thou∣sand of whom died in prison (Neal, Vol. 4. Page 450) The Anatomist threatens us with unsolding a tale to our disadvan∣tage, if we speak of these severities. We assure him we never intended to have mentioned these severe acts that bore down Dissenters for near one hundred years, had he not proclaimed Presbyterians sour and intolerant, and tried to blacken them as a body, who are so respectable a part of the Protestant Churches. It is well known, that they were the first people in Europe that gave universal toleration to all religious denominations; but we fear no tales; if they be but true, let them be fairly told, to the dishonor of all persecutors. We have neither the incli∣nation nor the power to obtain an establishment to harrass and disturb other religious societies in America. But that the E∣piscopal Missionaries, and others of their party, were they en∣couraged, and protected by Bishops, have both the power and the inclination, is what we greatly fear. We are prepared to hang out the persecutions of a Parker, a Whitegift, a Laud, and a Bancroft, to the world, to excite the hatred of mankind a∣gainst religious tyranny; and to raise their horror and abhor∣rence of these severe acts that clothed such oppressors with power to do mischief. But if the Anatomist, instead of abusing his neighbours, proceeds with sober arguments to answer the objections raised by the Centinel against Dr. Chandler's Appeal, we shall leave him and his adversary to dispute the point; only we desire that he may do it with the calmness which does ho∣nour both to the Centinel and the Doctor. We shall lie on our oars, and if relieved of our fears, shall say no more of penal laws and persecutions. But if instead of arguments, and sound reasons, we have nothing but shifts and evasions, we must rea∣son by analogy; and by what has happened from an English Episcopate, shall argue what we must fear from an episcopate, if it be established in America.

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From the PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL, Nov. 10. The ANATOMIST, No. X.

The men trace the very footsteps of their forefathers. They call in question the received discipline of the Church, the Liturgy, the vocation of BISHOPS, and being great admirers of the Geneva discipline, think there is no better way of establishing the same in England, than by inveighing and railing against the English Hierarchy; stiring up the people to a hatred of the Bishops and Prelacy; setting forth scandalous books a∣gainst both, and in their libels and sermons, belching forth the most virulent calumnies.—

CAMBDEN'S Annals of Eliz.

SUCH was the character given to the enemies of Episcopacy, in the days of Queen Elizabeth, by the illustrious and im∣partial CAMBDEN; and King James, the successor of Elizabeth, did not find them mended in his day, but declares, in his Basi∣licon Doren, (or royal gift to his son, who found them still as little mended) "that they were the pests of the commonwealth, whom no deserts can oblige, no oaths or promises bind; breathing nothing but sedition and calumnies; aspiring with∣out measure; railing without reason; accounting every one un∣worthy to enjoy the benefit of breathing, that denies the least jot of their grounds; and who would make the scripture to be ruled by their conscience, and not their conscience by the scripture." Nay, though educated among them, this Prince was obliged to complain to his Parliament, "that they were a set of men, ever discontented, and scarcely to be suffered in a∣ny well-governed commonwealth, because nothing can fully satisfy them, but the alteration of the whole frame of govern∣ment."

How much of this character belongs to the Centinel and o∣ther writers, who have been taken notice of in my former num∣bers, I leave every reader to determine for himself. The Cen∣tinel in particular, with whom I am more immediately con∣cerned, has shewn but little good disposition to "the frame of English government," by his indecent abuse of an order so close∣ly interwoven with it. But what he says on this head, may well be passed over, as it will hardly prevail on a sensible na∣tion, "to forsake that government, the use whereof, univer∣sal experience hath for so many years approved, and betake

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themselves to a regimen, never till yesterday heard of among men."* 4.25 His new fangled schemes of government, which he proposes to Churchmen in America, I hope, will meet with as little regard. He asks—"why do not the Episcopal Mi∣nisters chose one of their number to be their superior, and vo∣luntarily agree to be governed by him? Our answer is ready. We have some regard to our allegiance; and think this thing does not comport with it. We hope also, we have some regard to our principles of Church government, and would not wil∣lingly violate them. Lastly, we regard decorum and peace; and we think neither would be promoted by unauthorized elec∣tions, or a government of this kind; but above all, we are known to hold it as a principle, that the Episcopal character cannot be derived in this manner. Those who think otherwise, and choose to be governed otherwise, we do not desire to molest; and only claim equal liberty to think for ourselves, and follow that mode which we esteem best, and most agreeable to holy scripture and primitive practice.

But the Centinel in his charity, strives to remove our scru∣ples on this head, by attempting to shew, (what has often been attempted before him) that Bishops and Presbyters are the same in scripture. No doubt, he was in hopes, from this doctrine, to lead the advocates for an American Episcopacy ••••to a long train of dispute very foreign to the point in question; which is not, whether it is a right belief in the Church—"that Bishops are of a divine institution, an order superior to Presby∣ters, and essential to a full ecclesiastical constitution;" but whether this being the belief of her Clergy and Members in America, they are not entitled to such a constitution, provided it does not interfere with the rights of others? Here I fix my arguments, and from this ground I will not be drawn. It is vain, (and indeed would scarce be proper in a news-paper) for such puny combitants as we Centinels, Anatomists, and Remon∣strants, to retail over again all that has been written on this subject by eminent men on both sides. The Church can boast many champions, but particularly her venerable Hooker, whose arguments in the seventh book of his ecclesiasticle polity, stand to this day unrefuted.

This excellent and learned writer (excellent and learned e∣ven in the opinion of our antagonists) goes to the fountain head of scripture and Church antiquity. He shews what things belonged essentially to the office of Bishops from the beginning,

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and what were added to it afterwards for reasons of convenien∣cy and human policy. He proves that there ever were in the Church of Christ an order of men, to whom were given, with permanent continuance, not only power in common with Pres∣byters to administer the word and sacraments, but also a fur∣ther power to ordain ecclesiastical persons, and a chiefty (or pri∣macy) in government over the Church. Authentic lists of such Bishops from the earliest times can be produced, which, whoever will question, may as well question all facts of history, and whether there was a constant succession of Roman Emperors from Julius Caesar.

"A thousand five hundred years and upwards (says he) the Church hath continued under Bishops; which to have been or∣dained of God, I am, for my own part, even as resolutely per∣suaded, as that any other kind of government in the world is of God. In this realm of England, before Normans; yea, before Saxons, there being Christians the chief pastors of their souls were Bishops.—Even at the council of Ariminum, about the year 359, Britain had three Bishops present'"

Thus then if we were not able to go back to the time of the apostles, to prove that a government by one had a preference to a Presbyterian government by many, yet we can go far enough back, even in the Mother Country, to spare our antagonists a thousand years, and still have antiquity on our side, If there∣fore, this veneration for antiquity were only a prejudice on ourside, yet as it is a harmless one, we may be indulged in it.

But it is objected, that granting the ancient power of Bishops in ordination, yet it is not practised now as in the Apostles' times, in pursuance of some previous vote or election of the peo∣ple, &c. Our venerable Hooker, who could sometimes be merry, laughs at this objection, and shews that all the power given to the people by our antagonists themselves in the choice or direc∣tion of persons fit to be set apart for the sacred ministry, is a mere illusion; and that they deal by the people in this case "much as those nurses do with infants, whose mouth they be∣smear with the BACKSIDE of the spoon, as though they had fed them, when they themselves devour the food."

But what vote of the people, besides the imposition of St. Paul's hands had Timothy; whom no one, without denying scripture, can deny to have been a Bishop, or a pastor having power superior to that of Presbyters? "For he was to rule the Church of Ephesus; to command and teach; to regulate the public worship, and hinder women from speaking: to see that no doctrines were taught but what were received from our Lord

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and his Apostles; to ordain, or commit the doctrine of the gos∣pel to faithful men, who should be able to teach others, and to lay hands suddenly on no man; to hear and judge of cases in dispute, but against an elder not to receive an accusation, but be∣fore two or three witnesses; and finally, them that sin to rebuke before all, that others also might fear."

Here are pointed out the peculiar authorities exercised by the primitive Bishops; and in the like matter, and with the like authorities, not by the people's choice was Titus ordained Bishop of Crete by Paul; and we do believe, from the whole voice of Church history, that there was ••••••stantly afterwards a succession of men, with the power of ordination and government superior to Presbyters in the Church.

Indeed Calvin himself, the founder of Presbytery, doth allow that in the first ages of Christianity there were Bishops that had the like power in the assembly of ministers, as the Roman Con∣suls in the senate, to advise, exhort, regulate debates, and see that every thing was performed according to rules agreed on. This power is all that we have occasion to contend for in the matter of government; and the Centinel himself allows, "that few professors of Christianity deny Bishops to be of divine insti∣tution;" nay further, his associate the Remonstrant is willing to allow us twenty Bishops (even one in every house) to ordain, confirm, and inspect the morals of the clergy, provided they have no connection with our civil affairs, &c.

These concessions are something, but alas! I must not flatter myself that they will be allowed to do me much good. The Centinel contends that it is impossible for us to have such primi∣tive Bishops; because contradictory to the known sentiments of our Church, and of every other since the first establishment of Christianity. Our idea of Episcopacy he contends likewise to b diocesan, and very different from that which prevailed in the fir•••• ages of the church

It any thing in such an inconsistent writer could be astonish∣ing his stumbling on such an argument as this would be really so; as it is the very argument I would wish to use against him. For if it be true that the present diocesan Episcopacy, with that power over the laity, which he reckons so dangerous, was not th ort of Episcocacy that subsisted in the Church from the beginning he allows what I contend for, namely, that an Epis∣copa•••• different from that in England, having once subsisted, may be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fixed; and he contradicts his own assertion, viz. "hat a exemption of the laity from the jurisdiction of the Bishop, (namely, such a jurisdiction as the Continel complains of) is a novel invention, without any parallel, &c, I say, such

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a jurisdiction over the laity as the Centinel complains of; for it would be absurd to say, he speaks here of such a power, as his own pastors or Presbyterian Bishops (for so they like to be called) think it necessary to exercise over the flock committed to them, whether in one or more congregations. If that were his mean∣ing, it would be nothing at all to his argument, For surely, he could not in decency strive to alarm all America against such a necessary power as this, unless he could say that the same pow∣er which is perfectly innocent in the hands of a Presbyterian Bishop, would be highly dangerous in a Bishop of ours; and that what is right in Scotland and Geneva, ceases to be so in England and America,

Much has been said about diocesan Episcopacy, and sometimes to little purpose. The truth is, that though such a Bishop as Timothy was appointed to Ephesus, as his more particular charge, yet he and other Bishops of his time, were not proper∣ly Diocesan, but Bishops at large, who might ordain and go∣vern in the Church in general, for the more speedy propagati∣on of Christianity. But it is reasonable to think, (and ancient accounts prove it) that, as this method could not be necessary long, so it did not long continue; but, for greater conveniency and regularity, different Bishops became fixed to different dis∣tricts; and thus a sort of Diocesan Episcopacy soon began; yet still, without those additions of temporal power, and legal li∣mitation of dioceses, which constitute the present Diocesan E∣piscopacy; and which could not possibly take place till civil ru∣lers became Christians.

Now, if the Centinel means any thing by a "jurisdiction over the laity, dangerous to liberty," he must mean the ju∣risdiction exercised under this last sort of Diocesan Episcopacy; for his own principles will not permit him to object to the pow∣ers exercised under the former sort of Episcopacy. Why then, when he has quoted such eminent writers in our Church, as having a just idea of this sort of Episcopacy, will he still in∣sist on it that such an Episcopacy is a novel invention, inconsistent with the sentiments of any Church that ever was on earth? Why cannot he distinguish between the true Episcopal charac∣ter, and an adventitious character and powers afterwards an∣nexed to it? And these adventitious powers have been greater or smaller in different countries, and in the same country at different times, he cannot surely think the real episcopal cha∣racter essentially connected with them, or altered either by giv∣ing or taking them away. I would ask "whether if the Go∣vernor of this province should annex the office of surveyor ge∣neral to that of first minister of the first Presbyterian Church in

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this city, it would divest him of his ministerial character? Per∣haps some good people might think the one office rather incon∣sistent with the other, but it would not destroy the idea of the ministerial character; nor would it follow, that if this first mini∣ster should go to another province, the like adventitious office would be essential to this ministerial character.

Upon what better principle can our Centinel argue that our Church would consider and claim all the powers and jurisdicti∣on annexed to the Episcopal office in England, as essential to it in America? I shall shew by full authorities, that this neither is, nor can be, the principles of any Churchmen whatever, nor of any man acquainted with the laws of his country, either statute, common or civil. I thought to have proceeded with these au∣thorities at present, but as they cannot be inserted entire, with the proper remarks, they must be deferred till my next number, in which, if I do not mistake my points of law, I hope this dispute will be brought into a narrow compass.

The ANATOMIST, No. XI.

Leges sub graviori Lege.HALE.

I CAN scarce begin this number, without an acknowledg∣ment to sundry correspondents for several valuable commu∣nications; and hope they will not ascribe it to disrespect, but to the proposed brevity of my plan, that so little notice has been taken of their kind hints. I saw with concern from the first, that by whose malice and artifice soever the late illiberal attacks on the Church were begun and cherished, they would certainly be productive of much evil, scandalize our common Christianity, and be matter of joy to its enemies, and grief to its real friends. This seems now to be the general sentiment of serious men of all persuasions: and it is but justice to say that I have me, with many, even among the Presbyterians, who lament that any pro∣vocation was given on their side; and think that their writers would have shewn a greater moment and weight of Christiani∣ty in one grain of Charity and brotherly Good-will to the CHURCH, than in all that they have written and published, to traduce and prevent her from enjoying her just rights.

From these considerations, then, as it was with reluctance I found myself obliged to enter into this defence, so I have de∣termined that on my part, it shall not be protracted into an un∣necessary

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length. Those who take delight in vilifying a Church, so long honoured among true Protestants, I shall soon leave to the reflections of their own conscience; and in the mean time, I hope, that indulgence with which I have been already favour∣ed will be continued to my remaining papers, which will not be many 〈◊〉〈◊〉 number, nor unimportant in their nature.

In my last, it was observed that the Centinel (either out of ignorance or wiful design to mislead his readers) had confound∣ed the adventitious powers and jurisdiction given to Bishops by human laws, with the powers that belong essentially to the E∣piscopal character, and are necessary for keeping up a succession of ministers, and order in the body ecclesiastical, whether lodg∣ed in One or in Many. With him, the acknowledged distincti∣on between "Powers of Ecclesiastical Order, and power of Ju∣risdicston Ecclesiastical, seems to find no place. He hath in his imagination, stretched the powers of our present English Bi∣shops to all the heights in which they were ever exercised in the warmest times, and when liberty was least understood; and then when it is said that Bishop, with those powers are neither desired, nor can, consistent with law, be fixed in America, he charges the clergy with acting a treacherous part, and "amu∣sing with false and inconsistent hopes; because a Church, whose members are exempted from the government of its officers, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he says, what no age can furnish an example of—a n Invention." &c.

Now the Centinel is here certainly brought into this Dilem∣ma, either to say that a Church without all those enormous ju∣risdictions, which he had been complaining of, is a novel-Inven∣tion; or to say that the powers he speaks of, are those essential ones enjoyed by all complete Churches; and then how is it an argument of inconsistency in our clergy, to desire a matter of common essential right? And have no all his declamations been employed about phantoms of his own brain?

I have already shewn that such a Bishop as the American Clergy pray'd for, is no novel-invention, but known in the purest ages of the Church; and I might have shewn further, in contradiction to what the Centinel asserts, that Churches, even now upon earth, have Bishops nearly on the same foundation. The Danish Bishops have neither temporal Jurisdiction, nor ec∣clesiastical courts; nor have the Moravian Bishops, and yet they have the ordination and government of their inferior clrgy.

But I will now come close to the point, and shew that the English Bishops were originally such also, and that what ac∣cession of power and temporal jurisdiction they obtained, was

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not by encroachments nor yet claimed as of CHRIST, in virtue of their episcopal office; but given by human laws, generally ex∣pressing the reason of the Grant, and that neither those Laws nor Reasons can have place in a country where the constitution is previously fixed, and a full provision made for all the parts of government, except that alone which governs the true scrip∣tural order and government of the Episcopal clergy, agreeable to the belief and constitution of their church.

The first thing that offends our antagonists, with respect to Bishops is their title of Lords. Now if it is considered how they derive this title, perhaps the Centinel may not think him∣self obliged to associate the idea of Lords to our American Bish∣ops, nor to shape his mouth, to that offensive word, if he should ever chance to speak to any of them. They are Lords as they sit in the upper house of Parliament, and they sit there per Baroniam, as Barons accepted by long usages, but after∣wards more expressly made such by their possessions being turned into Baronies by William the Conqueror, to be held of the King. In respect to their persons they are not Barons, nor are they such in respect to their order, which they acquire by consecration, but in respect only to their temporal incorporation. See Hale's Treatise on the Right of the Crown, and Coke 2d. Inst. Sir William Staunord also (153) says they have not the name of Lords by virtue of their office, nor have they a place in Parli∣ament in respect to their nobility, but in respect of their pos∣session, viz. the ancient Baronies annexed to their dignities.

Thus the Centinel may perhaps see a way to separate one of∣fensive thing, viz. the Lordly name, from American Bishops, but still we hope he will not, for all this, call them bad names.

But let us pass from names to things, and see if we can satis∣fy him equally about the enormous jurisdiction over the Laity which he has told us, he is greatly apprehensive must accompa∣ny the very persons of Bishops into America. In fair argu∣ment (as observed in a former number) the Onus Probandi should lie on the accuser, and he ought to shew by what law now made, or that probably can be made, American Bishops should obtain such jurisdiction; rather than call on me to prove what contingences are never to take place. Yet even this may be done to the satisfaction of all reasonable men, if they will trust to the same faith of laws and security in this matter, which they trust for their lives and estates in all other matters.

We must go back, then, to enquire how English Bishops be∣came invested with jurisdiction over the Laity (for the Centi∣nel

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has nothing to do with any jurisdiction the clergy may choose to submit to) and then we will apply the argument to the point in question.

It has been already shewn that primitive Bishops in the first three hundred years of the Church, had no courts or jurisdicti∣on over the laity, separate from the civil power. So it was also in England, during the Saxon Heptarchy. In each county under different Kings in those days, there was an EARL who had the administration of Justice under the KING and was called in la∣tin Comes, as assisting the King in the execution of the laws. In each kingdom there was a BISHOP, being seven in all En∣gland (exclusive of the Welch or British Bishops) before the coming of Augustine the Monk. All matters as well spiritual as temporal, were determined in the EARL's or county Court, where the Bishop was called to the Earl's assistance for advice in spiritual matters; or in the Hundred Court, before some Lord of the District, with an ecclesiastical person in the place of the Bishop.* 4.26

The great CANUTE the Dane, still preserved this order, as late as about the year one thousand and seventeen, and gave the reasons for it; ordaining the Shire Gemot or county as∣sembly "to be held twice a year, and oftener if need requires, wherein the Bishop and the aldermen of the shie shall be pre∣sent, the one to teach the Laws of God, the other the Laws of the Land."† 4.27

Here is yet no separate jurisdiction claimed by the Bishops o∣ver the laity; and when they obtained such jurisdiction, it was not, as the Centinel says, because no Church on Earth ever sub∣sisted without it, in the oppressive way he speaks of; for unlese he means this, I still insist he has said nothing) but because it was thought fit by a King, who gave his reasons for the change, and having entered England sword in hand, would not have submitted to have such power wrested from him.

It was WILLIAM the Conqueror who erected separate ecclesi∣astical courts; and thus runs the charter—"Regia auctori∣tate praecipio, ut nullus Episcopus in Hundret amplius placita teneat &c." By virtue of my Royal Authority I do command that no Bishop do for the future hold pleas, &c. in the Hundred Court, nor bring any causes which belong to spiritual govern∣ment, before the judgment of secular men; but to such places as the Bishops shall appoint for that purpose, &c.§ 4.28

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Having thus brought Bishops down to the conquest, we find no matter cognizable before them, whereof jurisdiction hath been used to or claimed as inherent in their office, or obtained otherwise than by lawn, which can no way affect us; laws too, which according to my motto are, sab graviori lege, control'd by other laws

In my next, I shall bring this Argument down to the tempo∣ral powers exercised by the English Bishops in the present day, and consider whether by Statute or Common Law, those powers could be imported with Bishops into America; or whether by encroachments, obliging judges to stoop to them, or by acts of parliament to be made, we are in danger of being subjected to such powers—for I would leave no appearance of argument un∣noticed.

After discussing those points I hope to be excused, if I retort some of the Centinel's arguments on himself, and shew that if we are to be deprived of a Natural Right, on account of his imaginary Fears, how many fears of the like kind I might be able to muster up, from the known principles and former conduct of his party, against suffering them to exercise those un∣defined and self assumed jurisdictions, which they claim in their ecclesiastical courts and synods. In the last place I shall endea∣vour to defend the Church against the gross charge of having corrupted and obscured the pure word of God with human in∣ventions; and then take my leave of him with some things which I am not yet disposed to indulge his curiosity with the knowledge of—

From the PENNSYLVANIA GAZETTE, No. 24. The ANATOMIST, No. XII.

The CIVIL and CANON Law submits to the COMMON Law, and all three to the STATUTE Law.

BURN.

TWO things cannot but be obvious to every one who pe∣ruses the late publications on the subject of American Bishops, viz.—

1st, That the advocates for an American Episcopacy do sted∣fastly declare they have no farther, nor other view in this mea∣sure, than that the Episcopal Churches in the colonies, may have the same opportunities of keeping up a succession of Mi∣nisters and Ecclesiastical order, in their body, and agreeable to

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their principles, which all other religious bodies in America do enjoy.

2dly, That the opponents of this measure strive to alarm all America against it, contending, that although the above may be the specious plea of the Episcopal Clergy, yet their true de∣sign (notwithstanding any assertions to the contrary) is to in∣troduce that yoke of spiritual bondage and jurisdiction over the laity, which neither they nor their fathers could bear.

This is clearly the design of the Centinel's productions; whose arguments for such a bold assertion, I am now examining; and if they should be found groundless, the public will be at no loss to pronounce him either one of the most uncharitable wri∣ters on earth, or one of the most ambitious, in striving to ex∣alt his own party, by depriving another (respectable among all Protestants) of its just and essential rights.

It hath been already shewn, that during the three first centu∣ries, Bishops had not, in any part of the world, jurisdiction over the laity, separate from the civil powers; nor different from what every Presbyter* 4.29 might have, as essential to the pastoral office. I have shewn that in England also, the Bishops had on∣ly a sort of concurrent jurisdiction in the civil courts; and no separate Ecclesiastical Courts for the ten first centuries, and the William the Conqueror first separated the Ecclesiastical from the Civil Courts, out of a desire, as he says, to do honour to GOD, and godly Bishops. Lastly, it hath been observed that the Danish Bishops, at this day, have no Ecclesiastical Courts, or grievous jurisdiction, over the laity.

What then becomes of the Centinel's assertion, that Bishops, without Ecclesiastical Courts, and that grievous jurisdiction over

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the laity, which he charges the Episcopal Clergy with desiring to introduce into America, is a "novel-invention, contrary to the known sentiments of the Church of England, and every o∣ther Church on earth; and that therefore the Clergy are not to be believed in this matter, but are amusing with false and in∣consistent hopes?"

But another argument (as stated partly by the Centinel, and partly by others) is—"That English Bishops now have this obnoxious jurisdiction over the laity by long enjoyment; that their powers are known by the law of England, statute and common (for it is needless here to speak of civil or canon † 4.30 law) and that therefore, as we are an English colony, those laws which concerned the office of Bishops before we had legislatures of our own (by a well known construction of such ancient laws) will be considered as extended, together with the person and office of a Bishop, into America."

Having stated this argument, I think, in its full force, I proceed to answer it, and must take up Bishops where I left them in my last, viz. from the time of William the Conqueror.

It was from the charter of this Prince (already quoted) that English Bishops derived the right of jurisdiction in separate Ec∣clesiastical Courts; and no one will pretend, that either that charter, or any usage antecedent to it, would be a foundation for such courts in America. After the grant of this charter, the Bishops, in their separate courts, proceeded by the same an∣cient laws and customs, which had been observed for many hun∣dred years, in matters of the like kind, during their concurrent jurisdiction with the Earl or Sheriff in the County Assembly. We find no new statute to enlarge their powers, but many, such as the statutes of provisors, &c. to restrict and explain them; to birdle the usurpations of the Popes, to prev•••••• appeals to foreign jurisdictions, and to vindicate the supremacy of our own Kings in all causes, Civil and Ecclesiastical.

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It would be needless to dwell long on this gloomy period, or the various struggles it produced. It is sufficient to say that e∣ven then, the whole spirit of the laws was this—That Bishops could exercise no powers by virtue of the canons, rescripts or decrees of Popes, Emperors or foreign councils; unless so far as those powers were allowed y the common law of the land; and if those bounds were exceeded it would not have been al∣lowed a sufficient answer—to tell the King's Courts, that Justinian, or Pope Gregory, had decreed otherwise; for all courts are controuled by the common law."

But leaving this uninstructive period, let us come to the Bi∣shops under the Reformation. Now their courts are still held separate from the civil, in virtue of the ancient appointment made by the Conqueror, allowed and confirmed as part of the law of England by long usage. But neither the Reformation, nor the received construction of the common law, nor any po∣sitive statute, have extended the jurisdiction of those courts; but all have conspired to define, limit, and explain it. Lord Coke, and Lord Hale, have accurately explained both the foun∣dation of Ecclesiastical Courts, and the sundry matters cogniza∣ble in them by the law of the land.

"As in temporal causes the King, by the mouth of his judges, doth judge and determine the same by the temporal laws of England; so in causes Ecclesiastical and Spiritual, the cog∣nizance whereof belongeth not to the common laws, the same are to be determined by Ecclesiastical judges, according to the King's Ecclesiastical laws; which, whosoever shall deny, he denieth that the King hath plenary power to deliver justice in all causes to all his subjects in these kingdoms."—Yet still all Ecclesiastical laws are declared to be sub graviori lege. The signa superioritatis are always carried by the common law; and if Ecclesiastical judges refuse to allow acts of Parliament, or ex∣pound them in any other sense than is truly and properly the exposition of them; or if the cause be mixt, and some part of it properly triable at common law, they must proceed according to the rules of that law, or the King's Courts in all these cases can grant prohibitions, and take the matter before themselves; so that the Ecclesiastical Courts in England are not now those wild and rampant things that they have been described to be.

But whatever they are, I am to shew, that neither the com∣mon nor statute law of England can introduce them here in any form,

It is a known rule, that in a colony, having legislation of its own, the laws of the mother country do not extend to any mat∣ter

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that hath been provided for by the laws of the colony itself, duly made and confirmed. Now the matters whereof the Ec∣clesiastical Courts in England have jurisdiction, are principally the following, viz. blasphemy, celebration of divine service, rights of matrimony, divorces, general bastardy, probate of testaments, administrations and accounts upon the same, incests, fornicati∣ons and adulteries.

Now the laws of this and every other colony have already made provision for the administration of justice, in respect to all those matters; and our courts of law would never suffer any Bishop to exercise jurisdiction in them. For example, should our Bishop claim the probate of wills in this province, no one need be at a loss to guess how little disturbance such a ground∣less claim would give to the eminent lawyer, who holds that office by as firm a right as any other can be held by the laws of this country. Should a Bishop call a trial of bastardy out of the courts of law before himself, our judges would smile at his presumption, or perhaps punish him for it, if he persevered to disturb the due administration of justice. And so of the rest. As to matters of tithes, dilapidations, reparation of Churches, simony, ordering admissions, and institution of clerks, there can no such things be so much as known, unless where there is a full establishment of Clergy, and Diocesan Episcopacy, and such an establishment was never known to be brought about in any country by implication, or without positive and express laws for that purpose.

Lord Coke, in the list given of the matters whereof Bishops have cognizance in England, hath mentioned only two or three more than I have taken notice of, and we are secured against any disturbance on account of them, by the happy toleration act, and that liberty of conscience secured in every American colony.

Upon the whole, this I aver—That a diocese, with temporalties, cannot be created but by law, and that a Bish∣op, in any temporal capacity, without a diocese and legal establishment, is what the laws of England know nothing of; and on this principle, all that has been said about erect∣ing Ecclesiastical Courts in America, falls to the ground at once.

I have never met with a lawyer in the colonies that denied these positions. I have indeed been told, that two or three ve∣ry considerable ••••wyers, to the northward, have said, that a Bishop in America would, by the common law of England, be considered as a Diocesan Bishop, bringing the laws of Diocesan Episcopacy with him; and that the Church would thereby

Page 95

gain an establishment. If these gentlemen can assert this thing, they not only disgrace their acknowledged abilities, but con∣tradict themselves, to serve a present turn; for they asserted the direct contrary when it served another turn, about 15 years ago.

I have a paper before me (viz. the Independent Reflector, No. 44, dated September 27, ••••53, known to be clubbed by them) in which they write thus, and more like men of the law, than in some of their late writings, viz.—

Whether the Church of England is equally established in the colonies, as in the southern parts of Great-Britain, is a question that has often been controverted. Those who hold the affirmative, adduce two arguments,
viz—

First, that as we are an English colony, the constitutional laws of our mother country, antecedent to a legislature of our own, are binding on us; and therefore, at the planting of this colony, the English religious establishment took place.
—They then proceed to answer this argument as fol∣lows.—

It must be confessed,—that every new colony, till it has a legislature of its own, is, in general, subject to the laws of the country from which it originally sprung; but that all of them, without distinction, are to be supposed binding upon such planters, is neither agreeable to law nor reason. The laws which they carry with them, and to which they are subject, are such as are absolutely necessary to answer the original intention of our entering into a state of society.— But no such necessity can be pretended in favour of the in∣troduction of any religious establishment whatsoever,— because civil society, as it is antecedent to any Ecclesiastical establishments, is, in its own nature, unconnected with them, independent of them, and all sociable happiness completely attainable without them.

2dly, To suppose all the laws of England, without distinc∣tion, obligatory upon every new colony at its implantation, is absurd.—It would introduce a thousand laws incon∣sistent with the state of a new country—To use the words of the present Attorney-General, Sir DUDLFY RIDER, it would be acting the part of an unskilful physician, who should prescribe the same dose to every patient, without distin∣guishing the variety of distempers and constitutions. Accord∣ing to this doctrine, we are subject to the payment of

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TYTHES, and ought to have a* 4.31 SPIRITUAL COURT,
&c.

3dly, If the planters of every colony carry with them the established religion of the country from whence they emigrate, it follows, that if a colony had been planted when the En∣glish nation were Pagans, the establishment in such a colony must be Paganism alone.

4thly, That the Church of England is not established by the common law, "appears from the following considerations."

The common law of England, properly defined, consists of those general laws, to which the English have been accustom∣ed from time to time, whereof there is no memory to the con∣trary; and every law deriving its validity from such imme∣morial custom, must be carried back as far as the reign of RICHARD I. whose death happened April 6th, 1199. But the present establishment of the Church of England was not till the 5th year of Queen ANNE. And hence it is apparent, that the establishment of that Church can never be argued from the common law, even in England; nor could be any part of it, since it depends not for its validity, upon custom immemorial.—The common law does not consider any reli∣gious establishment whatever, as any part of the English con∣stitution.

'I am obliged to these gentlemen for the foregoing arguments; and let none of their party quo, their authority for the future, in contending that the fixing Bishops in America will, by the common law, be an establishment of Diocesan Episcopacy, Ec∣clesiastical Courts, and of the Church of England in the colo∣nies. But perhaps some statute, already made, may produce this establishment.—The same gentlemen shall answer this for me also in my next paper. But further, some act of Parlia∣ment may be made, or our judges may be intimidated to wrest both common and statute law in favour of this establishment. These last parts I must answer for myself, as well as I can.

P. S. I give our antagonists joy of their new ally, the NORTH BRITON, No. 61; and am glad to see him so carefully circu∣lated by them, as it will give me an opportunity of adding one paper to my proposed number, on a topic not disagreea∣ble to me.

I should have thought our cause a very unfortunate ••••e, if the

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North-Briton had become an advocate for it; and I am well pleased to see our antagonists so willing to be put on the Repub∣lican side of government, and to leave us on the side of monar∣chy, and the ancient constitution.

From the PENNSYLVANIA GAZETTE, Nov. 24. The CENTINEL, No. XX.

INVITED by Dr. Chandler, we have offered to the consi∣deration of the public, some of the objections which we have to the proposed American Episcopate, with a moderation and candour, which must leave a testimony in favour of the Cen∣tinel in the breast of every person, who has taken time to read our papers. We have waited patiently for more than three months, to see whether any thing would be said, either by Dr. Chandler, or his friends, that had any tendency to weaken the force of what we have advanced. The Anatomist has promised something of this kind, but has hitherto entertained us with an uninteresting story, which has no relation to the present debate, concerning the expediency of an American Episcopate. He has gone as far back as the first settlement of New-England, and has industriously waded through Boston almanacks, unwritten histo∣ries, and fabulous anecdotes, to find an apology for Dr. Chan∣dler's Appeal to the public, printed about a year ago. It is not a little surprising, that he was contented with so short a period as an hundred years, and that he did not go back to the time of the Reformation, and give us a complete history of all the objections that have been made to the tyranny, superstition and persecutions of the High Flyers of the Church of England, down to the present day, in every quarter of the world, that he might abundantly vindicate Dr. Chandler from the charge of beginning the present dispute by his late publication. For doubtless all the instances of abuse, which that bulwark of the Reformation has met with from all the shameless scribblers since the Reformation, who have had the impudence to say, that the Church of England ever maintained or practised any thing that was wrong, were so many arguments to prove that Dr. Chandler had been obliged, in defence of his injured, per∣secuted Church, to write his Appeal to the Public. But what scandalous trifling with the debate must this appear to be to e∣very unprejudiced person? Dr. Chandler, with more honesty

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and candour, explicitly acknowledges that his Appeal was wrote from no such motives. It must be confessed, that Dr. Chan∣dler knew the motives which induced him to write, and he has honestly given them in his introduction, without the most di∣stant hint to the things, which the Anatomist has alledged as the causes of his writing. He has not so much as insinuated, that the persecutions of the Quakers in New-England, almost a century ago, or the neglect of the New-York historian to give due praise to an Episcopal Missionary, were any of the motives of his writing his Appeal. No such matter. He designed it as an apology for his own and his brethren's conduct, in sending home a number of addresses to their superiors, on the subject of an American Episcopate. These are his words:

That appli∣cation has been lately made to our superiors, by the Clergy of seve∣ral of the colonies, requesting one or more Bishops to be sent o∣ver to America, is a matter now generally known, and was never intended to be kept as a secret. As there is great rea∣son to hope, both from a review of the arguments that were offered in the support of the addresses that were transmitted on the occasion, and from the favourable disposition of ma∣ny in authority, that this request in due time will be granted; it has been thought proper, in a public manner, to inform all, who may imagine themselves to be any way concerned in the event of our application, candidly and explicitly, for what reasons, and with what views an American Episcopate is so earnestly desired by the Clergy, and the other friends and members of the Church.
—Then, after mentioning the alarm that this conduct of the Clergy had given, he invites all, who had any objections against the scheme.
to propose them in such a manner, that they may be fairly and candidly de∣bated before the tribunal of the public; and if none shall be offered, it will be taken for granted that all parties ac∣quiesce, and are satisfied* 4.32
Dr Chandler is not ashamed to acknowledge, and has too much honesty to deny, that the alarm was given by this conduct of the Episcopal Missionaries in seve∣ral of the colonies, and wrote his Appeal as an apology for them, with the hopes of removing any uneasiness that might remain, and of preventing any opposition to the preposed plan. What must we then think of the ingenuity and veracity of the Anatomist, who does not hesitate to say, "that Dr. Chandler, far from being the aggressor, is only a defendant, in a dis∣pute which was commenced on the part of the antagonists of the Church in New-England" (that is, by the Episcopal Mini∣sters,

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the known antagonists of the Church in New-England) as early as the year 1734 † 4.33.

This is a sufficient answer to all the Anatomist has said in the first eight of his numbers, and if he thinks it of importance enough to fill up eight more of his papers with other arguments to vindicate Dr. Chandler from a charge which the Doctor himself has honestly confessed, and can prevail on the public to listen to such egregious triffling with the debate, he is welcome to try his hand at the business a second time.

The Anatomist, after he has worn out the patience of his readers in his northern expedition, where, Quixote like, he has been fighting with windmills, hobgoblins, gorgons, chimeras and hydras, has at length returned to the place of beginning, without having advanced a step in the debate about importing into the colonies that precious commodity, an American Epis∣copate. But to make an atonement for his long and tiresome introduction, he now proposes, without any farther ceremony or circumlocution, to fall upon the Centinel without remorse, and cut him up, whether living or dead, with all that inhuma∣nity, which his art requires. But still, as if he was unwilling to undertake the disagreeable office, he begins to make excuses, that he cannot understand the Centinel's arguments, or reduce them into any kind of form or connection; and, indeed, he suspects there is scarce any thing in his papers that wears the semblance of an argument. Some men are so blind as not to see the force of an argument, from the prejudice of education, and others from a natural defect in their intellects; but, without determining which of these may be the case with the Anato∣mist, we shall endeavour to give him all the assistance that we can, to encourage him to proceed in the work he has underta∣ken, and, from time to time, will hold out to his view the ar∣guments we have used against the establishment of Bishops in America, until he has tried his matchless prowess upon them.

But as the Anatomist has seen proper to begin with an obser∣vation picked out of the Centinel's 18th number, we shall attend him there at present, and examine what he has said to shew its weakness. The Centinel, in that paper, charges Dr. Chandler with a disingenuous attempt to gild the disagreeable pill, by a∣musing the laity of his own communion with the inconsistent hopes of an exemption from the authority and jurisdiction of the new created Bishop. Dr. Chandler has said (page 95) that "the American Bishops are to have no authority, nor indeed

Page 100

to exercise any discipline over their own people, the Clergy-ex∣cepted." The Centinel endeavoured kindly to undeceive the people. and to let them know that it was a vain inconsistent hope, with which they were flattered,

that a Bishop should have no authority to exercise discipline over his own people, was inconsistent with the known sentiments of the Church of England, and of every other Christian Church in the world, and a mere ovel invention, without any parallel in history either sacred or profane, since the first establishment of a church on earth.
Both these assertions the Anatomist has ventured to deny. My veracit, to his upon the proof. He has condescended to mention only the Church of England, as de∣nying that the officers of it have any such power essential to their office. He says,
that it is no doctrine of our Church, as the Centinel would assert, that they hold it inseparable from their office, and immediately of CHRIST. This proud boast is indeed made by Independents and Presbyterians, though they have never yet produced their charter† 4.34
. Pray, Sir, does not your Church yearly, in the commination before Lent, solemnly confess before GOD your want of that godly discipline, which prevailed in the purest ages of the Church, antecedent to any human establishment? And as to the charter of the Mi∣nisters in the Christian Churches, you may find it recorded, Acts xx, 28, and in the Epistles to Timothy and Titus. To say that a Christian Minister has no power to govern the laity of the Church over which he presides, is a bold and groundless asserti∣on; and I challenge the Anatomist to produce a single writer on Church Government, either in the Episcopal or Presbyterian Churches, besides himself, who has denied the authority of Chri∣stian Bishops to govern the people of their charge, independent of all state appointments and civil establishments whatsoever, but derived to them immediately from JESUS CHRIST, the only head of the Church. What a scandalous evasion then is it for him to quote his Civilian Burn, to prove that the English Bi∣shops derived jurisdiction over the laity in certain cases, by the laws of the kingdom? Could the Anatomist persuade himself, that the consequence would follow from such premises, that they had no power to exercise discipline over the laity in other matters derived to them from CHRIST? Which was the thing he under∣took to prove, in order to invalidate my assertion. For the Cen∣tinel, in the place in question, talks of no jurisdiction or autho∣rity over the laity, but what existed in the three first centuries,

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and what every Bishop or Presbyter had, as essential to his office as a pastor.

This is the authority and discipline which is derived from Christ, that is ruined by your oppressive Test Act in England; this is the discipline the Church of England is constantly la∣menting the want of, without attempting to restore it; this is the discipline which Dr. Chandler says is not to be restored under the new American Episcopate; and this is the discipline from which the laity of your communion are promised an exemption, to make the disagreeable dose they are about to swallow more palatable. And this doubtless is the jurisdiction, for the exercise of which the Anatomist says, "the established Church of Scot∣land has never yet produced their charter;" for he certainly could not mean a different jurisdiction with which they are in∣vested, as an establishment by the laws of the kingdom. What then has the Anatomist said to relieve Dr. Chandler, and his brethren, from the charge we have brought against him, for im∣posing upon the people with the vain hope of an exemption from the authority and jurisdiction of his new Bishop? An exempti∣on never before heard of in any Christian Church, and incon∣sistent with the known sentiments of the Church of England, as well as of every other Church in the world. If the Anato∣mist will take the trouble of reviewing his argument on this head, he will find that the Centinel has been perfectly consi∣stent with himself; and that the Anatomist has, either through inattention or design, grosly misrepresented the Centinel, when he says, that Writer contends, "that it is impossible for the E∣piscopal Missionaries in the Colonies, to have such primitive Bishops (as were in the first ages of the Church) because con∣tradictory to the known sentiments of the Church of England, and every other since the first establishment of Christianity* 4.35." The Centinel never said such a thing, never contended for such a thing, either explicitly or implicitly. It is therefore hoped that the Anatomist w•••••• attempt to do justice to his own charac∣ter, either by a candid acknowledgment, that he has misrepre∣sented the Centinel, or by proving what he has asserted. Nay, so far is the Centinel from contending for such a thing, that he contends that all your Missionaries are such primitive Bishops as were in the first three centuries, that he has not, in the passage referred to, said a single word about such a jurisdiction of Bish∣ops, as he in other papers justly complains of, as dangerous to the civil and religious rights of mankind, but only that Dr. Chandler was much to be blamed for endeavouring to impose

Page 102

on the Laity of his own Church, by giving them the incon∣sistent hopes of an exemption from such a jurisdiction of Bishops over them, as was essential to their office, and allowed to be so, by every Christian Church in the world. This was the juris∣diction and discipline that Dr. Chandler, whom the Centinel was answering, spoke of, in the passages quoted from his Appeal. A little attention and candour, Mr. Anatomist, would have saved you the labour of composing your 9th, 10th and 11th numbers, or at least a very considerable part of them. How∣ever there are two excellent concessions in these papers, which we hope you will not forget, viz. "That in the three first cen∣turies, the Bishops had no jurisdiction over the Laity, different from what every Presbyter had, as essential to his office as a pastor † 4.36.,' And that neither Timothy nor Titus were Diocesan Bishops, but Bishops at large; nay, that there were no Dioce∣san Bishops originally, till, in process of time, "for greater conveniency and regularity, different Bishops became fixed to different districts ‡ 4.37;" although you had just before, in the same paper; settled his Grace Lord Bishop Timothy in the Diocese of Ephesus, and Lord Bishop Titus in that of Crete. But lest you should be called upon to vindicate these good Bishops, from the scandalous crime of non residency (of which you know they were as notoriously guilty as any Bishops in England) you have stripped them of the Dioceses, which you had, to serve a turn, just before given them, and turned them out at large, to govern in the Church in general.

The ablest advocates for Episcopacy, such as Bret, Hoadley, &c. freely acknowledge that Bishops and Presbyters, in the New-Testament, are synonimous terms. And it is well known, that they were invested with power by a scripture charter, to take heed to themselves, and to their flock, over which the Ho∣ly Ghost made them Bishops. And all that are acquainted with the Fathers, or a state of the primitive Church, know well that there were no pluralities in those days, nor had the Bishops in those days, an oversight of more than the people that received the sacrament together in one place, and attended public wor∣ship in one house, and Presbyterian Pastors or Bishops, as the Anatomist confesses them to be, were the New-Testament pri∣mitive Bishops. The primitive Church exercised a strict disci∣pline, and took a special care of the morals of their people, by the powers given their pastors by Jesus Christ, but fines and imprisonments, and penal laws, were left to Diocesan Episco∣pacy,

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and to Church zealots, such as Parker, Whitgift, Laud, and others of their stamp.

From the PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL, Dec. 1. The ANATOMIST. No. XIII.

Thou art snared with the words of the mouth.

SOLOMON.

IN my last number it hath been shewn (by arguments which I think all the Whigs and Kickers and Centinels and Remon∣strants on this continent, will not be able to invalidate) that a church establishment, and ecclesiastical courts, having jurisdic∣tion over the laity, cannot by the common law of England, be introduced into America in the person of a bishop; and it hath been my good fortune to be able to confirm this doctrine by the authority of some gentlemen, who have long been deem∣ed Oracles of the law, and champions for the good old cause, a∣mong the Presbyterian Party. To what purpose then is all the noise that has been made on this Head and the pains that have been taken by these gentlemen and their adherents to persuade the people of these colonies, that the introduction of Bishops in∣to America, would necessarily introduce arbitrary ecclesiastical courts, and lead to a general establishment of the Episcopal church here. Could any thing more be meant by this than to alarm and impose on weak minds? Can it be supposed possible that such writers should believe themselves, when they assert tenets so directly contrary, not only to the known construction of all law, but to their own avowed principles on every other occasion? Or can they mean any thing more than to oppress and bear down the Church, by preventing her from obtaining her just & essential rights that they may the more easily erect a dominion of their own?

But it may be answered, that tho' these writers have suggested their fears, that the aforesaid grievances would accompany, or soon follow, the settlement of a Bishop in America, yet it is no where said by them that the Bishop would derive his powers from the common law.

True it is that those writers, and particularly the Centinel, have contented themselves with spreading fears and alarms in general, as the easiest way of carrying their ends; and do no

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where give us the particular grounds of their fears. Had they done this they would have shewn themselves men of candour; the answer would have been easy, and I should not have been under the necessity of considering every possible ground of ap∣prehension, in order to quiet them. But this task hard as it is, I have been obliged to undertake for the sake of truth and an injured Church; and I propose to complete it, with the ut∣most sincerity and fairness.

It hath been already said, that there are only the following ways, in which a bishop can be invested with the apprehended powers. He must derive them from the Common Law, or from Statute Law; or judges will be intimidated to wrest the pre∣sent laws in a Bishop's favour; or some new law will be made by the Parliament, or by the colonies. These are all the ways that have been ever suggested, or which I think can possible be conceived. If the Centinel can name any other, I should think myself indebted to him for the intelligence.

The Common Law, I believe, from what has been said, is now out of the question. Let us come to Statute Law, and here the same gentlemen that assisted me before, shall speak for me again. For sometimes, Argumentum ad Hominem, is the best that can be used, and no men can be better condemn∣ed, than out of their own mouths.

The Independent Reflector aforesaid says, that the only ar∣guments that can be offered with the least plausibility in favour of an extension of the English church establishment to Ameri∣ca, (without which Diocesan Episcopacy, Ecclesiastical courts, &c. are chimeras) must be founded on the Common Law, or the act which establisheth the Episcopal Church in South Bri∣tain, previous to the Union Act. Having dispatched what re∣lates to the common, as in my last, this writer proceeds as fol∣loweth; taking along with his own arguments, those of Mr. Hobart, in his second Address to the Episcopal Separation in New-England, who is complimented with the title, (and per∣haps truly) of an ingenious gentleman.

The act we are now disputing about, was made in the 5th year of QUEEN ANNE; and is entitled, an Act for SECU∣RING the Church of England, as by law established. The occasion of the statute was this. The parliament in Scot∣land, when treating of an Union with England, were appre∣hensive of its endangering their ecclesiastical establishment. Scotland was to have but a small share in the Legislature of Great-Britain, &c.—The Scots, therefore, to prevent having their ecclesiastical establishment repealed in a British parliament, where they might be so easily outvoted by En∣glish

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members, passed an act previous to the Union, establish∣ing the Presbyterian Church, within the kingdom of Scot∣land, in perpetuity, and made this act an essential and fun∣damental part of the Union, which might not be repealed, or altered by any subsequent British parliament. And this put the English parliament upon passing this act for securing the church of England. Neither of them designed to en∣large the bounds of their ecclesiastical constitution, or extend their establishment further than it reached before, but only to secure and perpetuate it in its present extent. This is evi∣dent, not only from the occasion of the act, but from the charitable temper the English parliament was under the in∣fluence of, when they passed it.

The title of the act is exactly agreeable to what we have said of the design of it, and of the temper of the parliament that passed it. 'Tis entitled, an act not for enlarging, but for securing the church of England, and that not in the A∣merican plantations, but as it is now by law established; which plainly means no more than to perpetuate it within its anci∣ent boundaries.

The Provision made in the act itself, is well adapted to this design; for it enacts, that the act of the 13th. of ELIZA∣BETH, and the act of Uniformity, passed in the 13th year of CHARLES the II. and all and singular other acts of parlia∣ment then in force for the establishment and preservation of the Church of England, should remain in full force for ever; and that every succeeding sovereign should at his coronation, take and subscribe an oath to maintain and preserve inviola∣bly, the said Settlement of the church of England, as by law established, within the Kingdoms of England and Ireland, thd Dominion of Wales, and the town of Berwick upon Tweed, and the territories thereunto belonging. This act does not use such expressions as would have been proper and even necessary, had the design been to have made a new esta∣blishment, but only such as are proper to ratify and confirm an old one. The settlement which the King is sworn to preserve, is represented as existing previous to the passing this act, and not as made by it. The words of the oath are, to maintain and preserve inviolably the said settlement. If it be asked, what Settlement? The answer must be, a settlement hereto∣fore made and confirmed by certain statutes, which for the greater certainty and security are enumerated in this act, and and declared to be unalterable. This is the settlement the King is sworn to preserve, and this settlement has no relati∣on

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on to us in America; for the act which originally made it, did not reach hither, and this act which perpetuates them, does not extend them to us.

The writer then proceeds to shew, "that it is a mistake to imagine the word Territories (in the title of the act) was in∣tended to comprehend the colonies, but only the islands of Jer∣sey and Guernsey, which were properly such" territories de∣pending on the immediate government of England, as fully sa∣tisfied the words in the said title. "It is, says he, the invaria∣ble practice of the Legislature, in every act of parliament, de∣signed to affect us, to use the words Colonies or Plantations; nor is it to be supposed, that in so important a matter (as the extension of the English Church establishment, its ecclesiastical laws, &c.) words of so direct and broad an intent would have been omitted."

This reasoning is sufficiently conclusive; and certain it is that no British act, since we had Legislatures of our own, hath been considered to bind the colonies, unless they were expressly na∣med. Now most of our colony ligislatures existed long before this act of Queen Anne. More than 60 years have since elapsed, and in no part of America hath ever this act been pleaded as the least foundation for any church establishment, but where ever such establishment hath taken place, colony laws hath been made for that purpose.

If then, neither from this act, nor any other British statute, the least parochial establishment, Tythe, or temporal advantage, can be claimed in favour of a Presbyter of the church of Eng∣land, more than any other Presbyter in the colonies; how could it be possible from Statute Law to plead an establishment of Diocesan episcopacy and ecclesiastical courts? No one believes this possible; nay not even those who at present think proper to alarm their followers with the notion of it.

Since then, neither common nor statute laws that are, nor a∣ny colony law can vest American Bishops with the powers in question; all other ground of clamour must rest in the imagi∣nation of these writers themselves; and till they will favour us with the cause and nature of their apprehensions, it will not be easy to remove them. Here then I might drop my pen, were it not on account of some well meaning people who are imposed upon by their crafty leaders, and on whose account a few papers more may not be unnecessary.

POSTSCRIPT. Since the above went to the press, I have seen a paper called the Centinel, No. 20. which is the stran∣gest jumble of misrepresentation and unworthy argument, that ever came from a writer, affecting candour. I shall subjoin a

Page 107

few remarks on some parts of it, for it is in general below notice.

He says, I have gone back to the first settlement of New Eng∣land, to find an apology for Dr. Chandler's appeal.— Now I said at first, that if Dr. Chandler stood in need of any apology, he was able to make it for himself, that my design was of another nature, and that I went so far back, to shew what sort of spirit the antagonists of the church in America had pos∣sessed from the beginning; and that the few writers on behalf of the church in the colonies, Dr. C. as well as others, had ever been acting on the defensive, far from being aggressors in this, or any former dispute. And I need not repent the short review I took, as it has opened the eyes of many.

He says "the neglect of a New-York historian to give due praise to one missionary" is assigned by me as another cause of Dr. Chandler's appeal. I have indeed, as part of my plan, to shew the temper of our antagonists, convicted a New-York hi∣storian of palpable falshoods, not only concerning one missiona∣ry, but the society in England, and many missionaries; but said not a word of this being the cause of Dr. Chandler's ap∣peal.

He says further, "that I undertook to prove, that Bishops had no power to exercise discipline over the laity in matters de∣rived to them from Christ." Now I have no where undertaken any such thing, but appeal to every reader whether I have not carefully distinguished between the powers both of order and government that are essential to the episcopal office, as derived immediately from Christ; and those adventitious powers, deriv∣ed from human laws. The former powers are what we have all along been contending for, as what our church is entitled to in common with all others, whether lodged in one, or in many.

He says I confess Presbyterian pastors to be Bishops.— "Now I have said they like to be so called, but have confessed nothing in their favour. On the contrary I have declared my belief, "that there has constantly been in the church of Christ, a succession of men with powers of ordination and government superior to Presbyters."

He charges me with giving Timothy a Diocese, and then stripping him of it. My words are, that Timothy's charge, which was Ephesus more particularly, "was not properly Dio∣cesan," as he was not restricted to exercise office there only, "but might ordain and govern in the church in general for the more speedy propagation of Christianity." These words were well weighed and can be well defended. As to the sneer

Page 108

Timothy's Non-Residence, it is too low even to provoke a smile; for when he went to distant places for the purposes of govern∣ment in the church, or for the ordination of Bishops and Pres∣byters, it no more dissolved his particular connection with the Ephesians, or made him chargeable with Non-Residence, than our would-be Presbyterian Bishops are chargeable with Non-Re∣sidence, and their connection with their congregations dissolved, when they gad about to Synods and Presbyteries in distant places and distant provinces, during long months, for the purposes of ordination and government, in their way.

I have but a remark or two more. The Centinel says, "he never contended that it is impossible for the episcopal ministers to have primitive Bishops," that (is as he explains it a few lines further) Bishops without the jurisdiction he elsewhere complains of; for that in the passage referred to, he says not a single word about such jurisdiction."—

Surely this writer forgets his own words.—"Many members (says he) of the episcopal communion detest Spiritu∣al Domination, and are as tenacious as others of their civil and religious liberty."—And then adds, "lest these should op∣pose the scheme of introducing these new masters, they are a∣mused with the false and inconsistent hopes of being entirely exempted from their jurisdiction. Now I would ask what juris∣diction can be here meant—but the spiritual domination just mentioned and connected with the whole sentence; that Domination which laymen tenacious of civil and religious liber∣ty would oppose? If this is not the jurisdiction the Centinel was complaining of, he has been complaining of nothing.

And now, tedious as the Centinel thinks I have been, (tho' yet little more than half as tedious as himself) I have brought the matter to this short issue; which if he evades, he will give me leave to use some of his own polite phrases, and cry out in my turn, "egregious triffling, scandalous, evasion, &c!"

1st. Either the jurisdiction he has been clamouring against is what he confesses, "essential to the office of Bishops, and allow∣ed so to be by every Christian church." And then let him give me a reason why the church of England in America, may not have that jurisdiction agreeable to her own way? Or—

2dly. The jurisdiction he means is that adventitious autho∣rity given to Diocesan Bishops by human laws. And then let him shew from what law that now is, such jurisdiction can be de∣rived to a Bishop in America.

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From the PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL, Dec. 8. The ANATOMIST, No. XIV.

— Still they find it good To keep the insection high i' th' people's blood; For active faction must be doing still, Lest she unlearn her art of doing ill. Dr. LLUEL'S Miracles.

THE priests in Spain, in order to rivet the prejudices of their party against the reformed religion, once told the people that protestants were not like catholics, but had heads like dogs and other furious animals.

Just such a piece of art our Centinel seems to have used, in order to terrify the good people of America in regard to Bish∣ops. For he ushers in his very first paper into the world with the following preposterous picture from Horace, viz.

Humano capiti, cirvicem pictor equinam Jungere si velet, &c.
And endeavours, through all his succeeding numbers, to repre∣sent prelates as monsters, more frightful and dangerous than those of the Spanish priests. Every thing that could be judged exceptionable in the character of Bishops that lived a century ago, is collected as it were into one character for our American Bishop; and then it is modestly hinted, that if such a creature should be let loose in America, he would devour all before him; or as the Centinel himself has it, would "destroy our charters, laws, constitutions, and threaten us with the still further loss of our civil and religious liberties."

Every reader would imagine that the Centinel had some good foundation for such a terrible alarm—"of the loss of ci∣vil and religious liberty," by the power of an American Bishop. It might be thought that such power could be grounded on some law, but I have shewn that there is no such thing possible. Or, again it might be thought at least that the plan of the A∣merican Episcopate itself, proposed some such power; but quite the reverse is the case, and it is high time that this plan was now laid before the reader; who will be greatly surprised to find it the most innocent thing, instead of being the most dangerous. In short, the whole power proposed for an American Bishop, (and all he can possibly exercise consistent with our laws) a∣mounts

Page 110

to no more than is daily exercised by any five or six of our clamorous adversaries, within their bounds, in Presby∣tery met.

The plan for an American Bishop, which the Centinel most disingenuously strives to persuade the public is a "novel inven∣tion" set on foot by a few American clergy, at this particular time for particular purposes, is notwithstanding a pretty old in∣vention, set on foot in no times of trouble or distress, and first drawn up by no American clergyman, but by an English Pre∣late, in whose favour, even Dr. Mayhew has made an aberrati∣on into candour; and forgetting his usual Bishop-baiting hu∣mour, declares him a prelate who was a great ornament of the Episcopal order, and of the Church of England."

It is the good Bishop Butler we speak of, who in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 1750, digested and drew up the scheme for an American Epis∣copate; a copy of which follows, taken from one in the Bishop's own hand, formerly in possession of William Vassal, Esq of Boston.

"1. No coercive power is desired over the laity in any case; but only a power to regulate the behaviour of the clergy who are in Episcopal orders; and to correct and punish them ac∣cording to the law of the Church of England, in case of mis∣behaviour or neglect of duty; with such power as commissaries abroad have formerly exercised; (over the clergy in the co∣lonies.)

"2. Nothing is desired for such Bishops, that may in the least interfere with the dignity or authority, or interest of the GOVERNORS, or any other officers of State. The probate for wills, licences for marriages, &c. are to be left in the hands where they now are; and no share of temporal government is desired for Bishops.

3. The colonies are to be at no charge in the maintenance of the Bishop.

4. No Bishops are intended to be settled in places where the government is in the hands of dissenters, as in New-England, &c.—But authority to be given only to ordain clergy for such Church of England congregations as are among them, to confirm the members of the same, and to inspect into the man∣ners and behaviour of their clergy."

This scheme was proposed near 20 years ago, and* 4.38 publish∣ed

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soon after; and therefore whatever novelty may be in it, cannot be ascribed to a few American Clergy of the present day, but must be charged first to Bishop Butler, and then to Bishop Sherlock, and Archbishop Secker; both of whom publickly declared this to be the only plan, long before Dr. Chandler's appeal. And all these great Prelates, who certainly knew the principles of the Church of England as well as the Centinel, thought it not in the least "inconsistent with her principles," to have an American Bishop, merely "for ordaining Ministers, confirming youth, and visiting our own Clergy," without any government whatsoever over the Laity, leaving each congrega∣tion to be governed, in its spiritual affairs, by its own Presbyter, assisted by Vestries, as at present.

I should be glad to know what is inconsistent or impossible 〈…〉〈…〉, to use the Bishop of Landaff's words—

〈…〉〈…〉 he fear? What is the danger? Can two or three 〈…〉〈…〉 rained to these spiritual functions, be dangerous to any, in any matter? In what? or to whom? Can they possibly, so limitted, on any pretence whatever, attempt to molest any in their religious concerns? Can they invade the rights of the Magistrates? Can they infringe the liberties of the people?

〈◊〉〈◊〉 certainly none of these things could be done by them. For the plan aforesaid, which is to be the foundation of their ap∣pointment, declares against every thing of this kind. Our own Colony-laws likewise declare the same, in the case they have taken to secure the civil and religious rights of every member of the community; and it hath been fully shewn that no English laws, statute or common, can extend here to create any Eccle∣siastical jurisdiction over the Laity whatever.

What then can be the ground of the Centinel's apprehension of the destruction of our "charters, laws, and very constitu∣tions" by the introduction of a Bishop? On reading over his several papers, I declare myself absolutely unable to find any such ground whatever. I do indeed find many things said by him in one paper, and seemingly unsaid in another: and though one can hardly tell in which he would desire most to be believed, yet if we will take the pains to cross-examine him, and put one of his arguments versus another, we shall find that the man himself had none of those fears and apprehensions which he la∣boured to spread among his party.

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The Centinel against the Centinel.

On the danger of an American Episcopate.

Thanks be to our wiser Statesmen, of late spiritual pow∣er has been kept within due bounds, and Dissenters in En∣gland, have been suffered to worship God peaceably, accord∣ing to their consciences; and many of the Clergy of the esta∣blishment, with a truly Christian temper, have written and preached in favour of toleration.
‡ 4.39

Thus he thought, and thus he spoke in No. 3, and thanks be to the man for having once given an instance of honesty and candour. We are now almost ready to shake hands with them, and lay aside animosity—But alas! when we come to his 5th No. we are quite knocked up again. For though he has just acknowledged that the Church suffers Dissenters in England to worship God peaceably, according to their consciences, yet in this number he declares that they are oppressed by the Church, regardless of the rights of conscience.

"Do you expect says he to Dr. Chandler) we can lay aside all jealousy of a Church, which we see oppressing all others both in England and the Colonies, in such flagrant instances, regardless of the rights of conscience, &c?"† 4.40 Let the kind reader try to reconcile this with the former paragraph.

But these are not the only instances where the Centinel hath blown cold and hot, and contradicted in one place what he hath confidently asserted in another. For in this same good humour∣ed paper No. 3, where he has made some "aberrations into truth"—a thing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 remarkable in him than if he had made these contrary aberrations" which Mr. Livingston ac∣cuses a Bishop with; I say in this good humoured No. 3, we find the following acknowledgment, viz.

It is evident that to maintain the toleration, and support the rights of conscience, the government has been care∣ful to promote in the Church, men of moderation ONLY.

But before he gets thro' No. 4, his good humour and cha∣rity wholly desert him; the Church is filled again with men, whose temper is quite the reverse of moderation—men whose spirit of persecution is ready to flame out in all its wont∣ed rage—

They must (says he) give the world some more substan∣tial proofs of their peaceable forbearing temper, than their advocate Dr. Chandler's word, before we can believe that the spirit of persecution is not yet alive in the Church, and would not flame out again, in all its wonted rage, if they were but allowed to exercise the powers they claim

Page 113

Here now the poor man seems in a great fright, but a little afterwards, in the same number, he recovers himself and ap∣pears very well content—that these "exorbitant powers (which had so distressed his imagination) are limitted by the sa∣lutary restraints of some modern statutes—the wings of these high-flyers have been cropt," &c.

What can be said to a man that seems thus afraid and not a∣fraid, that retracts in one place what he asserts in another, and that puts improbable, if not impossible cases, and in these cases, cries out to have security for negatives, viz. that such and such things should not happen?

If the Centinel writes to be believed when he declares,

the government hath been careful to promote in the Church, men of moderation only;
that "many" (he might have said the far greatest part) of the Church clergy are advocates for "Toleration;" that "the wings of high-flyers are cropt;" that they are not
allowed to exercise the powers they claim; but are limitted by the salutary restraints of some modern Statutes
—I say, if he be in earnest in these assertions, which, indeed, the invincible force of truth, and facts notori∣ous, seem to have extorted from him; then he hath the very se∣curity he desires—a security more substantial than the word of an hundred Dr. Chandlers—even a security equal to what we have for life, limb and property, viz, the faith of government, and the sanctity of law and charters. For if "the salutary restraints of modern Statutes" are able to prevent per∣secutions, and secure liberty of conscience in a country where Bishops are clothed with legal powers; what can be appre∣hended from them in a country where the same laws for liberty of conscience have their fullest force, and yet no law that can vest a Bishop with the least temporal power over the Laity doth extend?

But altho' this be demonstrably true; and altho' the Cen∣tinel, by his own concessions, hath cut himself out of every ground of apprehension; yet, for all this, he will be apprehen∣sive still—

Supposing (says he) these Bishops sent over with these limitted powers, is there any probability they will remain content with them?
Just such another question as this did our Centinel's great Prototype, Dr. Mayhew put, upon being told that the "Bishops are now, and have long been, as quiet an order of men as any in the nation."—But who knows whether they will continue so? And the same answer that was given Dr. Mayhew, will serve his disciple, the Cen∣tinel.—Who can know with certainty any such thing con∣cerning any person whatsoever?" Who knows whether the

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New-Englanders (whose wings were once cropt by the loss of their ancient charter, &c.) will remain content with their pre∣sent restricted powers, and will not again hang Quakers, Witches, &c? Who knows whether Dissenters, either in Old or New-England, will be content long without oversetting again the constitution both in church and state: Who knows whether they will not again erect a common wealth?—And again lead their king.—

But I forbear pursuing this argument for the present; as it might justly be replied, that there is no reason to suppose any such things; the times and tempers of men being much changed—Why then may not the same reply be admitted on our side? What signifies it to say that a Bishop in America will not be long contented with limitted powers, any more than to say, that independents, &c. will not be long contented with them? Are our laws and constitutions, and charters to be an∣nulled for the contentment of either side? And certainly this must be done before either can exercise the least ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the other.

For shame! that people cannot argue, as they would wish to be argued with, Is it fair, is it brotherly in any sett of men, to keep up an eternal clamour, in order to deprive their fellow protestants of a natural right, merely on account of old grudges, that ought long since to have been done away; or on account of groundless fears, concerning what may, or never may happen?

Dr. Mayhew, on further consideration, saw the unfairness of such a conduct, and in his second piece says—

It is rea∣dily owned that our apprehensions of what may possibly or probably be the consequence of sending Bishops to America, ought not to put us on infringing the religious liberty of our fellow subjects, and Christian brethren; neither have we any power to do so, if we were unreasonable and wicked enough to desire it, our charter granting such liberty to all Pro∣testants.

If the Centinel could have the virtue to make the like con∣fession, it might bring this dispute to a speedy conclusion. But if groundless jealousies and clamours (about contigencies ab∣solutely improbable and only possible to happen on a dissolution of all law and equity) are to be still thrown out, in bar of our just rights; it is high time that our jealousies should have vent also; and that we should make it appear, as we justly can, that if the religious rights of Americans are ever like to be in danger from any sett of men, it is from these our anta∣gonists themselves; and that other denominations in America

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can have no security against their aspiring temper, but from the Church of England being constantly in a condition to balance their power, and to keep pace with their growth.

From the PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL, Dec. 8. The CENTINEL, No. XXI.

To the CENTINEL.

SIR,

I Congratulate you on your escape from the bloody knife of the Anatomist, who, after paying his visit to the † 4.41 patrio∣tic Episcopalians of Boston, and dissecting a Watch-Tower in New-York, intended to have seized you in your sleep, cut you up alive as you were, and exposed you as a scare-crow to fright∣en his opposers into a tame submission to his darling Episco∣pate. I am an entire stranger to your person, and know not whether you be a Presbyterian or Quaker, Independent or Epis∣copalian farther than as appears from your writings; yet the cause of truth makes me your friend, in opposition to some ambitious spirits, who have been feasting their fancies that the day is dawning, when the knowledge of episcopacy shall spread through the land, and an American Bishop shining in full splendour, shall gild and gladden nations with his beams.

The memorable Appeal has long since made its appearance in this new world: by some it was viewed as a portentous stranger, foreboding all the horrors of ecclesiastical tyranny; by others as a specimen of Church moderation and lenity; and by all acknowledged to have the cunning of the serpent, as well as the harmlessness of the dove. Various have been the refutations of that celebrated performance, to the no small satisfaction of all moderate men, and the lasting vexation and anguish of our American Tories, who, in the agony of their spirits, talk of "resistance unto blood," and consequently of dying martyrs in the wild cause of their good master ap∣pellant.

Page 116

So copious of absurdities and contradictions, so abundant in reflections on his opposers, is Dr. Chandler's appeal to the pub∣lic, that no withstanding all that has been said in reply, there is still remaining so much worthy of animadversion that vo∣lumes might be written, and his Majesty's liege subjects might still be diverted for ages yet to come.

Most unfavourable are the times for such controversies, and every friend to liberty must lament that a number of ambitious missionaries could raise so disagreeable a dispute, when our pub∣lic affairs call for the closest union in councils and uniformity in measures. It is to be hoped however, as the Anatomist "scorns to fall to slashing without calling one to stand on one's guard," that he will desist from his purpose and endea∣vour to heal the wounds he may have made, provided it can be made appear that Doctor Chandler "was the aggressor" in this dispute about Bishops—that "Dr. Chandler had a general commission from his own brethren" the clergy of New-York and New-Jersey, and, if his own words are true, and we understand the terms commission and representation as the con∣vention did—that Doctor Chandler "had a commission from the Church," and is therefore, in the same sense, "the Church of England" itself, and consequently much more than "the ten thousandth part of it." All which I now undertake to prove, although the Anatomist denies it, and has the impu∣dence to say "this is not pretended." I will also show that 'tis false to say Doctor Chandler has given no provocation" for "the treatment he has met with," as the Anatomist boldly as∣serts is the case. I will prove too that the Doctor has "ut∣tered" much more than "a single word, reflecting on the prin∣ciples" not only "of any" but of every "protestant denomina∣tion" on the continent, not even sparing his own, especially the unlucky laity.

In the prosecution of this plan I shall take the following things for granted, which none, except the Anatomist, will venture to deny: 1. That Doctor Chandler knew what was his design in writing his Appeal better than the Anatomist can be supposed to do: And 2. That when Doctor Chandler express∣ly 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he does or says a thing with this or the other par∣ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 iew and the Anatomist fitly contradicts him, the A∣natomist must then be supposed to be wrong—with these 〈…〉〈…〉 proceed to prove. 1st. That Doctor Chandler, far from being a defendant in any dispute commenced against his Church, is in fact the aggressor. But here, Sir, I find myself antici∣pated in your last week's paper, and shall only refer your rea∣der's to the Doctor's dedication, advertisement to the reader,

Page 117

and introduction to the Appeal, for a full confirmation of this point. I shall here only present to view what the Doctor says in his advertisement to the public in the Pennsylvania Journal, No. 131.

The principal design of the appeal (says he) was to assign the reasons for which the members of the Church of England in America are desirous of having Bi∣shops to reside in this country, to state and explain the plan on which alone American Bishops have been proposed and re∣quested, and to obviate and confute the objections that might be supposed to arise in the minds of any against such an e∣piscopate.
Where is there in all this or any other part of his writings any hint of entering into any commenced con∣troversy? How then could the Anatomist utter so false an asser∣tion? I now defy him and his associates to produce a single sen∣tence in the body of the appeal that has the least appearance of a set defence against any New England antagonists. So far from it, that the Doctor's professed design is to explain what himself seems to acknowledge, and is now universally known, was "kept as a secret." So far from it, that he appears some∣what surprised that any "persons are" even "said to be alarm∣ed at this conduct of the clergy. He goes farther, he says that
when the case is duly explained and understood, it is not apprehended that any opposition can be formed against the execution of a plan so reasonable,
&c. This same plan, to explain which is the express design of the appeal, the Doctor always mentions as a matter the public did not understand, which had never been debated, and for a thorough discussion of which
all are invited to propose their objections, that they may be fairly and candidly debated before the tribunal of the public.
If therefore it fully appears that Doctor Chan∣dler is not a defendant in any dispute commenced against his Church, pray Mr. Anatomist, who was the aggressor? and how ridiculously have you spent your time in writing seven long papers to prove a point in which you are so flatly contradicted by the author of the Appeal, who without doubt must be sup∣posed to know best his own design in writing it?—But suppose Doctor Chandler had been only a defendant in this dispute, does he not invite all to propose their objections, and can the Centinel be blamed for accepting the challenge? I cannot but observe here the Doctor's craft. Notwithstanding this his seemingly fair invitation to a fair and candid debate before the public tribunal, he takes care previously to brand any that might oppose him with the name of persecutors.
Every opposition to such a plan (says help. 82) has the na∣ture of persecution, and deserves the name:
Nay he goes

Page 118

farther he calls it "persecuting them for their religious princi∣ples," and that too "when no reasons of state require it;" and at last he boldly pronounces it "persecution in the strict∣est and properest sense." Under penalty of so heavy a charge who would have ventured to attack the Doctor? But greater evils await our silence. He tells us (p. 2) "if no objections shall be offered it will be taken for granted that all parties ac∣quiesce and are satisfied." A fine dilemma,—to oppose the esta∣blishment of a Bishop, is persecution: not to oppose it, is to acquiesce and be satisfied with it! Surprising! that a man must be thought satisfied with whatever he does not oppose, and what he has perhaps never heard of. I am apt to imagine that the Doctor is by this time pretty well convinced, that if all that were dissatisfied with his scheme were to oppose him, he would bring the whole continent about his ears.

I am next to shew that Dr. Chandler had a general commis∣sion from his brethren the clergy of New-York and New-Jersey, and, in the convention's sense of the terms commission and re∣presentation, that Dr. Chandler had a commission from the church, and is therefore in the same sense of the terms before∣mentioned, the church of England itself, and consequently much more than the ten thousandth part of it. First then, that Dr. Chandler had a general commission from his brethren, appears from his own words in his advertisement to the reader; where he tells us, as an apology for the Appeal,

that he was re∣quested by many of his brethren to undertake it—that the task was first imposed upon him by the very worthy and Revd. Dr. Johnson, of Stratford, in Connecticut;
and adds that "at the time when this treaty," as he pompously calls it,
was nearly concluded, the clergy of New-York and New-Jersey, assisted by some of their brethren from the neighbour∣ing provinces took into consideration, &c. And after a tho∣rough discussion of the point, they were unanimously of opi∣nion, that fairly to explain the plan, &c. was a matter of necessity and duty. It was accordingly voted (says he) that something to this purpose should be published and the author was appointed to the service.
Here we have an express ap∣pointment from the convention: and it appears they were ur∣gent and almost laid their commands on him:
excuses (says the Doctor) were not admitted, and a refusal could not be justified.
So far was the Doctor from acting in disconnection with the convention, that he tells us
he was careful to follow the directions he had received, and to consult the most judi∣cious of his friends in regard to the method and manage∣ment of the work.
Hence it appears that the Dr. had not only a commission for, but direction in his publication, and

Page 119

that the appeal is the product of the united efforts of the Right Reverendly inclined clergy of the provinces of York and Jersey in full convention met.

It must be allowed, by the members of the convention at least, that they have acted (whether lawfully or not, I leave themselves to determine) as the representatives of all the Episco∣palians on the continent. This they must allow, or highly condemn their own conduct, in sending over no less than seven petitions in the name of near a million of Episcopalians, there∣in including eight hundred and forty four thousand negroes, all of whom Dr. Chandler represents as at least virtual mem∣bers of the church of England, though he at the same time acknowledges that

many of these it is to be feared are not Christians at all.
Now as the convention are, in their re∣presentative capacity (so often made use of in their petitions) the church of England in America (as they phrase it) then Dr. Chandler in the same sense, as their representative in the Ap∣peal, is the convention, and therefore is in like manner the church of England itself, and consequently much more than the ten thousandth part of it. Quod erat demon∣strandum.

It is hoped the respectable laity, who have been so much a∣bused by the Doctor, and the unambitious clergymen of that church, will not be offended at the liberty here taken in speak∣ing of the convention as their representatives, as they may be assured nothing farther is intended than to treat with the Dr. and his brethren of the convention, in the style they are found to use and have assumed in their seven petitions. We as fully disbelieve their present right to act in the name of the American Episcopalians, as the Episcopalians themselves can do, and we hope never to be suspected to the contrary.

Mr. Centinel, if you think this worthy of a place in your papers, I shall write to you again, and intend in my next to shew the Anatomist, that Dr. Chandler has given great provo∣cation, and reflected highly on every protestant denomination on the continent, not even sparing his own church, and that you are therefore entirely justifiable in defending their injured cha∣racters.

I am, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant, PHILANDER.

Lancaster, Nov. 26, 1768.

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From the PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL, Dec. 15. The ANATOMIST, No. XV.

I appeal to the church of protestants.

NICHOLLS.

Cujus aures clausae funt, ut ab amico, verum audire nequeat, hujus salus desperanda est.

CICERO.

IN answer to what is called the Centinel's arguments, which consist chiefly of vain surmises, I have shewn in part, and may perhaps shew more at large, that if the faults of former times are to be again brought to view, there is no people on earth whose intolerant, persecuting, aspiring spirit ought more justly to be dreaded by all protestants, than his own party; who although they are of various sects, and their heads look different ways, yet, like Sampson's foxes, their tails have always been joined, to carry fire-brands into the corn-fields and vineyards of their neithbours.

The distinction hath been sufficiently made between those powers of government, essential to every Christian Church; and those adventitious powers derived from human laws. The for∣mer the Church of England is entitled to, in common with all other churches here. And the latter, (it hath been demonstra∣bly shewn) an American Bishop cannot enjoy, till our laws, charters, and constitutions are first totally set aside. To sup∣pose, then, that all this will be done, and to offer it as an ar∣gument for denying us a just and natural right, is too futile to deserve further notice. Even Doctor Mayhew blushed at such an argument, and retracted it; nor would our antagonists think it fair to be deprived of any right of theirs, on the like vain presumptions.

The Remonstrant's* 4.42 argument that judges may be intimi∣dated

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to wrest the laws, &c. is equally absurd, and admits of the like answer, viz. that no men ought to be deprived of their rights on account of the bare surmises of others. It was formerly more than surmised that Presbytery could never be safe in Scotland, if Episcopacy was suffered in England; and yet time has shewn that this was a groundless as well as uncharita∣ble presumption. If the laws of the land will not bind Judges as well as Bishops. I can offer no further security for either, unless I was to advise our antagonists to do with the former, as it is said some of them have threatened to do with the latter, viz.—"to throw them into the first river or ditch, when they violate the laws.

By the plan for an American Episcopate, which hath been fairly published, no other power is desired than that of ordina∣tion, confirmation, and such government of the clergy as is de∣rived from the Church and the laws of canonical obedience. As to the laity, it hath been again and again shewn, that no law in force in these colonies, can give a Bishop any power over them greater than every Presbyter of every denomination hath over his own pastoral charge. And if the laws in being are not ex∣plicit enough on this head, we have no objection, if every assem∣bly of every colony, should by new laws, tie our Bishop hand and foot, if they think it necessary, provided they leave him those powers mentioned above, which are on all sides (confir∣mation excepted) judged essential to a Christian church; and which our church thinks proper to place in a single person, and not in many. As to any natural disposition in episcopalians more than in others, to violate laws, I think the whole world, one party excepted, will acquit them; and for one violation of law by Episcopalians, I am ready, if desired, to produce ten on the side of that party themselves, where ever they had power.

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Having made this brief recapitulation of what has been the substance of sundry of my former papers, I now follow the Cen∣tinel to some other parts of his performance. For not content with the hideous character he has given us of the Bishops and government of our Church, he hath, with a spirit and charity, becoming—himself, in order still better to carry his point, thought fit to vilify our Church itself, as scarce fit to be tolerated in a protestant land, having "corrupted and obscured the pure word of God with human inventions."

I have more than once had occasion to complain of the Cen∣tinel for laying down his charges and assertions in a way so loose, general and unmanly, that they will scarce admit of a particu∣lar answer. Thus he acted in spreading his general alarm about American Bishops. He gave us no particular grounds of his fears, so that I was forced to consider every possible ground. The same way he acts here. He does not tell what those "hu∣man inventions are, wherewith our Church hath corrupted and obscured the pure word of God;" and I am left to guess whe∣ther he means in point of Episcopal government itself, or in rites, ceremonies, and points of doctrine. But if we examine the field from whence his generous hand hath culled some of its choicest flowers to deck the Church with, we may presume that the whole together, our discipline, government, rites, &c. are a smoak in his nostrils, like as they were in the nostrils of the old calumniators he hath copied; and that he is afraid of be∣ing funked to death with the rank smell which they retain of the ancient whore!

To general charges, in this case, it may be sufficient to give general answers; and to make one appeal to the CHURCH of PROTESTANTS, to see how she hath expressed herself;—1st. Concerning episcopal government;—2d. Concerning the rites, ceremonies, and doctrines of the CHURCH of ENG∣LAND. If the Centinel (as my Latin motto hath it) will not hear truth, from those reformed Churches abroad, whom he must consider by his own principles, as friends, nearly allied to his own party, I must despair of his conviction.

This appeal may be unnecessary of those who have the books from which the Centinel hath kuckstered out his scandal, or the answers that hath been given by learned divines of the Church of England. But the generality of readers, in this country may not have either the one or the other. They may not know that the Centinel's villainous charge against the Church, of having "corrupted and obscured the pure word of

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God with human inventions, hath been answered over and over again, and stands refuted by the testimonies of almost every re∣formed denomination of Christians upon earth, except a few restless fanatics in our own country. It is fit, therefore, since this writer hath raked up this charge again from the old lumber of refuted pamphlets, that inquisitive readers, churchmen, es∣pecially, should be satisfied on this head, lest impudent asserti∣ons should pass for truth on the one side, and silence be consider∣ed as inability to answer, on the other.

As to the order and institution of Bishops, and government by them, I am now to corroborate what I have said in my for∣mer papers, by the testimonies of the reformed abroad; and then proceed to give the like testimonies with respect to rites, ceremonies, and the purity of the doctrines of our Church; for if the Centinel could succeed in damning her whole reputation as yet impure and unreformed, it would be needless to hold any long contest about Bishops, or any thing else that concerns such a Church.

And now let us hear the sentiments of the first reformers, and and see whether they agree with our Centinel, in considering Bishops as monsters, and Episcopal government as dreadful, anti-Christian, "the yoke of bondage," &c.

LUTHER expresses great veneration for Prelacy, and distin∣guishes betwixt popish tyrants and true Bishops, professing

that he had no difference with them as Bishops, but as Po∣pish, and ZANCHI (the compiler of the Gallican confession) observes a change of name, rather than of office, in the su∣perintendents and general superintendents of the German Churches, these being only Bishops and Arch-Bishops under disguised names,
and he acknowledges further, that
by the consent of histories, councils, and ancient fathers, those orders have been generally allowed by all Christian societies, that Episcopacy is agreeable to the word of God:—that where it is in exercise it ought to be continued, and where by violence it hath been abolished, it ought to be restored* 4.43.

CALVIN recommends the Hierarchy to the king of Poland; and says that

the ancient government by Arch-bishops and Bishops, and the Nicence constitution of Patriarchs was for orders sake and good government.
—The same great man,

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in his treatise concerning the necessity of the reformation, says—

Give us such an hierarchy, in which Bishops preside, who are subject to Christ, and him alone, as their only head, and then I will own no curse too bad for him that shall not pay the utmost respect to such an hierarchy as this.
And when he was called to an account by Cardinal Sadolet concern∣ing the Geneva defection, and for subscribing the Augustan con∣fession, he repeats, that he
should think every man deserving the worst curse who would not be subject to such an hierarchy as that above.

Now such an hierarchy as this, is what hath been proposed to take place in the Episcopal Churches in the colonies; for the words of Calvin—"Bishops subject to Christ alone"—do not mean Bishops who reject the supremacy of the state, wherein they live, with respect to affairs ecclesiastical, under Christ; but such as deny their subjection to the Pope, as the sole spiritual head of the Church, &c. on earth. For Calvin, is known to have made use of the secular authority where ever he could obtain it in aid of the establishment of his discipline; and some of his followers in the reformed French Church, as for example, Monsieur Daille still further explains his meaning in this place.

CALVIN himself, says he, honoured all Bishops, that were not subjects of the Pope, and taught the pure and sin∣cere doctrines of the Apostles—such as were the Prelates of England, Cranmer, Hooper, &c. We ourselves also have ever maintained, and do still maintain the same Christian communion in faith and charity with their successors—We confess that the foundation of their charge is good and lawful, established by the Apostles, according to the command of Christ.
‡ 4.44

The like testimony of Calvin's regard to our Church, and her government by Bishops is given by Monsieur Del' Angle minister of the French Church at Charenton, in a letter to the Bishop of London, 1680.

Since the Church of England is a TRUE CHURCH of our LORD; since her worship and doctrines are PURE, and have nothing in them CONTRARY to the WORD of GOD; since the reformation [in England] was received together with Episcopacy. the establishment of the liturgy and ceremonies—it is, without doubt, the duty of all the reformed in

Page 125

your realm, to keep themselves inseparably united to the Church. And those who do not this, on pretence of more simplicity in their ceremonies, and less inequality among the ministers, do certainly commit a very great sin.

This was so much the opinion of our great and excellent CALVIN,
that he makes no difficulty to say, that if there should be any so unreasonable, as to refuse the communion of
a Church that was pure in its worship and doctrine, and not submit himself with respect to its government, under pre∣tence that it hath retained an Episcopacy qualified, as yours is, there would be no censure nor rigor of discipline, that ought not to be exercised upon them.
* 4.45

Here then is a very different testimony concerning Bishops, Episcopal government, the purity of our Church doctrines, &c. from what the Centinel hath given; and that from the foun∣ders and princes of his own party. As to what is said about the sin of Non-conformity to such a Church we urge not this matter, where there is no establishment; and would be well content if these our bitter adversaries would enjoy their own principles in quiet, and leave us to do the same, without de∣siring to tear our principles in pieces, and to deprive us of our just and common rights as fellow Christians—but to pro∣ceed—

BEZA, some time the collegue, and afterwards the rigid suc∣cessor of CALVIN, was of the same mind with respect particu∣larly to the English Bishops.—

The Church of England, says he, after the reformation was supported and stood by the Authority of Arch-Bishops and Bishops, of which order she had many, not only famous Martyrs, but excellent doc∣tors and pastors; and may she ever enjoy that singular bles∣sing of God upon her† 4.46." And in a dedication of his new testament to Queen Elizabeth he says—"England en∣joys what perhaps no other kingdom does, the complete pos∣session of the PURE and sincere doctrine of the GOSPEL.

MONSIEUR LE MOYNE, a learned foreigner, and professor of divinity at Leyden, delivers himself thus.—

As to E∣piscopal

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government, what is there in it that is dangerous, and may reasonably alarm mens consciences? If this be capa∣ble of depriving us of eternal glory, and shutting the gates of Heaven, who was there that entered there for the space of fifteen hundred years, since that for all that time, all the Churches of the world had no other sort of government; Who was it for so many ages, that made up the councils of the Church, as well general as particular? Was it not the Bishops? And is it not to their wise conduct, to which, next under God, his word is beholden for its victories and tri∣umphs?

With such testimonies as these on our side, we need not re∣gard the Barkings of a thousand Centinels; but I shall have more to say on this subject in my next.

P. S. In the 21st paragraph of the last Anatomist, instead of these words—"but a little afterwards, in the same num∣ber he recovers himself, and appears very well content, &c"—read as follows—"but, in the preceeding sentence of the same number, he appears very well contented, &c.

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From the PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL, Dec. 22. The ANATOMIST, No. XVI.

Continuation of the Church of England's APPEAL to the Church of Protestants.

The withdrawing totally from the Church of England would more effectually introduce Popery, than all the works of Bellarmine.

Mr. EGERTON.

All the reformed Churches in the world have a venture in this bottom; which, if compared to a fleet, the Church of England must be acknowledged to be the Admiral. And if it go ill with this Church, so as that it miscarry, there are none of the Churches of CHRIST this day under heaven, but are like to feel it.

Mr. BRINSLEY.

Oh! that I could prevail with you to lay sadly to heart the great sin of divisions, and that the leaders and encouragers thereof—would leave off their reviling the government ecclesiastical, and the ministers that conform, &c.

Dr. BRYAN.

HOW little of the spirit of those non-conformists, quoted in my motto, the Centinel is possessed of, need not, by this time, be observed to impartial readers. Far from allowing the Church of England the rank of ADMIRAL in the protestant fleet, he will not give her so much as the privilege of a cock-boat; but is for turning her adrift without any commanding officer she can acknowledge; and that too in a rotten and leaky con∣dition; her whole works being "corrupted," &c.—Cru∣el and un-sailor like man; that will not even take her in tow, but seems desirous to behold her sink before his eyes!

That there is not the least shadow of ground, either in law or reason, for the clamour he hath set up to deprive our Church in the colonies of her mode of governing and ordaining her own clergy, hath been amply shewn; and I am now consider∣ing the heavy charge of having "corrupted and obscured the

Page 128

pure word of God with human inventions"—whereby he endeavours to complete his triumph over our Church, by repre∣senting her as unfit to have even a being, much less a well-being, among reformed Christians.

As this charge is general, I have thought it sufficient to give it a general answer, and to shew "that it stands refuted by the testimonies of almost every protestant denomination of men upon earth, except a few restless fanatics, in our own coun∣try"—whether the Centinel means "corruption" in point of government, or in rites, ceremonies and doctrine.

As to the first head, the pure and primitive nature of episco∣pal government, I have in the preceding number, given several eminent testimonies from Calvin himself, and some of the prin∣cipal reformers abroad. I now add some others, before I proceed to the second point, and Calvin shall once more lead the van.

As we have shewn, says he,* 4.47 there is a three fold ministry recommended to us, in the scripture; so whatever ministers the ancient church had, it distinguished them into three or∣ders, bishops, presbyters, and deacons.

PETER DU MOULIN, an eminent professor in the French Church, thus expresses himself—

Touching ecclesiastical polity, we do not refuse to acknowledge those for pure and true Churches, where equality of ministers is not observed—Peter Martyr, Calvin, Beza, Zanchius, &c. (conti∣nues he) have often written letters full of respect to the English Prelates. Our adversaries unjustly accuse us to be enemies to the episcopal order. For we must be altogether ignorant in history, if we do not know that antiquity speaks honourably of that degree. Eusebius witnesseth that a year after our LORD'S death, James, our LORD'S brother, was bishop at Jerusalem, &c.
And after mentioning many more of the ancient bishops—he concludes thus—
If we sometimes speak against the authority of bishops, we condemn not epis∣copal order in itself, but speak only of the corruptions the church of Rome has introduced into it.

Monsieur CLAUDE, another learned foreigner, writing to the bishop of London, candidly declares—

We are so very far from believing that a man cannot live with a good conscience un∣der your discipline, and episcopal government, that in our ordinary practice we make no difficulty, neither to bestow our chairs nor to commit the care of our flocks to ministers re∣ceived and ordained by my Lords the bishops, as might be justified by a great number of examples, both old and new.—

Page 129

It is enough for us to know that the same divine providence, which by an indispensible necessity, and by the conjuncture of affairs, did at the beginning of the reformation, put our churches under the presbytery, hath put yours under episcopacy; and as we are assured that you do not despise our simplicity, so neither ought we to oppose your pre-eminence. I hope then you will make all the world see, and convince the most incredulous, that you (the bishops) have piety, zeal, and the fear of God, and that you are worthy labourers and servants of JESUS CHRIST. This is the testimony which all good men do already give you; and none, how SPIGHTFUL soever he be, dares to contradict it." [N. B. Spiteful Whigs, and spiteful Centinels, did not then exist, else they would have dared to contradict it.]

It is remarkable above, that Monsieur Claude ascribes their form of Presbyterian government in their Churches, to that in∣dispensible necessity, under which divine Providence put them, by the conjuncture of affairs at the Reformation; and not to any choice or preference of that form. And certain it is, that they would most willingly have embraced Bishops as their governors, if they had not been hindered by the policy, or rather iniqui∣ty, of the civil powers. This we are expressly told by Doctor Du MOULIN, son of the famous PETER above-mentioned. In the preface to his father's book on the novelty of Popery.—

There was, says he, a time when some of their prime men, feeling the inconveniencies that follow the want of ecclesiasti∣cal subordination, moved Cardinal Richlieu to place it among them; who flatly denied to give way to it, saying, if you had that order you would look too like a CHURCH.

Nay Peter Martyr (Epist. 57 ad Bez.) and also the same Doctor Du MOULIN, tells us that the reformed Church in the bishoprick of Troyes, as soon as the prelate began to forsake the errors of property, did

unanimously acknowledge and re∣ceive him as a true Bishop and their diocesan; and his au∣thority and piety did great service to the Church of Christ. Praised be God, (continues Martyr) who takes these methods to govern and advance the kingdom of his son.

In short, it was only the state, and not their religious persua∣sion, that prevented the French protestants from having Episco∣pal government. For the aforesaid Bishop of Troyes, Cardi∣nal Castilion and Sangelasius having turned protestants, and continued to act as Bishops among the reformed Churches for some time,

were forced by the secular power to with∣draw and betake themselves to a private station.
† 4.48

Page 130

The above testimonies being from eminent divines of the prin∣cipal Churches abroad, whose government is Presbyterian, we need not speak of those reformed foreign Churches, whose go∣vernment is Episcopal; their own practice being the greatest testimony in our favour. And if we consider the importance of the latter, such as those of Denmark, Sweden, the dominions of the elector of Saxony and Brandenburg, of the great house of Lunenburg, and the many imperial cities of Germany, &c. they will for outweigh, in the scale of protestantism, all the former, viz. the Presbyterian or Calvinist Churches of Swit∣zerland, the lower Palatinate, and those comparatively few of France and Holland, who are of the same persuasion▪ Yet we do not despise those Calvinist Churches, but regard them as a considerable branch of the Reformation, and esteem them for their candour (already noticed) towards the Church of Eng∣land; it being from their rigid brethren among ourselves, and those chiefly of modern stamp, that we meet with the principal opposition. For some of the eminent old non-conformists ex∣pressed themselves very differently of Episcopacy; whereof I shall, at present, mention only three.

Mr. GOODWIN confesses,

that there was more of the truth and power of religion under the late prelatical government, than in all the reformed Churches of the world besides
* 4.49

Mr. TOMBS says,

I think all that are acquainted with the history of things in the last age; will acknowledge that more good hath been done to the souls of men, by the preaching of Usher, Abbot, Jewell, and some other bishops, than ever was done by the most rigid separatists—promoters of the way of the Churches congregational.
‡ 4.50

Even the famous BAXTER says—

When I think what learned, holy, incomparable men, abundance of the old con∣formists were, my heart riseth against the thought of sepe∣rating from them—such as Bishop Jewell, Bishop Grindal, Bishop Hall, &c.—Yea, and the martyrs too, as Cran∣mer, Ridley, Hooper, &c.
‖ 4.51

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If any testimony from the reformers of our own Church, to whom even our opponents give such applause, might be admit∣ted those of Cranmer and Jewell themselves ought not to be passed over.

The former being asked—

Whether a Bishop can make a Priest?" he replied, "We read not that any other, not being a Bishop, hath, since the beginning of Christ's Church, ordained a Priest.
¶ 4.52

Likewise Jewell, in his confession of the English Church, says—

We believe that there be divers degrees of mini∣sters in the Church, whereof some be Deacons, some Priests, some Bishops.

Nay, if the voice of all the Bishops at the reformation, join∣ed to the voice of the legislature, might have weight, as the sentiment of the wiser part of the nation; we have it in these words—

It is evident to all men, diligently reading the holy scriptures, and ancient authors, that from the Apostle's time, there have been those three orders of ministers in the Church, Bishops, Priests and Deacons; and that they have e∣ver been held in reverend estimation.

Were we to go back to the first age of the Church, we could bring a cloud of witnesses; some of whom, as Clemens Romanus, who lived in the year 65, expressly intimates that the order of Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, in the Christian Church, had a reference to the orders of High-Priest, Priests, and Levites under the old oeconomy. And had this institution nothing divine in it, as appearing to carry some resemblance of the celestial hierarchy, or the orders of archangles, &c. ministrant under Christ in the Church triumphant; but were merely an innocent human accommodation to the Jewish ecclesi∣astical polity, as was done in some other matters of rites, &c. for a time, by the decisions of the apostles themselves; yet still it is far more reasonable, than to think that a perfect parity of ministers, on the Presbyterian model, without any distinction of orders, and so repugnant to the whole oeconomy of God's an∣cient Church (which was a type of his Son's Church, and both of the Church triumphant) should all at once be insti∣tuted by CHRIST and his APOSTLES.

Whoever will suppose this, hath invincible objections to o∣vercome, if there were not a word in scripture to decide the

Page 132

matter. For if Presbyterian government was instituted by Christ, and yet Episcopacy, as is confessed on all hands, was the sole model of Church government in less than two hundred years after, "what universal cause can be assigned for this univer∣sal apostacy—this strange pretended alteration? Were all the Presbyters, the whole world over, so very ignorant as not to know the will of Christ, or so desperately weak and wicked, as contrary to knowledge and conscience, to conspire against themselves,"—to resign up to a few ambitious brethren, that authority which Christ had given in common to his mini∣sters? Nay, to resign it up at once, in every place, at many thousand miles distance from each other, and that quietly too, without opposition, without contradiction, and without the least vestige of history to record so marvellous a revolution? Nay, more than this, could they all agree, for the deception of po∣sterity, to corrupt the very histories that existed before, and make them declare, in direct opposition to the former mode of government, that Episcopacy, (this newly-erected, or newly-usurped, mode) had existed in the Church from the beginning? Was there not one Presbyterian, in all those times, to oppose this usurpation, to transmit his testimony to others, or to save one ancient record from the universal innovation?

Surely such another change as this was never known among mankind and Presbyterians, in those ancient times, must have been very different from those of the present day, if they had thus tamely suffered it. We cannot now even make known our desire to have episcopal government in episcopal Churches (a thing no way injurious to others) without whole volumes of op∣position, some of which may chance to reach posterity. Could a Presbyter of ours, now, or a Presbyter of our antagonists, usurp the whole government and right of ordination over them and us, through this whole continent, and no opposition be made; no record remain of the change, or no history be left to tell it to posterity? Yet all these invincible difficulties, and more, are implied in supposing Christ and his Apostles to have instituted a parity of ministers, and the Presbyterian model, at the beginning; and that this model was soon afterwards laid aside in the aforesaid unaccountable manner. The considerati∣on of which made the great Chillingworth (from whom part of the above argument is taken) conclude his demonstration of episcopacy in the following strong and incomparable man∣ner.

When I shall see therefore all the fables in the metamor∣phosis acted, &c.—when I shall see all the Democra∣cies and Aristocracies in the world lie down and sleep, and

Page 133

awake into monarchies; then will I begin to believe that Presbyterian government, having continued in the Church during the Apostles' time, should presently after (against the Apostle's doctrines and the will of Christ) be whirled about like a scene in a masque, and transformed into Episco∣pacy,
&c.

But the truth is, that Presbyterian government can boast no such antiquity; for our great grand fathers remembered its birth, and could count its pedigree from a less honourable stock!

From the PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL, Dec. 29. The ANATOMIST, No. XVII.

Ostendas populo ceremonias & ritum colendi.

EXOD. xviii.

IN my first number, it was observed that the opponents of the Church have nothing to do with that mode of government and discipline which Episcopalians choose for themselves in A∣merica, unless some probability could be shewn (which hath never yet been done) of its interfering with the rights of others; and that, whether of divine or human original, it is enough for us to answer, that it is such a government as we prefer; pay, such as many wise men ever have, and probably ever will, pre∣fer to the modern government of Presbytery, which (agreea∣able to the words of Chillingworth in my last) one can no more believe to have been in use "during the Apostles' times and pre∣sently afterwards (contrary to their doctrine and the will of Christ) to have been whirled about like a scene in a masque, and transformed into Episcopacy; then it can be thought possi∣ble for all the Democracies and Aristocracies in the world to lie down and sleep, and to awake into monarchies, without op∣position or trace of history to record the marvellous change."

It was therefore not so much from any necessity, in my argu∣ment with the Centinel (because right or wrong, it was suffi∣cient that Episcopacy was our mode) as to prevent serious E∣piscopalians from being imposed upon by his bold and ground∣less assertion; that I have taken some pains to shew that such an Episcopate as is proposed for America, far from being a no∣vel invention, is what almost all the reformed Churches have

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given their testimony for; declared it to be a truly ancient and even apostolical institution; and such as they would willingly have been subject to, if they had not been prevented by the situation of affairs, under different states, at the refor∣mation.

On this footing, then, I leave this matter of Episcopacy, and proceed to inquire whether we are justly chargeable with any corruption, in having preserved such rites and ceremonies in our Church, as were judged by our wise reformers to be for decen∣cy and good order, harmless in their own nature, and neither contradictory to the general usage of protestants, nor to any positive law in scripture?

The great principles upon which the Church of England was purged from the dross of popery, are fully set forth in her articles, the prefaces to her liturgy, and by many of her able sons; and they do honour to the spirit and temper of our first reformers.

Those men (saith the learned Bishop Sanderson) are much mistaken, who either measure the protestant religion by an opposition to popery; or account all popery, that is taught or practised by the Church of Rome. It is only the corrup∣tions and superstition of that Church, whereunto the name of popery doth belong. Our godly forefathers had no purpose (nor had they any warrant) to set up a new reli∣gion, but to reform the old, by purging it from innovations, which, in tract of time (some sooner, some later) had mingled with it and corrupted it, both in doctrine and worship. Ac∣cording to this purpose, they proceeded, without constraint or precipitancy, freely and advisedly, as in peaceable times; and brought their intentions to a happy end. All those doc∣trines which are either contrary to the written word of God, or superadded thereto as necessary points of faith; all those superstitions which are either unlawful, as contrary to God's word; or being not contrary, and therefore indifferent, are made essentials, and imposed as necessary parts of worship—these are things whereunto the name of popery doth properly belong;
and were accordingly rejected by our Church at the reformation.
As to ceremonies, the Church meant to make use of her liberty, and the lawful power she had (and all Churches of Christ have, or ought to have) of ordering her ecclesiastical affairs, yet to do it with so much prudence and moderation, that the world might see, by what was laid aside, that she acknowledged no subjecti∣on to the see of Rome; and by what was retained, that she did not recede from the Church of Rome out of any spi∣rit

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of contradiction, but as necessitated for the maintenance of her just liberty.
—In short,
as it is well expressed by a humourous writer, in stripping off the lace, she was care∣ful not to tear the garment.

Concerning rites and ceremonies, we have the confession of all the reformed Churches, except perhaps our Centinel's Church, that they are not unlawful in themselves, where they are decent and significant.

The Helvetian Confession* 4.53 is—that "Churches have always used their liberty in rites, as being things indifferent; which we do at this day."

The Bohemian is—"that ceremonies brought in, by a good custom, are with an uniform consent to be retained in the ecclesiastical assemblies of Christian people, in the common ser∣vice of God."† 4.54

The Gallican declares, that "every place may have its pe∣culiar constitutions, as it shall seem convenient for them."‡ 4.55

The Belgick, that "we receive those laws that are fit, ei∣ther to cherish and maintain concord, or to keep us in the obe∣dience of God."‖ 4.56

That of Augsburg—"Ecclesiastical rites which are or∣dained by man's authority, and tend to quietness and good or∣der in the Church, are to be observed."§ 4.57

That of Saxony—"For order's sake, there must be some decent and seemly rites."¶ 4.58

That of Sweden—"Such traditions of men as agree with the scriptures, and were ordained for good manners and the profit of men, are worthy to be accounted rather of God than of man."** 4.59

Such are the concessions, and such the practice of the most considerable reformed Churches abroad, with respect to ceremo∣nies in general—which are probably accounted among those "human inventions" wherewith our Church is accused by the Centinel of having "corrupted the pure word of God." If he will mention any particulars that are exceptionable in our Church, which are not retained in other protestant Churches, we shall shew that we are either able to defend them, or wil∣ling to give them up. And till he does this, our answer can only be general. Let us now hear the sentiments of some of the ablest foreign divines on the same subject. Calvin, as usu∣al, I choose to lead the van; who has a long and excellent

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discourse* 4.60 on Rites and Ceremonies; out of which it will be sufficient to select only a few passages.

"All churches, says he, have power to make laws and or∣dinances for establishing a common polity among themselves—but no polity can be upheld but by certain laws, nor any Rites observed, without a stated Form. Therefore, we are so far from condemning the laws which conduce to this end, that we say, to take them away, is to cut the sinews of the church, and render it both weak and deformed.—The end of decency is, partly that, by appointing such Rites as will create a reverence for holy things, we may by such helps, be excited to devotion, and partly that our modesty and gra∣vity, which are commendable in all our actions, may there more especially appear."

Nor does he consider Church laws, about decent Rites and Ceremonies, as mere human inventions.—For "such laws says he, are founded on the authority of Scripture, and so are both human and divine: which he illustrates by the Geneva law, for kneeling at public prayer, as follows,—"If it be asked, continues he, whether this be an human tradition, which any man may refuse or neglect at pleasure? I answer, it is so human, as also to be divine. It is of God, as it is part of that decency commended by the Apostle (1 Cor. xiv. 40.) But it is of men, as it particularly specifies, what the Scripture on∣ly declared in general.—By this one example we may make an estimate of all things of this kind. In outward discipline and ceremonies, Christ did not particularly prescribe what we should do; because he foresaw that would depend upon the different condition of times; and he did not judge one form agreeable to all ages.—"And elsewhere,* 4.61 he says, I do not contend about Ceremonies, that serve only for Decency and Order; nor yet against such as are symbols of, or incitements to, that reverence we owe to God."—Now that such is the intention of our church ceremonies, she expressly declares; and that they are not meant to bind conscience, but for decen∣cy and order.

But to proceed with Calvin, neither he nor his followers had any more objection to forms of prayer than to decent rites, &c. In his letter to the Protector of England, he says, As to what concerns a form of prayer and ecclesiastical rites, I highly ap∣prove of it; that there be a certain ••••••m, from which mini∣sters be not allowed to ary."—So the canon† 4.62 of the

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French Church expressly determined; and Calvin not only de∣clared his own opinion in these things, but pressed strongly up∣on others to have all disputes done away concerning them—"I hope says he, to the fiery John Knox, your rigour about ce∣remonies, which is displeasing to many, will keep itself within due bounds of moderation."—† 4.63 To Farel, he also thus writes—"Use your endeavour that the brethren do not pertinaciously contend about ceremonies. We are free from all men; yet let us be the servants of peace and concord."

Happy had it been, if the Centinel and his party could have followed this advice; and as they are, or may be free from any thing that they may think corrupted, or of human invention in our Church, that they would enjoy the liberty which God hath given, and suffer us to do the same!

To these testimonies of Calvin, and of whole Churches, concerning the power which every Christian society has with∣in itself to decree rites and ceremonies, which be not repugnant to Scripture, but for decency and order; I could add many in favour of the particular rites and ceremonies of the English church.—

Bucer, for example, thanks God, with all his soul, to see the English ceremonies so pure and conformable to the word of God."‖ 4.64

Beza, in like manner, answering his discontented brethren in England who complained to him of the Church rites and ceremo∣nies; enjoins them not to forsake the church communion on that account; for that those ceremonies were not of those kinds of things: that were sinful in themselves; and elsewhere¶ 4.65 speak∣ing of the sign of the Cross, in the English and Lutheran churches—"I know, says he, they retain the use of this sign. Let them therefore use their own liberty as it is meet."—

I could add the testimonies of Martyr, Claude, L'Angle, Turretine, Le Moyne, &c. abroad; and even of Baxter, Ball, and many more at home; but some notice will be taken of them, when I come in my next number to speak of the purity of our church doctrine. On the present head of ceremonies and rites, I would not wish to be tedious. For some of those things, which were once so offensive to some among ourselves, are be∣coming every day less so; and never gave any offence to fo∣reign churches; such as the observation of holy-days, Church-music, the gown, the Surplice, the Square-cap, &c.

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Geneva and Calvin shall here speak in place of all others. And first, as to Church music, none are more fond of it than the Geneva churches, and no music more light and airy than theirs. And as to festivals, the French church observed seve∣ral; nay several were many years observed at Geneva, and when they were abrogated, Calvin solemnly declares—"It was without his knowledge and advice; and he would have all men know, that if it had been put to his choice he ne∣ver would have given his opinion for such a decree."§ 4.66

As to the cap and surplice, Calvin blames Bishop Hooper for contending about them, and writes to Bullenger thus—"I wish that he (Hooper) would not contend so much de piet & veste linea. This advice I gave him myself not long ago.

As to gowns and collegiate habits, Calvin was so strict that he would have expelled some students if they had not complied with his rules, and he once maintained a good scolding-match with a zealous female saint concerning his own long garment; but is is said the female had the last word of him, and still hold to her point, viz. that those long garments were the scripture marks of false prophets, &c.

In short, with respect to the clerical habits appointed in our Church, they cannot be called a novel invention. For they are of a truly ancient cut and make; and it is our antagonists that have introduced novelties and changed the fashion. For some of them appear with short or half-gowns, some with long ones, some of one cut, some of another; some with cassocks, and some without. Nay, I am told that even the square cap now be∣gins to adorn the brow of every strippling of a Presbyterian col∣lege; a piece of intelligence I am no way displeased to hear, as it is a good omen of our getting over one matter, that once so much disturbed our antagonists, and seems to have greatly disturbed our Centinel himself, even of late.—

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From the PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL, Jan. 5. The ANATOMIST, No. XVIII.

Conclusion of the Church of England's APPEAL to the Church of Protestants.

Verus Dei cultus, nunc tandem a sordidissimis illis ANTI-CHRI∣STIANISMI sordibus, repurgatus.

BEZA, concerning the Church of England.

AS the Centinel, in his gross charge against our Church, of having "corrupted the pure word of God with hu∣man inventions," did neither think proper to mention what those inventions are, nor in what points they are to be found, viz.—whether in government, in rites and ceremonies, or in doc∣trines; I thought it necessary, in order to be sure of his mean∣ing, to suppose the whole three; and, in each of them, to make one appeal, as well to the judgment of reformed Churches abroad, as of such particular divines both at home and abroad, as might probably have the most weight with the Centinel and his party.

What relates to the two first points, (viz. episcopal govern∣ment, rites and ceremonies) being already discussed, little need be said on the last point, viz. the doctrines of our Church. These, as contained in our articles, have long had the testimony of the whole protestant world, in favour of their purity and or∣thodoxy; and unless the Centinel should declare so, in particu∣lar and express terms, I can hardly imagine that he meant to run so contrary to the sentiments of his own party (even some of the most rigid of them at home) as to charge any corruption upon the doctrinal parts of our articles, or Church service. However, as his meaning is so vague and undetermined, it may not be improper to add a few testimonies on this head, as I have done on the former; although the subject be somewhat antici∣pated, in the testimonies already given; where the writers had not separated one part from the other, but had spoken of go∣vernment, ••••tes, ceremonies and doctrines together.

BEZ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 given a noble testimony concerning the purity of our worship and doctrines, in my Latin motto. He says else∣where, "We believe your Churches do in all points of doc∣trine, agree with ours. As to what concerns your faith or

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doctrine, received by public consent, and confirmed by royal authority, I suppose there is no man that thinks rightly of these matters, but will embrace it as true and certain"—and again, he says, "It is not without most bitter sorrow of heart, that, I understand your Churches are so far disturbed, as that some begin to hold separate meetings."* 4.67

Mr. LE MOYNE says—"The English confession has been highly approved by all the protestant world; and it really deserves the praises of all good Christians. For there cannot be any thing made more wise than that confession; and the ar∣ticles of faith were never collected with a more just and rea∣sonable discretion."† 4.68

The learned CAUSABON says—"That no Church in the world came nearer to the form of the most flourishing pri∣mitive Church; having observing a middle way betwixt the two extremes of such others as failed either by excess or defect; by which moderation she obtained this privilege, that even those who envied her happiness, were constrained to extol her in com∣parison of other Churches."‖ 4.69

LUDOVICUS CAPELLUS, divinity professor at Sanmur, speaks thus of our liturgy, among some others compiled by the first re∣formers. "At the reformation—purged from all Popish superstition and idolatry—Set forms of liturgy were com∣posed and prescribed—in Germany, France, England, Scotland, Belguim, &c. varying as little as might be from the ancient forms of the primitive Church; and have hitherto been happily used till of very late, there arose in England, a sort of morose and froward, nice and scrupulous, not to say superstiti∣ons, men; who, upon very slight and slender reasons, have thought fit to disparage and abrogate the liturgy (together with the whole hierarchy of Bishops) and have substituted the directory, as they call it, in its room, which contains no set form in express words, but only heads, &c. To which some other furious and mad men have added, that it is unlawful to use any prescribed form of prayer, either in public or in private; and that a godly man cannot with a safe conscience be present at them."§ 4.70

The celebrated GROTIUS, in a letter to his brother, April 8th, 1645, says—"That the English liturgy was always accounted the best, by learned men."

The learned SPANHEIM, writing from Geneva to Arch-bishop USHER in 1638, says—"I often call to mind that plea∣sing

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face of things in your Church; that reverence in the pub∣lic worship of God, &c.—the like to which you will hardly find elsewhere."

Mr. GACHES, whom that noted non-conformist Doctor Cala∣my, (page 568 of Baxter's life) stiles a famous preacher at Charenton, says of our liturgy, "I have read it a long time ago, and was wonderfully edified by it."§ 4.71

Nay, BAXTER himself professes that he can subscribe "all the doctrinal articles of our Church, as true;" only that he thinks the words of them, in the obvious sense, many times lia∣ble to exception.‡ 4.72—"All the reformed Churches in Chri∣stendom (says he elsewhere) do commonly profess to hold com∣munion, with the English Churches in the liturgy, if they come among us."§ 4.73

Nay, the same BAXTER is so far from scrupling the use of that truly ancient rite of CONFIRMATION (which our modern antagonists seems to deride us for desiring the continuance of) that he declares‡ 4.74 "he thinks the want of it the greatest cor∣ruption of the Church, of any outward thing he remembers." Only he says that the dioceses are too large for one Bishop to confirm the hundredth part of his flock, &c.—That is, Mr. Baxter desires to make every Presbyter a Bishop, in this as in all other things.

Mr. TOMBS likewise declares himself thus—"I cannot but judge, that either much ignorance or much malice it is, that make any traduce the English Common Prayer-book, as if it were the Popish Mass-book, or as bad as it; and to deter men from joining with those prayers and services, and ceremonies, &c.—when they can hardly be ignorant that the martyrs in Queen Mary's days were burnt for it. &c."† 4.75

I cannot better conclude these testimonies, than with another striking passage from the above quoted LE MOYNE—Truly, I believe not that it is possible to keep either peace or order in your Church [of England] without preserving the episcopal dignity.‖ 4.76 I confess I conceive not by what spirit they

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are led, that oppose that government, and cry it down so vio∣lently. All good men ought to look upon the Church of En∣gland as a very orthodox Church. Thus all the protestants of France do; those at Geneva, those of Switzerland, and those of Holland too; for they did themselves a great honour in hav∣ing some divines of England in their synod of Dort—whence does it then come that some Englishmen themselves, have so ill an opinion of her at present, and divide rashly from her as they do? Is not this to divide from all the ancient Churches, from all the Churches of the east, from all the pro∣testant Churches, which have always had a great respect for the purity of the Church of England?"* 4.77

Shall a Church, then, whose praise has thus been in the whoe Protestant world, since the very first establishment of the Reformation, be still traduced and vilified by a set of aspiring men, who sprung up in licentious times, within her own bosom,

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and at this moment enjoy every protection their hearts can wish, from a prince and nation where she has full and legal power? Is there decency, is there justice (not to mention gratitude) in such a conduct as this; especially, when there is no other cause for it, but our desiring equal and natural rights? Are the strength and interest of the protestant cause, either in the old world or the new, likely to be promoted by such an Unchri∣stian and unbrotherly spirit? For, whatever the Centinel or Remonstrant may say of the Church of England being but a tottering defence"—She ever has been, and still is, consi∣dered by Protestants in general, as their great bulwark and prin∣cipal fortress.

It is against her chiefly, that all the engines of Popery have been ever pointed. Her structure is raised on such a strong foun∣dation, that if this could be shaken or destroyed, the adherents of popery think they have little to fear from such a many-head∣ed thing as Presbytery; which is still dividing and subdividing into different factions and parties. Nay the enemies of the re∣formation, far from wishing ill to the latter, rather express joy in beholding their attacks successful against that Church, which is the centre of union among protestants; and to which all de∣nominations among them have, in their turns, looked up, and probably will again be obliged to look up, for protection and defence.

But further, as the Church of England has been the prin∣cipal support of the reformation, down to the present time; so it is she, that hath born the chief burden and brunt of the day, from the beginning. Her divines they were, who were encoun∣tering Banishments, Imprisonments, and Flames, when Calvin had gained a firm establishment; and (alas, for Christianity, and that blot in his character!) was commencing persecutor in his turn. Her divines they chiefly are, who have shook the Pa∣pacy to its lowest foundations, and have exhibited to the world in their writings, such masculine specimens of found reasoning, in favour of primitive Christianity, as, we believe, will only perish, or cease to be admired, when the world itself shall perish with them!

To name one for all, and that in the earliest times of protes∣tantism; where shall we find among all the Calvins, and re∣formers of his party (tho' truly celebrated in their day) any that can dispute the palm with our illustrious Bishop JEWELL? where, a more enlightened zeal, a more undaunted spirit, more noble argument, or more various learning? I cannot resist the temptation of throwing a few extracts from his apology into a

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note,* 4.78 by which a judgment may be made of the principles of our Church, and what a bulwark of the reformation she is to be esteemed.

And is there then, no regard, no charity due among fellow protestants to a Church that has borne such a part in vindi∣cating our glorious common cause, and setting at nought the

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assaults of our common enemy? Is she still to be called Corrupt, Superstitious, nay possibly affected, after so many well fought bat∣tles against the CORRUPTIONS and SUPERSTITIONS of Chri∣stendom? Or will not reformation please, till we have (contra∣ry to our judgment and reason) reformed into a skeleton, and promiscuously thrown away the good with the bad, even things

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of apostolical institution; because they were once mixt with the corruptions of Rome? This may please such reformers as our Centinel and his party; but thanks be to God, we have not so learned Christ!

Having thus, I hope, with due temper, answered the Centi∣nel on the principal heads proposed; I shall conclude these pa∣pers in Three more numbers, unless fresh provocation be given. And if in them, I should assume a style somewhat different from what I have yet used, and try how he may like some arguments in his own way, I think I would not incur the blame of impar∣tial men; yet still, for the honour of that Church, in whose be∣half I write, I will strive to the last, to preserve that spirit which she inculcates on all her sons.

From the PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL, Jan. 12. The ANATOMIST, No. XIX. The ANATOMIST to the CENTINEL. A CARD.

Infandum renovare jubes dolorem.

SIR,

SO abhorent to my nature is every species of recrimination, however justly provoked, that it is with some reluctance I enter upon the remainder of the task I proposed for myself. The very cur that snarls at me, I am loth to treat with oppro∣brious names, and would rather quiet him by throwing a crust, than attempting to break his bones.

Though you and your friends have called my knife a bloody one, and have sometimes in imagination magnified it into a cleaver; yet let the public judge between you and me, whether I have not gone about my work with a decent and merciful hand, neither mangling the flesh, nor disjointing the bones; but carefully separating the one from the other, I have fully shewn that the fears and jealousies you have endeavoured to spread among his Majesty's good subjects in America, concern∣ing ecclesiastical courts, the loss of spiritual liberty, and enor∣mous

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episcopal jurisdictions to be erected over the laity, are absolute chimeras of your own brain, without the least shadow of ground, in any law (statute or common) that hath force in these colonies. I have shown further that your un-christian and un-brotherly charge against our Church, of having corrupted the pure word of God with human inventions, stands refuted by the testimonies of almost every reformed Church upon earth; even by the founders and princes of your own party.

Upon the whole, I have left the reader to judge, whether in your behaviour towards your episcopal brethren, you could have been actuated by any better motive than an unhallowed zeal to exalt your own party on the depression of others; and whether it be fair or candid to keep up an eternal clamour, in order to deprive your fellow-protestants of a just and natural right, merely on account of groundless jealousies, about contin∣gencies absolutely improbable, and only possible upon a supposi∣tion that all our laws and charters are to be dissolved. I have appealed to your own conscience, whether union among our∣selves in America, or the common cause of protestantism, are likely to be promoted by vilifying and traducing a Church which, I will still say, is the main bulwark of the reformation; whose venerable martyrs sealed it with their blood; and whose illustrious divines, still foremost in the battle, have shook the papacy to its lowest foundation, and have exhibitted to the world such noble writings in favour of primitive Christianity, as we believe, will only perish, or cease to be admired, when the world itself shall perish with them!

So far, I think Sir, I ought not even to incur your blame in having proceeded; and although I was not forward to enter into this dispute, yet rejoiced I am in the event, that it hath furnished an answer, and given satisfaction, to some thousands, whom your party, in every corner of the country, were endea∣vouring to prejudice in their sentiments concerning our Church. But, although I have thus far touched you but lightly, yet in what remains I must approach towards your very vitals; and therefore I am unwilling to proceed without giving you a short respite, to see if you have any thing further to offer for your∣self, and whether I may not be saved from some part of the disagreeable task that lies before me. In the mean while, I will fairly tell you my three remaining subjects, which will be more or less enlarged upon, according as you offer fresh matter; for I am earnestly desirous, on account of the public, that this controversy, if it must be further prosecuted, should be brought to as speedy an issue as possible.

1. You and your friends, allying yourselves with the North-Briton,

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have assiduously circulated his number LXI. with this favourite doctrine to exalt your party—"No DISSENTER, NO LIBERTY."—I propose therefore to give some speci∣mens of the zeal shewn by your party for liberty from the beginning.

2. The Remonstrant, one of your auxiliaries, if peradven∣ture not yourself, hath told us how many have suffered under the penal laws of our Church, and threatens us with hanging these laws out to view. Just as if one were to throw a parcel of dead men's bodies before our eyes, and accuse a certain per∣son as the murderer, threatning, if he would not confess the fact, to produce the weapon wherewith it was perpetrated. We would be glad this weapon was produced, as we think it an alle∣viating circumstance that it would be found a defensive, not an offensive one. Upon this head therefore, I propose to shew what have been the doctrines of your party concerning that toloration whereof you boast yourselves to be examples; and shall make good what Bishop BRAMHAL long since said to your fore-runner Baxter.—"Sum up all of your party that since the be∣ginning of the Reformation have been cast aside, or driven away in the whole kingdom; and we will set in the balance only those who, in the short space of seven years, in three places, London and the two Universities, were haled to prisons, chased into Banishments, sequestered, or left to the merciless world to beg their bread, and they shall double your number;— and for learning, &c. those of your party will scarce deserve to be named with them in the same day; and if we compare the sufferings of your supposed confessors, they will appear but flea∣bitings, in comparison of theirs. But the greatest disparity re∣maineth yet untouched.—the one suffered for FAITH and LOYALTY, &c.—the others for FACTION.

3. As to my concluding paper, this I propose for the subject. You have most unjustly accused a society, consisting of many of the most respectable names in Great-Britain "of having squandered away money collected for the relief of the savages." I will therefore enquire what use your party has made of large sums collected for the same purpose. Further, you are again in your 21st. number labouring to prove Doctor Chandler the aggressor in this dispute; although if he had begun it, there is a manifest difference between a pamphlet, read probably by a hundred people, and introducing the matter, as you did, into a news-paper, to be read perhaps by thirty thousand. But to cut this matter short, I am able to lay before the world some letters written by the leaders of your party, in November 1766 (long before Dr. Chandler wrote his piece) wherein this at∣tack

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upon the Church in America, (pursuant to letters from England) was projected; and a confession made that your par∣ty were

determined in a few months to be at as great vari∣ance with Churchmen on account of their desire of Bishops, as ever you were with the Quakers; and that, for this pur∣pose, salutary steps were then taking to get the WHOLE PRES∣BYTERIAN INTEREST on the Continent, more firmly united.
I can even oblige you with your plan of union, correspondence, committees, &c. and even the names of some committees, If I had not too good an opinion of several whose names you have made free with, to believe they were ever consulted or consent∣ing in such a scheme. To this, if I had not a desire to close rather than widen differences, could be added, a sample of some exhortations, circulated not a year ago
to scour rifles, thrash grain, make double diligence in their stills, and to fly in the face of government;
which it would make one shudder to read. From all which I must conclude with an argument in your way, and shew that if we are to regard present appearances, or form any judgment of the future, from what is past, it is at the am∣bitious spirit and growing power of your party, and not at the government of our Church by a Bishop, that all America ought justly to be alarmed.

But, in truth, from the gloomy prospect that seems gather∣ing against us on the other side of the Atlantic; it might be better for you, and for me, to cultivate domestic harmony for the present, and suspend the settlement of our remaining differences to a more convenient season; all which will depend intirely on yourself and your party.

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A LETTER TO A FRIEND.

SIR,

THO' I verily believe the Church of England to be both in Form and Doctrine, the most pure and acceptable to God, of any religious Society now existing upon the Face of the Earth, and consequently it must be my earnest Wish and Desire that this Church which I so highly esteem and reverence, may spread and prevail uni∣versally; yet the long continued reiterated Clamours of the American Whig, the Centinel and other Writers against the Ad∣mission of Bishops to reside in the British Colonies, as if there∣by both our religious and civil Liberties would be not only en∣dangered but absolutely lost, could not fail to awaken in me some uneasy Apprehensions of the Consequences that might at∣tend the establishment of those reverend Prelates among us. The Writers against them had made use of every Art and Argument, to represent these Consequences in the most dread∣ful Light, and I could not help being a little alarmed; for tho' their Arguments were very far from convincing, yet they puz∣zled me: I supposed them to be wrong, but was not without some Anxiety at the Thought that they might possibly be right. I would have set myself down to examine their Arguments cri∣tically for myself, but my Situation would not admit of it, and my Opinion remained vibrating in Suspense, till I fortunately met with the foregoing Pages of the Anatomist, which have placed all the material Points in a clear Light, and removed all

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the Difficulties that perplexed me: And as you seem to be in much the same Predicament that I was, I send you the same Medicine that relieved me, for which I doubt not, you will be, as I was, sincerely thankful to the judicious Author.

I observe one of the points which both the Whig and the Centinel, very much labour to prove, is, that no particular Church, or religious Society, more than others, ought to ob∣tain a civil establishment in any Government—By the Way, I believe there is no religious Sect in the British Dominions, but what have avail'd themselves of a Civil Establishment, when e∣ver they have had Opportunity, as much as the Church—for Instance—The religious Forms and Principles in the New-England Governments, are so interwoven with the Administra∣tion of Civil Government, that a Man stands very little Chance of being prefer'd to Offices of Honour and Importance—un∣less his religious Profession and Conduct corresponds with the general Establishment of those Colonies—there are indeed some Exceptions to this general Observation, but Instances are rare: And I believe it is an indisputable Fact, that this Aid and Support of the civil Power, with the Hopes and Expectations, it gives rise to, are the principal Means of continuing the Modes and Doctrines that have long prevail'd in those Governments. —But to return.

Notwithstanding the specious Arguments of the Whig and Centinel, it seem'd to me an Absurdity, that a Church con∣fessedly form'd and instituted by Christ himself (for that the Argument supposes) should be prohibitted from receiving the Aid and Countenance of the Civil Power, or at least any Prefer∣ence to other religious Societies.—This Argument I take to be indefensible, unless upon the Supposition that there can be no stronger Evidence in favour of Truth than of Falshood. Add to this, that the Whig and Centinel in their Manner of arguing, manifested a Disposition very unsuitable to the Spirit of that Religion they pretended to be so zealous to promote, and laid them under strong Suspicions, of acting upon false Principles, with unworthy Designs. Instead of stating Facts in a clear Light, and arguing upon them in a candid reasonable Manner, their Aim appears to have been to misrepresent, and place every matter of Dispute in the most obscure and unfavourable Point of View,—To perplex an Argument, and evade the Point in Dis∣pute; to put the worst and most perverse Construction upon e∣very Expression, and to use a Style and Language full of Haugh∣tiness, Insolence and Provocation, calculated not to convince and reconcile, but to irritate and inflame, to widen and perpetuate Differences from one Generation to another. These Observati∣ons

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upon the Writings of the Whig, Centinel, &c. being such as could not fail to strike a Reader of the least Attention, gave me a shrewd Suspicion that every Thing they had advanced a∣gainst Bishops and the Church, was founded on Deceit and Malice, intended to do Mischief, to root out and destroy, or hinder the Growth of the Church in America, by pre∣venting its Enjoyment of an undoubted Right essential to its Support and Continuance. But these were rather Matters of Supposition than absolute Certainty to me, till I had the Plea∣sure to find the Subject fully investigated by the Anatomist, who has removed my Doubts, and given me entire Satis∣faction.

The American Professors of the Religion of the Church establish∣ed in England, the most pure and respectable Church upon Earth, have an undoubted Right, at least, in common with other religious Societies, to occupy and possess within themselves all the Powers and Offices necessary to the Completion and Con∣tinuance of their own Body as a Church. But those Rights, the Whig and Centinel, and their Party have thought proper to withhold from them, under Pretence, that they might possibly use them to the Oppression of other religious Denominations; and so these good Gentlemen would actually do a certain Inju∣ry to the Church, on an Imagination that the Church might possibly hereafter do the same Injury to them! I wonder how they would like to have this Doctrine practised upon them∣selves?

I am at a Loss to determine whether the Clamours and Disputes of these Gentlemen upon this Head are most remarkable, as being ridiculous or malevolent.

This however I am sure of, that if their writings should at∣tract any considerable Notice in England, and should be sup∣posed to be agreeable to the general Sentiments of the Colonies (as the Writers themselves, all along, with great Injustice, endeavour to make the World believe) or even of a conside∣rable Number in them, such a Belief in England, would raise the most fatal Prejudice against the Colonies, and be the Occa∣sion of inconceivable Mischiefs: We should be all considered as a factious, turbulent, unreasonable People, implacable Ene∣mies to the Church; and consequently all the Friends to the Church, who are the most powerful Body of the Nation, would be against us; but I hope, thro' the Interposition of divine Providence, the Evil may be averted, or fall only on those who devised it.

I am, &c. A. B.

New-York, May 1, 1769.

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From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE, Sep. 12, 1768. AMERICAN WHIG, [NO. XXVII.]

Remainder of a brief View of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, as it is at this Day practised in England: Begun in No. XXVI. Vol. I. page 422.

I Have now by me a most moving and lamentable account (contained in above sixty letters) sent me by Mr. John Tem∣pest of Old Durham, (formerly a member of your house) com∣plaining of the most barbarous and tyrannic proceedings of the spiritual and temporal courts there, against his person, estate, and property, that ever was known to have been practised in any court of law or justice whatever. And this (as he says) chiefly promoted and carried on by a confederacy between the bishop's chancellor and sheriff, who, by their under-officers and agents, have illegally seized upon whatever of his property they can lay their hands on, on pretence of an outlawry or ex∣communication, of which he had no notice till the seizure actu∣ally made.—And that, upon application to his sovereign, the bishop, for redress, he has been denied all manner of relief; and therefore intreats me to represent his case to you, the parliament's committee, which I am now preparing to that end.

But before I trouble you with that particular case, I beg leave to add a few other general observations, touching the ar∣tifices and practices of bishops, &c. in driving on their ecclesias∣tical trade of getting money. Which artifices and practices, I shall endeavour to range under these ten general heads, (ex∣clusive of some excentricities) viz.

1. By their fees for ordaining priests and deacons, which ge∣neral ordinations being at four times in the year, may well be computed at about 100l. each time. And thus the whole 26 bishops and archbishops, may make in the whole about 10,400l. per annum.

2. By institutions and inductions to vacant benefices, for eve∣ry

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one of which they have at least three pounds. And there being computed in England 9285 parishes, this, at the ordina∣ry rate of one in a parish, comes to 27,855l.

Note, Some parishes consist of divers benefices, and others, have divers chapelries, which are of the same nature, and re∣quire institution and induction as well as other benefices.— The single parish of Halifax in Yorkshire, has ten or twelve such chapelries. Nor are the institutions to archdeaconries, deanries, prebendaries, sinecures, &c. here included; so that this head of institutions and inductions, is of much greater be∣nefit to bishops than is generally estimated.

3. For making rural deans, and for taking their oaths, &c. The bishops usually received of every rural dean so sworn, the yearly sum of 8s. 6d. as I am informed. And this may hint to us the reason why the late Queen Anne, no doubt on the ad∣vice or importunity of some bishops, sent her letter, dated 29 Jan. 1710, to the then convocation, for augmenting the num∣ber of rural deans, &c. See Nelson's rights of the clergy, 252.

4. By granting visitation licences to beneficed ministers to preach in their own cures; for although they are ordained, in∣stituted, and inducted before, and by the canons are strictly en∣joined to preach the gospel; yet this must not be done, till such a visitation licence, or the bishop's approbation, be obtain∣ed: Which licence, on every episcopal visitation, costs every such beneficed minister 10s. And this for the said 9285 parishes, or rather above 10,000 benefices in England, comes to 5000l. per annum.

Note, when the bishop does not visit, the archdeacon does, and that twice yearly; so that there never fails a visitation, in order to pick up the pence. Vide Post. Archdeacon's juris∣diction.

5. By granting several other special kinds of licences, where∣of nine or ten are sufficiently remarkable, viz.

  • 1. Licences to unbeneficed curates and deacons to preach, &c.
  • 2. Licences to schoolmasters and schoolmistresses to teach, &c.
  • 3. Licences to parish-clerks to sing, &c.
  • 4. Licences to parishioners to repair, enlarge, or amend their church.
  • 5. Licences to church-wardens and overseers in divers cases.
  • 6. Licences to physicians to practise physic.
  • 7. Licences to midwives to practise their profession, and to baptize.
  • 8. Licences to notaries public to practise knavery.
  • ...

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  • 9. Licences to marry, and commit adultery, to have two wives, &c.

And I believe, on enquiry, some other kinds of bishop's licences may be discovered, as perhaps licences to communicate with the church of Rome; for I have heard some discourses of that kind.

But to proceed,

6. The bishops also receive very considerable profits or per∣quisites by consecrating of churches and churchyards; for tho' nothing be due of right, yet 'tis well known what is volunta∣rily given into the hands of a bishop's servant for his master's use, can be no simony or corruption in the bishop. This may be learned from the example of a present right reverend and ever memorable prelate.

7. By granting absolutions and commutations for penances, wherein there is generally a regard had to the ability of the sinner.—For if he be rich, a good round sum is expected to free him from that chain of the Devil, called excommunicati∣on; but if the wretch be poor, he is delivered to the Devil of course; and though he performs his penance both in body and soul, yet neither can be delivered either from Hell or the ecclesi∣astical court, 'till he has paid his fees.

8. They also receive vast sums of money by granting pro∣bates of wills, and letters of administration.—And by an usurped right (for so, in fact, this jurisdiction is) they are be∣come in a great measure the disposers and dispensers of dead men's will's; and though now therein providentially restrained in some things, by the act of distributions, yet still possessed of too much power to be for the subject's benefit.

9. By framing new oaths and articles against their visitati∣ons, and compelling church-wardens to swear to present accord∣ing to such new invented articles; whereby divers prosecutions of innocent persons have been carried on in the ecclesiastical courts.

'Tis true, this practice is now almost ex usu, but instead thereof we have almost yearly new sets of pastoral charges, which, how little benefit soever they bring either to the flock or to the bookseller, yet have proved gainful to some of their Lordships.

10. By procurations, synodals, and other visitatorial pay∣ments and pensions: For in the bishop's visitation two things are observable:

1. The churchwardens and chapel-wardens of every parish and chapelry within the diocese, are called over, and there re∣ceive a book of articles to present by, for which they generally

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pay 2s. or 2s. 6d. and if any of them are absent, they are there cited or summoned by proclamation, to appear in the bi∣shop's next consistorial cou with costs.

Note, These church-wa••••ens and chapel-wardens do pay at every bishop's visitation for such a book of articles, though the very same they had before. They also pay the bishop's clerk for writing their presentments, (though many of them do it themselves) 2s. 6d. which, in 9285 parishes, comes to 1058l. to which add for the book of articles, and it doubles the sum.

2. All the ministers within the diocese are obliged to attend the bishop's visitation, where they are to pay about 1. 8d. or more, merely for producing to the bishop's register their li∣cences to preach, though such licences have been so produced and allowed never so often before—After which, they pay to the bishop, or to his use, the usual sum for procuration and synodals; as also 8d. claimed by the gentleman apparitor, to whom most pays 1s. This payment seems to be in favour of the bishop's man, in order to obtain that of the master. There is also a suit and service expected at this court from all, even the poorest unbeneficed curate or clerk within the diocese.— But I suppose these are spared in point of money, out of cha∣rity, or—.

One thing more is observable with respect to the province of York, viz. That when any archbishop is first installed or en∣throned at York, all the persons and vicars within his jurisdic∣tion, though never so poor, and their family-charge never so great, are obliged to give him the tenth of their ecclesiastical livings, as a benevolence, in order to assist the poor archbishop to settle himself in that see; which they say usually amounts to seven or eight thousand pounds (a sweet morsel of ecclesiastical food!) And 'tis said, that if any, even the meanest vicar, whose children want bread, does thro' poverty omit this custo∣mary payment, he must certainly expect to be severely whip∣ped for the offence, in their merciless spiritual court, 'till they have flayed him to the very bones.

Besides which, in some dioceses, as London, &c. there is a duty paid, called the bishop's pension, i. e. 10l. for every archdeaconry, and proportionably for other dignities and pecu∣liar jurisdictions, as may be seen in Newcourt's Repertorium Canonicum, vol. I. and II.

Next to episcopal jurisdiction is to be considered that of the archdeacons, whose number I have before limitted to sixty, but find on a farther scrutiny they may be enlarged to seventy, or

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more; for the diocese of London alone has five, and other dio∣ceses proportionable.

These archdeacons have their visitations twice yearly, viz. at Michaelmas and Easter, both which afford them plentiful har∣vests, in their collections of procurations, synodals, and other profitable perquisities. For,

1. At their Easter visitations, the ministers within their re∣spective districts pay them synodals, which they denominate their paschal rents, taking of each person six or seven shillings, some more, some less; for these payments are not all alike, but, I suppose, raised or lessened according to the value of the bene∣fice; but none must come empty-handed.

2. At their Michaelmas visitations the same ministers pay their procurations, some seven or eight, some ten or twelve shillings, some more, some less. But it is judged, that on a moderate computation, the archdeacons of England do yearly collect for procurations only, six or seven thousand pounds.

The next jurisdiction to be considered, is that of deans and their chapters.—But having already mentioned the several kinds of deans, and the manner of exercising their jurisdictions, I shall not at present plunge any farther into this bottomless barathron of ecclesiastical officers, and their rapines; but beg leave to conclude with the words of a late eminent prelate of the church of England, viz. Dr. G. Burnet, bishop of Sarum, who, in a familiar discourse with me on this very subject, free∣ly declared, That the canon law and ecclesiastical jurisdiction were originally derived from Hell; and that thither it ought to be sent again: And observing me to be somewhat startled at his words, he continued thus; A greater than I, even an archbishop (naming Grindal) was also of this opinion: To which I only add,

Heu! heu! haec è sulphureo fonte Ecclesiasticorum exurgunt! Vide Mat. Paris, p. 542. Col. 2.

These observations, I humbly submit to your just and equita∣ble enquiry; and am (with all due respect)

Your most obedient Servant. W. BOHUN.

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From Mr. GAIN'S GAZETTE, Sep. 12, 1768. A KICK for the WHIPPER, No. XVI. By Sir ISAAC FOOT.

State-quacks (alias Church-quacks) may harangue and swear till they are black in the face, before they will persuade any to believe that he is in perfect health, who feels himself sick at heart.

CATO'S LETTERS.

A Catechism, &c.

Quest.

WHY does Squire T. pass over No. IX. of the Whig?

A.

Because he thinks it (as a Dwarf does a Giant) "utterly unworthy of notice."

Q.

What think you of the sense to which the Whig has "per∣verted the very harmless passage in the appeal?"

A.

I know Dr. Chandler's heart (I dare say) as well as Squire T. or if not, that he at least ONCE thought of that sense, I dare appeal to his marginal note, p. 41.

Q.

What is it Squire T. calls "a burlesque on scripture.?"

A.

A burlesque on Arminianism.

Q.

Why has not he (good man) "patience to read it.?"

A.

Because piddling with gnats is dull business for one us'd to swallow camels.

Q.

What seems to have been Squire T's chief aim in his 14th Whig No. 2.?

A.

To persuade his readers that there is no considerable un∣easiness about an American episcopate.

Q.

What is evident notwithstanding?

A.

That the uneasiness is very general, and that Dr. C. is a false prophet.

Q.

What does Squire T's attempt in this case resemble?

A.

That of a quack who wou'd fain persuade a sick man that he is very well.

Q.

Why does he make it?

A.

To keep himself and party in countenance.

Q.

How do Squire T. and his Diotrephesian brethren pro∣bably feel?

Page 159

A.

As angry as furies, at hot headed writers and pragmatical enthusiasts.

Q.

Why?

A.

Because by "blowing the trumpet of sedition" they have disconcerted their schemes.

Q.

How do Americans at present appear to you?

A.

As birds half escap'd from the snare of the fowler.

Q.

How do you consider Sq. T?

A.

As a fisherman angling with a bare hook.

Q.

What does Squire T. mean by "open and fair ob∣jectors?"

A.

Such as make no objections, but those Dr. C. has alrea∣dy most heroically and victoriously encounter'd.

Q.

What does Dr. C. and he call all others?

A.

"Cavillers and sophists."

Q.

Do you know any Dissenters really willing to see a right reverend Father in America?

A.

Not a man,

Q.

Do you know any church man averse 〈◊〉〈◊〉 episcopate?

A.

A good number (to their credi 〈◊〉〈◊〉 spoken) and I've reason to believe there are many.

Q.

From his &c. ignorance of "any uneasness on the account of the appeal for some months after its publication" what does Squire T. inser?

A.

That it is well known that there was no appearance of any uneasiness at all.

Q.

What do you think of the Dissenters Sq. T. speaks of?

A.

If there were any who were "easy and satisfied as to the pretended plan itself, because unaware of the consequences of its execution. I believe they are by this time uneasy, because fully satisfied that the structure wou'd probably be very unlike to the model.

Q.

What do you think of Squire T's prediction par. 10th?

A.

That he will prove a false prophet as well as Doctor Chandler.

Q.

What does Sq. T. EUCLIDICALLY infer from the "un∣usual diffidence" with which the Whig expresses what he says of churchmen in Virginia?

A.

That "he has no evidence to support it."

Q.

What therefore is (according to Squire T.) equivalent to mathematic demonstration on the contrary?

A.

That when the Whig is confident "the consequence is as clear as any in Euclid," that he has sufficient "evidence to support" his conclusions.

Page 160

Q.

What does Sq. T. mean by lay-churchmen's "understand∣ing the subject?"

A.

Entering into the views of the clergy and finding them∣selves interested in the episcopal scheme.

Q.

Are there many who thus understand the subject?

A.

Very few, I believe.

Q.

Why so?

A.

Because I can't believe, many of that part of God's he∣ritage are so we 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to wish to have a LORD over them.

Q.

Have 〈…〉〈…〉 iscopal clergymen reasons to fear an epis∣•••••• 〈…〉〈…〉.

A.

No,—his Lordship, in order to recommend himself to the inferior clergy of his diocese, wou'd probably be so kind, so clever, and so indulgent as to give but little reas•••• for complaint. A newly promoted field officer is not ap 〈…〉〈…〉 for trifles with subalterns.

Q.

Why does Squire T. pretend, that "the clergy of the church of England choose to have the approbation of the govern∣ment in all their proceedings?"

A.

In order to curry favour with the civil power (to which as EMBASSADORS FROM HEAVEN they are subject) to repre∣sent those of his own party as wondrous loyal, and others as disaffected republicans.

Q

What say you of Sq. T's last paragraph save one?

A.

I've try'd it all over, as the Irish girl did her master's fiddle, but like her, for my shoul, I can't find where the tune, i. e. where the sense, lies. The Whig evidently (for argu∣ment's sake) supposes the plan executed as pretended, merely because a more extensive one was found impracticable by reason of American opposition, and partly on this supposition grounds the reflections of South Britons, though they wou'd be essential∣ly the same, on the same supposition, whatever might have been the success of the appeal: So that I believe it will puzzle others as well as me to find where the tune lies in all Squire T's fiddle saddle.

Q.

Why does he pass over the Whig's last paragraph?

A.

For the same reason that induc'd him to pass over the whole of No. IX.

Q.

What will Squire T. undoubtedly say of you?

A.

That I'm a caviller, a sophist, an hot-headed Catechumen, a pragmatical enthusiast, &c.

Q.

What then?

A.

Why I shall sleep as sound as ever I did.

Page 161

From Mr. GAINE'S GAZETTE, Sep. 19. A WHIP for the AMERICAN WHIG. By TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQR. [No. XXIV.]

Because ye have said—We have made Lies our Refuge, and under Falshood have we hid ourselves.

ISAIAH.

To TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQ.

SIR,

THAT the CHURCH labours under a real Hardship, with Respect to Ordination, is, I believe, sufficiently evident. —That the Whig and his Confederates, would fain perpe∣tuate that Hardship, I have demonstrated in a former Letter; and make no Doubt that it is clear by this Time to every can∣did and unprejudiced Enquirer.

The Independants of America, those worthy Imitators of the Pharisees of old, like them,

bind heavy Burthens, and grie∣vous to be borne, and lay them on Men's Shoulders; but they themselves will not move them with one of their Fin∣gers.
—Had they suffered a Hardship of the same Nature, tho' infinitely less grievous than the one abovementioned, how would the Press have groaned with their Complaints; since even in this Land of Liberty and Toleration, they raise such vio∣lent Clamours, merely because the National Church petitions for those Peivileges that they already enjoy?

I am far, however, from blaming a just Sensibility of the Grievances we may suffer; but that very Sensibility ought to give us a Fellow-Feeling for others, and make us unfeignedly desirous to relieve them.

If we examine the Conduct of the Champions in the present literary Conflict, who have entered the Lists as Opponents to the Introduction of a Bishop, we shall find them not aware of this Consequence, or at least, not influenced by it.

The Hardship which the Church laboured under as to Ordi∣nation, was evident and striking—To invalidate the Ar∣gument arising from it, the Whig, with a Degree of Modesty

Page 162

and Candour unparallel'd in the Annals of Grubstreet, calls a Voyage of several Thousand Miles amidst the Wonders and Pe∣rils of the Great Deep, by the diminutive Epithet of, a Trip for Ordination.

"As to the Trip for Ordination (says he) it is far from an Inconvenience;" that is to say, a long and dangerous Voyage, at a great Expence, if it be called by the Name of "a Trip for Ordination," changes its Nature, and becomes "far from an Inconvenience."

Let any one address a Person on the Rack who feels the most excruciating Pain, and tell him, that the reducing his Limbs to a genteel Position, is "far from an Inconvenience," and see whether his Anguish will be thereby alleviated, or he convinced that his Sufferings serve only to reduce his Limbs to a genteel Position.

And yet, such is the Logick made Use of by the American Whig, in his candid and judicious Lucubrations, whom I shall leave to enjoy the Wit, (if peradventure there be any) of the elegant Passage now observed upon—unmolested and alone.

The Members of the CHURCH indeed, in one Sense, are rea∣dy to allow "that this is far from an Inconvenience;" for they esteem it an intolerable Hardship which strikes at the very Be∣ing of the Church in America.

The Reason assigned why "the Trip for Ordination," is far from an Inconvenience, is, because, in the Whig's Opinion, "it doubtless conduces much to the reputable Figure of the Missiona∣ries."—And why then should not the Presbyterian, Con∣gregational or Independant Teachers, (call them what you will) take a similar Trip, since meek-eyed Charity itself, may dis∣cern, that many of them might make a much more reputable Figure than they do at present.

Before I quit the American Whig, give me Leave to mention a Calumny he introduces, for no other Purpose, but to vilify the Church Clergy—I mean his Insinuation, that they preach borrowed Sermons, which false and virulent as it is, yet, in ma∣ny Circumstances, easy to be imagined, might be justified to the World, as well as their own Consciences.

We are told, Sir, in Mr. LIVINGSTON'S manly spirited Let∣ter to the Bishop of Landaff, that "Recrimination is reputed to be just:" And were I inclined to recriminate, I doubtless could do it with the greatest Justice.—I might represent in stri∣king Colours, the nonsensical Jargon and Cant, too often thun∣dered out from the Pulpits of extempore Haranguers, to the great Disgust of all sensible Men, and the prodigious Delight

Page 163

of those who think every Thing they cannot comprehend, a Miracle of Wisdom and Erudition—But I spare the Whig's Favourites, and leave unnoticed their "vain Repetitions," and all the Rest and Residue of the bright Catalogue of new-fangled Ornaments, which compose their complete System of reformed Pulpit Eloquence. However, as the Whig does not think "a Trip" across the Atlantic, indispensably requisite for the Pur∣chase of Second-hand Sermons to qualify a Church Clergyman for the Exercise of his Function; so I believe nothing else want∣ing to constitute a right True Blue Independant Apostle, but a comfortable Stock of modest Assurance." Of which, "a more than brazen Monument is to be erected," by liberally dealing out twice or thrice each Sabbath Day, to a gaping Audience, their own crude and indigested Notions, as the Oracles of Truth, and the Dictates of Divine Wisdom.

Such are the Whig's Endeavours to surmount the Argument for a Bishop, deduced from the Source contained in my former Letter—Let us now see whether any more effectual have been used by that learned Veteran, Dr. CHAUNCEY.

In his ever memorable Answer to Dr. CHANDLER's Appeal, he upon this Head, t••••es Notice of four Particulars— The Danger of crossing the Atlanric—The Expence of the Voyage—The Difficulty of supplying the Church with Clergymen under these Discouragements: And the Impossibili∣ty, that a Bishop residing in England, should be acquainted with the Characters of those who go Home for Orders.

As to the first, he observes,

that the going to England for Ordination, is rather an Advantage than a Disadvantage to the Church. That as to himself, he should esteem it a hap∣py Circumstance in the Case, where he inclined to take Orders. That many he had mentioned it to, had declared themselves of the same Mind. And, were it proper, that he could name some Candidates for the Ministry, who had been tempted by the Professors of the Church, to receive Episcopal Ordination, with this Motive in special, that they should have a fine Op∣portunity to see England.

Without Doubt, we have as much Reason at least to con•••••••• in Doctor Chauncey's Veracity, as to admire the Whig's i••••pre••••∣sible Modesty; and therefore, I shall not dispute, that the Doc∣tor would esteem it "a happy Circumstance" to cross the At∣lantic, were he inclined to take Orders; or that many he had mentioned it to were seriously of the same Mind; or that some Candidates for the Ministry had been tampered with to receive Episcopal Ordination, with this special Motive, "that they would have a fine Opportunity to see England."—But

Page 164

tho' the Doctor and his Friends, as well as the Candidates above mentioned, are Persons of so much Resolution, that they "esteem it a happy Circumstance," to face the Dangers of the Ocean, merely to gratify an idle Curiosity; yet he should con∣sider, that there may be many worthy and learned Men of E∣piscopal Principles, and inclined to the Ministry, but not blest with so much I••••repidity, who look with Horror upon the "Raging of the Sea," and would infinitely rather enjoy Tran∣quility in some other Profession, than seek for Orders at the Hazard of their Lives.

It may indeed be imagined, as the Doctor never laid hold of so happy a Circumstance, when he was inclined to be ordained, which he might very well have done, since such Ordination as his Sect esteem regular, may doubtless be procured in Great-Britain, that therefore his present Assertion is devoid of Truth, and only made to serve a particular Purpose. But as the Doc∣tor's Veracity is not to be questioned, I rather think, that he himself has been deceived in the present Case; for we often, in∣advertently, apply the small End of the Glass to view Dangers at a Distance, in which we conceive ourselves not to be in∣terested.

But before I dismiss this Point, permit me to reprimand the Doctor in the strongest Manner, for calling the Professors of the Church of England, as it were, propter Excellentiam, Pro∣fessors of the Church—A Fault for which he must have known, Dr. Chandler was severely censured, and which was at least, as criminal, in the Whig's Opinion, as Sin against the Holy Ghost.

The second Point (viz. the Expence) the good Doctor gets over, by supposing it to be borne by the Society for propaga∣ting the Gospel—In answer to which, I shall at this Time, only produce the Words of a late Writer in the present Contro∣versy—

That the Society (says he) does not bear the Expence of those who go hence to England for Orders, is a Fact as true, and as well known, as that England lies on one Side of the Atlantic and America on the other.— Queen ANNE indeed provided, that the Sum of Twenty Pounds, should be paid out of the Public Treasury, to such Clergymen as went from England to settle in the Plantations; and out of this Bounty, Missionaries, I am informed, gene∣rally received somewhat more than Nineteen Pounds. But what is this to the Expence of a Voyage to England, and a∣nother back again?

As to the third Point, the Doctor thinks it sufficient, if he can invent other probable Causes to account for it,—To

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shew the Futility of them, would be too tedious at present.— But even if we allow them to exist, the Hardships resulting from the Case of Ordination, must, by all Men of Candour, be allowed to co-operate with them, and even of themselves, to be sufficient to produce that Effect.

The fourth and last Point is, the impossibility that a Bishop in England should be acquainted with the Characters of those who go home for Orders—Upon this, the Doctor remarks,

that the Case would not be altered for the better, were there a Bishop in America," because, (as he says) "the greater Part by far of those who would go to him for Orders, would be as unknown to him, by Reason of their great Distance from his Seat, as to a Bishop in England
—And besides, he supposes,
that a Commissary might as well prevent this Mischief as Bishops, as far at it can be prevented.
—"But can we imagine, that a Bishop would be constantly immured at his Seat, (as the Doctor calls it) so as to receive all his Knowledge of Persons and Characters in the same defective Way, which he must do in England? May we not rather imagine, that he would visit, at stated Times, the several Parts of the Continent; and thereby become acquainted with the Sentiments of the Public, and receive Intelligence, Vivâ Voce, from such Persons as were best able to give it?—By this Method, almost all Possibility of Forgery and Deception would be prevented: Nay, he might be able to observe the Con∣duct of Candidates for the Ministry "from their Youth up∣wards," beginning with them at the several Seminaries of Learn∣ing where they are educated.

The Appointment of a Commissary, would be but a bad Succedanium; because the same dangerous and expensive Voyage would remain, and Credentials, as from him, might be forged without the Possibility of a speedy Detection; and tho' the Fraud might chance not to escape the Bishop of London's Pe∣netration, yet it could scarce sail of Success, where the Order of Bishops is so numerous as it is in England.

In short, there is nothing like having the Person who is to ordain, upon the Spot; where he may "see with his own Eyes, and hear with his own Ears; whereas when at a Dis∣tance he is liable to be imposed upon by a Thousand Artifices.

The Members of the CHURCH do not want, by introducing a Bishop, to procure a religious Establishment, as Doctor Chaun∣cey declares, and the Whig and Centinel impudently assert— If the CHURCH is not already established, that Measure in itself can never do it—The Members of the CHURCH are Ene∣mies by Principle to Persecution; but they will not tamely

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give up the Rights of Conscience.—They cannot sit down quietly, and see the Church insulted and reviled; on the contrary, they are determined to do themselves Justice by all the Methods of Reason and Moderation; and above all Things, to "hold fast stedfastly the Profession of their Faith,"

These are the Sentiments of all true CHURCHMEN, and these will ever be the Sentiments of,

Sir,

Your most obedient humble Servant, ROGER DE CHAMP.

AN ANECDOTE, Humbly addressed to Sir ISAAC FOOT.

AN impudent dirty Fellow, once struck Socrates with his Hoof.—The Friends of that great Man, wondered to see him put up with such an Insult without shewing any Resentment.—What! (says he calmly) if an Ass kicks me, shall I be Fool enough to kick him again?

The learned Reader, if I mistake not, will find this Story in Diogenes Laertius, and Sir Isaac may see it in HAYS'S Essay on Deformity.

A.

From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE, Sep. 19. The AMERICAN WHIG, [No. XXVIII.]

THE nature of Christianity, and the errand and duties of a minister of the gospel considered, what an be more ma∣nifest than that the thirst of the clergy after civil authority must be both mischievous and criminal. They are sent out to beseech Men to be reconciled unto God; and the success of their negotiations depends upon the harmony of their lives with prin∣ciples of the most exalted refinements.—Principles utterly inconsistent with the pursuit of worldly pleasures and the intan∣gling cares of the magistracy.

Suppose for instance that Dr. Chandler's little flock at Eliza∣beth-Town, should consist of but five hundred souls; I ven∣ture to affirm, that the conscientious discharge of his duty scarce

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leaves him time for common recreation. Besides what he owes to himself as a Christian (and the best may cry out, who is sufficient for the spiritual warfare?) how immense the load in∣duced by his office of a shepherd, who watches for their souls! —I shall say nothing of the painful pursuits of his studies, his public exercises in season and out of season, his catechitical lectures and periodical attendances at his chamber as a Ductor Dubitantium, to solve cases of conscience:—His parochial visits alone open to view a field of labour that must make any minister tremble who would not have the blood of his people found in his skirts. The pastoral care is to extend to all; some are to be instructed and others reproved.—The incautious are to be admonished, the sluggish to be quickened— Encouragement must be applied to the faint-hearted; and the backslider, if possible recovered. In a word, as the variety of their cases is endless, so are his fatigues, each demands skill and address, and some will pierce a tender heart with the most pungent distress. What a task to stand ready for sick and death bed calls! How is the presumptious to be convinced? who can sap the delusive hopes of hypocrites, and support those of the dying tymid believer? But I forbear, the anxieties of the pi∣ous minister must be inconceivable: And charged with duties so various, what can be more absurd and cruel than to encrease the burden by civil concerns foreign to his function? What more mischievous than to abate his industry in so glorious a work, by the intoxications of worldly wealth and honour? Such a good shepherd the Doctor is or ought to be.—And seems it not strange then to find him contending for the investiture of the clergy with powers repugnant to their offices? Conceiving, as it was natural, that the bishops whom he is desirous of having in this country, might meet with preferment to civil trusts, and the clergy under their patronage be constituted judges and ju∣stices; and that the colonies might thence take an alarm; he endeavours to justify such appointments, and two pages of his appeal are devoted to obviate objections to a measure for which fifty thousand volumes would be utterly insufficient; since rea∣son, revelation and the experience of all nations conspire to teach us the lesson, that nothing can be more dangerous to church and state, than the participation of the clergy in the power of the magistrates.—Of all orders they are most prone to per∣secute.—Such is the sect.—It stands recorded in the history of the world, in characters of blood.—The nature of their creeds makes no difference.—In this respect the poet asserts, an undeniable truth, that priests of all religions are the same.—Nay, the Christian clergy seem to have surpassed

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the Pagan priesthood, as much in their cruelties, as in the refi∣ned morality they were sent out to inculcate. Power in the hands of ecclesiastics, raised antichrist in the very bosom of the Christian church; and if we may judge from what is past, ci∣vil authority can never be intrusted to the clergy with safety to the people. * 4.79 Secluded from the world, and ignorant of man∣kind, (I speak of them as a body) they grow sour and vindic∣tive, over-rate their order, are impatient of opposition, and ene∣mies to freedom of thought.—Being intriguing, specu∣lative, systematical and enterprising, they are always an over∣match for the vulgar; and by the advantage of their numbers, and the devotion of their weak and bigotted adherents, natural∣ly acquire a dominion the more to be feared, as their operations proceeding upon the flattering principles of advancing the glory of God, and the good of souls, rarely cease until an implicit submission to their opinions is extorted.—All devotees con∣tract more or less of the spirit of persecution.—But from circumstances of condition, education and interest, the clergy acquire the greatest proportion of it—All sects will per∣secute. The persecuted if lifted to power will persecute in their turn. The clergy are sure prompters; and it is worth a remark, that when the people of New-England, who were persecuted out of Old-En∣gland, persecuted the Quakers, they were in a manner ruled by their ministers.—And if this most peaceable of all sects had the same opportunities, and a clergy to stimulate them, over∣come by the passions and infirmities common to fallible mortals, they would doubtless revenge the oppressions which their ance∣stors have felt both in Europe and America. ¶ 4.80 It ought there∣fore to be the maxim of all states, and especially of a Christian state, and above all of weak province connected as ours are, and contending for the preservation and establishment of our liber∣ties, to confine men who have so often abused the powers com∣mitted

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to them, to a dependance upon the laity, and to such a proportion of wealth as will be a decent provision, but ever prevent them from mounting the ladder of civil promotion.

To dispel our fears, Doctor Chandler tells us, that if the go∣vernment should invest the bishops with SOME DEGREE of civil power WORTHY THEIR ACCEPTANCE, it is inconceivable that any should thereby be injured. Upon being so invested, he sup∣poses the inferior clergy will become justices and judges of the quorum, and alledges it would make no difference to the parties concerned in their proceedings, whether they were laymen or clergymen; and adds, "So if bishops should be invested with a PROPORTIONABLE degree of civil authority, neither could there be ANY GREAT reason for complaints:"—Appeal, 110, 111.

As the delusive mincings of this see-saw canting pamphlet have been already exposed, I shall not stop to remark upon the qualifying and evasive words some degree, proportionable degree, worthy of their acceptance, and any great reason, all doubtless artfully designed as so many loop-holes to creep out at, but pro∣ceed to examine what effects this prelatical doctrine would pro∣bably have in the plantations. Let us make the experiment first in the province of New-York.

Here are above one hundred thousand as happy subjects as any upon the face of the earth, and the more so, for being split into many different protestant denominations. We live here in Christian fellowship, and the liberty and peace of the gospel. —In this delightful branch of the empire, the rights of conscience are shackled by no religious test laws.—Every loyal protestant is a candidate for public honours; can offer his service, and receive the rewards and munificence of the crown. —whether of one denomination or another, he is exposed to no penalties on the score of his religion, but being left to the unbiassed dictates of his own conscience, may worship God as he pleases.—No sect has a general odious preheminence, and without establishments, tythes or church-rates (a small tax not universal only expected) we abound with churches and places of worship, beyond the censure even of the bishop of Landaff; have raised them by our own free and voluntary contributions, and without the compulsion of laws, maintain a clergy, proportion∣ed to our numbers, and but for a few instances, as unexception∣able as any in all Christendom.

Thanks to the wisdom and policy of our Dutch ancestors, for this happy exemption from penal and persecuting laws, and the glorious liberty we enjoy. If the first settlers of this colony, who were all of the national reformed church of the United

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Netherlands, had been bigots to their own persuasion, it would often, in ancient days, have been easy for them to take advan∣tages of necessitous Governors; and procure, if not acts un∣friendly to Christian liberty, at least discriminating immunities, and ill-policied endowments, out of the vacant lands of the crown.—But inspired by the principles of generous tole∣ration, they contented themselves with the saith of the English nation, in the capitulatory articles at the surrender by which they asked nothing but the liberty of conscience, in worship and discipline,—and tho' once worried and trapanned by a bi∣gotted governor, into a law that exposed themselves and their posterity (not excepting their own clergy) to a perpetual tax in four counties, levied for the use of clergymen, of whom, some at least, as missionaries of the society for propagating the gospel, were at the same time receiving support, like objects of charity, out of a fund raised by the alms of the people of England.— I say, all this notwithstanding, they scorned to resent the provocation, have seen, without envy, the distinguishing libera∣lity of Fletcher and Cornbury, to a sect fed out of their own bowels, and even in its infancy, aspiring at a preheminence: And though in a subsequent period, by the devolution of the command upon President Schuyler, the whole legislative autho∣rity was in the hands of the Dutch; yet so far from making reprisals, they have not even attemping the repeal of the church-tax; but only avoided a repetition of that error. And to their wisdom and generosity we owe that influx of protestants, which adds daily to our prosperity, and is so necessary to the cultivation, and so advantageous to the landed interest of the colony.

But to whatever cause our liberty and felicity is to be ascribed, certain it is, that the permanence and security of both greatly depend upon the partition of power, among our various deno∣minations, and the wisdom and impartiality of the government. With two of the three branches of the legislature, in favour of the episcopalians; I mean the governor and council, who are generally of that persuasion, and with the power of the crown and the nation, to protect them; that sect hath such a bulwark of defence, that every step taken to increase their security, ought to be considered as a demonstration, that not their own safety, but mischief to other, is the true end in view.— The strength of the Dutch, and other non-episcopalians, con∣sists in their power to maintain a majority in the assembly. To which, as contributors of near nine tenths of all taxes, they ought to be ever attentive; and more especially, now measures are pursuing by the episcopal clergy, to wriggle themselves into

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power.—What! shall the protection of the governor and council, of king, lords and commons, be an insufficient security to the episcopal churches, and all the other protestants in the colony be thought unconscionable, in opposing a project that tends to deprive them of their weight in one single branch of the legislature? tho' this, under God, is the main, if not the only security they have for the glorious religious liberty they at present enjoy.—If ever a bishop drives his gilded equi∣page in our streets, and shares in the public councils of the co∣lony, and the missionaries are judges and justices in the coun∣ties, who, but the learned Doctor of Elizabeth-Town, cannot foresee the most tragical consequences, from such a priestly mix∣ture of power? Let us mention a few of the innumerable complaints to which it will infallibly give rise.— And,

1. As a bishop at the council board, with the clergy as ju∣stices and judges of the quorum, and all their dependent bigots in his train, and the interest of the reverend bench in England on his side, will instantly possess a power, at which every go∣vernor, and especially a necessitous one, will tremble; two branches of our legislature must fall a sacrifice to priest-craft, and every measure of government thenceforth be dictated by ecclesiastical zeal.—A bishop upon such ground, will be more than mortal, if his pride and haughtiness is not exci∣ted; and that governor and council possess an uncommon spirit of courage, who dare to check the insolence of a priest, whose influence will be sufficient by a single letter, to reduce them to poitical non entities.—And here, good Doctor, what a source for complaints have you overlooked!

2 With such an ascendency in the prelates (which would be greater here than that of all the bishops put together in En∣gland) and the lower clergy for judges and justices in our coun∣ties; can any man but Dr. Chandler, be so betle eyed, as not to see, that the people immediately concerned in their proceedings, may be far otherwise affected, than if they were mere lay-men? Will those motly compounds of Moses and Aaron, possess such angelic perfection, that no man, not even an anti-episcopalian, will ever have any great cause to complain?—The Dr. indeed may be conscious of his own impartiality, and fitness to determine a controversy between one of his church-wardens and a lay-elder of the Presbyterian conventicle at Elizabeth-Town; but all who are strangers to the rectitude and internal operati∣ons of his mind, would be apt to think the cause in the hands of a worthy lay-justice, upon a more eligible footing; and that as but few of the missionaries can pretend to the qualifications

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which have rendered the Dr. so famous, complaints against the judgment of such ecclesiastico-political judges, would be nei∣ther few nor ill-grounded.

3dly, If the places of honour not military; for it is not pro∣posed at present, as far as I am informed, that the clergy should have any command as officers in the militia; I say, if the only places of honour and profit are to be committed to the clergy, what short work will such powerful election-jobbers have, in se∣curing the voices for the choice of an Assembly man? Only sup∣pose then, the new bishop concerned in a plan with the enemies of America, in the mother country; (which is no improbable supposition) and the colony legislature at his back, and ideas present themselves that fills the mind with consternation and horror.

4thly, Tho' a dabbler in politics may apprehend no mischief of this kind, it is most of all to be wondered at, that an endoc∣torated divine should be so blind as not to foresee any great complaints neither from men of honour and justice, or of real and undissembled piety, even of his own denomination.— Will not a resort to the bishop's palace at New-York or Albany, for the purpose of pleasure, preferment and intrigue, occasion their non-residence at their cures?—And are not their flocks in danger of being unfed, and exposed by the prostitution of their time and talents, to affairs of private litigation, the commitment and punishment of felons, the indemnity of the parish from bastards, and that infinity of business, which our laws have committed to justices of the peace, and especially to those of the quorum.

Let these hints suffice for the present, to refute the pernicious doctrine of the appeal.—A doctrine that will, if carried into practice, give rise to complaints from all quarters.— The Doctor can see no very great reason for any, but tho' his pamphlet is recommended by a round allegation, that "nothing has been asserted in the course of his work, but what he believes upon good evidence to be true," yet thousands are apprehensive of complaints, from all parts and denominations, not excepting even the Prelate and the Doctor himself.—A project that will fill us with jealousies, and tend to subjugate us to the most merciless thraldom, will first excite the complaints of the people, and then end in an enquiry for which the author and the instru∣ment will doubtless have reason to complain, both of themselves and each other.

If the Doctor had any view of this, it appeared to him afar off, and hence perhaps the information to his superiors that the present time, of all others best savoured his scheme.—

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But the most urgent motive was omitted, to wit, that the Ame∣ricans had as yet no rich independent Barons as in the mother country, to curb the new prelates and keep them to order, but for this very reason (a reason not proper to be even hinted in the appeal) every real Christian,—every son of liberty, ought to stand upon his guard, and protest against the investi∣tures of the clergy with powers so repugnant to the pure and holy religion we profess. Security against this fruitful source of distress we demand; but it is so far from being offered, that the very advocate for an episcopate not only confesses this possi∣ble, that his bishops may acquire civil powers and preferments, but very sagaciously, and doubtless keeping the grand end of his appeal in sight, pleads for the distribution of a share, not only to their lordships the bishops, but to their inferior clergy. We see then what kind of primitive episcopacy America is to be bles∣sed with, had some men their aims.

☞ The KICK for the WHIPPER, No. XVII. being in Dutch is omitted in this Place, But if a Translation can be procu∣red, will be added at the End of the Vo∣lume.

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From Mr. GAINE'S GAZETTE, Sep. 26, 1768. A WHIP for the AMERICAN WHIG. BY TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQR. [No. XXV.]

They Grin like a Dog, and run about thro' the City. DAVID.

THE XIVth Num. of the American Whig consists of a very curious Letter, ushered in by a very furious Introduction. What it was, that added this extraordinary Degree of Acidity to the native Sourness of the Whig's Temper, is but little to the Purpose. Chymists tells us, that Acids when mixed with Al∣kalies, i. e. with Things of a Nature contrary to their own, produce the most furious and distructive Fermentations. Possi∣bly our Whig had seen a Tory, a Jacobite, or what is ten times worse in his Opinion, a good honest CHURCHMAN:— Possibly Conscience—a Thing as opposite to the Nature of a thorough Whig, as Alkalies to Acids—had given him a whipping through one of my Papers, for the many base Designs that he is by every Art carrying on, to the great Dis∣turbance of his Majesty's liege Subjects.—But however uncertain we may be with Regard to the Cause, the Effect is e∣vident: A most furiously flustratious Ferment seized him, which spent itself in foaming, fuming, and fretting, against every Per∣son that hath so much Regard to Truth and primitive Christi∣anity, as to open his Mouth, or use his Pen, in Defence of the venerable and Apostolic Order of BISHOPS, and in Support of the natural, civil and religious Rights of the CHURCH in Ame∣rica. All such Persons are by him denominated

shameless Scribblers,—Scribblers, who in open Defiance of all Modesty and Decorum, are engaged in perverting Truth, propagating Falshood, out-raging common Sense, and abu∣sing without Offence given, the most numerous Denominati∣on of Christians in this Province.

Would not a Person who knew nothing of our Whig, but what might be gathered from this Sentence, be led to consider him as a very bashful, shamefaced sort of a Man, who had never scribbled in his Life!—One, that had monopolized all

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Modesty and Decorum; to that there was not a Grain in the whole Province, but what was in his Possession? One, that ne∣ver was engaged in perverting Truth, and propagating Falshood? —And would not the Person, who should make these Con∣clusions, be most abominably mistaken?—Of all Men in the World the Whig should have been the last, to have mentioned scribbling as a Mark of Reproach; or noticed the Want of Mo∣desty and Decorum in any one; or any Thing about perverting Truth, or propagating Falshood:—For what Scribbler is more a Scribbler than himself, or more shameless?—Who ever wrote more "in open Defiance of all Modesty and Deco∣rum?—Who was ever more laboriously diligent in tortur∣ing and "perverting Truth." and "propagating Falshood," than the American Whig?—Name the Man, et eris mihi magnus Apollo.

What the Whig means by "out-raging common sense," I confess I know not. Had he given us a little more common Sense, and a little less Rage, possibly I should have understood him bet∣ter: But to his and my Misfortune, the Ebullition of the Fer∣ment of his Brain, hath been so superlatively flustratious, that his Rage hath run away with his common Sense, just as honest Teague's Legs ran away with their Master.

I come now to the Letter, which this flustratious Introducti∣on presents to us, as the genuine Production of a Member of the Dutch Church. The Dutch and English Churches in this Pro∣vince, have ever been mutually happy, in the good Understand∣ing that hath subsisted between them, and I hope ever will sub∣sist; notwithstanding the vile Endeavours of the American Whig, and his Tools, to sow Jealousies and Animosities in the Breasts of these two Sisters.

When I said in a former Paper that the Power of Ordinati∣on in the Church of Holland, was confined to the Classis, and was not given to every ordinary Pastor, I said it upon the Au∣thority of a Person, whom I know to be every Way qualified to judge of the Truth of what he affirmed; and utterly incapa∣ble of saying in this Case, what he did not know to be true. —But—waving all other Arguments, and Assertions, let us come to the Matter of Fact.—If the ordinary Pas∣tors of the Church of Holland have the Power of Ordination, distinct from the Classis, how comes it, that the Dutch Ministers in this Province do not ordain? If it be said, that there have been Instances of their ordaining.—I beg to be informed, whether a Schism does not subsist in the Dutch Church, upon that Account, among others?

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With Regard to the Church of England's unchurching all the Protestant Reformed Churches, I again deny it. On the contrary, she hath ever looked upon them with the most friendly Regard, and hath given them all the Assistance that hath been in her Power. She settled her own-Church Government, as she supposes, upon the sure Word of God, and left others to judge for themselves.

Whatever is darkly, or not fully expressed, in the Writings of the inspired Penmen of the New Testament, is best explained by the Practice of the Primitive Christians—and their Prac∣tice can be known only from Ecclesiastical History. Now, be∣sides the Testimony of the Holy Scriptures in favour of Episco∣pacy, we have the joint Practice of the universal Christian Church, from the Apostles' Days, 'til within a little more than Two Hundred Years. The Argument, from the Practice of the Primitive Church, is just as strong in Favour of Episcopa∣cy, as it is in Favour of the First-Day Sabbath, or Lord's Day; or as it is in Favour of Infant Baptism, or admitting Women to the Lord's Supper. When therefore, our Adversa∣ries will produce a plain, positive Text of Scripture, enjoining the baptizing of Infants, or the observing the first Day of the Week, as a Day of public Worship, or for admitting Women to the Lord's Supper; then I will produce as plain and as strong a one in Favour of Episcopacy.—And when the Church of Scotland will prove her Kirk Sessions, her Presbyteries, her Provincial Synods, her General Assemblies, to be jure divine, —and if they are not jure divino, they are mere Crea∣tures of the State, and owe their Being to Acts of Parli∣ament—I will then prove, that Spiritual Courts are jure divino.

But if the Dissenters, either in England or the Colonies, think they stand upon the same foot of Innocency, in their Sepera∣tion from the CHURCH, that Foreign Protestants do, in depart∣ing from the Mode of Worship, &c. established in England, they are much mistaken. The Charge of Schism, in divi∣ding and rending a National Reformed Church, without any tolerable Reason, will be their lasting Reproach in this World; and, it is much to be feared, the Condemnation of some of them in the World to come.

The Church, it is true, holds and teaches the Necessity of an uninterrupted Succession of Ordinations—from the Apostles, in order to qualify any Man for the Christian Priest∣hood, or Ministration: And if any Persons, who are conscious that their Ordinations are in this Respect irregular and defective, will fly to the Consequences, and talk of being unchurched, un∣christianed,

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&c. I cannot help it. I unchurch nobody: But what Truth will do, concerns them much to inquire.

This Writer seems to define a Church—for he is seldom clear in his Expressions—to be the "Members of the visi∣ble Church of Christ,"—"assembled for the public Wor∣ship of God;"—and accuses me of unchurching the Bap∣tists, Presbyterians, &c. because I do not call their Meeting-Houses CHURCHES; and of unchurching the Dutch-Church, because I do call the Houses where they meet CHURCHES. But I repeat it, I have unchurched no one; I have only honestly spoken the Truth; Have called my own CHURCH by its pro∣per Name; and the other Denominations of Christians, by those Names, by which they originally distinguished themselves: And if they choose to alter their Names, must I be at the Trouble of learning a new Vocabulary?

But howeve unwilling this Writer is to be unchurched him∣self; he hath with a Stroke of his Pen, unchurched the Church of Rome, and made it "a Synagogue of Satan."— But if the Church of Rome has "ceased to be a Church of Christ, and is become "a Synagogue of Satan," with what Propriety are the Protestant Churches called reformed Churches? —Can a Synagogue of Satan be reformed into a Church of CHRIST?—I trow not.—If this Wri∣ter has expressed himself properly, the Protestant Churches ought to have been called Newformed, instead of Reformed; —A Term that would suit our English Dissenters— I mean no Reflection on any others—much better than any they have ever yet had the Honour of conferring upon them∣selves.

From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE, Sep. 26. The AMERICAN WHIG, [No. XXIX.]

The necessity of American bishops from the want of confirmation considered.—

AS my controversy is not with the church of England, but with those of the bigots of that communion, who contend for an American episcopate; I have, through the whole course of these papers, avoided to oppugn any tenet or ceremony held by episcopalians, except in those instances in

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which the great champion for the convention hath rendered it absolutely necessary, by inducing therefrom an argument in fa∣vour of his darling project. For this reason, I should deem t no concern of mine, did every man in America, think proper to have himself confirmed every day of the year. But is confir∣mation urged as an argument for introducing spiritual lords in∣to his Majesty's dominions, and represented as Dr. Chandler does, in a sense not held by the church to which he belongs; the refutition of it falls directly within any province, and I shall accordingly consider it, without the least intention of giving of∣fence to any man, and caring very little what offence is taken at it, by those who have lately thought fit to urge it in their ser∣mons, in order to disquiet weak minds, and increase the party in favour of an American prelate.

As ambition ever wants a ladder to climb to dignity, it is not wonderful to find a certain sett of clergymen in this country, so fond of introducing the hierarchy among us. Could their aspiring views be gratified without danger to the religious liber∣ties of millions, we should make no objections; but until they have convinced us, by demonstrative arguments, that an episco∣pate upon the English plan, will not be productive of the like events in America, which it has produced in England, we shall never cease to oppose, as men, who have at stake the most in∣valuable of all priveleges on this side of Heaven; in which op∣position we are sure of forty-five fiftieths of all America to back us.

Doctor Chandler and his brethren are sensible that one of the most successful artifices to blind the populace, is to persuade them, that without such a dignitary they must want some pri∣vilege essential to their salvation; or at least to their advance∣ment in religion. To this purpose the want of confirmation is urged as a grievance, only to be moved by his Lordship's arri∣val. And indeed if the people are convinced that they cannot be confirmed in possession or enjoyment of the gifts and graces of our divine religion, without the laying on of the hands of a prelate; if the sanctifying, if the quickening, nay, if the small∣est degree of the preventing and comforting influences of the sacred spirit, is confined to the hands of a bishop, or confer∣red by this boasted rite, I applaud the convention in their pur∣suit of a mitred apostle.—No temporal good bears any pro∣portion to this spiritual blessing; and we might chearfully con∣sent to the loss of many privileges could we thereby obtain men of such extensive power and utility.

But I fancy there are few of the sensible episcopalians them∣selves in this country, so much the dupes to priestcraft, or so

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ignorant of their bibles, as not to know that there is not the least shadow of such a thing in the sacred volume. And does the Doctor himself really believe, that the gift of the holy spirit in any kind or degree, is in this our day, conferred by the hards of a man? Can it be imagined by any rational creature, acquainted with the oeconomy of our religion, that the prevent∣ing and saving operations of the almighty spirit, ever were, or now are at the disposal of a bishop?—That they may be conferred by a worm of the dust when he pleases? Were this the case, adoration itself would only be a sufficient honour paid to his Lordship whenever he came!

Will the Doctor answer us, that tho' the holy ghost is not in reality conveyed by that means, it is nevertheless appointed as a sign of its actual conveyance to the person confirmed, "to certify him of God's gracious favour and goodness?" We cannot but ask whether the bishop is to certify this to all, without di∣stinction, or to those only who make the profession with sinceri∣ty? If only to the latter, he had need to be the searcher of hearts, to be sure that they are sincere: If to all without di∣stinction (as is usually done) tho' many are most insincere and ungodly, then he certifies to them a falshood. Nor can we suppose that God ever gave him power to ratify and confirm that, as a fact, to any one, which in most instances must prove false, and in all is uncertain.

Will it be said, that the imposition of hands is only a sign to signify the giving the holy ghost, to enable us to fulfill the conditi∣on of the gospel covenant? Then is this rite erected into a sa∣crament of equal importance with baptism itself; and the church of England has at least three sacraments; for her own definition of a sacrament is

an outward and visible sign of an inward and spiritual grace, given unto us, ordained by Christ himself, as a means whereby we receive the same, and a pledge to assure us thereof.
But I can as easily believe that there are seven sacraments, as that there are three.

I wish the Doctor had been a little more explicit, and told us distinctly, what he means by confirmation, and what end it an∣swers. He has, it is true, given us a sketch of the confirma∣tion office, by which to guess it out; but that is as confused as his own description. However on reading the 23d page, or thereabouts, it would appear to us, that the most important part of confirmation is, the conferring of the holy ghost by the imposition of hands, not in his miraculous influences, which he thinks are ceased, but in his sanctifying and preventing influen∣ces. Now tho' the bare mention of such a thing is shocking; yet with Americans, with a knowing, an enquiring people,

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this is urged as an argument for the necessity of prelatical bi∣shops in this country: How greatly to be deplored the unhap∣py fate of America, that for near two ages its numerous inha∣bitants have been deprived of the mercy of a bishop's hand!

But the Doctor's notion of confirmation differs from that of the church of England herself—his arguments are in∣sufficient—the thing is inconsistent—and as prac∣tised in the church of England, pernicious. If I prove these things, I hope the good people of this country will not be distressed in their minds for want of an episcopate on this account.

1. The Doctor's notion of confirmation differs from that of the church of England herself. She only goes so far as to say, that

It hath been a solemn ancient and laudable custom continuing from the apostles times.
But the Doctor is wi∣ser, and adopts bishop Taylor's assertion, that it is an holy rite, a divine ordinance. Now in spite of the Terminus a quo, or any other ill-quoted scrap of school divinity, I am obliged to conceive that there is a wide difference between an antient custom, however laudable, and a divine ordinance. For an ordi∣nance I humbly conceive we must find some plain appointment in scripture; and not receive any thing as such, merely be∣cause uncertain tradition, or the history of the ancients, in∣forms us that it was a custom in primitive times. If it is an ordinance of God, pray tell us where it is ordained in the word of God; and think not, good Doctor, that we shall take it upon St. Jerome's word, and his infamous misapplication of that passage in the Acts, any more that we shall take it upon your own assertion. That the passage in Acts is infamously mis∣applied, we shall presently evince. That the sacrament, word and prayer, are divine ordinances, no one can properly dispute, because they are plainly ordained in the scriptures. But where do we find the institution of confirmation according to the Doc∣tors's notion of it, which must be more important than ever I conceived any of the sacraments to be?

Had the first reformers of the church of England, who composed the office of confirmation, intended to have it under∣stood as a divine ordinance, they would have called it so, in plain terms, and not left the Dr. such hard labour to prove that they meant so. But as far as I can see, they never had any such meaning, and he has plainly perverted their intention. It is well known, that none of the reformed churches did at first admit it as a divine institution; and none but the church of England, paid so much respect to the church of Rome, as even to

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retain under the notion of a laudable custom, what that mistress of harlots had taught as a divine ordinance. Nay, many of the wisest Romanists themselves did at the time of the reformation, give up its being an ordinance of divine right; as may be seen in the history of the Council of Trent. Nor had it any longer been retained in the Romish church, had not the influence of the Pope carried it, being thereto incited by a fear of hard im∣putations upon the infallibility of the Roman see. But the Doctor and his high-flying fraternity, are for going back, in∣stead of advancing in reformation. Instead of joining his church in calling it only a laudable custom, he asserts it to be a divine ordinance.

It seems that it was in St. Jerom's day a laudable custom for ministers of the gospel, or bishops to go abroad to catechise all who had been baptized, and to implore a blessing upon them in a solemn manner when he had done. That this was a laud∣able and ancient custom we do not dispute; and indeed the same custom is practised in all churches more or less to this day. Nay would our zealous, humble and painful episcopal clergy, instead of waiting for the bishop, do more of this kind, it would be no harm. If this is what is meant by confirmati∣on, and this is all that was anciently meant by it, as far as I have been able to trace it; I cannot see why the common Presby∣ter may not do it; or to what strange cause it is to be ascribed that the whole of this useful custom is monopolized by the dio∣cesan bishops

I do not object to the ancient and laudable custom, of cate∣chising young persons, and asking a profession of their faith or assent to their baptism, before they come to the sacrament of the Lord's supper. This sort of confirmation is well enough; but none suppose a mitred bishop essentially necessary to this. And as to the posture in which a blessing was anciently implored by the bishops, whether it was by laying on of hands.— by holding them erect, or only over the head; what is this to us, while God has left us to choose in the matter that posture which to us appears most solemn and convenient? If there is any divine institution of a posture, let it be produced. But if none, as the ancient ministers of the gospel used their liberty, so let us.—But when St. Jerom gives to any peculiarities of a custom the force of a divine command; and that only be∣cause it was unniversally consented to in the church; we must differ from him, and not take the name of a saint for an ar∣gument, If universal consent of a church to a thing proves it to be a divine institution; the giving the Lord's supper to infants was by divine institution, for the Doctor can probably inform

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us of the time when this gross absurdity was generally con∣sented to throughout the Christian world.

The truth is, it was customary in the primitive times to ca∣techise, to ask a profession of their faith, or an assent to their engagements in baptism. In process of time this assent came to be called confirmation, as therein the catechumen did con∣firm and bind himself a new.—The bishop did afterwards usually pray for a blessing upon them; as is usually practised in all churches; and this he did in that posture which to him ap∣peared proper. This was the antient and laudable custom; and as long as it continues under that name and so practised, we have no objections. But superstition, ever fond of erecting any good custom into an ordinance to be of as much force as any of the positive institutions of Christ, first gave this the name of a divine ordinance, then made it one of the seven sacraments. The act of the catechumen in assenting to his baptism, was the confirmation: But the fondness of bishops to assume importance, led them to teach, that the more essential part of confirmation was the imposition of their important hands; as if this was the ratification of the covenant, and the holy spirit deseended somehow thro' their consecrated arms.

From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE, Sep. 26, 1768 A KICK for the WHIPPER, No. XVIII.

—rudis indigestaque moles, Nec quicquam nisi pndus iners— OVID.

ff

PANDECTS.

THE Whig No. XVI. is really such a poor little thing that it is almost a pity to kick it,—I must give it (poor thing!) a touch or two with my toe however.

She, who in England sits law-dignifi'd among other less nu∣merous and barely tolerated denominations, may there perhaps be with some propriety call'd THE CHURCH; but in this land, the asylum of our ancestors from her severities, to see a scrib∣bling Bigot arrogantly claim the emphatical Title for an hand∣full

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of disseminated episcopal dissenters, (many of them schis∣maties too) and impudently wrangle with the original Ameri∣can Churches, because they modestly claim the common Appel∣lation of Christian Societies, without monopolizing the virtue of the Popes paw,—is tho' to tickle one into a side split∣ting fit of Laughter, and must certainly excite the contempt rather than the resentment of every judicious reader. "Calling Meeting-houses by the name of Churches," Sq. T. says, "is a very late refinement, and unknown to our forefathers."— "His eldest Son," a Boy of 12 years, it seems, "remembers the first of this custom."—Observations vastly pertinent, weighty and edifying! to which I beg leave to add, that (if he has indeed begot Sons) his eldest may possibly be older, than he imagines.

In charging the Whig so seriously with Plagiarism, he seems to envy him so ingenious a correspondent as O. W.— Original or not, Mr. Wheeler's letter and particularly the men∣tion of a Bribe, seems to have so much affected his imaginati∣on, as to have occasion'd a Dream in his 18th No. no less than a Fortnight after.

In Par. 7th. and 8th. We have a curious proof of episco∣pal patriotism, selected from "every page almost of the histo∣ry of England." Look sharp, reader, lest you see not the force of the demonstration.—King James II, a friend, it seems, to popery, arbitrarily granted a general "Liberty of conscience." but the Bishops (more averse to protestant schis∣matics than to popish bigots, from whom they themselves had in effect schismatiz'd) oppos'd the King's tyrannical Indulgence, insisted on the constitutional right of Persecution, and choose to go prisoners to the Tower, rather than allow heretics to say, by words or actions, that Episcopacy was not JURE DIVINO, ergo; They were "warm friends to our constitution and li∣berties." Q. E. D.

When Pro Aris so ecstatically cry'd "Joy, Joy, Joy, to his good friend Tickle," some wags suspect, he was in so comical a pickle, as to need for himself his whole store of Water. He seems to be a queer chit-chat sort of a ellow. vox it praeterea nihil, in his repetitions and abrupt sentences, much like unto a pretty fellow in green, who often stands chattering at Gentle∣men's windows, to the great amusement of passengers. No far∣ther remarks must be expected from me, for the reader would certainly think me a goose, if I shou'd undertake to reason with —a Parrot.

Roger de Champo (Whip, No. XVII.) gives us to understand, that he is a Churchman,—lives in the country,—and

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—SMOKES TOBACCO. His letter consists chiefly of hac∣kney'd sentiments, trite observations and queries 20 times alrea∣dy answer'd. His 7th. Par. indeed seems to contain somewhat new and curious;—he prays, it seems, "not for the whole catholic Church alone, but for Jews, Turks and Infidels;' i. e. "for all the race of Adam" Now as we Independants must not be call'd "members of the Church" (Whip No. 16.) Roger doubtless prays for us, either as Jews, Turks or Infidels: un∣der which of these Characters he remembers us in his prayers, we hope to learn by his next letter from the verdant vale. But seriously, what could induce this episcopal country— smoker, to interfere in the present dispute? Old as he may be, he owns himself a Novice in controversy, and indeed most readers will (I believe) think he had better have "devoted the time wasted in a childish effort in favour of that earthly thing Prela∣cy (amidst "curling Eddies of smoke") to the "contempla∣tion of heavenly things."

Sq. T's Advertisement chiefly concerns the Whig; but his Query I shall answer. Independents are "afraid of imputati∣ons of disloyalty" for the same reason that a person in a clean dress is afraid to jostle a Chimney-sweep; whereas SOME Church∣men "patiently bear the Apellation of Tories," as a Cook maid in her dirty garb patiently bears the additional Smut of the o∣ven, the Grate and the Kettle.

Crabtree Crambo is a gentleman noted for rhime-shackling prose thoughts. As he has versifyed a late Vote of Thanks, 'tis hoped he will, for the good of the public, proceed, and give us a Version of the News-papers intire, especially the Adver∣tisements, completely DONE INTO MEETRE.—One cannot sufficiently admire the musick of some of his Rhymes, particu∣larly in the last couplet, which ends with fair stones and Bare-bones; and which can be excell'd by nothing but a late M. S. Triplet to his, the harmonious jingle of which is com∣pos'd of—AW GROAN-LAW-TONE and—JAW-BONE. L.

P. S. Just as I had finished the above I was diverted with a 2d. letter from Roger de Champo; but as he seems not to be in a prating frame at present, find we must still want for the de∣sired information.

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From Mr. GAINE'S GAZETTE, Sep. 26, 1768. To TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQ

Quid tam temerarium tomque indignum Sapientis Gravitate at∣que Constantia, quam aut falsam sentire, aut quod non satis explorati perceptum sit & cognitum sine ulla Dubitati∣one Defendere?

CICERO de Naturâ Deorum.

WITH Impatience Sir, have I waited for a cheerful Com∣pliance with either the one or the other, of my reasona∣ble Requests honestly proposed to your Candour, in the Piece directed to you, as the Whipper of the American Whig. I am to∣tally at a Loss, in what Sense to construe your Silence. Does it insinuate your improving the relapsed Time in obtaining Proofs, to support the Information whereon your alarming as∣sertions were founded? Or, your engaging yourself a Defender both of the Truth of your Information, and the Thereon ground∣ed Assertions?—Howsoever this may be, I hope, Sir, you will act the Part of an honest and impartial Inquirer after Truth.

Permit me, Sir, to make an Apology, (perhaps one will 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thought necessary) for my attempting to prosecute the Subject of your Alarming, Amazing, Yea-stunning Assertions, concern∣ing the Constitution of the Dutch Church, a little farther. Two particular Things of great Moment with me, urge me to this Attempt. The one is, That several Persons of different Cha∣racters, have of late been most eagerly engaged to promulge such odd, and against the true Constitution of the Church of Holland, diametrically repugnant Notions of the Constitution of the Dutch Church, as will inevitably terminate in its Ruin, if imbibed and practically observed by the Body of the Dutch Church.— Several Things have given these Gentlemen a favourable Op∣portunity of imposing, not only upon a Number of respectable Members of the Dutch Church, but also upon many others. As —the Infancy of the Dutch Church in these Colonies, which prevented the Exercise of the whole Extent and Plenitude of its Constitution; and necessitated it to adopt such Measures of Regulation and Government, as were adapted to its State and Condition. To this are 〈◊〉〈◊〉 People accustomed, and few

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look any farther for its real Constitution.—Our Distance from Holland, where it is fully exercised.—The little Opportunity the greatest Part of our People have of reading the Belgic Divines on their Church Constitution. Considering all these, as abused by Sophistry, with sinister Views to prejudice People, it appears very probable to me, Sir, that your positive Assertions, founded on a bare, I am told, will go farther with these prepossessed Gentlemen, than my Negative can do. I expect therefore, that neither yourself, nor the respectable Public, will censure me, for my attempting to reclaim both Truth, and the Church I belong o, from the Jaws of their Devourers!

The other Reason, in Support of my Apology, is, the present Ecclesiastic State and Condition of the several Denominations in these Colonies. You cannot help but be sensible, Sir, of the Ecclesiastical Fires kindled in these American Churches, while you are heating yourself and others by its Flames. Although both Parties judge it in one Respect or other, unjustifiable; or at least, at this Juncture, unseasonable: Thus ascribing the cause and origin vice versa, the one unto the other; The fire is nevertheless burning. Can any one blame me, a Citizen, if I exert myself in preserving my Interests, consistent with the Public's, in a general Conflagration of the City? I suppose it is obvious to every intelligent Reader, that your Description of the Dutch Church was intended, either to lug it into the Bosom of the Church you belong to, and thus into the Plan for Ameri∣can Bishops; or at least, to lull it asleep until your Ends in View were accomplished. With Respect to the Subject of the present Ecclesiastical Debates, I frankly acknowledge, that it appears to me very reasonable, that those in America, who are not conscientiously attached to the Constitution of the Church of England, as by Law established, should be permitted the Crav∣ing of its full Enjoyment here, Provided that it can be obtained without the Hazard of the Liberties, Privileges and Properties of their Fellow-Subjects.—I repeat the Proviso! I can ne∣ver consent to it as reasonable, that one Denomination should remove many of its Inconveniencies, at the Risque of the Li∣berties, Privileges, and Properties of other Orthodox Denomi∣nations, much more numerous than itself. I do also sincerely declare, that my Scruples in this Respect have never been re∣moved by all what I have seen, either in the Appeal, or other Tracts upon the Subject. Thus I think myself not justly liable to the Censure of any one, because I would undertake to un∣mask the Sophistry calculated to debauch the Members of the Church I belong to, and prevail with them to promote, in

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some Respect or other, a Scheme they would afterwards hearti∣ly repent of.

You say, Sir, in your No. 8. That the Church of Holland is not Presbyterian, in the same Sense that the English Dissenters are Presbyterian: I readily consent to this. And if your In∣formation advanced in Support of this your Declaration, had been true, I would also have concurred in the former. That it is nor Episcopal exactly in the same Manner, that the Church of England is Episcopal. This taken in Connection with the In∣formation given you, that when a Member of the Classis is ordain∣ed, the Powers of Orination and Government are committed to him, but when an ordinary Pastor is ordained no such Powers are conferred on him, but only the Powers of preaching the Word, and administring the Sacraments; I say, your former Declara∣tion taken in Connection with this, plainly insinuates, that the Constitution of the Church of Holland is Episcopal, although it may differ from the English Episcopal Church, in some cir∣cumstantial Things. Admirable Novelty! Surprising indeed! A spacious Plan of Church Policy!

A Plan as ridiculous as inconsistent with itself. Here are all the Powers, Preheminencies, Superiorities, and Authorities, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to only claimed by Bishops, appropriated to a Number of Presbyters, (permit me the Episcopalian Term) who have ne∣ver so much as pretended an Episcopal Ordination, or an un∣interrupted Succession. There are above Fifty Presbyters, who belong as Members to the Reverend Classis of Amsterdam: Do all these collectively constitute one Bishop? or is every Individu∣al a Bishop? I am sure, Sir, the Episcopacy you maintain, has much more the Appearance of a Foundation in Scripture, Anti∣quity, and Reason, than this.

A Plan (if we may believe Doctor Chandler,) pregnant with unparalleled Hardships and intolerable Persecutions. For accord∣ing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it, our Presbyter-Prelatical Superiors are in Holland, perhaps only in Amsterdam. How much, Sir, are our Difficul∣ties gg••••ndized in comparing them with those of your Church? Consider the greater Difiance from hence; the Restrictions on Trade with Holland; Thus must Voyages thither be more dif∣ficul, dangerous, and expensive. But, above all, the People of your Denomination have sanguine Expectations of a speedy deli∣verance from their Calamities, by the Arrival of Bishops; but we can never expect the Classis will embark for America. Must we then sink in Dispair under these our intolerable Calamities?

A Plan, which is entirely inconsistent with the Civil Constitu∣tion and interest of the Empire we belong to.—Do not those Things, in your Information appropriated to the Classis,

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constitute to all Intents and Purposes, a Prelatical, Spiritual, or Ecclesiastical Preheminence, Superiority, and Authority? This being the Case, how can any Member of the Dutch Church, maintain that any Classis in a Foreign State has this Prehemi∣nence, Superiority, Authority, &c. &c. over so great a Number of his Majesty's Subjects in these Colonies, and yet take the Oath of Supremacy, as by law established, without, ipso facto, ma∣king himself guilty of a detestable, Jesuitical, imental Reservation, or downright Perjury?—I suppose every wise and prudent State will never esteem it safe to have the Supreme Ecclesias∣tical Jurisdiction, over a considerable Number of its Subjects, lodged and exercised in a Foreign State. I say no more on this Head. From these Observations it appears, that if the Dutch Church Constitution, was such as you, Sir, have been pleased to represent, it could never be legally exercised in these Colonies.

I flatter myself, if I am permitted to lay before the respec∣table Public, a true Portrait of the Dutch Church-Constitution, as by Law established in the United Netherlands, it will appear to be as foreign to this new modeled Plan, as it is to the Cathe∣dra of St. Peter. What I have to communicate further, I in∣tend to give it in a brief Sketch; but what I had here previous∣ly to observe, has run me in to such a Length, as calls upon me to desist for the present. I have only to observe, that I had a View of your Num. 15. and among all the perfect Gibberish of your old Dutch Correspondent, have seen his Description of the Dutch Church. Sir, if ever you want an Executioner for Truth and a good Cause, never employ any other but such Cor∣respondents. Their Propriety of Speech, proper Method, and manly Arguments, will soon do the Business.—Future Oc∣casion will perhaps give me an Opportunity of droping a few Remarks on some Expressions of Mr. Propatria,

I remain, Sir, Your humble Servant, PHILALETHES.

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From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE, Oct. 3. The AMERICAN WHIG. [NUMB. XXX.]

The conclusion of the Subject began in our last.

2d. BUT the Doctor's arguments in support of confirmation, according to his notion of it, are insufficient. Let him not take it amiss, when I say they are perfectly weak. The Testimony of the Church of England, the supposed antiquity of the practice, and three quotations of scripture, are all he has to produce on this head.

The testimony of the Church of England, has already ap∣peared to be rather against him, as she only avows as an old custom, what he insists upon as a divine ordinance. And pray is there any need of setting America in an uproar, merely for the support of an old custom, however laudable the Church of England may think it? Especially when there is no reason as∣signable, why a Presbyter cannot answer all the purposes as well as his Lordship? But if the Church of England did avow it as an ordinance, we are disposed in this country to ask her for her vouchers.

As to its antiquity, this writer would have us believe, that it was in the first ages of the Church undisputed—But what means the Doctor, by such assertions? Does he suppose, that no one in America can detect him in such misrepresentations? Does he imagine the knowledge of ancient facts to be wholly engrossed by him and his fraternity? Let him shew us, if he can, the least mention of this rite in any author before Tertullian. Near the beginning of the third century that father mentions this among many most absurd and ridiculous rites, that had al∣ready been introduced into the Church. Let him triumph if he will, in the testimony of St. Jerome, which is still later, and indeed oversets itself, by its absurd quotation of Acts, as well as by its strenuous arguing for a rite, for which himself acknow∣ledges there was no occasion, because the whole world con∣sented.

The ancient good custom which the Doctor would have a divine ordinance, has been most apparently corrupted by the church of Rome, and adopted by the Church of England, a∣greeable to many other parts of their system, in which the cler∣gy assume to themselves the prerogatives of God.

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3. St. Jerome's quotation of that passage in Acts 8. appears full as absurd as it does in Doctor Chandler's appeal. Be so kind courteous reader, as to take the New-Testament, and for your own satisfaction in this matter, turn to the 14th, 15th and 16th verses of the chapter—read the whole passage, and then judge whether there is any thing like confirmation there.

The state of the case is plainly this,—The gospel had been preached in Samaria—many of those mongrel Jews believed it, and were baptized.—The apostles hearing this, sent two of their number, Peter and John, to strengthen them and confer upon them the miraculous gifts of the Holy Ghost; and this was usually done by the 'laying on of hands and prayer.' The effect of which was that 'they spake with tongues &c.' By this, they themselves were not only strengthen∣ed, but each private Christian, had thereby the means in his hands of giving conviction to others. And it is remarkable, that this gift of the Holy Ghost was sometimes conferred before baptism, as in the case of Cornelius the centurion, and those who were with him; from which it appears to a demonstration, that it was nothing like what the C. of England pretends to, for their confirmation in its very nature supposes baptism to have gone before. In the instance of Samaria, Simon the magician was a spectator, and forced to consent to the demonstration of Christianity, given by the miraculous effusion of the spirit. He had long got his living by sorcery, and now avarice led him to covet the power exercised by the apostles. He offers money to purchase it, but only obtains a curse. Now, good Dr. can you imagine, that it was only the power of conferring the sanc∣tifying or supporting influences of the spirit that the magician wanted? Was his pious soul so desirous of conveying spiritual blessings to mankind, that he could not rest without the power of doing it? Was it then that he coveted the office of a bishop? Sure an inspired apostle, since that day, commends that cover∣ing the best gifts, and particularly the office in question. And if this was all, you cannot but be struck with horror at that sentence, "Thy money perish with thee!" Would an apostle have anthematized a good man for coveting to be a bishop, and being willing to part with some of his money for the of∣fice? It appears to you, and every man with full evidence, that he wanted no such thing as the power of confirmation— he did not want to benefit the souls of men, by conferring the invisible influences of the preventing spirit, but it was covetous∣ness that led him to wish for the power of working miracles, and an ability to convey that power, expecting by this means to enrich himself. And does it not follow with irresistable evi∣dence,

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that it was the gift of miracles here conferred by Peter and John?

And when Simon saw that through the laying on of the hands of the apostles, the Holy Ghost was given.
I en∣treat Dr. Chandler, I call upon all the hierarchy of England, to shew us how Simon got glasses sufficiently fine immediately to see, that the Holy Ghost was conferred upon the Samaritans in his gracious and preventing influence.—If these are invisible to mortal eyes, I hope we shall have leave to conclude, that what the sorcerer saw, was that "the gil of miracles was conferred' by their immediate exertion of it. Is the age of miracles at an end? How infinitely absurd is it then, master appellant, to bring this instance, to patronize your confirmati∣on! Are Americans so ignorant, as to induce you to hope for rising to dignity, by imposing upon their credulity? Shew us the bishop vested with like power, to confer the gifts of mira∣cles, before you appeal to us for the justice of your cause: But with all the teptation, do not think that we shall even then turn into Simoniacs, and be willing to purchase the gift of miracles by the loss of our religious liberty.

As for Acts 19. which is his second text; I remark in the first place, that the Dr. acknowledges the transaction to be the same in kind with that in Samaria.—This concession after what has been said, is enough to shew that it is nothing to the purpose.

The world must own the justice of another remark, i. e. that he has unfairly sppressed the last clause of the verse, which if he had not, he would have refuted himself. But since he would not recite it, we will do it for him, and reply no farther.

After they were baptized in the name of the Lord Jesus.

And when Paul had laid his hands on them, the Holy Ghost came on them, and they spake with Tongues, and pro∣phesied.

As for the 3d text, where he finds

the doctrine of baptism and laying on of hands,
mentioned by the apostles, I have as good a right to apply the laying on of hands here, to that in presbyteral ordination, as he has to confirmation. And if he can find a solid argument merely in the position of the words laying on of hands, after the word baptism, let it be adduced.

And is this all the foundation, my country men, to build so strange an ordinance upon? It is all that any man has yet laid. And do you not see, that this argument to catch your consci∣ences, is nothing more than mre artifice? And shall the want of confirmation lead you to consent to the importation of spiri∣tual

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tyranny? Pray open your eyes, and judge for yourselves. Doth People in England, who have been confirmed, speak with tongues, and prophesy? Or will the Doctor's bishop work miracles for you?—

But confirmation as practised in the Church of England, is not only without foundation, but inconsistent and pernicious. Inconsistent—as, tho' it is confessed, that the sacraments, and particularly baptism, is a more grand and important ordi∣nance; yet the ministers of baptism are not allowed to be of suf∣ficient dignity to administer confirmation.

Pernicious it is, as it leads men to a false security in their sins. After the catechumen answers, that he assents to the vows made for him in baptism, the bishop, without regard to his sincerity or insincerity, declares in a solemn address to God himself, that,

he has vouchsafed to regenerate these his servants, with water and the Holy Ghost; and to give them the forgiveness of all their sins.
Amazing assertion! and by what authority does he declare, that a particular man's sins are all forgiven? Then laying his hand upon the head of each, he
certifies him by that sign, of God's gracious favour and goodness to him.
But who has told him, that these persons are regenerated and pardoned? Who gives him power to certify to every one, who comes for confirmation, that he is in God's favour? Where does he find this ceremony in the bible? The conduct of most, is sufficient to convince the world that the bishop's declaration is false. This is pernicious to Christianity itself, among its ene∣mies; but still more so, to the ignorant, unthinking and self∣deceiving part of the world. They are taught to look upon the bishop as an ambassador from Jesus Christ, and successor of the apostles, who knows the will of God. And when they hear this venerable person, so solemnly declaring that they are rege∣nerated and pardoned, what wonder if they really think them∣selves so; and upon these wretched grounds indulge a confident security of their future happiness?

Americans want no such pernicious bait to poison their soul They perish sufficiently without it!

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From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE, Oct. 3, 1768. A KICK for the WHIPPER, No. XIX.

Quicquid delirant reges, plectuntr Achivi.

HORACE.

THAT Sq. T. is not possessed of Infallibility, is notwith∣standing his modest disavowal, not more evident than that he is also destitute of that Holiness which is pretended in the Title assum'd by the BISHOP of Rome. In his 18th No. such Weakness and Wickedness as are united, are at once a disgrace, if possible, to his party, and a scandal to even the little dirty Trick of scribbling.

Not content with endeavouring to foothe our just fears as to America, he wou'd fain persuade us that Spiritual Courts are in themselves mighty innocent things even in England. 'Tis a wonder he did not likewise fancy, that, if the late oppressive Acts of P—rl—m—t "deserve all the severe things that are said of them, it is owing" not to their nature or the M—y, but to the Stamp-Masters and Commissioners, and that the Horrors of the Holy Office are not owing to its constitution, or the Inquisitors, but to the Lawyers. The poor Lawyers, it seems, must, bear all the blame of Spiritual Courts, and, to prejudice the public still more against them, our American ci∣vil Courts are ugg'd into the dispute, and scandaliz'd. His Loyalty forsooth will not allow him to "imagine" their Incon∣veniences are owing to their Constitution, and he dare not im∣peach the Judges; he therefore again spits his spite at the Law∣yers, as if they cou'd at pleasure interrupt the course of forensi justice, as much as an inconsiderable junto of bigots have lately found means to disturb the internal peace of America.

Astonishing are Sq. T's Misrepresentations, Par. 6th. He represents the American Churchman as reflecting on a Christi∣an government, for "depriving a National Church of a right essential to the Church of CHRIST; whereas he rather com∣mends the government, for having depriv'd her of what was only PERHAPS essential to her well-being, in order to avoid

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what wou'd have probably conduc'd much to her worse-being.—The Whig also, he THINKS, has in like manner reflect∣ed on "the kings of the house of Hanover." In his 12th. No. indeed the Whig says, that "the moderation and humani∣ty of our present sovereign and his predecessors of the house of Hanover, have of late years restrained, and at present check, High Church fury; but farther, so far as I can find, saith not the A. Whig. So that on the whole, Sq. T. himself has cer∣tainly learned the "scurvy trick of lying for" what—is not "the Truth."

Of all the grievances urg'd by Sq. T. Par. 7th, for redress of which he claims for the CLERGY an uncontroulable right to petition the King, one only is a grievance peculiar to the Clergy, and, if others bear the expence of their Trips to London, part of that one only, viz. the Risk of their own dear Flesh and Blood. So that unless Sq. T. can prove, that they were authoriz'd, not only by their respective parishioners, but even by a majority at least of America Church men, he can with scarce greater pro∣priety argue from the suppos'd grievances a right in the Con∣vention to petition the King. &c. for a general American Epis∣copate, than their right to petition for redress of the grievances of the Catholic Laity of Canada.

The Clergyman in a neighbouring County, whom Sq. T. so maliciously sneers at, is indeed a candid, catholic gentleman, and therefore (in things indifferent) can become all things to all men, but is no such Weather-cock as many I could mention have proved themselves; for, tho' he can easily turn his head to any scriptural point of the compass, he has always stood im∣moveably fix'd, in spite of frequent zealous tho' gentle puffs, from the mouths of some of our late blustering Episcopalian Bellowers, and never yet veer'd round to Episcopal Ordination. If Sq. T. indeed believes "that there are ten people of other denominations who are willing and desirous of having bishops in America, for one Churchman that is against it," I beg leave to recommend to his serious perusal II. Thessalonians, ii. chap. 11. ver.

In the honour of the university of Oxford, Sq. T. seems to be more interested than I am;—but if the dissenters fa∣vour'd the Measures of K. James II. it evidently was, because arbitrary as they might be, they at least tended to knock off the "Fetters" with which, through Episcopal Influence, they themselves were still shackled; and therefore no wonder they afterwards "shifted about" in favour of the Prince of ORANGE, who they flattered themselves wou'd, as he soon after his esta∣blishment did, grant them the wished for toleration. If they

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for certain reasons called the Papists their good Brethren; tell me, Sq. T. who are they who now-a-days, without any such necessity, treat them as such. Actions speak louder than words, Mr. Whipper.

The pretended letter from the American Whig, is such a stupid unmeaning thing, that, as it has doubtless excited blush∣es, for Sq. T. in many of his fellow-partizans, and the con∣tempt of all his readers, it certainly deserves from me not one-single syllable by way of animadversion.

A.

ERRATTA.

In the P. S. of our last,—for prating, read praying.

From Mr. GAINE'S GAZETTE, Oct. 3. A WHIP for the AMERICAN WHIG. BY TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQR [No. XXVI.]

Wo unto them that call Evil Good, and Good Evil; that put Darkness for Light, and Light for Darkness; that put Bit∣ter for Sweet, and Sweet for Bitter!

The Prophet ISAIAH.

I HAVE heard of a Sort of Men who made it their Business to prove, by Words multiplied for the Purpose, that White is Black and Black is White, as they were paid. The Disposi∣tion and Talents of the American Whig, are such, as eminently fit him for this Employment; and was I concerned in a Cause that needed such Management, of all Persons upon Earth HE should be my Advocate, provided I was able, or could afford to out-pay my Antagonist. What surprising Dexterity have we al∣ready seen, in the Course of his Papers! And yet Exploits more surprising than any he has hitherto performed, are still to be expected, before he retires from the View of the Public. For he has promised not to quit the Stage until he has demolished

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every Argument that has been, or can be, produced in Behalf of American Bishops—and has shewn that the most harm∣less Episcopate in this Country, unless NEGROES (aye gentle Reader, NEGROES) be the Bishops, would have a more fatal Tendency, even than the late obnoxious Stamp-Act.

I now request the Reader's Attention to his Fifteenth Exhibi∣tion made to the Public on June 20th, as a curious Specimen of his Abilities in this Way. In this not-able Performance he tumbles, he twists, and plays the Monkey, with such Agility, shat every Woman and Child, that beholds him, is ready to cry out, Did you ever see so queer a Creature! His attempt is to undermine and overthrow a Reason, assigned by Dr. Chand∣ler, in his Appeal (Page 58), for which the Church of Eng∣land in America at this Time, has a peculiar Claim to the At∣tention and Assistance of our Superiors in the Mother Country. This Reason is founded on the late remarkable Display of Divine Goodness in Favour of the British Interests in the American Co∣lonies

In Order to judge properly of this Attempt, it will be neces∣sary to place before the Public the Doctor's Argument, in the Words of the Appeal, "As America is the Region (says he) wherein the Divine Goodness has been more remarkably dis∣played in Favour of the British Nation; so, America is evi∣dently the very Ground, on which some suitable Monument of religious Gratitude ought to be erected. This should be of such a Nature as to be visible to the World, and that the Honour of the supreme Ruler of Events may be thereby immediately pro∣moted. Now as the Honour of God is most directly promoted by public Worship—as that Worship must be most accepta∣ble to him wherein the Praises and Adorations of his Crea∣tures are regularly offered him, in the solemn Offices of the purest and best Religion—and as the national Religion must be supposed best to answer these Characters, in the nati∣onal Opinion; it necessarily follows, that the State of the nati∣onal Religion here, has a Right, on this Occasion, to the pecu∣liar Attention and Consideration of those, who are entrusted with the Direction of our public Affairs." The Application of this general Reasoning to the Purpose of an Episcopate the Dr. makes in his next Paragraph. The Church of England in America, is there said to be in the utmost Distress for want of Bishops. In this Case. and on this Occasion. She earnestly re∣quests, and She only requests, that proper Remedies may be pro∣vided for her present Sufferings—She WISHES FOR NO∣THING which shall be thought inconsistent with the Rights and Safety of others. She asks nothing, but what has been granted to

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others, without any ill Consequences; and She relies on the com∣mon Affection and Justice of the Nation, to raise her to this EQUALITY. This is the Doctor's Argument, and it appears to me to be very fair, strong and conclusive.

Let us now see in what Manner, and by what Arts, the Ame∣rican Whig endeavours to subvert it. Has he the Hardiness to deny the Truth of any of these several Propositions? No: the Truth of them is so evident, that a direct Denial of it, he knows would destroy the wretched Remains of his Reputation. does he then candidly acknowledge the Force of the Argu∣ment? No: he is too well acquainted with his Trade, and too true to his Cause, to do this; and yet he seems more than to half-acknowledge it. For of one Proposition he says, "to be sure a Denial of it would be a flat Rejection of all Obligations to the Deity'—and of another, "it will not meet with any Opposition," and so forth. Well; but does he not, at least quit an Argument that he is unable to confute, and of the Strength of which his own Concessions imply a Conviction? No: so fair a Conduct is inconsistent with his Character, and would ruin his Plan. In what Manner then does he contrive to carry his Point? The Reader need not be told, that he has Two En∣gines by which he performs almost all his Operations, as he knows how to bring them to bear upon any Object; and with these he falls to work in the present Case. The Use of one, is to raise a Prejudice against the Argument, by speaking of it contemptuously—and of the other, to puzzle and obscure it, until the Force and Propriety of it, if possible, are made to disappear.

In the first Place, finding the Argument too solid to give Way to the Impressions of his Teeth, he mumbles and besla∣vers it, in Order to render it odious and offensive. The Rea∣soning and Language of the Appeal, on the Subject in Questi∣on, he calls "priestly Cant and Jargon;" and every one knows that Cant and Jargon are disagreeable Things, whe∣ther proceeding from Priests or Whigs. The Advocates for A∣merican Bishops he vilifies with the Title of God-makers;" but by the same Figure their Opposers, I mean such as our Whig, may be called Devil-maker's: a Sort of Manufactures not more reputable than the other. For if we were to judge of an Ame∣rican Bishop from the Representation which is weekly given of him, we should conclude him to be at least as bad as the Devil. Nay, the American Whig, discovers ••••rong Symptoms of wish∣ing to inspire a Belief, that a Bishop in this Country would be worse than the Devil; and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pretends to abhor him to a De∣gree, to which, if we may judge from the Immorality of his

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Writings, he does not abhor the Devil himself Again; Epis∣copacy he presents to the Public under the Image of a "devour∣ing Monster," and the Scheme for the Settlement of an Ame∣rican Episcopate which is proposed in the Appeal, he tricks off in the Attire of "an Establishment of spiritual Bondage in the Land of religious Liberty." This is a small Spicilege of the Flowers of thy Rhetoric, O American Whig!

From reviling and beslavering, this extraordinary disputati∣ous Phaenomenon, proceeds to the Business of puzzling and obscu∣ring. If "there be (says he) any Fo•••• or Conclusion in his (Dr. Chandler's) Argument, it plainly consists in this Position, that Episcopacy and not Christianity is the national Religion." I know no one that supposes "Episcopacy and not Christianity to be the nationable Religion" in any other Sense, than Non-Episcopacy or Anti-Episcopacy, and not Christianity, is the Re∣ligion of Whigs and Dissenters; and all the Argument the Appeal implies is, that Christianity, as taught in Scripture and preserved by a Church under a Form of Government which is episcopal, is the national Religion. If the Reader will take the Trouble to review the Argument, he will see its Force, and be in no Danger of being misled by such flimsy Sophistry.

Indeed the general Force of it, the American Whig himself can∣not avoid confessing, He will allow it to conclude for "esta∣blishing an anniversary Thanksgiving, to be celebrated in all the episcopalian and non-episcopalian Churches in the Nation;" but he cannot bear that it should conclude any Thing in Favour of an Episcopate. As to his anniversary Thanksgiving I have no Objections to it, as it may be one Way of properly expres∣sing the national Gratitude; but it would by no Means pre∣clude such other Expressions of it as are equally proper. If there is any Weight in the Argument, it must operate as effectually in Favour of all proper Expressions of Gratitude, as of any single Expression of it. And particularly, as to the Case now in De∣bate, the Writer's Scheme of an anniversary Thanksgiving would but increase the Absurdity of refusing us Bishops. By a national Appointment of an anniversary Thanksgiving, the Na∣tion appears in a religious Character; but it is peculiarly incon∣sistent with this Character to let the Cause of Religion notoriously suffer, when there is Power to prevent it.

Christians unhappily are divided in Sentiments, and have for∣med themselves into different Societies. Amidst this Variety, every Christian joins himself with that Society which he esteems to be most perfect, or, in other Words, most agreeable to the In∣stitution of CHRIST. Accordingly every Christian, especially in a free Country, must be supposest to believe that particular

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Mode of Christianity to be most perfect, which he is known to have adopted, the Presumption being, that upon this Principle he gave it the Preference. In like Manner, whatever Mode or Form of Religion any free Nation has thought fit to adopt and establish, must be looked upon as the most perfect in the general Opinion of that Nation. For this only Reason it has been made the national Religion; and those who adhere to it, ac∣cording to its Institutions, are called the Members of the Church of that Nation. Now in the American Colonies there is a vast Body of People, including "Whites, Blacks and Browns," who by Examination or by Education have been led to give the Preference to that particular Mode and System of Christianity, which also in the Opinion of our Nation (the Whig will be pleas∣ed to understand that I do not mean the Scotch Nation) is the most perfect. These Americans, having received for their Re∣ligion the Religion of the Nation; nothing can be plainer, than, that their Religion, and the national Religion—their Church and the national Church, are one and the same—and conse∣quently, that they are Members of THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND IN AMERICA.

Let us now suppose an anniversary Thanksgiving appointed to be religiously observed throughout the Nation, on the before-mentioned Occasion, and the Application for an American Epis∣copate rejected; how natural would it be to make the following Reflections. The English Nation, in one Instance, has ap∣peared in the Character of a religious People. The Supreme Ruler of Events they have honoured with their Lips; and such Honour will be accepted, provided it be paid in Sincerity, and attended with suitable Actions—without which it is no better than solemn Mockery, and will be considered as an Abomination. The peculiar Species of Religion which this Nation professes, has been embraced by innumerable Americans; but they com∣plain that with them the Cause of this Religion deplorably suf∣fers, for want of proper Persons to perform some of its most important Offices. The Relief so greatly wanted, it is in the Power of the Nation to give, without any Inconvenience to it∣self without any Injury to others. Dutiful and earnest Applica∣tion has been made to the national Governors in Behalf of this suffering Religion, for their charitable Aid; but they turn a deaf Ear to this Intreaty. Notwithstanding their outward Pro∣fessions, their solemn Thanksgiving, their pretended Zeal for God's Honour; they discover a Disposition to do nothing in Fa∣vour of that Religion, which they esteem to be best fitted to pro∣mote his Honour and Service. How absurd is this Conduct!

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How glaringly inconsistent is such a Neglect with such Profes∣sions!

After endeavouring to impose upon the Public, by substituting a "legal Establishment" of the Church in America, in the the Room of an American Episcopate, as it instead of, or toge∣ther with, the latter, the former had been requested, which In∣sinuation, like many of his Assertions, is "absolutely, utterly and intirely false" and abberratious; our Whig attempts to dis∣credit the Argument to which he is opposed, by saying it

would doubtless be as conclusive, in the Mouth of a Musselman, and in an Address to the Grand Signior.
This sagacious Observa∣tion he afterwards sagaciously repeats and expands, telling us that in Consequence of this Doctrine,
in TURKEY the Law∣giver should advance Mehometanism; in FRANCE, SPAIN, and PORTUGAL, Popery; in the BRITISH EMPIRE, Protestant Episcopacy; in China, Idolatry:
And then cries out,
this is certainly most excellent Doctrine, from the Pen of a Church of England Divine, and a Doctor too.
In Answer to which I say, that the contrary to this, namely, that in TURKEY, FRANCE, SPAIN and PORTUGAL, and I may add, in the BRITISH EMPIRE as well as CHINA, Men should not be al∣lowed to act according to the Dictates of their Consciences, in religious Matters, is certainly most excellent Doctrine, from the Pen of an Advocate for Liberty, and one who thinks to signalize himself in its Cause too! This Writer, with all his Perversness, must allow, that it is the Duty of all Men to promote the true Religion. Now if he can point out any other Way for Men to promote the true Religion, than by promoting what they esteem to be the true Religio he shall have the Credit that is due to an original Genius. Or, does he set himself up to be Director-General of the Consciences of Men throughout all the Kingdoms of the Earth, as well as in the BRITISH EMPIRE.?

He makes another Effort against the Doctor's Argument, by pretending that it will not stop, until it has introduced

the whole Anglican Hierarchy, with all its Pomp
&c. and "es∣tablished it over our Heads." But he has offered nothing in Support of this Pretence, but what will equally prove, that I ought not to give a poor Man a Shilling to receive his Necessity; because if I give Way to his Plea so far, I cannot consistently with hold my Hand, until I have raised him to a Level with Sqire Tickle himself.

Besides the despicable Sophistry and Misrepresentation that runs through this Paper of the American Whig, we meet with many obnoxious Things, for some of which even a common School-Boy would deserve the Castigation of a WHIP. Thus

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for Instance, he roundly asserts, that

prelatic Dominion in the Church, and arbitrary Rule in the State, have ever been inseparable Companions.
If by prelatic Dominion he means any Thing else than episcopal Government, it is nothing to the Purpose. Now (not to ramble into the Histories of other Nati∣ons) there never has been a Time since the English Nation be∣came Christian, as almost every Child knows, in which there has not been prelatic Dominion, in this Sense of the Word:—excepting between the Year 1641 and 1660, when his beloved Presbyterianism, and its Cousin-German Independency, in their Turns, usurped the Dominion of Prelacy. But will he dare to say, that, in the English Nation, arbitrary Rule has always governed the State, unless in that blessed Period? What! Will he say this of our GEORGES, and of the immortal WIL∣LIAM? On the other Hand, will he say that the Nation receiv∣ed only Protection in their Liberties from his favourite OLIVER, without any Allay of despotic and arbitrary Rule? And yet unless he will say and can maintain all this, he ought to be a∣shamed of his Assertion.

It would be endless to call him to account for every Instance of his Misbehaviour as a Writer; and it every Day becomes less necessary. The public are learning very fast, not to be influ∣enced by his Prevarication and Sophistry; and, it is hoped, they will soon resolve to admit no Assertions from so infected a Quarter, until they have performed a sufficient Quarentine.

As to the Author of the Appeal, he may say of this literary Quixot, supported by his Squire and sallying forth Weekly in Quest of Adventures, as a very celebrated Writer said of one of his Antagonists:

He comes forth with a more than ordinary Briskness, and seems to set up for a Sort of Wit. This Book resembles the Bird of Athens, for it seems to be made up of Face and Feathers. For setting aside his bold Sayings, his impertinent Triflings, his hunting up and down for any Occasion of venting his little Stories and Similitudes, there is very little of Substance left in him, but what he hath bor∣rowed from Dr. O. * 4.81 Methinks, such a light, vain, scur∣rilous Way of Writing, doth not become such a Tenderness of Conscience as our Dissenting Brethren pretend to. There is a Sort of Pleasantness of Wit which serves to entertain the Reader in the rough and deep way of Controversy; but certainly there is a Difference between the Raillery and Good Humour of Gentlemen, and the Jests of Porters and Wa∣termen.

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MR. Tickle's most respectful Compliments, wait upon the American Whig and Co. He begs Leave to congratu∣late Them on the Promotion of a most eminent Prelate (of whom they are the most eminent Friends,) to an eminent Sta∣tion at the Board of Trade—asks Pardon for not doing This sooner—and hopes, that upon such a favourable Occasion as the present, they will not fail of renewing their Applications.—O! the Bishop, the Bishop! O! the CHARTER, the CHARTER!

From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE, Oct. 10. The AMERICAN WHIG, No. XXXI.

To the AMERICAN WHIG. Of the uninterrupted succession.

IF the clergy in the days of ignorance and superstition, when learning was at a very low ebb, the bible seldom read, and sound reasoning a thing unknown, strenuously asserted, and zea∣lously contended for the absolute necessity of an uninterrupted succession of diocesan bishops, from the apostles, in order to render the gospel ministry valid; this is not so much to be wondered at, and must be imputed to the badness of the times in which they liv'd, and the predominant attachment of Chri∣stians in those times to religious triffles, and all the vain notions and unscriptural opinions of the Popish hierarchy.

But that Dr. Chandler, a protestant divine, in the present glorious age of the church, enlightened by all the happy la∣bours of the reformers, and the greatest masters of reason that ever existed, eminent on the account of their great learning, profound knowledge of scripture, accurate and extensive acquaint∣ance with ecclesiastical history, free and impartial enquiry af∣ter truth, and remarkable candour and charity: That Dr. Chandler (I say) born and educated in so enlightened an age, should patronize and plead for an old absurd, Popish tenet, long since refuted and rejected by the ablest advocates for truth in his own communion; is a consideration that must surprize and grieve all, who are not under the influence of superstition▪ wish well to the Doctor's character as a divine, and a man of

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and desire to promote the Prosperity of the protestant religion in general, to which this tenet is very unfavourable. For my own part, I really esteem and regard the Dr. and on∣ly oppose some of his opinions; because I think they are un∣worthy of himself, inconsistent with truth, derogatory to the honour of the reformation, and most of the protestant churches, and tending to disunite and raise ill blood among fellow prote∣stants; at a time when the ministers of Christ and the friends of liberty and mankind, should unite their utmost efforts, to promote natural charity and a good understanding.

But let us hear the Doctor, that we may be convinced of the uncharitableness of his tenet. After having premised that the church of England, holds a distinction of orders among the clergy, and that she confines the right of ordaining to diocesan bishops; and after observing that none can have authority in the Christian church, but those who derive it from Christ, ei∣ther mediately or immediately, he says,

Those who receive it mediately must derive it from those persons whom Christ has authoriz'd to convey it; i. e. they must receive it by a regular succession i. e. of diocesan bishop.
But may not a person receive authority in the Christian church mediately, without that authority's being received by a regular succession of diocesans or presbyters? A worthy and celebrated bishop of the church of England, supposes, that in case of absolute ne∣cessity, a number of lay Christians, have authority to ordain a man to the work of the ministry, insinuating that after such or∣dination, he will be a lawful and valid minister of the gospel. See Burnet's exposition of the 23d article.

Dr. Chandler, by his regular succession, means a regular succession of diocesan bishops. Yet, why, if an uninterrupted succession was absolutely necessary, to convey authority in the church, such a succession of presbyters might not confer that authority, as well as bishops, I presume could not easily be proved.

If any stress was to be laid upon an uninterrupted succession of ministers, the presbyterians are on the surest side; because the succession of presbyters is much more probable than that of diocesan bishops.

Presbyters in the church of England, may and do perform the most essential parts of the ministry; they preach, admini∣ster the sacrament, receive into communion, excommunicate, absolve, &c. Now gentle reader! let me ask, is the conferring authority to preach, an higher act, of a higher nature and dig∣nity, than all the abovementioned acts united? And can any solid reason be assigned, why he who performs those, may not perform that? Is the conveying any dignity (suppose the regal)

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more important than the dignity itself and the exercise of it? Rather is it not less noble? And with these Sentiments in thy mind, impartial reader! is not the dispute, whether presbyters have a right to ordain presbyters on the side of the episcopali∣ans, a very triffling and silly controversy?

One would imagine, from Dr. Chandler's strenuous con∣finement of the right of ordination to a diocesan bishop, that a diocesan bishop was able to convey every ministerial accom∣plishment by the imposition of his hand, and his episcopal be∣nediction.

But is this really the case! can a bishop's hand and act, con∣vey learning, piety, knowledge, grace, holiness and other re∣quisites to the ministry? Far from it. Those ordained by the presbytery are not in these respects inferior to those ordained by the bishop.

Do the bishops ordain fitter persons, and more virtuous and holy men to the ministry, than presbyters ordain, or do they take more care to keep bad men out of the ministry? Experi∣ence doth not prove this. Are the bishops better men, more orthodox in the faith, more holy in their lives, and more inde∣fatigable in their ministry than the presbyters? I believe not.—Let it be recorded, to the dishonour, the eternal disho∣nour of bishops, that one of the most apostolic men now in the world, the most powerful, eloquent, zealous, indefatigable, successful, devout, practical preacher, that perhaps ever lived, the grand ornament of the church of England, would have had a period put to his useful and edifying ministry, and possibly to his precious life too, if bishops could have treated him as they desired.—This same seraphic, and divine preacher, tho' rejected by his own bishops, disowned and denied their pulpits by the generality of his episcopal brethren, yet is re∣ceived with open arms, by the presbyterian ministers and people.

These things may be thought foreign to the argument, but I for my part, must declare, that where I find the clergy zea∣lous for God's glory and the good of souls, eager in the en∣couragement of holy men, indefatigable in the discharge of their office, exemplary in their lives, successful in gaining subjects to Christ, and in making their fellow men wiser and better, strict in their discipline, cautious in admitting into the ministry, and severe in punishing the unworthy.

I look upon it, that such men must be lawful ministers of Christ, and invested with authority from him, the above cha∣racteristics I esteem, (and St. Ambrose and Gregory Nazianzen are of my opinion) much more substantial proofs of the validi∣ty

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of their ministry, than their ordination by a bishop in an un∣interrupted succession, would be, if they could fully prove it. And with regard to such proofs as these, the presbyterian mi∣nisters have as many of them, and those as strong as the epis∣copalians.

I think the best seals of a man's ministry, are the souls that he is instrumental in saving, and in turning from darkness to light, from sin and vice, to virtue and holiness, and from the power of Satan unto God. Let these be the proofs of one's ministry, and he need not envy any other, the privilege of or∣dination by a bishop; No, nor the dignity and revenues of a bishoprick itself.

I believe that Jesus Christ, gives in the present age his appro∣bation of a gospel minister, and authenticates, and adds a sanc∣tion to his ministry, by the supernatural influences of the Holy Ghost, which accompanies and renders such a ministry success∣ful in the salvation of men, and this approbation and sanction, the non-conformists have as abundantly as the episcopalians.

But lest I should be thought to declaim, and not to argue, I should now proceed to discuss more particuliarly the opinion of an uninterrupted succession, of diocesan bishops, from the apo∣stles, and the necessity of ordination in such a succession.

I observe first, that if the validity of the Christian ministry, was to depend upon such an unbroken line of bishops, it is pro∣bable that Christ or his apostles, would have directed every church to keep in its hands an authentic register of its bishops, and their legal consecration. When under the law the high priest's office was entail'd upon the Aaronical family; God pro∣vided that a register, should be kept of the descendants of Aa∣ron, that so the right to the priesthood might appear. Now to reason by analogy and a foriori, it is probable, that if a know∣ledge of the succession of ministers, had been as important and necessary in the Christian church, as it was in the Jewish, God would have made the same provision for the one, which he made for, the other; yet such provision has not been made, but on the contrary, the apostle Paul in his epistle to Titus, cau∣tions him, not to give heed to Jewish fables, and to avoid fool∣ish questions and genealogies; and surely if any thing is a fool∣ish question, it is this, have I been ordain'd by a bishop in an uninterrupted succession? if ever there was any thing like a Jewish fable, and an endless and vain genealogy, it is this same uninterrupted succession; a man may pore all his life time on the records of past ages, and yet never come to any satisfaction about every individual and proper link in the unbroken chain.

This argument will be strengthened if we consider what in∣numerable

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and almost endless catalogues of bishops there must have been, if each church had kept a catalogue of its bishops from the apostles; and what a tedious, endless, and next to impossible task it would have been to examine those records: the bare mentioning of the thing shews its absurdity, and its absurdity proves it could not be consistent with divine wisdom.—It was comparatively an easy matter to preserve the genealogies of a few families in one nation, for a few centuries under the law: But how difficult would it have been, to have kept a catalogue of all the Christian bishops in every nation, for many centuries under the gospel? the former was kept up by a divine revelation and a supernatural interposition; the latter could not be any otherwise preserved. But who will pre∣tend the necessity of a divine continual revelation, since the sa∣cred canon has been closed, or since the days of the apostles. There are therefore, no authentic catalogues of all the Chri∣stian bishops since the apostles, now extant.

This argument will be farther corroborated, if we consider how much the apostles inveigh'd against the ceremonies, pecu∣liarities and minute observances of the Mosaic oeconomy, as un∣worthy the scrupulous regard and observation of the professors of the gospel, whose simplicity and freedom, from beggarly elements, they so often celebrated and display'd. Circumstan∣tials in religion are in low esteem with the apostles. Essentials, faith, hope, charity and holiness, are with them of principal consideration.

2. I observe, 2dly that if the uninterrupted succession is ab∣solutely necessary, in order to render a gospel ministry valid, then there can be no valid ministry in most of the protestant churches; then the Waldenses and Albigenses, those faithful witnesses and illustrious sufferers for the truth, had no lawful ministers; then the Church of Holland, Geneva and Scotland, the protestants in France and Germany, and the dissenters in England, Ireland and America, are destitute of legal pastors. But can a tenet, from which such consequences flow, and which reflects so much dishonour on the generality of protestants, and is so favourable to popery, be rational and true. Charity, virtue and common sense forbid the thought. I dare assert, that upon Dr. Chandler's principles, the lawfulness and neces∣sity of the reformation cannot be maintained, and therefore, I do not wonder that some high churchmen declare, "Better be a papist than a presbyterian."—Or that they would sooner receive for their pastor, a Romish priest, who had liv'd in er∣ror and vice, and been actually guilty of continued fornicati∣on,

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than the most orthodox and virtuous, the most able and powerful non-episcopal minister in the world.

3. I observe, that this tenet seems inconsistent with the gra∣cious promise of Christ, to his church, of being ever present with it, and providing for its perpetual subsistence; for if its subsistence depends on this uninterrupted succession; then if the uninterrupted succession cannot be proved (as we positively assert and defy the Dr. to prove the contrary) then neither can the presence of Christ with the church, and its regular subsist∣ence be proved. But the church doth subsist regularly, and Christ is present with it, in places where diocesan bishops have no authority; therefore the presence of Chirst, the subsistence of the church, and the regular administration of ordinances, cannot depend on an uninterrupted succession. Dr. Chandler asserts, in the appeal, that if it could be made clear, that the succession had been interrupted, it would also prove farther, that Christ had neglected to provide for his church, in a case so essential to the being of it. O incredible weakness and su∣perstition! This indeed is playing pushpin and crambo with a witness. I thus reply to it, Christ's church has a being, and he is present with it in places where ministers are not ordain'd, in virtue of an uninterrupted succession; therefore the uninter∣rupted succession is not essential to the being of it. I leave it to the candid reader, to determine, whose reasoning is most con∣clusive, the Doctor's or mine; he argues from a succession, which he cannot prove; I argue from the actual existence of the Christian church, and Christ's gracious presence with it, in places where no uninterrupted succession is pleaded for, which I can prove, and which I look upon as an unanswerable argu∣ment, that the succession is not essential to the being of Christ's church. It is not to be suppos'd, that Jesus Christ, in whom are hid all the treasures of wisdom, knowledge and benevolence, would have made the actual existence of his church to depend upon a fact that cannot be proved, and concerning which, no man alive can obtain proper satisfaction, or that he would have suspended the validity, of the Christian ministry, on a succession, at best uncertain, and which I think I can prove to have been broken.

4. I observe, that several of the most eminent bishops, of the church of England, have disavowed, this uninterrupted succession; which is in my opinion, a very strong argument against it, as their interest lay the contrary way. Nothing but the force of truth, and the conviction of their own conscience, could have led them to give up the cause of an uninterrupted succession of diocesan bishops. I have already mentioned the

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opinion of bishop Burnet, and many other eminent divines of the church of England, who allowed that in the beginning of Christianity, bishops and priests were the same, I shall add to these, the testimony of bishop Hoadly, a profest advocate for diocesan episcopacy.

It is highly absurd (says he) to put so important a point as God's favour and eternal happiness upon what no man living can ever be acquainted with to his satisfaction. But it is still more absurd, to put it upon a matter, the contrary to which appears to be true. This is the case here. This regular uninterrupted succession of per∣sons, qualify'd and regularly ordained, is a matter impossible to be proved; nay, the contrary is more than probable upon all historical evidence, which we receive in other cases. (he says also) It hath not pleased God, in his providence, to keep up any proof of the least probability or moral possibility of a regular uninterrupted succession: But there is a great appearance, and humanly speaking, a certainty to the con∣trary; "that this succession hath been often interrupted. See Preser. p. 78.

From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE, Oct. 10. A KICK for the WHIPPER, [No. XX.]

Quid dignum fanto feret hic promissr hiaetu? Parturient montes, nascetur ridiculus mus. HORACE.

AFTER having "long remained silent" (except singing now and then a ballad) behold a "worthy," very ingenious" self important and long-winded Whipper, steps into T's place, and undertakes wonders for the public "welfare," He ought to have done this before, say you? Better late than never, rea∣der; besides merit is most conspicuous in doing wh•••• was never done before: Others had ap'd Dr. C. over and over and over again; but—hem, hem, hem! Attend, says he, to what I

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I can say, Gentlemen;—I'll tell you another guise story—Well! and what is it? Why, having hinted that Priesti∣anity is Christianity, and hierarchical dominion—evangeli∣cal ministration, he says a number of fine things about ordina∣tion, government, and confirmation, the moderation of the Ap∣peal, and the violence of its factious opposers, &c.—Well! and what are they? Why, cou'd you expect it, reader, after such a pompous introduction?—nothing, in effect, but old stories still.—I'm sick of Identity, tir'd with only new comments on the Appeal; if its friends would justify it to pub∣lic satisfaction, and clear the convention of disagreeable imputa∣tions, I say once more, let them produce the PETITIONS.—"Can you believe I'll be such a fool or such a villain?" can never be a proof of the wisdom or integrity of any man living.

Par. 8th. after others had failed, the Citizen undertakes a vindication of an obnoxious passage in the Appeal; but it will not answer:—"blowing trumpets of sedition in PULPITS," and "suffering seeds of disaffection to be sown in HOUSES, are expressions too emphatical to be flatly translated" "public and private transgressions." A general justification indeed had been unexceptionable; but, in a party notorious for boasts of loyalty, in order to conciliate the partial favour of the government, an expurgation, specifying seditious practices they were never par∣ticularly charged with, amounts to an invidious ACCUSATION of others. Should I, in petitioning the King for a favour granted to others of my countrymen but deny'd to me, in bar of such distinction, amidst loyal boasts, plead, that I had never raised a RIOT, or headed a Mon in AMERICA; would not his Majesty naturally conclude, some others he had already gra∣tify'd had done so? Certainly! and therefore Dr. C's marginal note only proves, that, like Zanga in the REVENGE, he could pretend to throw water with one hand, while he was kindling the fire of jealousy with the other: So lame is the C's defence! and yet, not content with endeavouring to screen Dr. C. from censure, he half challenges our gratitude for the quack-plaster the Dr. has apply'd to the wound he made: O the impudence of the body!—But before I quit this subject, I must just ask this strippling, why he maim'd the paragraph he pretended to quote at large, by leaving out a material passage and impor∣tant article immediately preceding the words in question? Reader he did not expect you wou'd, therefore compare his quo∣tation with the Appeal, p. 41. and judge for yourself.

Par: 9th. and 10th:—Cret et carbone notantur. The first contains a pair of testimonies in favour of the hierar∣chy of the church of England. I've a good mind to produce

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a cloud of witnesses on the other side of the question from a∣mong her own children; but for want of room I rather choose to hint at some very "recent instances" of the "charity and benevolence of her clergy,—generously display'd in en∣couraging the propagation of Christianity &c." Such decent things as these the C. surely need not "blush" at. In the 2d. there is a quantity of holy revenge or Christian tit for tat, and particularly a terrible club, made of the solemn league and co∣venant, is shaken over our heads and threatens to crush us to atoms; but fortunately it concerns us only as a caution, not to swear but firmly resolve to endeavour (not the extirpation thank God! but the exclusion of prelacy, lest we partake in its sins and receive of its plagues. At any rate however, the impartial will judge it as impertinent, in a party that already has the advantage, thus to recriminate, as it were in a country-Squire to cast in the teeth of a pursu'd complaining fox, that his grandsire had formerly bitten his worship's grand-father's fin∣ger. Who is it now, that, after blustering about the merits of the cause, "wanders from the direct track of the subject, to point out the blemishes of" DISSENTERS.

Dr. C. has indeed been charg'd (and that justly) with min∣cing and umbling on several occasions, and expos'd as betray∣ing his own foresight of future deviations from the pretended plan; but, till I can find (which I cannot) where he is charg'd with "mentioning it in a mincing mumbling manner," I must think the C's reprinting it from the Appeal just as rational, as to have pointed to the clear sky in the west, in order to prove that it is not cloudy in the east.

The Whig must not be supposed to have been willing to do Dr. C. and convention so much honour, at the expence of his own character, as to suggest that they were the original and sole inventors of the American Bishop manufactory; but thus much must be on all hands allowed, that, while other American stick∣lers for prelacy, have done turbulently, they (and particularly Dr. C.) have had the singular honour, in creating disturbance, of excelling them all.

Reader, I blush to think I have taken so much notice of this forward youth's puerile effusions;—as he seems resolv'd to engross as much as may be the business of stagellation, tis pro∣bable I should frequently stumble upon him hereafter, but shall not repeat the same fault, I promise you.

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From Mr. GAINE'S GAZETTE, Oct. 10. A WHIP for the AMERICAN WHIG. BY TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQR. [No. XXVII.]

THE good Sense, Candour, and honest Freedom, which are so conspicuous in the following Production, justly inti∣tle it, tho' written by a Dissenter, to a Place among these Pa∣pers. Were the same generous Sentiments enter••••••••••d by all Dissenters, instead of thus Attacking the CHURCH, without any Provocation, and pouring a Load of Slander Weekly upon IT, and it's Members: We would find them cheerfully concur∣ring in such Measures as would promote our Common Christi∣anity. The Author has shewed the Futility of the American Whig's chief Argument against an American Episcopate— an Argument, for which no Dissenter who sees into its Conse∣quences, will thank him. This worthy Gentleman is appre∣hensive that the Whig's Writings will have a Tendency to bring the Clergy into Contempt. I am totally of another O∣pinion. I firmly believe there is not a Man of Sense or Virtue who will not esteem the Clergy the more for his Abuse. The Whig and his Designs are now too well known to do any Mis∣chief that Way. Besides, he only ecchoes the hackneyed Jargon of Tindal, Collins, and others of the same Tribe. My ingenious Correspondent thinks I am reprehensible for my 'Re∣criminations against Dissenters." But I beg he will reflect on the Provocation which I, as a Member of the CHURCH of ENG∣LAND, have received. How cruelly, how ungenerously has that CHURCH been treated! I began not this Controversy; nor shall I continue it longer than the American Whig is pleased to make it necessary. And he may be assured, that if the Whig should continue his Attack as long—nay, thrice the Space that Troy stood out against the Greeks: So long will the Whip be held over him, and he chastised for his Misbehaviour. I shall only add, that I have no Controversy with such Dissenters as my Correspondent, who are willing that others should enjoy the same Privileges with themselves; and that I shall be much obliged to this Gentleman, if he will be so kind as to leave his Address with my Printer.

T. T.

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To TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQ

SIR,

The following Piece was written with a View to set the Ar∣gument respecting an American Bishop, in what I conceive to be its true Point of Light. The Author claims at least the Merit of it's having been dictated by Impartiality, and has therefore chose to reason upon Principles common both to Churchmen and Dissenters. As the Argument is designed upon these Principles to shew the present Clamour of his BRETHREN, the Dissenters to be groundless, he hopes the American Whig will excuse him for emphatically expressing such his Design in the Scriptural Motto prefixed to this Paper. The Author moreover professes himself to be a Friend to civil and religious Liberty, in it's most extensive Sense; and if you, Sir, can bear with his Freedom, and think his Sentiments worthy of Notice, you will by publishing them, oblige him.

Out of thine own Mouth will I judge thee.

LUKE xix.—22.

THE Dispute concerning the Introduction of an American Episcopate has unhappily formed two grand Parties.— Churchmen who maintain the Cause on one Hand, and the Dissenters who oppose it on the other, have become so warmed with the Subject, that I am afraid they are both chargeable with having departed from that Delicacy and Politeness which ought to be preserved in every Debate. The American Whig has fre∣quently indulged his Pen in casting Reproach upon the Church of England and its Clergy; and tho' I have a better Opinion of his Candour than to suppose he aimed at every Particular Cler∣gymen of that Church, yet his Expressions are thrown out with an Air and Appearance so general, that every Reader cannot discern so much Charity as would even shelter under its benign Protection, any one of those Clergymen, from the malignant Blasts of his illiberal and indiscriminate Censures.

It is well known, that the serious and religious Part of a Community, will entertain a Regard and Veneration for their Clergy; and those of them who faithfully discharge their im∣portant Trust, are truly worthy of the Esteem they generally meet with. Hence it is, that whatever looks like an undistin∣guished

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Abuse of the Clergy of any particular Church, hardly ever ails to become interesting to the Members of it; and this is still more the Case when the Abuse is conceived to be levelled at the Church itself. Nay, whenever a Dispute enters into, or affects our religios Concerns, tho' remotely, in its mere Appen∣dages, it is apt to engage us with a Degree of Warmth unknown to s upon other Occasions. To what Cause this is to be as∣cribed can be of little Importance here to enquire into; 'tis sufficient that there is in human Nature, a Principle that leads to this Disposition, and it serves in some Measure to account for the Heat with which this Controversy has been con∣ducted.

Some indeed think, that if the Clergy were brought into Contempt, it would have a very unfavourable Influence upon Religion itself, and I confess it is an Opinion that does not ap∣pear to be ill founded. For suppose now that we could once be persuaded to believe, that the Missionaries sent out by the Soci∣ety for propagating the Gospel, or in other Words, the CLERGY of the CHURCH of ENGLAND in America, were a Sett of de∣signing, crafty, lying Fell••••••, who have no other View in in-introducing a Bishop, than to aggrandize their own Church upon the Ruin of all others; in short, that they are labouring to become the Instruments of Oppression to their fellow Christi∣ans; must they not appear to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cruel and dishonest; and would not such an Opinion conceived of the Teachers of Chri∣stianity, naturally tend to prejudice Mankind against, or make them indifferent to, the Doctrines and Precepts they inculate? This I am confident the American Whig would never wih to see, because I believe him 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be a Friend to Christianity. But yet I cannot help fearing that some of his Papers have 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ten∣dency to these Consequences.

After having thus reproved the American Whig, will you Mr. Tickle, permit me to treat you with equal Plainness and Free∣dom? Pray, Sir, has not your Paper too much abounded in Recriminations against Dissenters? Has not your Zeal sometimes transported you beyond the Bounds of Moderation? I am afraid it has; and so far you must also, acknowledge yourself to be reprehensible. Pity it is, that more Temper and Decency had not been observed on both Sides!

Give me Leave now, Sir, to tell you that I myself am a Dis∣senter, but upon such Principles of Catholicism and Benevo∣lence as have hitherto, and I hope ever will make me over look the narrow Confines of Party-Spirit and Bigotry; while I view and regard the whole Christian Church (however split into different Denominations) as one Fold, under one Shepherd. It

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is observable in this Dispute, with what Greediness of Appro∣bation each Party commends and applauds whatever is written in its own Favour; while with equal Disgust and Detestation they reject the Sentiments offered on the other Side of the Question. Thus it is that Truth gets entirely out of Sight; and yields the Prize to blind Prejudice and Party-Zeal.

I have been amazed that upon this Subject, which is thought to affect American Liberty, and in which the grand Argument against an Episcopate in America is,

that he must necessarily be invested with the temporal Powers which Bishops have in England,
the leading and capital Circumstance of the Church of England's not being established in the Colonies, should have been so little attended to.

For my Part, as a Dissenter, I hold the Opinion, that there is no such Establishment by Law in the Colonies. This I know to be the general Opinion of Dissenters, and indeed of the most sensible Churchmen too: Nor have I Reason to doubt, that the American Whig himself, is well satisfied as to this Point. It was so clearly proved in a Course of Papers published some Years ago by the Independent Reflector, that I have never since had the least Difficulty about it. He shewed, to a Demonstra∣tion, that neither the Common nor Statute Law could effect such Establishment; and that in this Country, we might glory in the free and equal Participation of religious Privileges; and in the undisturbed Exercise of all the sacred Rights of Conscience. Happy are the People that are in such a Case! —May we and our Posterity for ever remain thus secure in these our inestimable Rights and Privileges; nor, while the Sun and Moon endure, behold the Standard of ecclesiastical Tyranny erected in this goodly Heritage, this Assylum of Li∣berty which we possess.

It being once taken for granted, (and surely the American Whig will not deny it) that there is no Establishment of the Church of England in the Colonies; does it not furnish a solid Principle for determining the present Controversy? May not the Waste of Argument and Declamation that have been used upon this Subject, be drawn, as it were, into one Point, and tested by the Principle here advanced?—Here, as in a Sanctuary, I think the Dissenters may take Refuge, and calm all their Fears. This must effectually secure them against the so much dreadful Chains of Episcopal Dominion: And thus secured, does it not become their Duty to hush the Storm they have raised; put an End to the Paper War they have de∣clared, and leave the Church they have attacked, at Peace?

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The Method of Reasoning by which I satisfy myself upon the Point is this. If there be no episcopal Establishment in the Co∣lonies, then the Church of England here, as having Relation to the State, can no more be known in Law than any of our Dis∣senting Churches: It must be as absolutely free from all legal Modifications as they are None of the Laws relating to the Church of England as a national Establishment, can have Refer∣ence to that Church where it is not established; if then the Church of England as it exists in America, is not legally esta∣blished, it follows that all the Laws relative to, and founded on that Establishment in England, when considered with regard to the Colonies, are without an Object to which they can be directed, and consequently become a meer dead Letter. Whence then is the Force and Operation of those Laws to be derived on this Side the Atlantic?

The Church of England being thus destitute at present of all legal Establishment, neither has or claims any secular or ecclesi∣astical Powers, beyond Dissenters. Her Government and Dis∣cipline are indeed similar to that of the established Church in England, and hence she distinguishes herself by that Name, as the Parent Church out of whose Bosom she emerged.

The Question then might be asked, what it is that can raise the Church of England here, out of its present State, into all that Splendour and Dignity which some Dissenters seem to be so much afraid of? In short, what is it that could give her a legal Existence? Would a Bishop's setting his Foot in this Country do it, or would it not require Acts of our own Legisla∣ture to accomplish this new Creation? I call it a Creation, be∣cause as the Church of England, in Supposition of Law, may be said now not to be; so that Power by which it is brought in∣to being, must be a Power creating it; and I trust we have no Reason to fear, that a Legislative Fiat will ever bring this Event to pass.

Is it not rather a hasty Conclusion, to infer that a Bishop's Presence would have such a magic Force and supernatural Effi∣casy as to raise the Church of England from Nonentity? To build up an Establishment without Materials, and to set all the various Wheels of her Ecclesiastical and Political Machinery at work? It seems to me dangerous to advance such a Doctrine; for I believe, if a Bishop should come, we shall one and all deny the Principle upon which the Doctrine is founded. At this Rate, should a Bishop go into Holland or Geneva, why might not Episcopacy be established there?—Nay, a few ite∣erant Bishops, by this strange and mysterious Dissemination of their Influence, might carry the Establishment of the Church

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of England like a Charm, throughout the World, as well as into America. A Supposition, the Absurdity of which, must confute itself.

Let us then with Christian Charity, forbear this Contention. The Church of England, by the Accession of a Bishop, can only gain the Privilege of Ordination here; and as the Enjoy∣ment of this Privilege is reasonable in itself and cannot be in∣jurious to us, have they not Cause to complain of our oppo∣sing it, seeing that to justify this Opposition, we have by chi∣merical Suppositions, magnified our Danger, when there really is none.

A DISSENTER.

From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE, Oct. 17, 1768. The American Whig, No. XXXII.

Continuation of the letter, on the uninterrupted succession.

THOSE are the truest ministers of Christ, who must re∣semble their blessed master in the temper of their minds and their outward behaviour. As the apostle assures us, that the genuine children of Abraham, are not always his natu∣ral descendants; but those who imitate his faith; so I believe that those are the genuine ministers of Christ, not meerly, who are ordained by episcopal hands, (for if this were so, the mini∣sters of Satan might be the ministers of Christ) but those who are most like their lord and master.

I mean not, however, to deny the propriety of gospel mini∣sters being ordained to their office by the clergy, because the clergy are generally best capable of judging of a candidate's qualification for the ministry; and solemnly setting him apart to his office, being also thereunto appointed by Christ; and therefore, I think it irregular, very irregular, to preach without ordination, or to receive a lay ordination, where an ordination by presbyters is to be obtained.

Yet I do not think, that Jesus Christ, has confin'd the au∣thority to ordain to the ministry, intirely to the clergy; I be∣lieve he has authorized the laity in cases of absolute necessity, to set apart men, or to ordain them to the gospel ministry; and if Dr. Chandler, attends to this sentiment, for which I can give good reason; he will find, that it will fully answer all his rea∣soning,

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in the 4th page of his Appeal, and whatever else the episcopalians have advanced on this subject.

But to return to the uninterrupted succession, I think it is very weak in Dr. Chandler, to declare, that "for any one to say, that such a succession cannot be proved, (I suppose he means when nobody can confute the assertion, as is the case here) is not sufficient," But I am sure that a proposition destitute and incapable of proof, ought not to be made an article of faith, and positively asserted as an undoubted truth; and I am also sure, that to assert, that the uninterrupted succession cannot be proved, if such an assertion cannot be confuted, is altogether sufficient and very much to the purpose.

The Dr. says, it is incumbent on the objectors, to prove, that the succession by which he and his brethren hold, has been broken. But I ask the Doctor's pardon, for differing in judg∣ment from him on this point.

As we, the objectors, are satisfy'd with the validity of our ordinations, and have no doubts on the head, with reference to the uninterrupted succession; why should we perplex our brains in endeavouring to prove it unbroken? But as the Doctor and his Brethren, lay so great a stress and build the validity of their ministry upon it, I think it highly incumbent upon them, to prove it unbroken. In all other cases of a similar nature, such evidence is required as essentially necessary. When a man pretend a right by succession or descent, to any estate, dignity, freehold or possession, he is obliged to prove, if his right is contested, every link of the succession or descent by which he pretends to hold.

For instance, if G. pretends to be the lawful son of F. the lawful son of E. the lawful son of D the lawful son of C. the lawful son of B. the lawful son of A; and if G. pretends a right to a certain tract of land, as the lawful descendant of A. in case G's right is disputed; it is evident, in order to make it good, he must not only prove his own legal descent from F. but the legal birth of all his intermediate ancestors and their lawful descent from A. Thus also Dr. Chandler, upon his own principles, as he founds his right to the Christian ministry, upon authority receiv'd from an uninterrupted suc∣cession of diocesan bishops, ought to satisfy us, that every bish∣op in the line of whom he received ordination, was legally con∣secrated

The Doctor says, it is not sufficient for any one to say, that such a succession cannot be proved. But the following instance will illustrate that point: The present King of France, has a right to his crown, because he is the great grandson of Lewis

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XIV. and was at his death the only surviving male in the eld∣est male line: As this was the case, his right to the crown was clear, and he was able to prove it by the genealogy of his fa∣mily, and every proper evidence; and if any other French Prince, had pretended a right to the crown of France, by vir∣tue of the same lineal descent, I believe it would have been rec∣koned quite sufficient to have told such an one he could not prove such a descent.

If Dr. Chandler has a right to preach the gospel, only be∣cause he was ordained by a bishop, ordain'd by a bishop and so on, in an unbroken line up to an apostle; I am sure he cannot prove such a right upon such principles, unless he can prove at the same time, the unbroken line; his right to preach in such a case, supposing he cannot prove the uninterrupted succession, can be at best founded only on conjecture; a very improbable conjecture too, as the reader will find by the following con∣siderations.

Eusebius, the most ancient ecclesiastical historian, from whom succeeding writers have made their catalogues of bishops; de∣clares, that it was no easy matter to tell who succeeded the a∣postles in the government of the churches, excepting such as may be collected from St. Paul's own words. Mr. Lewis, a clergyman of the church of England, thus expresses himself, in a Letter to Dr. Kennet,

You know, sir, bishop Pearson, has shewn that Eusebius's account is very disturbed and confus'd; St. Peter is set down as the first bishop of Rome, and yet it is a thing very disputable, whether St. Peter ever was at Rome.—Linus is reckoned as his immediate successor; and bishop Pearson, has shewn that St. Peter died after Li∣nus; Cletus, Clement and Anacletus are reckoned next; and yet bishop Pearson has made it probable at least, that Cletus and Anecletus are both the same person.

Dupin justly observes,

according to the common received opinion, to St. Peter succeeded St. Linus, to St. Linus, A∣nacletus or Cletus, and to him St. Clement; this order is observed by St. Ireneus, Eusebius, St. Jerome, and in the ancient catalogues of the Popes; but Optatus, Rusinus, St. Augustin and some other Latin authors, substitute St. Cle∣ment immediately to St. Linus, and place Anacletus in the third rank, some distinguish Cletus from Anacletus.
Thus we see the ancients differed about the succession, nay, the very existence of some of the first bishops of Rome, the most celebra∣ted church in the world, and which has taken the most pains to preserve a catalogue of her bishops.

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As Dr. Chandler pretends to have received authority in a line of diocesans from an apostle; and as I imagine he includes in the first part of his line; the bishop of the church of Rome. I suppose as he lays a very great and undue stress upon ancient and ecclesiastical history; he looks upon St. Peter as the first bishop of Rome, or at least the apostle who consecrated that first bishop from whom he derives his authority: But I will lay before him, Monsieur Abbadie's reasoning from God's in∣fallible word, which I think fully proves that St. Peter was never at Rome.

The scripture expresly informs us, that in the division which the apostles made of the departments of the gospel ministry; St. Peter, with St. James and St. John, had a commission to preach J. C. to the Jews, and St. Paul, that of evangelizing to the Gentiles; when they saw (says Paul, Gal. 2.) that the gospel of the uncircumcision was committed unto me, as the cir∣cumcision was unto Peter, (for he that wrought effectually in Peter, to the apostleship of the circumcision, the same was mighty in me towards the Gentiles; and when James, Cephas and John, who seem'd to be pillars, perceived the grace that was given unto me, they gave to me and Barnabas the right hands of fellowship, that we should go unto the Heathen, and they unto the circumcision. According to this regulation, St. Paul, immediately preaches the gospel in Greece, in Illyrium, in Italy and at Rome the capital of nations, but he makes no stay in Judea, nor in the neighbouring country; and when he would pass into Bethinia, he was prevented in his design, by the spirit of Christ, who sends him into Macedonia; he indeed travels to Jerusalem, but it was to carry collections for the poor, and not to establish his see. St. Peter, with St. John and St. James, turns his steps another way. He preaches to his countrymen in Judea and at Babylon, or in the provinces con∣tiguous to it, to the Jews of the dispersion; but neither he, nor his colleagues make their appearance i the west: St. Paul in his different travels, doth not meet them, he doth not salute them, in his epistle so full of salutations, addressed to all sorts of persons: Timothy, Titus, Silas, &c. assist him in his mini∣stry, and he doth all in concert with them, even to the placing their names with his at the beginning of his epistles. But no interview between St. Peter and St. Paul: no letters received or written in common, by those two apostle no message from the one to the other, no correspondence by word of mouth, or by writing, which are so common, and even so necessary be∣tween colleagues who are not very distant from each other; the apostles did not forget their principal calling. St. Paul went to Jerusalem, but not to fix his see there, for he was the

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apostle of the Gentiles; and if Peter should have come to Rome, as some will have it, it could not be to establish his see there, for he was the apostle of the Jews; but the voyage which it is said Peter made to the west, has all the air of a fable.

1. The apostles knew nothing of it, or which amounts to the same thing, have told us nothing of it.

2. St. Clement, bishop of Rome, successor of St. Peter with∣out knowing it, was no doubt ignorant of this voyage, inasmuch as he makes no mention of it, whilst he describes the travels and labour of the apostles, and particularly the courses of St. Paul, in the different parts of the world.

3. St. Luke, who leaves St. Paul at Rome, under the reign of Nero, has forgot to tell us, that St. Peter had been in that capital of the world, and that he had been made bishop of it, from the reign of Claudius.

4. St. Paul arriving at Rome, finds that the synagogue there, had scarce heard any thing said of Jesus Christ, and that they knew nothing with regard to Christianity, but that the Chri∣stians were every where spoken against. And nevertheless St. Peter had then been a long time amongst them, according to the Legendary writers, and of the twenty five years of which his pontificate is made to consist, two thirds of it, at least must have been by this time elapsed.

5. The Books of the New-Testament, besides saying truth, contain a thousand things which have not an essential relation to our salvation; and yet upon the supposition of the church of Rome, an essential and fundamental fact is here forgotton, which in placing the corner stone in its place, sustains the divine edifice of religion. Was it then more necessary, to be inform∣ed, that the ship which carried Paul, had for a sign Castor and Pollux, than to know that Peter was bishop of Rome.

I think this reasoning overturns the foundation of popery, and proves that Dr. Chandler and his brethren, have not received their authority from Peter; as they imagine. It also proves, that one supposed chain of succession has been mistaken, and that those ecclesiastical writers, on whom so much stress is laid, have contradicted scripture, and published falshoods, and there∣fore deserve but little credit.

We have seen that the links of the chain of Roman bishops have been mistaken. Let us reflect a little upon what the anci∣ents say of the succession in the church of Alexandria, which was also a very famous church.

Eutychius, patriarch of Alexandria, relates, that St. Mark in establishing Annanias patriarch of that same chuch of Alex∣andria, established with him twelve presbyters, to the end, that

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when the see should become vacant, they should fill it with one of their number, and that the remaining eleven, should lay their hands upon him, bless him, and create him patriarch; and should straightway choose another man, and establish him pres∣byter, in the stead of him who had been made patriarch; and that by this means, the number of twelve should be always complete. And the author of the questions upon the Old and New-Testament, says, that this custom prevail'd throughout all Egypt, whilst it had no bishop. By this fragment of anci∣ent history, we see that the line of succession in the Alexandrian church, ran at first, through a number of presbyters, and not diocesan bishops; which disproves Dr. Chandler's notion of the uninterrupted succession. The intelligent reader will observe, that the patriarch was consecrated by his eleven fellow presby∣ters, and that they established another presbyter in the patri∣arch's stead. St Jerome says, that at Alexandria, since St. Mark the evangelist, until the bishops Hieracles and Denis, the presbyters took always one of their number, whom they plac'd in a more elevated station, and called him bishop, and it is very probable, that presbyters ordain'd the first bishops of Gaul.

Dr. Doddridge, in his lectures justly observes, that contested elections, in almost all considerable cities, make it very dubious which were the true bishops and decrees of councils rendering all those ordinations null, where any Simoniacal contract was the foundation of them, makes it impossible to prove, at least on the principles of the Romish church; (and I may add Dr. Chandler's) that there is now upon earth, any one person who is a legal successor of the apostles.

Mr. Jones, (continues the Dr.) has undertaken to prove at large, that the ordination of our English bishops, cannot be traced up to the church of Rome, as its original; that in the year 668, the successors of Austin the monk (who came over in 596) being almost extinct, by far the greatest part of the bishops were of Scotish ordination, by Aidan and inan, who came out of the Culdee Monastry of Columbanus, and were no more than presbyters. So that denying the validity of presbyterian ordination, shakes the foundation of the episcopal church of England.

I shall conclude this paper, with the animated and sensible words of Mr. Boyse, on this subject. Speaking of the necessi∣ty of ordination by diocesan bishops, and of the uninterrupted succession, he says, We should not indeed wonder, to hear such senseless notions as these, advanc'd by the furious parti∣••••ns of the church of Rome, tho' if any thing be capable to

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break this pretended line of succession, it has been most notori∣ously broken in that church, even with respect to the pretend∣ed heads of it, those Roman bishops, that pretended all eccle∣siastical power, to be derived from themselves as the vicars of Christ: For if a man's ascending the papal chair, by simony, by magic, by murder of his predecessors, by the interest of whores; if a man being a notorious heretic, if his being open∣ly abandoned to all manner of abominable wickedness, or if his wretched ignorance of the Christian faith, or his monsterous usurpation of the incommunicable rights of our blessed saviour; in a word, if any defects of understanding, in the doctrines of the gospel, or visible immoralities of life, can ••••qualify a man for being a pastor or teacher in the church of Christ; this pretended line of succession, has no where more remarkably fail'd, than in the church of Rome, which makes the most confident boast of it.

But that pretended protestants should lick up the poisonous spittle of those popish writers, and throw it in the face of so many of the most eminent teachers, that the reformed churches were ever blessed with, argues a strange degree of judicial infa∣tuation; that they should allow the validity of the mission of the popish priests, who are given up to so manifold and perni∣cious delusions, who are set apart by their ordinations, to ce∣lebrate an idolatrous mass; and that they should at the same time deny the validity of the mission of all those eminent pa∣stors of the reformed churches who have been set apart to their office (as Timothy was to his) by the laying on of the hands of the presbyters. Nay, tho' they have been ordain'd by such pastors of particular churches as were in the stile of the three first centuries bishops; and this after a due and precious trial of their ministerial abilities, and unblameable conversation. This is such a strain of ignorance and uncharitableness, that we may well cry out, tell it not in Gath, publish it not in te streets of popish Askalon, lest the daughters of popery rejoice, lest the sons of Antichrist triumph: And well may they do so, to see pretended protestants, thus betray the interest and honour of the reformation, by casting so vile a blot on so great a part of those glorious instruments, whom God has employed to ad∣vance that blessed work; and I cannot but approve the just censure that the learned (and great) Monsieur Claude, in his defence of the reformation, has passed on the patrons of these notions, in the following remarkable words; "To speak my thoughts freely, it seems to me that this fierce opinion of the ab∣solute necessity of episcopacy, that goes so high as to own no church, no call, no ministry, no sacraments or salvation in the

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world, where there are no episcopal ordinations; tho' the true doctrine, the true faith and piety be there, and which will make all religion depend on a formality, and on such a formality as we have shewn, to be of no other than human institution." This opinion can be look'd upon, no other than the worst character, a piece of pharisaism all over, that strains at a gnat, and swallows a camel; and I can not avoid having at least a contempt of those thoughts, and compassion for their authors.

DORDRACENSIS.

From Mr. GAINE'S GAZETTE, Oct. 17. A WHIP for the AMERICAN WHIG. BY TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQR [No. XXVIII.]

Accedit in multis eximia quaedam Petulantia, et aliis insul∣tandi Libido; quibus caeteri, etiam modesto Ingenio praediti, Studio se ac suam Libertatem conservandi ac tuendi, non possunt non offendi, ac ad resistendum accingi.

PUFENDOR, de Off. Hom. & Cavis.

To TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQ

SIR,

MY last Letter contained a Refutation of the weak Sophist∣ry used by the Whig and his Confederates, with Regard to the Case of Ordination.—A Case hard beyond Mea∣sure; especially if we consider the unimpeached Loyalty of the Persons who suffer, and the known Principles of those to whom that Suffering may by some be attributed. The Sufferers have upon all Occasions, manifested their Attachment to the Con∣stitution, with which their own Interests are intimately connect∣ed, by maintaining as far as lay in their Power, that Balance

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between the Prerogative of the Crown, and the Liberty of the Subject, which makes the British Government universally ad∣mired and revered. The Authors of that Suffering, at least in some Measure, have been Persons invested with Authority, who, tho' they esteemed the CHURCH of England the most perfect Transcript, both as to Doctrine and Discipline, of the pure and amiable Religion of the holy Jesus; yet suffered Numbers of the same Persuasion, to be destitute of what the Church consi∣ders as instituted by the Apostles themselves, who undoubtedly acted under divine Inspiration.

As to the Time past, I charitably hope this Neglect has pro∣ceeded from Inattention, rather than Design. But what Reason can be now given for it, when the Members of the Church are warm in their Application, and are only opposed through blind Prejudice or mischievous Designs? Shall the just Expectations of a Body of Men, whose Fidelity has been tried like Gold in the Fire, be frustrated merely to gratify a FACTION, which like the Cameleon perpetually changes Colour, and at one Time, under the Mask of Religion, and Pretence of Liberty, actually overthrew the Constitution; at another, joined with a Popish Prince, to subvert our Liberties and introduce Tyranny and Superstition? Shall this FACTION triumph in the Success of those Schemes, in the Prosecution of which it has grossly in∣sulted the wisest and best Men in the Nation, the truly venera∣ble Society for propagating the Gospel, and falsly reviled that Religion which their Sovereign himself and the major Part of the Nation are firmly attached to? Shall they succeed in their Endeavours to render suspected as aiming at Independency, those very Persons, whose Loyalty, they themselves tell us, has never been questioned? Shall such an unwarrantable Suspicion be deemed sufficient to justify the with holding from a considerable Part of his Majesty's Subjects some of the inestimable Rights of Conscience, innoxious to the Public, and secured to them by Magna Charta? Are not the Members of the CHURCH allied to the Mother Country in a more particular Manner, by the Agreement of their religious Tenets; and may they not be driven to some Act of Desperation by being subjected to par∣ticular Hardships, and refused the Privileges common to all o∣ther Sects?

Should we suppose a Debate in the House of Commons upon this important Question,

whether a Bishop should be sent to America or no;
and that some paltry Copier of the Ameri∣can Whig (if such could there be found) had started the Ob∣jection that this Measure would tend to free the Colonies from their

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Dependance on Great-Britain, I think it might be answered in the following Manner.

I am truly surprised, Gentlemen, at the Objection just now made to a Measure highly reasonable in itself, and absolutely requisite for the CHURCH in America. The Colonies in ge∣neral, are both by Principle and Interest dependant on the Mother Country; whose Constitution is the Model of their own, whose Protection has freed them from the Fear of their Enemies; and whose Manufactures are necessary to their Sub∣sistence.—These are Ties of an indissoluable Nature, at least so long as they are left in the undisturbed Fruition of those Rights, which they claim as inherent in them by Na∣ture, and secured by the British Constitution; those Rights for which your Ancestors made the noblest Struggles, and which they gloried in delivering down inviolate to Posterity. And tho' there may be some turbulent Spirits amongst them, who were rocked in the Cradle of Sedition, and brought up in Principles subversive of Order and Government▪ yet I trust the Number is but small, and am sure their Influence can never be extensive or lasting.

But let us not be induced by any groundless Calumnies to do Injustice to those whom we have not the least Reason to suspect. The Churchmen in America are so well persuaded of the Excellency and Moderation of the British Government, and so fully sensible of the mutual Advantages accruing from the Dependance of the Colonies on Great-Britain, that tho' they may seek Redress by lawful Measures for what they esteem Grievances, yet they would be the last to frame, or join in any Project to shake off that Dependance, and there∣by lessen those Advantages. Besides it may be worth our Consideration whether we ought not to bind them to us by further Motives of Gratitude and Affection; the strongest Methods to secure their Fidelity and Attachment.—I will venture to assert, Gentlemen, and I assert it with that Holdness which Truth never fails of inspiring, that Great-Britain, has no Reason to be jealous of the CHURCH, but that the Members thereof will always be an Obstacle to any Project of disjoining the Colonies from the Mother Country.

And upon what Authority, Gentlemen, are we to harbour this Suspicion so injurious to the Members of that Commu∣nion which the greater Part of us by far join in? Upon the Authority of an insignificant and malevolent SCRIEBLER, whom through Contempt I should have left unnoticed, had not his Sentiments been espoused even in this House. A

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Scribbler, who in the Opinion of many, would himself be an Advocate for such a Separation; yet audaciously charges the CHURCH as inclinable to it.

Consider, Gentlemen, if you refuse the CHURCH this rea∣sonable Request (supposing it can conscientiously be refused) you dispirit the Friends of the Constitution, and afford Mat∣ter of Joy to those, whose Attachment to it is far from clear, to Fanaticks and Independants. By this Means you may give the latter such a Sway in the Colonies, and reduce the CHURCH to such a Situation, as every Friend to Great-Britain and America, must shudder at the very Thoughts of.

True Policy, exclusive of every other Motive, ought to make us carefully provide for the Welfare of the CHURCH in America. It's Principles and Constitution are so interwoven with, and adapted to those of the State, that together both must flourish, both together fall. If we cast our Eyes back to that unhappy Period when the great Barriers of the Con∣stitution were broken down; the House of Lords (if I may use the Expression) politically annihilated; and a British SOVEREIGN ignominiously led to the Block, was not the CHURCH an equal Sufferer, and by the same nefarious Hands?

Let us not then be swayed by Insinuations, which original∣ly proceed from the Father of all Lies, and are industriously propagated by Malice and Bigotry—But let us give our Fellow Subjects and Members of the same Communion with ourselves, those Indulgencies which Reason and Equity de∣mand. The Bishop will be appointed from hence, where his Connections will lie, and his Subsistence must in a great Mea∣sure depend upon those Funds which are here—By this Means HE will hardly think of joining with, or encou∣raging the Colonies in any Scheme to become independant— —And as his influence will probably extend both to the Clergy and Laity of the CHURCH, the proper Dependance of Episcopalians on Great-Britain will be better secured even that at present.

It may seem extraordinary to some, that I should have thought this Objection worthy of a serious Answer. But bold and impudent Assertions even when unsupported by Plausibi∣lity, are apt to make too deep Impressions upon the ignorant and unwary—And tho' I trust, they would not produce such Effects within these Walls, yet the Friends of the CHURCH might have been supposed to admit the Charge were

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they not to answer it.—Their Defence is built upon the stable Rock of Truth; supported by Experience; and may defy all the Storms and Tempests, which Presbyterian∣ism and Independancy can raise, to over-turn it.—The malicious Sneers, and impotent Cavils of the American Whig and his little Associates, like so many half spent Waves, beat with fruitless Rage against the Foot of it, and only serve to demonstrate the Solidity of it's Foundation.

In short, from the Principles entertained by the Members of the CHURCH, and the Concessions of it's bitterest Enemies, we may conclude, that should every other Denominations of Christians in America, conspire to render themselves indepen∣dant of Great-Britain (which from the known Loyalty and duteous Sentiments of many, we may believe will never be the Case) yet even then the Members of the CHURCH would be∣have in such a Manner, that they might be described in the Language of Milton.

—"Faithful found, "Among the Faithless, Faithful only they; "Among innumerable false, unmov'd, "Unshaken, unseduc'd, unterrify'd, "Their Loyalty they keep, their Love, their Zeal; "Nor Number, nor Example with them work "To swerve from Truth, or change their constant Mind."

I am sensible, Sir, that this Paper might have received ma∣ny Decorations from superior Art and Genius; but as I have already taken up a good deal of your Time, I shall wave A∣pologies and subscribe myself,

Your most obedient humble Servant, ROGER DE CHAMPO.

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From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE Oct. 24. The AMERICAN WHIG, No. XXXIII.

The following is inserted at the request of several of my readers, to shew the sentiments of the friends of liberty in England, respecting an American episcopate; and the American Whig would be glad to know from Dr. Chndler, Mr. S—b—ry, or Mr. I—gl—s, by what faction of Presbyterians or Independants in New-York, the North-Briton is published in London.

The NORTH BRITON. [NUMB. LXI.]

To the NORTH BRITON.

SIR,

AGREEABLE to the promise I made in my last letter, I shall now proceed to consider the religious grievances of the AMERICANS; which, tho' not carried, as yet, to so great a height as those of a civil nature, are, nevertheless, as real, and, if allowed to continue, and to operate their full effect, may perhaps become, in time, still more intolerable. What I mean is, the design that has been formed to introduce into AMERICA, the episcopal persuasion, as the established religion.

This design, which is now no secret, has justly excited the ap∣prehension and indignation of almost every AMERICAN. They say, and they say it truly, that it was in order to free themselves from the tyranny and despotism of the episcopal hierarchy, that their ancestors abandoned their native country, and took refuge in the barren wilds of the western continent. And is it to be supposed that they will patiently bend their necks to a yoke, which neither they nor their fore-fathers have been able to bear? Is it to be supposed, that, after having enjoyed, for so long a time, the blessings of religious, and consequently, of civil liberty, they will tamely forego them without a single strug∣gle? Those who think so, know not human nature; for every

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one that knows it, must be fully satisfied, that there is nothing of which mankind are so very tenacious as of their religious principles; and that almost every attempt to change these prin∣ciples, in opposition to the humour of the people, has termi∣nated in the destruction of the person who made it. Witness the injudicious and ill-timed attempt of King Charles the First, to introduce into Scotland the episcopal form of govern∣ment. For it may be safely affirmed, that notwithstanding the many rude encroachments which that prince had made upon the civil rights of his English and his Scottish subjects, neither of these people would, at least for some time, have risen in arms, had it not been for the violent steps which his majesty took to change the religious principles of the latter. This was the true source of the civil wars; and, in the like circumstances, will ever be the source of civil wars. Nor, indeed, is it at all surprising that it should: for can it be expected, that a people should change their religion, their manners and their customs, in an instant, and with the same rapidity with which a prince or his ministry may publish the ordinance that establishes a new re∣ligion.

The truth is, most ministers consider the people as clay in the hands of the potter, which they think they may mould into any shape they please; but I am afraid, that our present mini∣sters will find the AMERICANS composed of every different mat∣ter. I am afraid, that, instead of clay, they will find them composed of steel, that will break before it will bend, and will perhaps cut the hand that shall attempt to bend it.

But, admitting the possibily of establishing episcopacy in A∣MERICA, such a scheme could it actually be executed, ought to be strenuously opposed by every friend to his country; as, were it once actually executed, it would certainly be attended with the most pernicious consequences. It was, I think, a saying of king James the First, No BISHOP, no KING; and, might I take the freedom of opposing a maxim of mine to that royal chopper of sentences, I would say, and I believe, with equal truth, No DISSENTER, NO LIBERTY. THE DISSENTRRS are, and ever have been, the very life and soul of the republican part of our government. They have often saved it, when upon the brink of destruction; and it is to be hoped, they will still save it, if ever it should be again brought to the brink of destruction.

The PURITANS,—says a celebrated historian ¶ 4.82, who cannot be supposed partial to that republican sect—the PU∣RITANS

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preserved alive the small sparks of the love of liberty that were to be found in the nation, during the reign of Eliza∣beth and of the two first princes of the Stuart line. And what∣ever ridicule may be thrown upon the Puritans by some court∣syophants; I must confess, for my own part, I would rather be a Puritan, attached to law and liberty, than a Church-man, attatched to slavery and despotism: I would rather be a Puri∣tan, who can sit quietly under his own vine and his own fig∣tree, and none to make him afraid; than a Churchman, who is either employed in ravishing the vineyards of others, or who, like Naboth, is in danger of having his own vineyard ravished from him.

Accustomed to think freely in religious matters, the Protestant Dissenters have ever exercised the same freedom in their political speculations. They plainly perceived the absurd nature and pernicious tendency of the doctrine of divine indefeasible heredi∣tary right, and of passive obedience and non-resistance; and they accordingly rejected it with the utmost indignation. They bold∣ly maintained, that all government was instituted for the good of the people; that the Salus Populi was the Suprema Lex; that the sovereign was only the first servant of the public; that the prince, as well as the subject, was bound to obey the laws; that the moment the prince violated the laws, the subject was, at least in that instance, freed from obedience; and that if ever the prince proceeded to such a length as to violate the laws essential to the constitution, the subject was en∣tirely freed from his allegiance.

These are the principles, which the Dissenters have ever em∣braced, and which they still embrace. These are the princi∣ples, upon which the civil war was begun, and the revolution ef∣fected. These are the principles, upon which the present fa∣mily was established on the throne, upon which it still possesses it, and upon which alone it can continue to possess it. And if ever any minister should be so daringly wicked, as to ad∣vise any prince of that family to violate these principles, he ought to be punished as a traitor to his king and to his country.

But, perhaps, it will be said, that these principles have been always embraced, and with as much sincerity, by the Episco∣palians, as by the Dissenters. If any one should say so, the whole English history would give him the lie. Were they em∣braced by them in the reign of King James the First, who, when, in the conference of dvines at Hampton-court, he ex∣alted his own prerogative and the prelatical character, was told by the Archbishop of Cantebury, that undoubtedly his majesty spoke by the special assistance of God's spirit? Were they embrac∣ed

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by them in the reign of King Charles the First, whom they wickedly intoxicated with such high notions of the royal prero∣gative, as precipitated him into measures that terminated in his own destruction and in the destruction of the monarchy? Were they embraced by them in the reign of King Charles the Second, to whom they suggested the most arbitrary councils, and whom they strongly advised to get the doctrine of passive obedience enact∣ed into a Law; and who, when that prince made a bold, and unhappily, but too successful an effort to reign without parlia∣ments, so vigorously assisted him in his unconstitutional mea∣sures, that the historian * 4.83 above quoted, expressly says; the

clergy especially were busy in this great revolution; and being moved, partly by their own fears, partly by the insi∣nuations of the court, they represented all their antagonists as sectaries and republicans, and rejoiced in escaping all those perils, which they believed to have been hanging over them. Principles, the most opposite to civil liberty, were every where enforced from the pulpit, and adopted in numerous addresses; where the king was flattered in his present measures, and con∣gratulated on his escape from parliaments. Could words have been depended on, the nation appeard to be running fast in∣to voluntary servitude, and seemed even ambitious of resign∣ing into the king's hands, all the privileges, transmitted to them, through so many ages, by their gallant an∣cestors.

And though they made some opposition to the violent mea∣sures of King James the Second, yet was it chiefly because their own order was attacked; for, had that prince been con∣tented with destroying only the civil liberties of the nation, without endeavouring to undermine its religion, 'tis more than probable that he might have carried his point, at least for any interruption he was likely to have met with from the established clergy.

True it is, they concurred in the revolution; but with what sincerity, the great number of them who refused to take the oaths to the new government, and the endless plots and con∣spiracies they hatched against it, sufficiently declare.

Let it not, however, be imagined, that I mean to impute the above principles and practices to the whole body of the Episcopal Clergy. God fordid! I know there are some of the Episcopal Clergy, who are as staunch friends to the liberty of the subject, as any Dissenter in the kingdom; witness the wor∣thy author of the Confessional, and several others. I only mean

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impute them to the high flying, Jacobite clergy, and to their deluded followers among the laity, who never were, and, I believe, never will be thoroughly reconciled to our free go∣vernment; and if ever they should be reconciled to our govern∣ment, I shall begin, I must own, to entertain a suspicion, that our government it no longer free.

But, though I mean not to impute the above principles and practices to the whole body of the Episcopal Clergy, I may yet, I am persuaded, take upon me to assert, that the episcopal form of church government is much better adapted, than that of the presbyterians or of any other sect, to an absolute monarchy; and for the truth of this assertion I appeal to the sentiments of the most sensible writers who have treated of politics. The distance between the proud prelate and the poor curate is almost as great, as that between the grand monarch and the meanest of his menial servants. The truth is, the spirit of subordination that prevails in the episcopal form of church government, is ad∣mirably calculated to preserve order, or rather slavery, in civil society; for is it to be supposed, that a man, possessed of about ten pounds a year, will dare to disobey the orders of one, pos∣sessed, perhaps, of as many thousands?

'Tis an old and just observation, that superstition is an enemy to civil liberty, and enthusiasm a friend to it.—But it is well known, that the Church of England partakes considera∣bly of the superstitious character; and that all the Dissenters are, more or less, remarkable for enthusiasm. That this is the natural tendency of superstition, will be evident to any one who considers the situation of France, of Spain, or of any o∣ther Roman catholic country, where superstition prevails in its full force, and where the poor people are held in such a sla∣vish subjection by their spiritual and temporal rulers, that they are almost looked upon as beings of an inferior species. It is commonly reported of a French bishop, who was a Man of Quality, as most of the French bishops are, that, thinking it beneath his dignity to address his flock in the usual style, Mes cheres freres, or Dearly beloved brethren, he began his sermon thus; Canaille Chretien, ecotez la parole de Dieu; Ye Christian Scoundrels, listen to the word of God! Such were the ideas of a due subordination, with which superstition inspired this right reve∣rend and honourable prelate!

But not only is the episcopal form of church government an enemy to liberty and a friend to slavery, by the strong mixture of superstition which it contains, and by the infinite distinction it makes among the different members, of which it is composed: it is likewise so, by the great member of useless priests with which it is encumbered, by the immense wealth possessed by these

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priests, and by the unequal distribution of that wealth among the several persons belonging to the priesthood.

The clergy of Scotland, if I am rightly informed, do not amount to one thousand. The clergy of England, I believe, fall not greatly short of twelve thousand.—So that, sup∣posing the clergy to bear the same proportion to the laity in both these kingdoms, England should contain twelve times as many inhabitants as Scotland. But England, according to the highest computation, does not contain above three, or, at most, four times as many inhabitants as Scotland; so that, making allowance for the greater number of people in the for∣mer than in the latter, for every clergyman in Scotland there are at least three, if not four, in England. And, as the number of clergy in England, is so much larger than in Scotland, their revenues, it is well known, are proportionably large. The whole annual revenue of the Scotish clergy does not exceed 80,000 pounds; a sum hardly equal to what is possessed by the bishops alone, and perhaps not one tenth of what is possessed by the whole body of the English clergy. And as the annual reve∣nue of the English clergy is so much greater than that of the Scotch, it is divided, it is certain, among the different members in a much more unequal and disproportionate manner. Few Scotish clergymen have less than fifty, and few more than a hun∣dred pounds a year. But, as I hinted above, some English clergymen have ten thousand, and some little more than ten pounds a year. Such an infinite difference is there, in the number of clergymen, in the amount of their revenue, and in the distribution of that revenue, between the episcopal and the presbyterian establishments; and so much more favourable is the former, than the latter, to an absolute and pure monarchy! But as the English government never was, is not now, and I hope never will be an absolute and pure monarchy, so I pray I may never be so unhappy as to live to see the time when the episcopal persuasion shall be extended over the whole British do∣minions; for, if ever that time should unfortunately arrive, I will take upon me to affirm, that our liberties are, from that moment, irrecoverably ruined.

I will, indeed, admit, that the episcopal religion is the chief support of the monarchical part of our government; and so far I wish it may always be preserved in its present condition. But, as I never desire to see the monarchical part of our government enlarged, so neither do I desire to see the episcopal religion ex∣tended beyond its present bounds. Our government, as I ob∣served in my last letter, partakes more of a republic than of a monarchy. The episcopalians are the chief support of the mo∣narchical

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part of it; the dissenters, of the republican; and therefore I wish, that there may be always a greater number of dissenters than episcopalians in the British dominions. The crown, God knows! does not at present stand in need of any additional assistance from the hierarchy. It is daily receiving fresh accessions of strength from a variety of other quarters; which, I am afraid, it is not so easy to block up; and which yet, if they are not blocked up, will in time confer upon it such an exorbitant degree of power, as will enable it to overturn the liberties of the nation.

Let the ministry, therefore, drop their ill judged scheme of establishing episcopacy in America; and let the bishop of Lon∣don, who has lately been appointed one of the L—of Tr—e and Pl—ns, direct his attention rather to temporal than to spiritual objects. Nor need he be afraid of being put out of countenance by the superior abilities of his fellow-commissioners; for, however ignorant he may be of the nature of commerce, I will venture to assure him, that he can∣not well be more ignorant than his colleagues.

I am, Sir, Yours, &c. L.

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From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE Oct. 10. A KICK for the WHIPPER, [No. XXI.] By Sir ISAAC FOOT.

Rail on, my friends! What more the Kick can crown Than—'s smile, and your obliging frown? YOUNG.

To Sir ISAAC FOOT.

Dear Sir ISAAC,

I beg 10,000 pardons for procuring you the long threatened cuff from the huge fist of that Herculean bruiser Plead well's Friend. Tho' you felt not the blow, I must make you sa∣tisfaction for the insult, by a vindictive kick on the brawny po∣steriors of this Broughtonian champion. Sq. T's extravagant encomiums on him, while they do himself no honour, are very ill-judg'd tokens of "respect;" for, it being almost impossible to cause ••••ting prepossessions in the minds of competent judges, previous commendation seldom fails of introducing even some∣thing more than a disappointment. Both Sq. T. and P's F. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ready to tear their beards (if any they have) out of vex∣ation;—poor rogues! I pity them, but I must kick them too.

P's F. "fears it may be thought too low a stoop" for him "to take any notice" of you, Sir Isaac. He may make him∣self very easy on that score; but let him remember hat the towering GOLIAH, in spite of all the contemptuous airs he gave himself, was forc'd to stoop lower still, and even submit to be more than kick'd,—to be trampled upon, by lit∣tle David.

I had said, that to such an ignorant fellow as I was, nothing seemed, at least so well, to admit of a reply as an untruth; but that Mr. P. scorning such ordinary business, appear'd ambi∣tious

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of the honour of replying to real truths, and desirous of trying his abilities at defending the contrary:—but P's F. says

you apologize for your ignorance, and wonder that Mr. P. should decline replying to an untruth, and be ambitious of entering upon the defence of the contrary.
—I will just suggest, that I wonder'd not, (nor had I reason) at Mr. P.— That an Irony is no apology; and that the contraries of truth and untruth are very different things: and then from his mis∣representations and blunders, let your readers judge for them∣selves of the "goodness of heart and abilities of Pleadwell's Friend. "Lawyers," he says, "in their pleadings are not bound down to very nice rules of composition." Supposing this to be true, what then?—y remark concern'd not composition but sentiment, and if lawyers are not "bound down to" nice reasonings and even expressions at least intelligi∣ble, FROM ALL OF THE PROFESSION—DELIVER ME! say I. If the passage in question was a mere "Imperfection in style," a direct acknowledgment had been much more decent than an oblique reflection on forensic practice; but if you, Sir Isaac, make it a point to "pass over" none such,—you have an hard task, an Agan stable indeed.

But the observation be very wisely makes, par. 3d. viz. that "lawyers are much shackled with forms," is more true, but to me seems as impertinent as it is inconsistent with the other. I know imperfection as to form, and 20 other Things, expose a plea to a demurrer; but I can't find that untruth as to facts is ever alledgd as the cause of insufficiency.—But perhaps I'm mistaken, for (as I said before, I am no lawyer, tho' eno' of one perhaps to discover, that P's F. is neither more nor less, than an attorney's clerk, and probably the identical farmer Pleadwell himself

In my 〈◊〉〈◊〉 letter I did not, as (I dae say) you, Sir Isaac, in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of your kicks ever did▪ "aspire to literary fame." Kicking 〈◊〉〈◊〉 paltry whippe would naturally be done under cover, as being, however useful to the public, rather disreputable to a decent private character; but, if P. did indeed aim (as his friend suggests) at literary fame, I must needs say, he was not in the read, and dare promise, that, tho' he, his friend, and even Sq. T▪ himself, should in person avow their respective performances in presence of 500 old women, not one of them all would present either of them with a single sprig of laurel.

P••••. 4th P's F. boggles miserably at the word merely. He may ironize and syllogize as long as he pleases; but 'twill after all be pretty clear▪ that by that "unlucky word" P. has blabb'd out, what he would copy an armful of juridical formulae to get in again: for he as well as William Pere Williams was pleading

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about "aggrandizement—on RUIN," and not—beside, near, or in the midst of WEAKENING and ALMOST ruin, as his friend considers the matter, He will probably call this also "grammatical artillery,"—Words indeed are of little va∣lue but as expressive of sentiment (and hence the world has been plagu'd by some attornies and many scribblers, with words without meaning and sounds without sense;) yet, as words are suppos'd to stand for ideas, reasoning upon their meaning (when intelligible) I call—lo rtillery. Thus much for canonading.

Par. 5th. His conceptive powers seem weak as to the danger, but very strong as to the attainableness of PRELACY, in a Church which has not so much as existence without it (ha! ha! ha!) i. e. according to him, THE CHURCH in America is no Church at all. His way of "turning the tables" is so∣phistical;—we never said, "Church-men should not have a single clergyman ordained, except he went to England;" much less that "they should for ever be obliged to go there: To bring the matter to a fair issue, let him (with all his abili∣ties and goodness of heart) imagine himself a dissenter, Par. 6th He confesses himself no match for you (i. e. me) at giving de∣licate epithets &c;—he wrongs himself; but the public will give him the disavowed character due to such singular modesty.

Hitherto I've us'd this piddler as a play thing; but his 7th par, half excites my indignation, he represents me as in effect saying, that the right of episcopacy must necessarily be as human in America as in England; when I only inferred, it could not be more divine. How miserable the cause in which such resources are thought necessary! Far from "confounding distinct things" I rather distinguish'd confounded things; so that his trite chat∣ter about his lordship and Timothy (par. 8th) is as impertinent as it is gratis dictum, and his mistake (if such it be) lies in scrib∣bling, against what he did not understand. He endeavours to persuade us, that without an establishment of the Church of England, PRELACY cou'd not, and with one, would not neces∣sarily, be accompanied with secular powers.—He might have sav'd himself the trouble.—That it cou'd not (while right and power differ) few will believe;—that it wou'd not NECESSARILY, we knew before;—but that it MIGHT and probably WOU'D, we are fully, persuaded,— and that's enough.

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P's F. really acted a prudent part in passing over my 8 last paragraphs, which he is however requested to stumble over, the next time he spits his spite at Sir Isaac Foot instead of

OBADIAH LISTEN

From Mr. GAINE'S GAZETTE, Oct. 24. A WHIP for the AMERICAN WHIG. BY TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQR [No. XXIX.]

To TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQ

Yet let me flap this Bug with gilded Wings.

POE.

SIR,

THOUGH the Church in America has ever studied assidu∣ously to promote Concord, and to conciliate Peace with every Denomination; yet, a restless Party, discontented with the freest Enjoyment of their religious Privileges have been con∣tinually waring against her, and constantly increasing in their Virulence, and Animosity. From the Heighths to which they have already risen, every Friend to Liberty and Justice, may judge what the established Church must expect from an Increase of their Power.

So gigantic at this Day are their Strides, that for a candid Appeal to the Public in its Behalf, his Majesty's and the nati∣onal Religion, has been stigmatized in the most injurious Man∣ner; and a Bishop under the Restrictions proposed, threatened with a Reception similar to that of the Commissioners of a late Act. Whether such a Conduct is agreeable to their Professions of a Love to religious Liberty, and the Interests of their Country, I leave to their most insatuated Votaries to determine. Every good Man will endeavour to calm as much as possible the Spirit of Party; but these Men, fond of fishing in troubled Waters, have ever made it their Study to promote Dissentions. For this Reason, in this Country where ever the Name were in ge∣neral unheard of, they would diffuse the Principles of Opposi∣tion

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among us, by the Party Distinctions of Whig and Tory; and kindle Discord in the Church by a Division into High and low. To Answer the last mentioned End, the American Whig has affected the Guise and Appearance of a Churchman,—that he may stab us the more sensibly. But I am confident that his Disguise is so thin, that he stands expos'd to the Scorn of every just Man, and the Contempt of the weakest. However as Poi∣son is destructive by whatever Hand administred, I shall make such Observations on his Attempt in the 25th No. of the Whig, as I flatter myself will be a sufficient Antidote, and point out the Author's native Hideousness.

The two first Paragraphs of this Epistle are taken up with abusive Reflections on the British Hierarchy, without Advancing one Proof of his foul-mouth'd Assertions. They are thick sown with Reflections on the "Pride, Ambition, and Tyranny of Priests;" and the evident Intent of them appears to be, to excite an Odium against Prelacy. Now, tho' such an Episcopate as he combats with was never desired—tho' the onus probandi lies on him, and these Affirmations might float down the Tide of Oblivion with the rest of those light, unsubstantial, unprov'd Asseverations which he has thrown out, and which the Reader is no more obliged to swallow than the Decisions of the Pope: Yet since by their being so often repeated in so rancorous a Manner, they may tend to excite in weak Minds a Disrespect for the present Constitution of Government; I shall offer a few Particulars worthy the Consideration of every Well-wisher to his Country.

Since the Legislature, for the Preservation of true Religion, has wisely established a Church, which differs only from other Denominations, for the most Part, in mere external Modes, and her external Modes are deemed most consonant to the Principles of Government, every true patriot will either promote such an Establishment, or at least not oppose it.

Again,—If the Legislature, for the Encouragement and Support of this Church, has decreed to those whom it judges most capacitated for her Service by their Piety, Learning, or Assiduity, certain Immunities and Honours, every Friend to Re∣ligion and Society must approve of the Procedure.

Since these ecclesiastical Rights and Immunities, are so in∣terwoven with the civil Polity, and have been so moulded and fashioned with the Constitution of the State, that the Exter∣mination of Prelacy, will either destroy or very much endan∣ger the Common-Wealth; every wise Politician will support the one, if only to preserve the other.

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Further,—since the present Bishops make no undue use of their Powers, but mildly exercise them to charitable Pur∣poses,—to the Increase of Protestantism and Learning, to the Relieving the Poor, the Propagation of the Gospel, and the Diminution of Vice and Ignorance; it follows, that who∣soever by oppugning and maligning them, endeavours to dimi∣nish their Usefulness, proves himself an Enemy to the Interests of Religion and his Country, and acts contrary to the Charac∣ter of a Protestant and true Briton.

Our pious Fore-fathers, led by the Example of all former Ages, considering their Obligations to Gratitude greater than those of any other Nation; remembring the Promise our LORD and SAVIOUR has made unto them, who should confer the smallest Favour on his Disciples; reflecting how earnest the A∣postle is in arguing, That if the Ministers of the Law were so amply provided for, less Care ought not to be had of those, who under the Gospel possessed correspondent Situations in the Church; knowing how expedient and necessary it was that those Rulers, who are especially commanded to be given to Hospitality, and to provoke all others by Examples of Charity, should have Means by which they might effectually perform these Duties.—Considering these Things, they liberally set apart Livings, Lands and Possessions, for the Use of the Church; and tho' these have been invaded by the avaricious Hand of Persecution, and mangled by the sacrilegious Jaws of Rapine and Rebellion, yet a Remnant continues to this Day; —and will continue so long as Justice, Learning, and true Religion survive!

The Practice of strengthening the Reins of Government, by a Reverence paid to the Officers employed in the Service of Re∣ligion, seems to be founded on a Dictate of natural Reason, a∣dopted by all Nations, and authorized by the Example of God himself, the divine Legislator of the Jews. So weak is human Nature, that it looks upon Poverty (however unjustly) with Contempt. To avoid this, since a Reverence for Governors is essentially necessary to the Preservation of Order, prudent Le∣gislatures have annexed Degrees of Dignity and Honour to e∣very public Office, according to its Usefulness. As therefore the Officers appointed for the Promotion of Religion, are the first in Expediency, it is wise to encourage them with adequate Supports.—Again, it is agreeable to sound Policy, to en∣gage as many Persons of Learning and Abilities in the Service of any Society as possible: For Reason and Experience pro∣nounce, that without the Aids and Ornaments of Learning, no

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Society will either flourish or be much respected. Now it is evident that the wisest Men will generally want the Incitements of Honour and Fortune, as Rewards for their Labours, and Spurs to their Diligence. Wise therefore is it in any Nation to stimulate Men of Learning to those Offices which are essential to its well-being, by proper Rewards.—Further, Want begets Servility, which is inconsistent with Superintendency. Men likewise, in such a Situation, are more subject to the Becks of Power, and more liable to Bribery and Corruption. The Poverty also of some of the Clergy, has, in the Opinion of the wisest Politicians, occasioned most of that Neglect and Despite with which the Order itself is too frequently treated, to the great Prejudice and Obstruction of Christianity. Much more just Cause of Declamation, are those Pensions which are squandered on the Idle, the Vicious, and Profane, than that Provision for the decent Support of Men, who are the Sup∣porters, (under God) of Protestantism; who are Ornaments of their Country, and the firmest Defenders of every Species of Liberty.

And lastly, to doubt of the Propriety of their retaining their legal Incomes, is to call in question the Knowledge of those Men, who rear'd the Fabric of our happy Constitution, and so combined its Powers, that to take them away, would render the Scale of Authority, so well-balanced, unequal. Upon the Whole, I doubt not but those very confident Assertors, the A∣merican Whig, and his Associates, appear in the Eyes of all rea∣sonable Men, in the very Colours with which they would paint others; for, like the Papists, Enemies to our good Government, they have ever endeavoured to foment Divisions among his Ma∣jesty's peaceable Subjects by railing against Establishments, and scattering their poisonous, discordant Principles round the Land. They have also acted repugnant to the Spirit of Christianity, which breathes a Love for all Mankind: which is tender, long suffering, pitiful, courteous, which despises the narrow Princi∣ples of Rancour and Sectarism; which hopeth all Things, be∣lieveth all Things. Their Conduct is also inconsistent with sound Policy, which bids us diffuse among our fellow Subjects a Reverence for Government; which enjoins us to promote the general Interests of Religion; and which at this nice Juncture direct us, more especially, to increase Harmony and Union, and to strengthen, as much as possible, the Reins of Government.

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From Mr. GAINE'S GAZETTE, Oct. 1768. To the American Whig. From the SHADES, Sept. 8, 1768.

My dear Friend,

EVEN in these Realms of Woe, Experience has at length convinced me, that Comfort may fixd an Entrance. My Situation, whether considered abstractedly, as relating only to myself, or as it is rendered more dismal by that of my fellow Prisoners, has been gloomy indeed, and I can truly say, that 'till the Publication of your first Number, I was altogether un∣happy: But as the Transactions of you Mortals are not hid from our Eyes, the American Whig in all his Glory, could not fail of contributing some Relief to those Agonies of Mind I have so long suffered, in beholding England, and its Dependen∣cies, flourishing under the Establishment of religious Principles, diametrically opposite to those which I so strongly inculcated by myself and Emissaries, and which with unspeakable Joy, I find you and my other Friends so faithfully adhere to. Go on with unabating Vigour; and let no Considerations of Religion or Humanity stop you in your Career: Be assured of the Truth of what I so loudly proclaimed, that while the Church of Eng∣land as by law established has the Ascendency in the British Em∣pire, our Cause can never flourish. You know, my worthy Friend, how contradictory that Church and all its Doctrines are to our past, present, and future Views. While she subsists in her prefent Form, it will be utterly impossible even to totter the Constitution of the present State, much more to tumble it into those Ruins, upon which alone we and our Friends may arise into that Power which we have so long and so arduously sought after, Prelacy and Plumb Pudding must be abolished; Bishops and Lawn Sleeves must be rooted out; and no Pains must be lest untaken, no Steps nor Designs untried, to accomplish so glorious a Purpose. To this End, let all your Preachers thun∣der out Anathemas against all the Promoters, or even silent ap∣provers, of Episcopalian Worship: Let them bid the People be∣ware of that Scarlet Whore the Church of England, and keep wisely separated from a For of Worship (such as Her's) evi∣dently

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calculaed to extirpate all levelling Principles;—that the King can do no Wrong, is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ost dama••••ble Error:— that he can do Wrong, witness poor Chales the First, (that unsuspecting deluded M••••) hose Head I with a Perseverance peculiar to th••••e of o•••• Principles, brought to the Block, and with a glorious Resolution (that will hand my Name down to the latest Posterity) severed with my own Hands from his Body. Tru•••• it is, I was disguised;—but Art! Art! Art! I would not have been thought the Murderer: My Schemes would have been then immediately seen through and detested; and I should not have been osted at this Day by so many ho∣nest Levelles, as I with Pleasure find are still living in those Dominions, over the People which I ruled, as the Object at once of their Fear and Regard.

Go on my dear Whig,—look not behind you for fear Conscience, that Bugbear, should then stare you in the Face; but push forwards boldly, and in defiance of that very Power and Government which nourishes you, and so many of my other dear Descendants. But when they think themselves most secure than shall the happy Time be, when thou and those of thy Prin∣ciple; shall turn—and sting them to Death.—Oh! pray for the glorious Period when the Blood of Oliver which now warms your Hearts, shall reign immoveable upon the throne of Britain. Then shall you be sed with the Fat of Bishops, (more delicious than that of Green Turtle) and the Blood of them shall flow like Oyl down your never to be satiated Throats. Then Lambeth, that Sink of Wickedness and Episcopacy, shall become a Place where a Synod shall be held, and where the Descendants of Noah Well's, the fasting Scribe, shall flourish like the Palm Tree! Then shall Meeting-Houses be built of hewn Stone, yea, and the Pillars thereof be of goodly Cedars; and gilded Cherubim shall hang between the Arches; and the Church Estate (that Object of your unbounded Desires) shall become Gardens and pleasant Places, for the true born Sons and Daughters of those bitter Opposers of Episcopacy,— even the honest Presbyterians, those meck and lowly followers of the Author of the Christian Religion.—Oh the Bishop! the Bishop! Be a very Watch-Tower,—be an Independant Reflector;— above all, continue to be the American Whig, and I will che∣rish that precious Drop of my Blood that liveth in thine Heart, and which will never be at rest 'till the Episcopalians are demo∣lished, and Presbyterians triumphant.

Your ever affectionate O CROMWELL.

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P. S. Never mind Tim,—We must allow he speaks Truth, but by Sophistry and Cunning you can ruin ever so good a Cause. Your Abilities are Great.

From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE Oct. 31. The AMERICAN WHIG, No. XXXIV.

A Superstructure, whose foundation gives way, and must e∣very few years, receive new props for its support, is evi∣dently not the contrivance of a wise master-builder. That this is the case, with modern episcopacy, will be evident to every one, who considers, the several foundations, which have been at different times esteemed its support. If we look back but a∣bout thirty years, we shall find the then advocates for diocesan episcopacy, endeavouring to defend their cause, by alledging, that the sacred scripture expressly speaks of Bishops in the church. They depended upon making it appear, that those who in the New Testament, are stiled Bishops, were an order distinct from, and superior to, such as were stiled Presbyters.— While these scripture-bishops were trumped up, as a suf∣ficient foundation for modern episcopacy; the distinction between Apostles, and all other gospel ministers, was readily acknow∣ledged. It was readily acknowledged, that the apostolate was a gift received immediately from Christ, that it was a personal gift, not to be communicated from one to another,—it was rea∣dily acknowledged, that Apostles, as distinct from, and superior to all other gospel-ministers, were made such, by their being chosen witnesses of Christ, to the world; that he had appeared in the flesh, that he had suffered, died, arose from the dead, and ascended into Heaven. By their being inspired, or divinely illu∣minated with the knowledge of the whole gospel scheme.— By their being entrusted with the important message of publish∣ing to the world the truths and doctrines of the gospel; and de∣claring the way of life, and terms of Salvation.—And by their being authorised to constitute, form and regulate the gospel church state, according to the mind of Christ; together with a capacity to give full proof of their acting with authority from Christ, in those matters, by working miracles, &c' These things used to be acknowledged to be the things by which the Apostles as such, were constituted, and distinguished from all other mi∣nisters in the church. It used to be acknowledged that the commission in Matt. xxviii. 28, did relate to them, not as A∣postles,

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but as the order of ministers, which was to continue in the church, to the end of the world; and consequently in which they were to have successors. It is but a sew years since, that the warmest advocates for episcopacy, could readily see and admit these distinguishing gifts and qualifications, which constituted, and were essential to the apostolick office; while they depended upon supporting episcopacy, by the instances of such as were stiled Bishops in the New-Testament. But having been obliged, by the superior force of truth, to acknowledge, that in the scripture, the term Bishop, and Presbyter or Elder, are promiscuously used for the same office; they now generally give up what but about thirty years ago, was their whole de∣pendence; and are obliged to fabricate a new foundation to support their admired episcopacy. The present scheme is to make us believe, that the bishops of the Church of England, are Apostles. The present zealots for prelacy are so strangely infatuated, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to deny, that any thing extraordinary, is neces∣sary to make an apostle. They can now see none of those ex∣traordinary gifts, conferred upon the twelve Apostles by Christ himself, as being necessary; but suppose that men at this day, may warrantably act as Apostles, without any of those gifts, by virtue of the commission Christ gave to the standing officers in the church. And by this new scheme would persuade us, that the present set of Bishops in the English church, are as much Apostles, and as much vested with the apostolick office and au∣thority as ever were Peter or Paul. A notable scheme this! And which, if they can establish, will effectually support their lord∣ly and domineering purposes. For if their Bishops, are equal with the Apostles, in point of office and authority, then they have as much power to mould and fashion the form and regula∣tions of the church, to their own humour and liking, as the twelve Apostles had. And to dispute the matter with them, is to dispute the authority of an Apostle; and equally criminal with rejecting the authority of the sacred books of the New-Testament. To what length will blind zoal, and party spirit carry weak mortals!

But before we oppose the authority of an Apostle, let us hear their defence, and see what evidence they adduce that their Bi∣shops are Apostles.

Dr. Chandler tells us, that he will only give us a sketch of the arguments of episcopacy; and for better satisfaction, refers us to Archbishop Potter, and Mr. Leaming. And in the last of those authors, do we find in page 10. this remarkable intelli∣gence,

Let it be carefully remarked, that those who were commissioned to send others, were called Apostles, in the

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Time when the New-Testament was penned; but in the next, and after ages, out of honour to the Apostles, the apo∣stolick office, had the name of Bishop appropriated to it.
LET IT BE CAREFULLY REMARKED that out of honour to the first set of Apostles, the very next set of Apostles, laid aside the name which Christ had given to that order; and instead of it, took the name of Bishop, which till then, did belong to that order which was also stiled Elders! Let it be carefully remark∣ed, that this alteration in the use of words, was brought about, all the world over, through the whole church, immediately up∣on the death of the last of the Apostles; that those who till then, were distinguished by the title of Apostle, should all agree to lay aside that title, so that no ONE, in the church universal, was ever known to be stiled an Apostle, after the death of the first twelve; and that all such as were really Apostles, should, forever after be known, and distinguished by the title of Bishop, which till that moment, had been given only to Presbyters. Let it be carefully remarked; and truly remarkable it is, that such a piece of history should life so long concealed, and never be published to the world, till within these few years.

Upon hearing so extraordinary a novelty, the following inqui∣ries will naturally arise in the minds of the curious: If the se∣cond sett of Apostles, were really Apostles as well as the first; what reason could they have, for such an excessive veneration for the persons of their immediate predecessors, as to relinquish the title Christ had given to their office; and rob another sett of officers in the church, of a title which did confessedly belong to them? Or was the second sett of Apostles, ashamed to be known by the title, which had been given to the poor fisher∣men of Gallilee? Or was it for sear that if they retained the nam, they should also be exposed to like sufferings with their predecessors? Or is it not, because that after the death of the first twelve, there were none who were really Apostles? This is the true reason, why there have been none since, who have pretended to the name, till very lately? It is therefore to be hoped, that these retailers of ancient history, will in some fu∣ture publications, inform the world how these things were.

Again, this author, to whom the Dr. refers us, exerts him∣self to prove that Timothy was an Apostle in the church of Ephesus. And in proof of it, recites several particular charges, which the Apostle Paul gave him, in the two epistles written to him, which he supposeth would serve to shew Timothy, to have authority in the church above, and over Presbyters; and that he must therefore necessarily be an Apostle. But let Timothy have what authority over the Elders in the church of Ephesus,

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he can suppose; It is evident that the Apostle Paul exercised much more authority over Timothy, than the Apostle Timothy did over the Elders of Ephesus. And consequently, according to this argument, there must be Apostles over Apostles, as well as Apostles over Elders. And where shall we stop, till we come to the Apostle general, the pretended successor of Peter?

It is very evident, that Timothy, as well as several other e∣vangelists, were under the authority and direction of the Apo∣stle Paul; and were sent by him to one place after another, as occasion required. And Timothy discovered a continual readi∣ness to comply with his injunctions in the propagating of the gospel, and in the service of the churches. But if Timothy was an Apostle as well as Paul, why do we not some times find him called an Apostle? Why do we not find him some times, sending Paul from one church to another, as well as Paul's send∣ing him. The Apostle Paul, wrote many epistles to the churches; and it was his common method, in his introduction to stile himself an Apostle. In many of these epistles, Timothy also is joined with him: And the introduction runs in this form, "Paul an Apostle of Jesus Christ. and "Timothy our brother." Why does Paul stile himself an Apostle, unless it is to give weight and authority to his epistles? And if Timothy was also an Apostle, why was not his apostolic character also mentioned to impart an additional weight? Or was the Apostle Paul so aspiring and lordly, as not to suffer his brother-apostle Timothy to have equal honour with himself? These are inquiries of im∣portance in this case, and call loudly for a full and satisfactory solution, before a submission to the apostolic character and au∣thority, of these pretended successors of the apostles can be reasonably expected.

While we view this struggle, for the support of modern epis∣copacy, and observe how often they are obliged to replace the foundation that supports it; that as often as they find them∣selves confuted upon one plan they so readily form to them∣selves another; which with much patching, may serve their cause, for about fifteen or twenty years; and is then given up by their absent advocates, and a new one substituted in its room: Who, I say, can suppose such a tottering building to be the workmanship of the divine architect? The present scheme of making Apostles of their Bishops is too chimerical to be long in vogue; and too ridiculous to bear a serious confutation— But weak as it is, it must be asserted, till some prolisic genius shall invent another substitute.

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From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE Oct. 31. A KICK for the WHIPPER, [No. XXII.] By Sir ISAAC FOOT.

—sone verbum Quod sonui, crepo quod crepui— LILLY'S as in praesenti.

THE greatest part of the ingenious citizen's 2d and 3d addresses (Whip No. XXI XXII.) consists of declama∣tion, and that, either on subjects foreign to the purpose, or such as he had sufficiently blubber'd about in his first juvenile production. However, as my undertaking obliges me to take some notice of him, I shall not disdain to follow his example; and therefore call upon you, my countrymen, to "attend to the merits of the cause," yet hoping you'll excuse me, tho' I tell you nothing but what you knew very well before.

A great many years ago (long before the citizen was born) Bishops were solicited for America;—5 or 6 years ago the affair was vehemently urg'd at home (disinterestedly no doubt!) by one Dr. S—; and more lately a (still more impatient) convention of scarce less than—XX clergymen, sent home to their superiors no less than 7 urgent petitions for a right re∣verend father or two, and, that their downy lordships on their arrival might have as little noise as possible to disturb their repose, AFTERWARDS commission'd the velvet-mouth'd Dr. C. to assure the people, that their lordships wou'd not hurt 'em. But the more prudent, alarm'd, as much perhaps by the pre∣posterous conduct of the affair, and the pains taken to ull them into security, as by the thing itself, smelt a rat, and among the rest the Whig, thinking it his duty publicly to warn the unwa∣ry, in order to justify his own apprehensions, found it necessa∣ry (among other things) to discover the genius of the English hierarchy; and this alarm has been preversely represented as an attack of the church of England.

The fly tendency of a considerable part of the 1st of the C's pieces under consideration, is to represent dissenters as enemies to all civil, as well as episcopal government, (else what means the tale about German fanatics, &c.?) yet all this Sq. T. calls

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"candour and sound reasoning." Wicked fellows, thus to scan∣dalize America, (at this time especially) because oppos'd in self∣ish schemes that tend to ruin her?

Par. 4th. The C. charges the Whig with self-contradiction; he deserves to be whipp'd for lying. For truth's sake, reader, compare this par. with the Whig's 1st No. and then tell me what you think of a cause which needs falshood for its support, and of a paper in which this little Whig pecker can find no holes but such as he has made himself.

The letter from John Winthrop and Co. is a strong proof of the piety, charity, and affection of those our forefathers; but, as it contains not the most distant invitation of any Bishop to mortify himself so much as to accompany them, it seems not sufficient to prove (as it should seem designed) that they, if now living, would be more urgent for the importation of spiritual carnalities than we their "degenerate sons" are.—Quere, was not the scrap of Greek in the 6th. par. design'd to give the good old ladies of this city &c. important ideas of the citizen's erudition?

In his next lucubration the C. very wisely tells us, "RELI∣GION is advantageous to society." Well! and what then?— why, a civil establishment of a particular form of church go∣vernment must be so too, according to him; and he even boasts that the civil establishment of the hurch of England "has cost a million of Lives, &c."—Excellent form indeed!— but what tickles me most is, that, unless he very unskilfully ex∣presses himself, he in effect owns it to have been "indifferent" previous to its establishment; Thus at once giving up the divine right of episcopacy so much stickled for.—But whether ex∣pressional or sentimental, I must not take advantage of his blun∣der; for, I'm told, he is a child.

He next undertakes (champion like!) a defence of the clergy, which is partly needless and partly impotent. Does any one condemn the whole order? No; God forbid!—for my part, I sincerely believe there are many humble pious, godly persons even among at least the inferior clergy of the church of England, who, (primitive Bishops themselves) lament in secret the decay of primitive Christianity. Such clergymen as these we honour; but shall their merit excuse those who, under cover of the cassock, disgrace the ministerial character, and, as tho' an episcopal aw had conferr'd an uncontroulable privilege of serving the devil, seek the fleece instead of the flock, and are squabbling who shall be greatest and richest in the kingdom of heaven? No; their office is indeed sacred, but their persons as profane as our own, and more damage is done to religion by

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the bad examples of individuals, than by all the undistinguish∣ing satire of the world against the order itself. Wou'd you know, reader, why this impartial layman, the C. is so solici∣tous about the credit of the American clergy? Perhaps I can tell you; I'm told, he is soon to be of the number himself, and wear a band, perhaps before he wears a beard.

I doubt not but Bp. Burnett and other moderate church∣men of the last century, even communicated with foreign pro∣testants, and can easily believe that even Laud and other bigots of his kidney, might, from complaisance, &c. call them BRE∣THREN; nay I know that formerly foreigners have actually been allow'd to officiate in English churches without reordina∣tion.—But what of all this? Are they thus considered and thus treated now?—Oh! but "tis unreasonable" it seems, "that any one," (even a protestant, however excusable his or∣dination) "should enjoy the immunities" i. e. the benefice or money, "without complying with the terms required:" that is, in plain English, until a Christian ceremony has been by repeti∣tion legally played the sool with, as an holy ordinance must, since the Test Act, be profan'd to qualify a man to cut the throats of his fellow-creatures.—Why ay!—That I did not at first think of; however I can't help thinking of the suc∣cess of Mons. HOUDIN.

E.

From Mr. GAINE'S GAZETTE, Oct. 31. A WHIP for the AMERICAN WHIG. BY TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQR [No. XXX.]

Amphibious Thing! that acting every Part, The trifling Head, and the corrupted Heart,— —Beauty that shocks you, Parts that none will trust, Wit that can creep, and Pride that licks the Dust. POPE.

To TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQ

SIR,

I Proceed to make some Remarks on the remaining Parts of the Letter sign'd an American Churchman.

In spite (says he) of all the Address of the Partizans of the Scheme to conceal their true Aim, they have given so many Proofs, that Pre∣lates

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and Bishops are the Characters they wish to see establish∣ed among us. And whether this is sufficiently proved must be left to the Public to determine.

That any Evidence has been brought of this Assertion, I ab∣solutely deny;—to prove it the American Whig has la∣boured only by the Perversion of harmless Sentences in the Ap∣peal, which common Sense must evince could never be under∣stood in that Meaning. On the other Hand, he has passed by unnoticed, that Section, wherein the Plan is fairly stated; and where it is declared, that without Equivocation or Reservation, the Bishops requested are to have no Authority, but purely of a spiritual and ecclesiastical Nature, such as is deriv'd altogether from the Church, and not from the State. The contrary to this I defy his evidencing from any Thing urged by the "Parti∣zans of the Scheme," either in public or private.

If (he goes on) the Introduction of Prelacy to subjugate the Colonies to the Tyranny of Priests, is the Object of Dr. Chandler, and the Convention, it becomes every true Son of the Church, every. &c. to rise up and set his Face like a Flint against a Scheme of so pernicious a Tendency.
Rare Argumentation for a public Writer! a meer petitio Principii, (as the Schoolmen say:) But such has been the Foundation of most of that pretty Superstructure with which your Opponent has amus'd the Public.—Indeed, it such is the Design of Dr. Chandler and the Convention, the most bigotted and strenuous Advocate for an American Episcopate, (I confess) ought and will oppose it.—But on this Hinge turns the Dispute, and this, should these bitter Opponents have proved,—contrary to the Declarations of Men whose Characters are expos'd to the View of the World, to the publish'd Plan, and the received Opinions and declared Sentiments of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, and the highest Dignitaries of the Church of Eng∣land: They should have evinced these Declarations to have been untrue by more valid Facts; the Plan to have been false, by producing and proving another agreed on; and these Senti∣ments adopted, to be erroneous, by the Proffer of unyielding Truths; if they would deserve the Characters of Christians, Lovers of Truth, Gentlemen, and Friends of their Country and Mankind. On the contrary, always pre-supposing this to be true, they have work'd themselves into a Ferment, puff'd up their Disciples with Rage and Zeal, to a danger of Suffocation; bespatter'd all around them, and pursued the Bugg bear, till they have left themselves in such a Situation, as to attract a rude Stare from Fools,—Laughter and Contempt from the Wise,—the Scorn of good Men, and Approbation only from

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those who are too prejudic'd, or too blind to see their Nakedness.

That the Majority (continues he) of Episcopalians are not chargeable with this dangerous Enterprise, shall be the Scope of this Letter.

What dangerous Enterprise? If he means

of subjugating the Colonies to the Tyranny of Priests,
he attempts to prove what no one denies, or have ever denied.
But (says he) 'tis to remove any such Suspicions, which the guilty Contri∣vers of the Plot, are falsely, and wickedly endeavouring to propagate.
Indeed Mr. Tickle, I am at a Loss to account by another Way, than the Cause, for such gross Prevarications, Insinuations, and Accusations. I challenge him to prove any Authors of such a Plot, or to point out the Paper wherein, or the Persons (excepting the American Whig, and his Allies) by whom American Churchmen are accus'd of
enterprising the Subjugation of the Colonies to the Tyranny of Priests by the Introduction of Prelacy.

But if he intended, by expressing it in this loose indetermi∣nate Manner, to leave Room for Equivocation,—that Church∣men might imagine he meant to vindicate them from any Design against their Country; and his own Disciples interpret it as a Proof that the Majority of Episcopalians were averse to the Plan of an Episcopate as propos'd by Dr. Chandler. By what I have said before, the Needlessness, and consequently Impropriety of undertaking it in the first Sense, is evident; and I doubt not, I shall in my following Remarks, make its Absurdity, Weak∣ness, and Incongruity for the last Purpose, obvious to his most insatuated Votaries.

This (says he) may be argued from the Character and Principles of American Churchmen; the Conduct of the Pe∣titioners for an Episcopate, and the Nature and Method of their Defence, against the Attacks they have received.
First, he attempts to prove it from describing those Parts only of the Character of Churchmen which seem to answer his Purpose.— Now supposing the Portrait to be drawn to the Life; it proves nothing in his Favour. For granting that American Church∣men are
Enemies to the slavish Doctrines of passive Obedience and Non-resistance;
That they excelled in a late memora∣ble Opposition to the Stamp-Act,
conceding even what is the labour'd Aim of these Paragraphs;
That they are the most frugal Oeconomists in the World;
yet it follows not from this that they will be averse to an Episcopate, when they are not required (to use a coarse Expression from the Paper be∣fore me) "to open their Purse Strings," but to have him sup∣ported by a Fund graciously bestow'd for that Purpose by Be∣nefactors.

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Neither tho' Churchmen were watchful (as the Whig describes them) of the undue Extension of the Preroga∣tive, does it follow that they are "oppos'd to a Bishop so limi∣ted in his Powers."

But this Picture of American Churchmen, I deny to be a just one; the Lineaments are rough, the Colours laid coarsely on, and some Features seem rather to be trac'd from the Figure of the four, narrow hearted Presbyterian, than the open-coun∣tenanc'd and generous Churchman.

That the Spectator may be better judge of the Truths of this Assertion, I will just pencil out in Miniature, a Portrait of Churchmen, whereby it will appear what a Variation he has made from the Original.

In their political Principles American Churchmen in general are fix'd between the Bitterness of Modern Whigs, and the Servility of ancient Tories. To his Majesty and the Royal Family, they bear the warmest and most unalterable Affection, and are ever ready to support him in his kingly Power.—Sensi∣ble of the Excellence of the British Constitution, they will ever be ready to preserve and defend it, and to lay down their Lives in its Support. Convinced of the Blessings resulting from the Balance of Authority in the State they desire it may ever re∣main equi-poised. Not more solicitous are they to preserve the Rights of the People, than his Majesty's Prerogative inviolable. They are steady Friends to Order and Discipline in Govern∣ment, and ever ready to put an End to Discord and Confusion.

But (says this Anti-Churchman) in all their Expences in Government, they are the most frugal Oeconomists in the World.
Frugality, I must own, is commendable: But when speaking of Expences of Government, especially at such a Sea∣son as this, the Insinuation is very injurious.—Can this officious Mangler of Characters, deny in the Face of his injured Coun∣try, that this Province, as well as its Neighbours, has generously and profusely contributed to the Expences of Government? Were not their vital Sources drain'd almost dry, by Supplies they granted the last War?—The sainting Looks of Commerce, —the tattered Garments of Trade,—and the Complaints of Po∣verty in our Streets, must strike this invidious Accuser dumb!

But perhaps he would be understood to mean, that they are so in public religious Expences. As for the Non-Episcopalians, they may defend themselves; but quite the contrary is evident from the Conduct of Episcopalians. Their Generosity, in their Contributions for their Clergy, in Support of their Churches, and for charitable Uses, has ever done them Honour. The Non-Episcopalians themselves, have often testified this, by peti∣tioning

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their Assistance in many Instances; and I doubt not they have ever met with Success.

Animated with the Spirit of their Church, which teaches them to pray for their "Enemies, Persecutors, and Slanderers," and that God would "bring all into one Fold, under one Shep∣herd," they earnestly desire the Conversion of the Heathen to the Knowledge of Jesus and his Gospel; they behave with Tenderness and Mildness to other Denominations; endeavour to calm their Animosity into Peace; and when their Adversaries have made frequent Attacks on them, they have passed them by for the most Part, unnoticed as the Offspring of Spleen, Igno∣rance or Envy. Satisfied with the Excellence, Purity, and Charity of the Society, of which they are members, they would uphold it with Spirit, but in such a Manner, as not designedly to prejudice others.—Convinced of the Advantages resulting from Confirmation, & an orderly Government of their Churches, —that Episcopacy was instituted by Christ, or his Apostles; and that it is most conducive to the Preservation of Harmony, and most suitable to the constitution of the State, they are its steady Friends.

From this Picture of the Generality of American Episcopali∣ans, (which, if any Doubt should arise of its Resemblance, may be compared with the Originals) instead of being "opposed" to an Episcopate so limited, it is evident they must be strenuous Advocates for it, as they will enjoy that Order and Regularity they so much esteem, and those Rites they deem so highly bene∣ficial, have a Prospect open'd of that Conversion of the Indians they so much desire; and see that Church, they are by Princi∣ple attached to, recover'd from that Weakness she labours under, for want of a ready Ordination.

I think it almost needless, to take Notice of the palpable Misrepresentations in the remaining Part of this and the succeed∣ing Paragraph: And indeed, to expose every "Aberration" in this Paper, would be to cleanse an Augean Stable Tho' the Episcopalians in Virginia "pay not a blind Devotion to their Clergy," the least Counties have two, and most of them three Churches; and their Clergymen are supported in a genteel Man∣ner, superior to what the Non-Episcopal Clergy are, in most Pro∣vinces. As to the Episcopalians resisting hitherto "the Solici∣tations of the lower Clergy, and the Influence of the right Reve∣rend Bench in Behalf of an American Bishop."—"That our Exemption is occasioned by the Discountenances an Episcopate hath steadily received from the Episcopalians themselves,"— they must be thrown into the large Heap of those improbable and unprov'd Affirmations, which are vox & preterca nihil.

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Large indeed must be the Throats of his Disciples, if they can swallow as Truths, Assertions which so many Facts evince to be fa••••••,

Upon repewed Instances, (says the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel) from Governors of Provinces, Ministers, Vestries, and private Persons in the Plantations, for settling, Ecclesiastic Superiors there, &c.
* 4.84

The Conduct of the Clergy in this Affair, has been, agreeable to their Duty, and well pleasing to the Government: And they may flatter themselves with a successful Accomplishment of their Plan, from the gracious Reception of their Petitions, and the Approbation of their Superiors. As "to the Umbrage" this Connoisseur in Politics supposes "the Government and Bishop of will take at their Proceedings.—I could whisper some∣thing in his Ear,—but it might endanger his bursting with that Spleen, with which he is already so violently distended!

I cannot help remarking, Sir, in my Way, the malevolent Stroke he aims at the Conventions of the Episcopal Clergy; not that I doubt of their being approved of by the Bishop of London, and every Friend of Christianity; (I know they are) but as it serves undeniably to prove, that the Enemies of the Church will shut up every Source of Succour from her, and remain unsatisfied till they have levell'd her with the Ground.

The next Proof of his Assertion, he endeavours to draw from the Nature of the Desence made by the Advocates for a Bishop.—If the abler Sons of the Church have hitherto neglect∣ed to appear in print, it is because they perceive nothing as yet offer'd worthy an Answer; that they are averse to entering in such a Manner into a Controversy, with an Author, so entirely regardless of his Reputation: And lastly, they would refrain till their Opponents have shewn their true Aim. An Argument like this, the American Whig should blush to offer! Have not his Papers from the first to the last, been a Medley of Wrath▪ † 4.85 Contradictions, Falshood, and Aberrations from the Subject?

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One while he approves of Dr. Chandler, and reveres his Cha∣racter—another, he asperses his Name and Abilities:—In one Paper he proposes no Aversion to a Bishop on the Plan stated— in the next, he is against any Episcopate whatever. From the Letter under my Consideration, it is evident he is capable of making Use of any low Artifice that may serve the beloved Cause,—but in spite of his affected Disguise, the frowning Ame∣rican Whig lours thro' the Dress of the calm American Church∣man. Optat Ephippia Bos piger. Tho' he has ever so studi∣ously imitated the Voice of the harmless Sheep, the most dim∣sighted Observer must now perceive—the Stern-brow, griping Teeth, and fiery Eyes of the howling Wolf.

Yours, &c. A True CHURCHMAN.

From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE, Nov. 7. The AMERICAN WHIG. [No. XXXV.]

DOCTOR Chandler, having in his first section, represented the bishops of the church of England, as being Apostles; proceeds in his next, to point out those powers which are inse∣perable from, and peculiar to the office. Under this head, the public to whom he appeals, might reasonably have expected, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 scriptural representation of those peculiar gifts and powers, by which the twelve Apostles of our Lord were at that time dis∣tinguished from all other officers in the Christian church. And had he collected his account from the New Testament; he must have represented their distinguishing qualifications, to have con∣sisted in, "Their being chosen witnesses of Christ to the world, —their being sent forth to publish his gospel, and erect his church among all mankind.—Their being furnished for this work, by the infallible guidance, and miraculous gift of the Holy Spirit; together with a power of conveying such gifts of the Spirit as the Holy Ghost (not the Apostles themselves) tho't proper, to the converts to Christianity, by the laying on of their hands. It is by these things, and these only, that the Apostles are distinguished from other officers in the church, in the New-Testament. But instead of this scriptural description of the apostolic office, the Dr. has arbitrarily assigned such peculiar prerogatives, as are at this day claimed by the present new-mo∣deled set of Apostles in the church of England, viz. government,

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ordination, and confirmation. It may be true what the Dr. says, in p. 15. "In the Christian church, the Apostles were in∣vested with this power (of government) by Christ; as it was in∣tended for perpetual use, they conveyed it to their successors."— But his next assertion is couched in such ambiguous expressions, as seem designed to deceive the incautious reader. This power he says, "was exercised by Timothy at Ephesus, by Titus at Crete, by Dyonisius the Areopagite at Athens, by Epaphroditus at Philippi, by Archippus at Colosse, &c." Here the Dr. in order to have been consistent with himself, ought to have shewn, that Timothy, Titus, Dyonisius, &c. were real Apostles, and did exercise the power of government in the church, by virtue of their succession in the apostolic office, considered as distinct from, and superior to other officers in the church. Without this all his pretended argumentation on this head, is mere tri∣fling. He well knows, that government in the church, is uni∣versally allowed to be of divine appointment; and that it is to be exercised by the appointed officers in the church. But if he would prove any thing to his purpose, he must prove, that church government is to be exercised by none but such as are properly stiled Apostles, and that his bishops are such.—Had he been consistent, he must have said that Timothy, Titus, Dyonisius, &c. were as really Apostles as Paul himself was. But had he said this, every common ready would have seen the falsehood of his assertion, and the weakness of his argument. For every one who reads the Bible, must know, not only that these men were never once stiled Apostles in the scripture, but that they have not one of those qualifications ascribed to them, which were peculiar to the Apostles, as such. And the Doctor's own representation, is a flat contradiction to that on which the whole stress of his argument depends. For the Apostles as such, had the whole world for their charge; they had a right to exercise their apostolick power, wherever they went. It was not the design of their office, to fix themselves down in a parti∣cular bishopric, and act as Apostles there, and no where else. But Timothy, Titus, Dyonisius, &c. whom the Dr. would have us believe were really Apostles, are represented, as being fixed down in their respective places, to exercise their apostolick power only in such places. And altho' to an attentive reader, he evi∣dently contradicts the notion of their being Apostles; yet he hereby crastily metamorphoses the apostolick office to make it harmonize with the state of the bishops of the church of Eng∣land, who are fixed down in their respective bishopricks, whom he ridiculously represents as clad with the apostolick character and authority.

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After this ambiguous and falacious representation, our ap∣pellant proceeds to lay down, this very remarkable assertion, "The bishop may communicate this power, in some degree, to Presbyters or others, as he shall think proper; but in such cases it must be exercised in subordination to him." A truly surpri∣sing claim of power this! "The bishop may communicate this power in some degree,—as he shall think proper." If this is the case, then the bishop may communicate one degree of this power to one, and another to another: And by this means, may introduce as many different orders into the church, vested with different degrees of power, as he shall think proper. It is well known, that the Pope claims this power of office-making in the church: But I believe, Dr. Chandler is the first protestant wri∣ter who has claimed it as the right of an English bishop. It is a pity, he has not told us precisely what degree of this power, the Apostle Paul communicated to Timothy, to Titus, to Dyoni∣sius, &c. whether he communicated the same degree of power to them all; or one degree of it to one, and another Degree to another.—But be that as it will: yet, if these degrees of power, communicated by the bishop to presbyters and others, are ac∣cording as he shall think proper, then the public is to hear no more of the three orders, of bishops, priests and deacons, as be∣ing set in the church by divine appointment. For the Dr. tells us, that these several powers, are as the bishop shall think pro∣per. Thus he boldly rejects the darling trinity of his brethren.

Again, there is something peculiarly remarkable in these words, As he shall think proper, as they stand in connection with the rest of the sentence. Protestants have commonly held, that the degree of power, communicated to any one in the church, was to be determined by the form of words, and the sacred rites used in his investiture. But the Doctor tells us, the degree of power is to be determined by the bishop's secret inten∣tion, as he shall think proper. It is well known, what great pro∣fits have been made of this principle, by the popish clergy:— But it is really surprising, that a protestant divine; yea, and a Doctor of divinity, should undertake to reestablish such explo∣ded sentiments.

Let it be further remarked, that the Dr. here tells us, the bishop may communicate this power, in some degree of it, to presby∣ters and others. He has not told us, who or what these others are besides presbyters, to whom the bishop many communicate of his power. Those indeed, who are acquainted with the con∣stitution of the episcopal church, need be at no loss in determin∣ing who are those others here intended. It is well known, that besides the clergy, there is a long list of lay-officers belong∣ing

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to their spiritual courts: Their lay-chancellors, commissa∣ries, proctors, &c. to whom the bishop communicates some de∣gree of his power. But let me remind this advocate for the episcopal church, that the public to whom he appeals, has just reason to expect that he should shew some scripture warrant for the bishop, in his parcelling out these several degrees of his power, received from Christ, among his own creatures, depend∣ants and favourites.

The Dr. has peremptorily declared, that no such thing as spiritual courts, are to be erected by bishops in America. But what security can be give to the public, that no such courts shall be erected by the bishop when he comes? For he here ex∣presly asserts, that the bishop may communicate this power, in some degree, to presbyters and others, as he shall think proper. If therefore, these communications of power, are to be as the bishop shall think proper; I demand, in the name of common sense, how this gentleman can pretend to know, that the bishop shall not think proper to erect his spiritual courts among us; or by what logic he will convince mankind that no such thing is intended.

There is one passage more in this remarkable sentence, that still remains to be considered. The Dr. tells us,

The bishop may communicate this power,—but in such cases, it must be exercised in subordination to him, &c.
Is this then really the case, in the church of England, that the bishop only, acts in subordination to Christ; but all others that are vested with ecclesiastical authority, act in subordination to the bishop? Hence then, we have no longer reason to think it strange, that an oath of canonical obedience to the bishop and his successors, should be exacted of every one, at the time of his receiving holy orders. According to this representation, the Dr. himself is not a minister of Jesus Christ; but of the bishop, who com∣municated to him some degree of his power.

He further adds, that the bishop "can never divest himself of his controuling and superintending authority. It is so essential to his office, that he cannot relinquish it in such a manner, as not to be accountable for the exercise of it." And yet, how notorious is it, that the judges in the bishops court, act in many cases directly contrary to the mind of the Bishops? It seems however, that these spiritual-court officers, have nothing to sear from the expectation of an after-reckoning, because not they, but the bishop it seems, must be accountable for their conduct.

Upon the whole, there is but little reason to expect, that the public will be much enamoured with the government of the church, as it is exercised by these Anglican Apostles, whose trans∣portation

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to America, is so earnestly desired. The other two peculiar and distinguishing qualifications of the Doctor's Apos∣tles, are ordination and confirmation. The last of these, has already been fully considered; and I flatter myself, in the opi∣nion of every impartial reader, clearly confuted. The other I shall make the subject of some future paper; assuring the Dr. that no part of his Appeal in which he has even attempted to reason, shall be passed over without a serious examination, which it is hoped, will convince him, that his triumph in his advertise∣ment on the publication of the first number of the American Whig, which tho' it treated with ridicule, such parts of his boasted performance, as were really ridiculous, and consequently not the subject of argument, promised at the same time, "fully to consider every part of the pamphlet, that respects the merits of the cause;" this I say, 'tis to be hoped will convince him, that his triumph was really puerile and premature, and ought to teach him to be less impatient of contradiction, especially after inviting, not to say challenging the whole world to make their objections.

When I have refuted every part of this dangerous sophistical and jesuitical pamphlet, I shall proceed to give a full reply, to the scurrilous vindication of the Bishop of Landaff's sermon, which is generally supposed to be the joint fabrication of the convention, and to be prefaced by the Rev. Mr. Inglis, there∣unto doubtless lawfully conventionated, as being the most mo∣derate, (after the candid and moderate Dr. Chandler) of the whole fraternity.

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From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE, Nov. 7. A KICK for the WHIPPER. No. XXIII.

Felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas, Atque meus omnes et inexorabile atum, Subjecit pendibus, STREPITUMQUE ACHERONTIS AVARI. VIRGIL.

SO weak and yet so ill natur'd is Nov-anglus's letter in the 23d Whip, that I've had thought of going to bed in an ill humour and dreaming a few remarks upon it. By this means I might have known whether the letter to the Bishop of Landaff be indeed a ghost or not (for Virgil says—consanguines lethi sopor;) but I rather chose to consider even dreams waking, and as such believe it will soon appear to be still alive, and that the sing song of the convention's poet laureate will prove but the "shadow of a shade." But had I indeed thro' one of the somni portae visited the gulf of TARTARUS, I shou'd probably have seen the ppeal stretch'd over more than 9 acres (provinces) like Tityus with vultures tearing it's liver;—the vindication tugging at a stone like Sisyphus, or like the Danaides filling a cullender; —the Whip, like Ixion, twirl'd round on a wheel for a rape on an imaginary Juno; and perhaps the 7 sister-petitions, like Tan∣talus, longing for forbidden pleasures.

Nov-anglus tells us he is a churchman, but not "violently prepossessed in favour of his own principles;" as he is probably an apostate, he seems to be violently post possess'd however. His presbyterian, &c. friends, seems, don't think him a persecutor,— and perhaps not an idiot; but he treats most of his countrymen as idiots, in endeavouring to "persuade them" that they are persecutors, because they can't consent that he and a few others shou'd be indulg'd a piece of pageantry, at their risk if not at their expence. But tell me, reader,—from all the flummery of his 2d. par. where he talks of the EXTREME INDULGENCE of the church, GRATITUDE of dissenters,—extension of greater FAVOURS, &c. &c. &c. do you not suspect that Nov-anglus, if not an idiot, is at least very weak in his intellectuals?—For our privileges indeed we thank our king (and his predecessors) with all our hearts, and shall always be ambitious of kissing his MA∣JESTY'S hand; but are no such thank ye-for-nothings as to kiss any ECCLESIASTICAL toe whatsoever.

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Par. 3d. He "is certain," he says, "that, if some late de∣signs succeed" America will be an unhappy place for dissenters of all denominations; for—says he,—well! Why?—Because CHURCHMEN "however lukewarm they may at present appear" —will kick up a dust and make America (as the saying is) too hot for us. Well! that were unhappy indeed!—But what means all this fluster? Who but Nov-a. and his party ever thought of "dragging churchmen to Cuttey stools, or hanging Quakers,—or of drawing swords instead of pens, and shedding blood instead of ink on this occasion?—Oh, fie for shame! Nov-anglus.

But alas! (I beg his pardon) here comes his argument in his 4th par. "It is well known" says he. "that an establishment of Presbyterianism" is aim'd at "in the middle colonies." Now this I plumply deny; ergo, this and the next paragraph stand for—NOTHING.

In his last par. he seems apprehensive that hereafter the im∣portation of PRIESTS will be oppos'd. He need not disquiet himself.—If he and others will but content themselves with earthen vessels * 4.86 they'll always be welcome to as much crockery as they can purchase; but if they must needs have silver ewers as big as hogsheads, and golden bowls that hold a tun, at the risk or expence of our purses, we beg leave to give dissenting voices.—Hah! what sayst thou? Nov-anglus; do higs "turn saith into faction, and religion into rebellion?" Oh!—thou dirty tory!

On the whole, the bankruptcy of Sq. T. and co. which has long been discover'd by the discerning, is now evident to the whole town and province. For want of specie, they have un∣dertaken to answer their engagements with paltry paper, and, instead of sterling sense, have put us off with a weekly old-tenor bundle of WORDS.

P. S. Some of my readers, it seems, think my paper obscure and unintelligible. I know it is not so well understood as I cou'd wish for these two reasons. 1. I am confin'd to scanty limits, which obliges me to be as laconic as possible, and 2. some, neglect comparing it with the Whips animadverted upon. Many faults no doubt, I am chargeable with, but I beg it as a favour, that no reader, would charge my misfortune and his negligence to my account.

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From Mr. GAINE'S GAZETTE, Nov. 7. A WHIP for the AMERICAN WHIG. By TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQR. [No. XXXI.]

The WHIGS raise the Spirits of their Friends, recal their Stragglers, and unite their Numbers by Sound and Impudence, as Bees assemble and cling together at the Noise of BRASS.

SWIFT.

THE professed Design on which the American Whig set out, "was, to confute Dr. Chandler'. Appeal." How far, and how often he hath wandered from this Point, deviating into the Bye paths of Defamation, must be evident to all his unpre∣judiced Readers. His diigent Malice, it is true, hath here and there fixed on a Passage of the Appeal, from which he hath endeavoured to extract a Meaning which the Words, without the tmost Violence done to them, would not bear; and which, I may venture to affirm, never once entered into the Doctor's Mind.

But even this Kind of Confutation, such as it is, takes up the smallest Part of his Papers. They are strewed thick with In∣vectives against the Clergy, as well as the Constitution, the Discipline and Principles of the Church of England. The Person must possess an uncommon Share of Sa••••city, who can see in this, the least Connection with the Subject he took in Hand, —the least Consistency with the Character he assumes of a De∣fender of religious Lierty, or with the Christian Temper. I own my Sagacity is unequal to to the Task. Perhaps he may think that by protracting the Controversy thus, he will frighten or tire the Friends of the Church and of religious Liberty. But in this he will find himself mistaken. I hope the Public will pardon me, if in following the Whig I should degress from what is properly the Sbject of Debate. For this I am not to blame; as my Intention was principally to correct his Errors.

The single Point that is now 〈◊〉〈◊〉 before the Tribunal of the Public,—at least that should be debted—is this—"Should the Members of the Church of England in America have one or more Bishops fixed here on the Plan proposed in Doctor Chandler's Appeal?" To write against any other Plan or Bishops is nothing to the Purpo••••. I am convinced that neither the Author of the Appeal, nor his Brethren, nor any other Members of the Church, desire a Bishop on any other Term

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than such as the said Appeal has specified. The Whig has not yet produced the least Shadow of Proof to the contrary. He has published Letters which he says were written by Missionaries and other Members of the Church, to their Friends, where we may naturally suppose they freely declare their Sentiments.— he is busy in quest of Intelligence by every Method his fertile magination can suggest: Yet nothing has yet appeared to shew that Churchmen have applied for, or desire a Bishop vested with any Powers but those which are purely spiritual. Such a Bishop they want,—such only they have applied for.

Dr. Chandler, willing to obviate every Objection to an Ame∣rican Episcopate that had the least Colour of Reason; states the following.—

Another Objection has been made by some, to the following Purport; That if Bishops are once settled in America, although in the Manner we now propose, there will probably be an Augmentation of their Power, as soon as Circumstances will admit of it: And what is easy and inof∣fensive in its Beginning, may become burthensome and op∣pressive in the End.

And then adds,—

But at this Rate, there can be no End of objecting. For if every possible ill Effect of a Thing, although confessedly proper in itself and harmless in its na∣tural Tendency, may be made an Argument against it, there is nothing that can escape. Appeal p. 109.

The Doctor proceeds to shew that Objections of this Sort may as fairly be alledged against a religious Toleration,—against reading the Scriptures, or a learned Education. Each of these is liable to be abused, and is often ttended with some bad Ef∣fects: Yet Protestants in general agree that these are upon the Whole useful and necessary, and such as every Christian has an undoubted Right to. The natural Inference from all which is this, That the ill Effects which some may be pleased to think will probably attend the sending Bishops to America, vested only, with spiritual Powers, can be no just Objection against this Mea∣sure; especially when their Apprehensions on this Head are to∣tally devoid of any Foundation, and it is improbable in the highest Degree that any such Effects will follow.

The American Whig No. XVI, hath taken the Passage above quoted from the Appeal, into his most critical Consideration. However, he does not offer a Syllable that will invalidate this Inference. He rings the Changes on the Words probable and possible, till he becomes most tedious, disgusting and unintelligi∣ble. He insinuates that Dr. Chandler in his answer to the Ob∣jection, substituted the Word possible, in the Place of probable,

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to evade the Force of the Argument. But every Person of the least Discernment, must perceive that the Doctor, when he used the Word probable, put it in the Mouth of the supposed Objec∣tor: When he used the Word possible, he speaks in his own Name. The ill Effects which in the Objection are supposed to be probable, he denies to be such, but barely possible only; and justly observes from thence,

That if every possible ill Ef∣fect of a Thing, although confessedly proper in itself and harmless in its natural Tendency, may be made an Argument against it, there is nothing that can escape." The Doctor asserts that the "proposed Episcopate has a natural Tenden∣cy to produce no ill Consequences,
such as are alledged in the Objection. If he thought so for good Reason, and that those ill Effects which the Objector supposed probable, were barely possible, had he not a Right to say so? Evidently, there is in this no "Sophistry," no "Artifice," with which the Whig very decently charges him. The Reasoning is conclusive, the Inference is just.

Dr. Chandler is fully able to vindicate himself, and doubtless will do so at a proper Season. In the mean Time, I will here briefly shew the Improbability that the ill Effects, implied in the Objection, (and which are hashed up and dealt out weekly to the Public by the American Whig) will accompany the proposed Episcopate. The ill Effects are, Spiritual Courts, the Investi∣ture of Bishops with temporal Power, taxing the Colonies for their Support, and paying Tythes. Now that these Consequen∣ces will attend an American Episcopate, or that these Appen∣dages will be annexed to the Episcopal Office, either when Bi∣shops are first sent to America, or in any future Time, is impro∣bable to the last Degree,—so far as human Foresight can reach, I might say impossible; and this for the following plain, evident Reasons.—

1. BECAUSE it is diametrically opposite to the Plan on which it hath been ever proposed that Bishops should be sent to Ameri∣ca. Several of the Society's Abstracts as early as the Beginning of the present Century mention this Proposal for fixing Bishops in the Colonies. † 4.87 The Public hath seen Bishop Butler's Scheme, drawn up Ann. Dom. 1750, in the Vindication of the Bishop of Landaff's Sermon, in answer to Mr. Livingston, p. 67. The Plan drawn up by Dr. Chandler in his Appeal, p. 79. which the Reader will find printed in Italics, is perfectly similar to one

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that is proposed in a Pamphlet, entitled, An Answer to Dr. May∣hew's Observations on the Society's Charter, and now generally known to have been written by the late excellent Arch-bishop Secker. In each of these, and many others I could mention, those Temporal Powers, Spiritual Courts, Taxes and Tythes are utterly disclaimed, and no Powers are proposed to be given to American Bishops, but such as are purely spiritual, viz. To ordain and superintend the Clergy, and confirm such as choose that Ordinance.

2. BECAUSE in all the late Applications to England for an Episcopate, none but such a primitive Bishop as I have mention∣ed, is proposed or desired. I have been lately favoured with a Sight of the seven Petitions or Addresses to our Superiors at Home, so famous in the Annals of American Whiggism; and I here declare in the Words of Truth and Sincerity, that there is not in any of them so much as a distant Hint desiring Bishops, vested with those Powers and Appendages, mentioned by the E∣nemies of an American Episcopate. On the contrary, they ap∣ply only for Bishops vested with the Power of ordaining and go∣verning the Clergy, and administring Confirmation. They on∣ly desire that the Inconveniencies with regard to these Points, a∣rising from the Want of Bishops may be removed; that Church∣men may be put on an equal Footing with other Denominations, and enjoy equal Privileges; which cannot be the Case, unless Bishops are sent to America.

3 BECAUSE all the Members of the Church, to a Man, are so far from desiring, that they are extremely averse to our hav∣ing a Bishop vested with temporal Powers, and those Appen∣dages beforementioned. They are convinced, that such a Mea∣sure would injure the Church—would probably produce as many Inconveniences to it, as the primitive Bishop they desire will assuredly bring real dvantages. This single Consideration is sufficient to determine the Judgment of all the Members and Friends of the Church, besides their being as fast Friends to every Species of Liberty, religious or civil, as any Dissenters that exist.

4. BECAUSE the Provision made for an American Episcopate, clearly evinces, that no other than the primitive Bishop speci∣fied in the Appeal, was or is intended for America, Archbish∣op Tennison, left One Thousand Pounds, for the Support of one or more American Bishops. Arch-bishop Secker, a few Months ago, left an equal Sum for the same Purpose, to men∣tion no more such Legacies. But why these Donations to sup∣port Bishops here, if it were intended that they should be sup∣ported by a Tax on the Colonies, by Tythes, or the Fees ari∣sing from Spiritual Courts? The American Whig himself will

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not, I presume, have the Face to say, that these two eminent Prelates were not fully acquainted with the Plan of an Ameri∣can Episcopate. Why then would they throw away their Estates unnecessarily to support those Bishops, if another Fund was in∣tended here for their Support! Would it not have been absurd to the last Degree? The Reader may rest assured, there never was any Design formed of imposing such Taxes and Tythes, or of erecting such spiritual Courts.

Had the American Whig lived when the Society for propaga∣ting the Gospel in foreign Parts was incorporated, and was pro∣viding Missionaries to be sent to the Colonies, he might have inveighed with equal Plausibility against that Measure, as against sending Bishops at this Time. How eloquently might he have expatiated on the many ill Effects which would probably arise from our having so many Zealots of the Gown fixed here— That however specious or harmless the Plan might be represent∣ed by priestly Craft, by the guilty Contrivers of the Plot: Yet the true Design was to subjugate the Colonies to Clerical Do∣minion—to impose Taxes and Tythes for the Support of those Missionaries, and erect spiritual Courts to harrass and plague the good People of America.

All this, and much more in the same dulcet Strain, which flows in such Abundance from the mellifluous Pen of our Whig, might he have urged against the Importation of those "spiritual Carnalities" the Missionaries. And what Answer could the So∣ciety return to this Kind of Argumentation but the following? That their sole Design was to supply those People with Clergy∣men who were destitute of the Ordinances of Religion— that the Collections made by the Society, the Donations and Legacies of its members, and of other pious Persons, to supply a Fund for the Support of the Missionaries, fully evinced that they did not intend the Imposition of Tythes, or any Tax what∣soever on the Colonists, for the Missionaries. This answer would have been satisfactory then to every unprejudiced, sensi∣ble Person; and the Experience of more than sixty Years demon∣strates it was the Truth.

The Case is perfectly similiar at present. The same Answer will serve to confute the false Suggestions of the Whig, and his Associates, concerning an American Episcopate, The sole De∣sign of the Society, and other Members of the Church, in pro∣posing that Measure, is to remove the Inconveniencies we now labour under, thro' Want of Bishops, with Regard to Ordina∣tion, superintending the Clergy, and Confirmation. The Dona∣tions and Legacies to raise a Fund to support American Bishops, fully evince no other Fund is proposed, no tax upon the Colonists

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intended; and that the Outcry now raised about Taxes, Tythes and spiritual Courts, is entirely groundless—utterly void of any just Foundation.

5. And lastly, Because the Spirit of the Times is such as in∣clines People rather to abridge, than add to the Power of the Clergy, both in England and America. It is really pleasant to observe to what an Heighth the Whig raises the ecclesiastical Power, if a Bishop should set his Foot on this Continent. He makes him a mere Colossus, that would bestride this whole western World, and seize in an Instant all Power, civil and military, as well as spiritual. I am sometimes tempted to think the poor Whig is haunted with Bishops as with Spectres,—that he nods, and is carried back in his Dreams to those monkish Times, when Superstition bore Sway, and People were for giving up every Thing into the Hands of the Mother Church.

But surely he must dream, or worse than dream, who repre∣sents this Humour as prevailing in our Day; or would insinuate that there is any Prospect of it. Any Attempt in Ecclesiastics to encroach on the Rights of others, would not fail of being instantly crushed here or elsewhere in the British Dominions; nor would any be more ready to assist in doing so, than the Mem∣bers of the Church. But it would be injurious and false to sup∣pose the American Clergy had any such Design. Their Cha∣racters are well known; nor are there any warmer Advocates for the Rights and Liberties of their Fellow Subjects among us.

These Particulars, to which many more might be added, duly considered, will serve to convince every unprejudiced Per∣son, that no Bishop is desired on any other Plan than what is mentioned in Dr. Chandler's Appeal.—That the Alarms which are sounded in our Ear by the Whig's brazen Trumpet, as if Taxes and Tythes, and Spiritual Courts awaited us, are alto∣gether groundless,—and that Churchmen in desiring Bishops, desire nothing but their Right, and what every other Denomi∣nation among us enjoys. Whether the Whig's Conduct proceeds from Malice, or from a distempered, heated Imagination, I will not take upon me to determine. Sure I am, to speak in the most charitable Terms, it must proceed from a misguided Zeal, —"Zeal which is not according to Knowledge."

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From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE, Nov. 14. The AMERICAN WHIG. [No. XXXVI.]

THE new scheme of converting the Anglican Bishops into Apostles, has been of great service to Dr. Chandler, in various parts of his Appeal. And that nothing might be wanting in his dignified prelates, to answer this high and ho∣nourable title; he has strip'd the apostolic character of all those divine gifts and qualifications, by which the twelve Apostles of our Lord were distinguished in the primitive church; and made it to consist only in having the power of government, ordina∣tion and confirmation.

It is the Doctor's representation of the power of ordination, as being one distinguishing property of the Apostle's character, that falls under the present consideration.

The Dr. enters upon this part of his subject, by enquiring, "To whom can the appointment of inferior and subordinate officers belong, in every society, but to those who govern it?" Here we have another specimen of his peculiar strength of rea∣soning; which is not to prove his point, but to beg the ques∣tion. It belongs to him first to prove, that inferior and subr∣dinate officers in the Christian church, have been appointed by Christ. But by his usual logick, he takes it for granted, that there are such understrappers in the church of Christ; and then, with an air of assurance, enquires, to whom the appoint∣ment of them should belong, but to those who have the govern∣ment of it. The whole force of his argument depends upon that which he had before asserted, under the preceding head of government, where he proves, in direct opposition to both reason and scripture, by the mere authority of his own ipse dixit, that "The Bishop may communicate this power, in some degree, to Presbyters and others, as he shall think proper." It is by this almightiness of the Bishop's communicative power, that he can create as many inferior and subordinate officers in the church as he pleaseth, by communicating this power to one and another, in such different degrees as he shall think proper. And from this inexhaustible fountain it is, (not from any scrip∣tural precept, precedent or example,) that these inferior and sub∣ordinate officers in the church, start into being. And as this regiment of subalterns, which come not in by the door, but climb up some other way, owe their existence and prerogatives to modern episcopacy; I shall leave the Doctor and his brethren to marshal them, in their several ranks of seniority and domi∣nion.

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But if he means thereby to wheedle us out of our scrip∣tural right of choosing, and appointing our own ministers, I must tell him, that the public will require some better evidence, that his Bishops are really Apostles, than any that he, or his party, have hitherto produced, before they will consent, that his Bish∣ops should appoint them. However, we may here see a door opened, by the intended importation of Bishops, for our making use of our idle pence, as all those inferior and subordinate offi∣cers must have their share for a maintainance, as well as my Lord Bishop.

As a further argument, the Dr. adds, "The same argument which proves the distinction of Bishops from Presbyters, proves also that ordination is an office peculiar to the former; for it is chiefly by the appropriation of offices, that we are able to prove the distinction of orders." The same logick still! It is here again taken for granted, that the scripture appropriates certain offices, to particular officers in the church; which is the thing to be proved. But let us consider this, which he says, is his chief argument. He says, it is proved, that there are different orders in the gospel ministry, because there are different parts of the ministerial work appointed; as if it were absurd to suppose, that the same officer might perform the whole work. And again, some particular parts of the ministerial work, are appro∣priated to some particular officers in the church, as appears from there being different orders in the ministry, some superior, some inferior, which shews, that all are not to perform the same ser∣vices.—Thus the Dr. alternately proves the one by the other, or as the Logicians call it, argues in a circle. Let us however, consider what proof he lays before us, of this appropriation of officers to the different orders in the gospel-ministry. And here, the subject he is upon, requires that he should insist upon the power of ordination, as being peculiarly appropriated to a par∣ticular order, viz. Apostles. Now all accounts of ordination, to be collected from the scripture, are these: The ordination of Paul and Barnabas.—The Elders ordained by these two Apostles, in the churches which they planted.—The ordina∣tion of Timothy.—And the ordinations performed by Timo∣thy and Titus. These are all the ordinations the New-Testa∣ment mentions. As to the first of those, viz. the ordination of Paul and Barnabas, the Dr. will not allow them to be ordina∣tions. And why? Not because all the parts proper and pecu∣liar to an ordination, were not performed; but because it was performed, not by Apostles, but by certain prophets and teach∣ers in the church at Antioch. The appropriation of the power of ordination to Apostles only, is here evidently made, not by the scripture, but by Dr. Chandler.

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As to the power of Barnabas and Paul, to ordain Elders in the churches which they planted, none will deny it. But then, I demand where he finds this power appropriated to them, be∣cause they were Apostles? If the churches which they planted, had Elders ordained in them, that service must be performed by them, for this plain reason, that there was no body else there to do it.—But what evidence does this afford, that the power of ordination was peculiar to them?

Again, Timothy and Titus, had directions given them for ordaining, and they doubtless did ordain; and there is as much to be said of the power of ordination being appropriated to them, as to Paul and Barnabas. But here, Reverend Doctor, flinch not; but speak full to the case. Will you assert that Ti∣mothy and Titus, were as truly Apostles as Paul and Barnabas were? Should you assert that they were really Apostles, in the proper scriptural sense of the word, you know that the public, to whom you have appealed, will laugh you to scorn. But if you insist, that they were not Apostles, you give up your whole argument, about the appropriation of the power of ordination. How does it appear that the other Apostles, James, Peter, &c. had the power of ordination, since there is no mention made in the scripture, that they ever did ordain? Or how does it ap∣pear, that the Elders which Timothy and Titus ordained, had not the power of ordination committed to them, as well as the other branches of the ministerial work? The silence of the scripture about it, is no evidence at all in the case. What hint is there in the whole sacred canon, that the power of ordination is appropriated to any particular order? Yea, is not the repre∣sentation of the scripture, fll in opposition to these appropria∣ting notions? For the ordinations mentioned in the scripture, were performed, some by Apostles, some by Presbyters and Teachers, some by Evangelists, and some by the laying on of the hands of the Presbyters. Upon the whole then, all that does, or can appear from the scripture, is no more than this: "That it is by the religious rite of ordination, that a man becomes vested with ministerial authority." But as to the power of ordination, being appropriated to a particular superior order; it is so far from being countenanced by the scripture, that it is contrary to the scripture-representations, to suppose, that there is more than one order in the gospel ministry.

Thus then it appears, that what the Dr. pretends to be the chief argument to prove the distinction of Bishops from Presby∣ters, is a mere empty sophistical flourish of words, fraught with sound, but destitute of sense, extracted from the very dregs of that unscriptural, absurd, antichristian, papistical dogma, "That

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the Bishop may communicate his power, in some degree, to Presbyters and others, as he shall think proper."

The Dr. proceeds to add, "Because some ecclesiastical offices, are never performed by the clergy in common, but only by such of them as are particularly ordained for those purposes, it is evident that those who are thus ordained and empowered, are admitted to a different and higher order." The same logick still. A mere barefaced begging of the question. Where does he find these particular ordinations? He still treads the same circle; alternately proving the one by the other. I must here enquire, were the Apostles thus particularly ordained for the pur∣pose of ordination? If so, how came Timothy and Titus who were not Apostles, to have this power? Or, was Timothy parti∣cularly ordained to this office? If so, how does it appear? The Dr. will perhaps say, that Timothy did ordain, and therefore had the power of ordination committed to him. But this is nothing to the purpose.—The thing to be proved, is, that there was some∣thing peculiar in Timothy's ordination, empowering him to ordain others, which was not common to the ordination of every Presby∣ter. Here the Dr. can have no evasion, but only his former dogma. "That the Bishop may communicate his power in some degree, to Presbyters and others, as he shall think proper." But I ask, who says the Bishop may do this? Does the scripture say so? Or has there ever been any body who said it, besides Dr. Chand∣ler and the Pope?

From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE Nov. 14. A KICK for the WHIPPER, [No. XXIV.]

Optat ephippia hospiger, optat ararc caballus.

HORACE.

OUR late modest novice Roger de Champo, on seeing himself in print, grows self-important, gives himself magisterial airs (Whip, No. XXIV.) and not only ventures to encounter the learned veteran CHAUNCEY, but undertakes to "reprimand him in the strongest manner." He boasts that he has demon∣strated, that,

the Whig, &c. wou'd fain perpetuate the suppos'd hardship under which the CHURCH labours.
Now he has demonstrated (if any thing) not a disputable point, but a self-evident truth, viz. that we wish to perpetuate the present state

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of things, till either Church-men consider it as no hardship, or dissenters think an innovation safe; (a clever thing to make such a fuss about!) but truly little did I dream that he meant to demonstrate ANY THING AT ALL. However, sure I am, that, before H will be able to prove the thing in question an "intolerable hardship,"—that Independents are more like Pha∣risees than High-church men.—that they are destitute of fellow-feeling, —or that a ship is like a rack, and a voyage equivalent to torture, he must puff and blow, bite his pipe stem, and knock his tobacco box a long while, and sublime a vast deal of mundungus into "curling eddies of smoke" to perfume his "little habi∣tation."

From a number of Roger's expressions, such as "great-mon∣strous-prodigious expence,"—"a voyage of several 1000 miles," —"dangers of the ocean,"—"raging of the sea,"—"perils of the great deep," &c. he seems to be a very parsimonious gentle∣man, and a true fresh water sailor; but perhaps the dotage of 70 has occasion'd these dismal outcries, which cou'd scarce be expected from the timidity and experience of a child. Sure I am however, that those, who "look with so much horror on the raging of the sea" that they "would infinitely rather enjoy tranquility in some other profession than seek for orders at the hazard of their lives." cannot (whatever are the motives of those that do) be moved by the HOLY GHOST, any more than those who seek for riches, honours and pleasures at such a risk. What had become of the Christian cause, if St. PAUL, &c. had been, and what will become of the poor heathen, i clergy∣men in our day, shou'd be so careful of themselves. That Dr. CHAUNCEY, "when inclin'd to be ordain'd, never laid hold of the happy circumstance" of seeing England, is not to be won∣der'd at; since (in so doing) he must have made a grand motive, of a bare circumstance; and a business, of diversion; and have acted as absurd a part as those, who take holy orders merely for the sake of flaunting in Canonicals, or those who travel for di∣version or secular business, and take out an holy commission EN PASSANT.

As to the expence he so much bellows about, Roger com∣bats Dr. Chauncey by proxy. My second is B. W. whom Sq. T.. more than two months ago promis'd to "speak with to the purpose," but has not yet answer'd. But whoever is in the right, Dr CHAUNCEY or the vindicator, B. W. or Roger, sure I am, it is not right, that the purses of Americans in general shou'd be endanger'd in order to secure those of a few mercenary Bigots.

Dr. CHAUNCEY had assign'd some causes of the difficulty of

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supplying the Church with clergymen;—"shewing the futility" of them, Roger declines as too tedious a task. Wou'd you know why, reader?—consult Dr. CHAUNCEY himself, and you'll not wonder.

With regard to vicious men among the American piscopal clrgy a bare query of Dr. CHAUNCEY'S is by Roger misrepre∣sented as a positive proposition; but (to pass over this)—he seems displeas'd that the title of seat instead of palace is given to an ideal Bishop's house, and wou'd fain persuade us, that his American lordship wou'd not be so defective in the business of his diocess (large as it wou'd be) as the Bishops in England▪ but like a primitive Bishop, wou'd roll about in his coach and six—poh! I shou'd have said—trapes about with his staff and sandals, thro' all the forests and swamps of America, be here, be there, be every where at the same time, or at least by some unaccountable means discover all future "candidates for the ministry," even "at the several seminaries where they are educated," and so strictly "observe their conduct" as to "pre∣vent almost all possibility of deception." Your most obedient humble servant, my lord Bishop of UTOPIA!

P. S. By way of acknowledgment for his anecdote, Sir Isaac Foot, begs leave to remind Sq. T. that none but quadrupeds (and particularly that species of animals he mentions) kick BACKWARDS as he does.

From Mr. GAINE'S GAZETTE, Nov. 14, 1768. A WHIP for the AMERICAN WHIG. By TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQR. [No. XXXII.]

Were it not for that Sense of Virtue which is principally pre∣served, as far as it is preserved, by National Forms, and Habits of Religion, Men would soon lose it all, run wild, prey upon one another, and do what else the worst of Savages do.

WOLLASTON'S Religion of Nature delineated.

THERE is an unhappy Perverseness in the Disposition of some Men, which will never suffer them to be contented themselves, and engages them to disturb the Peace of others. The most beautiful Systems either appear disagreeable to them or they endeavour to represent them so to others. In some Measure they seem to claim the Pity, but in a greater to deserve the Indignation of good Men. The American Whig

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appears to be of this Character, from his Productions, and es∣pecially from his 17th Numb, wherein he aims a Blow at that Pillar of the Constuction the Fall of which, he must be consci∣ous would be attended with the most fatal Consequences.

The Church of England (says Dr. Chandler,) in its external Polity, is so happily connected and interwoven with the civil Constitution, that each mutually supports and is supported by the other.
Against this Position he levels his Paper; I shall therefore offer in this Day's Lucubration, some Arguments in its Defence, and draw them from that Representation of the external Polity of the Church of England, given us by the Whig in the Paper under Consideration.
If the State (says he) derives Happiness and Support from the Church, or if the civil Constitution harmonizes with it, this Happiness, this Support, this Harmony, must be evinced in one or more of the following Particulars. First, That the King is, by Law, the supreme Head of the Anglican Church. Secondly, That he has the Appointment of all the Spiritual Lords in the Realm. Thirdly, That those Lords make a Part of the Legislature of Great-Britain. Fourthly, That they are au∣thorized to hold spiritual Courts in England, for punishing Offenders against the Ecclesiastical Law. Fifthly, That the King has Authority o summon the Convocation, and to per∣mit them to make Canons.

These I shall consider in Succession, as they are plac'd. First, The King's Supremacy is a Prerogative right in itself, and ad∣vantageous to the State. 'Tis a just Privilege resulting from the Alliance between Church and State The civil Magistrate, for the Benefit of the Common Wealth, desir'd an Union be∣tween it and the Church. To effect this, the Church deprived herself of her natural Independency, and relied on the Protec∣tion of the State, which was due to her for the Advantages which it would receive from her Influence in its Favour: Con∣sequently the civil Magistrate must have a just Superiority, as that which protects is always more powerful than that which is protected. This Prerogative is also both just and beneficial,— for without it the Form of Government, and the Rules of Wor∣ship, might be altered, and those Doctrines corrupted, for the Sake of which the State entered into this Alliance. As Reli∣gion, in the Opinion of the wisest Legislators, is the main Sup∣port of Government; and as the purest, both in external Polity, and internal Structure, is best adapted to advance the Interests of the State, it follows undeniably that it is an essential Privi∣lege in the civil Magistrate, after he has chosen a Church which he deems purest, and on which he has confer'd Powers of being

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serviceable to continue its Utility, by suffering no Alterations to be made without his Consent.

By this Prerogative the King is enabled to answer the End aimed at by the Association. He sees that those Principles are instilled into the Minds of the People, which are favourable to Society. He can take care that none shall be appointed Teach∣ers in the Church taken under his Protection, but those who will deliver its Doctrines uncorrupted to his Subjects. Disorders in Government demand speedy Remedies. Those he could not readily obtain from Religion, if the Church was independent of his Power; but, as its supreme Head, he can demand its strongest Exertions in the Cause of the State, and can himself extend their Usefulness. By this conditional Subordinancy of the Clergy, those Evils also are avoided, which proceed either from an absolute State of Dependance, or from an Indepen∣dency. Absolute Dependance would make them mere Engines in the Hands of the Prince, and would probably raise him to a Tyrant. While from an Independency would arise such woful Disorders as are visibly attendant on the Papacy, in those King∣doms where the civil Magistrate is a mere Tool to the Church.

This Prerogative tends likewise to create a Reverence and Veneration for the Prince, as Head of two Bodies united, and Defender of their religious as well as civil Privileges: A Re∣verence extremely well adapted to engage his Subjects to a ready and cheerful Obedience. To establish a Church without giving the civil Magistrate a Supremacy, would be the direct Method of constituting an Imperium in imperio,—a Charybdis, which every wise Common Wealth will avoid, if possible.

Secondly, Equally necessary and useful is that Branch of the Supremacy, which the Whig next mentions, viz.

That the King has the Appointment of all the spiritual Lords in the Realm.
For since He has confer'd Honours and Powers on the Church (in Consequence of the Union) to make it more ser∣viceable to the State, he ought certainly to be possess'd of a Power of choosing those Persons whom he judges best capacitated for the public Good. Not that he has a Power of making Bishops; for this is inherent in the Church as a religious So∣ciety; but only of directing where, and by whom, this Office shall be exercised. By this Means the State is secured from the Evils which might flow from the ambitious Intrigues of Church∣men; If, independent of the Authority of the King, they could arrogate to themselves those Powers which were given for the public Service; and instead of this Danger, has a Prospect of seeing these Offices well fill'd by the Magistrates whose Aim must be supposed to be the Good of the whole Community.

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Thirdly, That the Bishops make a Part of the Legislature of Great-Britain, is a Privilege beneficial to the Government, and justly claimable by the Church. For since, to effect an Union, she has given up her Independency, and suffers the State to de∣cide in Affairs relating to her as a Society it is reasonable that she should have her Agents or Representatives in the Legislature, lest she should suffer by her Kindness, and Laws be enacted pre∣judicial to her Interests.

Their Advice and Assistance in any Thing respecting Church Affairs more especially, we cannot but suppose to be very useful and necessary; for common Reason dictates, that those Men must naturally be best acquainted with the Affairs, which their Func∣tions engaged them to study, and in which they have continually employed themselves. From this Conjunction of the Lords Spiritual and Tempor•••• this Advantage also arises,—that the People will consider the Laws as more binding, when enacted by the concurrent Judgment of their religious and civil Supe∣riors. Neither do I imagine it would be impolitical to give Prelates a Seat in Parliament, if it were only to strengthen the second Branch of the Legislature, which needs confessedly their Support. Wie also, for this Reason, was it to connect the Pre∣lates and Lords Temporal together, that, in a wicked Admini∣stration, the Prelates might oppose any Measures detrimental to the Church, and the others obstruct any ambitious Schemes of the Clergy.

The fourth Particular is, That they are authorized to hold Spiritual Courts in England, for punishing Offenders against the Ecclesiastical Law. Spiritual Courts are only formed and employed for the Service of the State. However the Enemies of our happy Constitution may harrangue on ecclesiastical Power and Tyranny, as if a Dominion was usurp'd by the Bishops for their own Purposes, it is evident that these Courts were esta∣blish'd s an aid to the Civil, to remedy those Evils which the Civil either could not take Cognizance of or could not remove. It is certain a wise Legislature would not have erected them, if it had not supposed them beneficial, and it is no less certain that Bishops receive this juridical Authority, not as inherent in their Office, but as a Sword to be wielded in the Cause of their Country.

If they have abused their Power, let them be called to ac∣count like other bad Officers of the Common Wealth;—if the Courts themselves are found to be detrimental to the Public, let them be abolished. But, as it has never yet been proposed to have any such constituted in America, I shall dismiss the Argu∣ment, as altogether impertinent to the Case of introducing Bishops into this Country.

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Fifthly, What has been said of the King's Supremacy in ge∣neral, makes it unnecessary to expatiate on this Branch of it: Suffice it to say, that if the King had not a Power of summon∣ing the Convocation, and permitting them to make Canons, when Accident, Opposition, or some Circumstances dangerous to the Church and State, if not obviated, demanded it, his Su∣premacy would lose one of its most energetic Parts. Add to this, that by a Power of dissolving when he sees proper, he can obviate those Disadvantages resulting from long, frequent, and controversial Convocations, which, in many supposeable Cases, might be attended with pernicious Consequences.

Thus have I briefly enumerated some of the Advantages ob∣tained, and Disadvantages avoided, by the present happy Com∣bination of Church and State.—The State supports and pro∣tects the Church, and the Church exerts its salutary and most effectual Influence in the Service of the State; thus, (agreeable to Dr. Chandler's Problem)

They mutually support and are supported by each other.

It would take up more Space than the Limits of this Paper allow, to animadvert on all the futile Objections and Misrepresenta∣tions in the tedious Number before me:—However, I hope I have sufficiently evinced the Truth of the Dr's. Position,—To his frequent Assertions, "that "The King is absolute Monarch of the Church." I think no Reply more suitable than the Words of the sage Hooker, who was confessedly acquainted intimately with the Laws Civil and Ecclesiastical, and had the Honour of the highest Commendation from Locke himself, that illustrious Master of reasoning.

Our Laws have with much Certainty prescribed Bounds into each Kind of Power. All Decisions of Things doubtful, and Correction of Things amiss, are proceeded in by order of Law, what Person soever he be un∣to whom the Administration of Judgment belongeth. It is neither permitted unto Prelates nor Prince to judge and de∣termine at their own Discretion, but Law has prescrib'd what both shall do. What Power the King hath, he hath it by Law, the Bounds and Limits of it are known; the entire Community giveth general Order by Law, how all Things publickly are to be done, and the King as the Head, the highest in Authority over all, causeth according to the same Law, every particular to be framed and ordered thereby. The whole Body Politic maketh Laws, which Laws gave Power unto the King; and the King having bound himself to use according to Law that Power, it so falleth out, that the Execution of the one is accomplished by the other in most re∣ligious and peaceable Sort. * 4.88

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I shall finish this Paper with a few Observations pertinent to the Subject.

Whoever examines, or even superficially surveys and compares the Government of the Church and State, will find a beautiful Harmony and Concordance, such as no other Society can pro∣duce. The Subordinancy of Powers in each, and the Resem∣blance in their three Estates, advance a mutual Regard and Ve∣neration and Esteem in the People for each. The Dignities like∣wise confer'd on the Bishops, must be very instrumental in eci∣ting those Principles of Honour which are so favourable to a Monarchy. Add to this, that Persons of the highest Rank,— Brothers of Kings, and Noblemen by Birth, have added Lustre to the Office,—so that the most eminent Personages think it an Honour to them, by entering into this Station, to promote the Interest of Religion and their Country. The Presbyterian Prin∣ciples or Form of Government, cannot, with any Justice, be set in Competition with it, as they maintain a perfect Equality, and cannot boast that Antiquity, or illustrious Descent, so agree∣ble and necessary to Honour.

It may be accounted likewise no small Testimony in favour of the Efficacy of Prelacy in the English Government, that the Enemies of the State have ever tried to disparage it; and Oliver Cromwell, (when he aimed at the Destruction of Monarchy,) prov'd by his Conduct, that

he imagined the Extirpation of Prelacy the surest way to effect his diabolical Purposes.

It is highly necessary that a Church which is established by the State, should have settled Articles of Doctrine, Creeds, &c. that the civil Magistrate may judge of their Propriety,—that he support not dangerous Principles, and that the People may have a public and uniform Method of Instruction. Her public Wor∣ship must be precompos'd and stated, that he may inspect it, and judge what will be most beneficial for the common Weal. To such Methods and Practices the Principles adopted by the Presbyterians are opposite, and those of the Church most favour∣able; and consequently it must be best intitled to an Establish∣ment by the State.

The Number of Members also which the Church compre∣hends in it, renders it more fitting for an Establishment. Tho' the motly Troops which gather under the Standard of Presbyte∣rianism may now seem to be numerous,—yet if it were to be esta∣blished, and consequently certain Principles to be agreed on, those ravenous Devourers, who only join'd with her in her Op∣position to the Church, would turn their full-mouth'd Bowlings at her; and she would be left, as in the Times of Oliver, to cease from the Attempt, or be orn to Pieces by thse who for∣merly herded with her.

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The Advantages which are deriv'd to us from the Labours of the Prelates, like those which issue from Temporal Superiors, by the remoteness of their Sphere escape the public Attention, and for that Reason receive not that Gratitude which is due to them. Very ill therefore does He deserve of his Country, who not only neglects to pay them that Tribute of Praise which their Services demand, but endeavours to rob them of that Share of Acknowledgment which the Public might be dispos'd to give them. When we consider likewise, that in the Confir∣mation of the great Charter, and in the Charter itself, and in the Body of the English Laws, the Ecclesiastical are so inter∣woven with the civil Rights, that a Disunion cannot be effected without Danger to the Whole; when we consider this, I say, we cannot but doubt of that Man's Affection to his Country, who endeavours to lessen a Reverence for the Wisdom of the Legislature, and a Love for any Part of the Constitution.

Abolish (says an eminent foreign Politician) the Privileges of the Lords, of the Clergy, and of the Cities, in a Monar∣chy, and you will soon have a popular State, or a despotic Government.* 4.89

From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE, Nov. 21, 1768. The AMERICAN WHIG, No. XXXVII.

SO sacred are the rights of truth, and of conscience, that it argues a considerable degree of meanness of spirit, to vio∣late them, even for the preservation of life itself, Nay, to mis∣represent things in a jocular romantic way for the diversion of others, common as it is, among the lower sort of people, is no small immorality: It discovers a trifling temper of mind, with a want of a due tenderness of conscience, a proper regard to truth and religion.—But to assert a falsehood with great seriousness and solemnity, is doubtless a notable aggravation of the crime, and renders this sin, in the beautiful language of scrip∣ture, exceeding sinful. This practice of deceit and falshood, is in the meanest of men, but is esteemed more criminal in gen∣tlemen of distinction and learning. Hence to give such a person the lie, is accounted the greatest indignity and seldom fails to kindle a proportionable resentment.

A clergyman is considered not only as a Man of honour, but of religion and piety; and by his office appointed to reprove the

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vices of others, and to be a preacher of truth and righteousness. It must therefore be still more atrocious in him to take up the business of misrepresentation and duplicity. So far as any of them are guilty of this scandalous offence, they practically deny themselves to be the ministers of Christ, who is the faithful and true witness, and inlist themselves under the banners of Satan, who was a liar from the beginning. Hence it is that among the many things which are justly looked upon as exceptionable in high church, and her missionaries in the colonies, there is none that gives greater offence, and raises more disgust against the prelatical faction, than that want of varacity for which they have rendered themselves so remarkable, and those methods of deceit, misrepresentation and calumny, which they too constant∣ly pursue.—They may pretend what they will, about hav∣ing all the power, and being the only ministers of Christ, and greatly zealous for the only church he has in the world: But can any sober man who really believes the Bible, seriously think that to be the cause and kingdom of Christ, which he sees so principally founded in, and constantly promoted by imposition and artifice? Was the religion which the missionaries profess much more exceptionable than it is, they might notwithstand∣ing be justly entitled to the charitable opinion of mankind, did they but pursue fair and honest measures to promote it. But since they are guilty of such gross disingenuity, in prosecuting their scheme, they must, to every upright and candid person, acquainted with their measures, appear in the most disagreeable colours. How inexpressibly odious then, must be their conduct in the sight of that God who loves truth and uprightness in the inward parts.—Truly affecting must it be, to every serious person to think what account such men will be able to give of their conduct in the great day of judgment, when all their spe∣cious disguises and falacious colourings shall vanish, and the naked truth of things appear.

The honest and intelligent reader, will not I believe, be sur∣prised at these reflections, on the behaviour of the mission••••ies, when he has duly considered what D. Chandler himself has re∣published of the addresses, which, he tells us, were ernestly and repeatedly made to the society for the propagating of the gospel, then newly incorporated▪ signed not only by the clergy, and by vestries, but by governors of the provinces, setting forth the necessity of an American episcopate, and imploring their influence and mediation in favour of it. P. 49, 50 In their address made to the Throne at the accession of King GEORGE I. there is this surprising inducement to enorce their requ•••••• for an American Bishop,

Nor can our expectations but revi••••, so

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soon as his royal wisdom shall be apprized, that the inclina∣tion of those people in those regions, (which surely is the voice of God in the case) concur with the apparent necessity, that such governors in the church be there constituted.
In reading this passage would not any man naturally think, that the people in the British colonies in general, were desirous of an A∣merican Bishop? The terms are general and indefinite, "those people in those regions." Not only one region, colony or pro∣vince, but all in general, Those People in those Regions.

But was there are any foundation in truth and fact, for such a representation of the inclinations of the Americans? Directly the reverse. Nothing can be further from the truth, though it was signed by the clergy and vestries, and also by some governors. For some governors have not disdain'd to become the tools of the episcopal clergy, in order to avail themselves in their turn, of the dirty instrumentality of the gown and cassock. Dr. Chandler and his missionary brethren, when it becomes necessary for them, to inform their employers how laborious and successful they are, frequently represent in their letters, the church of England to be in a growing state, and that she has been greatly increasing; and this I believe, they have constantly done both before and since the year 1714, when this address was made to the throne. He tells us, p. 88.

Whatever notions the Dissenters in this country may have formerly entertained concerning the church, yet of late years they have greatly come off from their preju∣dices; and sentiments of candour, charity and moderation, have visibly taken place.
—And yet not withstanding th•••• the prejudices of Dissenters, as he absurdly calls them, in the colonies against the church of England, are so greatly re∣moved, there are but very few in America who desire a Bishop at this present period. The general assemblies of the Massachu∣setts-Bay and Connecticut, which are by far the largest of the N England colonies, have instructed their Agents to remon∣strate against an American episcopate. Nor does it appear that the people of the other colonies are more desirous of such a spi∣ritual Lord to rule over them. It should seem from all the public appearances and the best intelligence that can be obtained, that there is scarcely one in a thousand of the inhabitants of the British colonies, who really desire an American Bishop. There are on the contrary, thousands and ten thousands, who detest the project as much as they did the late stamp act, and look up∣on an American episcopate to be a more tremendous evil, and more certainly calculated to deprive us of our liberty, and re∣duce us to the worst and most infamous kind of bndage. Their indignation and resentment is roused, and they will resist and re∣prove

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this spiritual tyranny and savery, by all lawful ways and means in their power.—What can we think of the clergy, vestries and governors, who represented it to be the inclinations of the people in those regions, that such officers should be sent hither? What is there that such men will stick at, who dare thus in the face of the Sun, contradict the plainest facts, and in∣form our gracious Sovereign, that we desire a Bishop, when there is scarce any thing we more detest and abhor?

I am greatly mistaken if Dr. Chandler be not guilty of con∣tinuing this misrepresentation of the colonies, as false and disin∣genuous at it is. He had represented in the former part of his appeal, the great importance and necessity of sending Bishops to the colonies, in such a rueul and pathetic manner, that he seems to have been afraid, the warmth of his imagination had transported him too far, that he had overacted his part, and that his representations might afford grounds for sundry objections a∣gainst the character of his superiors, for not sending Bishops long ago, since the call for them was so extremely urgent, and indeed if but one half of what he says upon the great excellency, necessity, importance and usefulness of an American episcopate to the colonies, the church, the Negroes and Indians, were true, it would reflect signal reproach on the English Bishops at home, for being so remiss and negligent in endeavouring to pro∣cure us this most momentous blessing: As this might therefore give them great ••••brage, our appellant, after having conjured up a real ghost, while he was pursuing his ideal blessing a Bi∣shop, found it necessary to try to lay him again. Among other things, which he says in answer to this shrewd objection, he ob∣serves, that,

the colonies were generally settled by private ad∣venturers; and some of them by those who had an aversion to episcopal government. The propriety of not sending a Bishop to colonies of the la••••er sort, will be disputed by none." P. 47.

This passage would seem at first view, a generous concession, and a full acknowledgment that there would be no propriety in sending a Bishop to the colonies, northeast of Maryland, be∣cause it will be difficult to prove with satisfactory evidence, that the first settlers of these colonies had not in general an aversion to episcopal government; so many of them having been har∣rassed and persecuted in a most cruel and barbarous manner, by these ecclesiastical tyrants, who were a disgrace to the reforma∣tion, and the greatest plagues to the church and nation. And it will be difficult to prove, that this aversion is eradicated, since a vast majority of the present inhabitants, the posterity of those persecuted refugees are filled with abhorrence of all such Bi∣shops,

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upon the review of the many oppressions and barbarities which their forefathers for a long course of years suffered from their merciless hands. In this view the passage quoted from the Doctor, would breathe a very noble and Christian spirit: For in this case agreeable to the society's inference from the suppo∣sal of our being inclined to have a Bishop, hat this was the voice of God, it may with equal propriety and strength of rea∣son be inferred that the general and great aversion to Bishops in the colonies, is the voice of God, that none should be sent here. Why is not their strong aversion to American prelates, as divine an argument against them, as their inclination for them would be, especially since the aversion is real and general, and their inclination, bating only the convention and a few zealots, false and imaginary.

But this cannot possibly be the Doctor's meaning, in the pas∣sage under consideration, because such a declaration would con∣fute the whole of his appeal, and the seven famous petitions; since the appeal and the petitions, make application for Bishops for these very colonies, that have the greatest aversion to prelacy. We must then search for another meaning to this passage, and tho' it is one of those passages in which the author found it ne∣cessary, not to speak out fully, but to leave eliptical, rather im∣plied than expressed, for very obvious reasons, to mince and smooth it over with much artifice; yet it is not very difficult to supply the elipsis, and discover the true sense by comparing

it with some other passages, viz. "That tho' these colo∣nies were settled by those, who had an aversion to episcopal government, and there would have been no propriety in sending Bishops to them while this remained; yet this being now chiefly removed, the present inhabitants in general, hav∣ing conformed to the church of England, there is now not only the greatest propriety, but even a necessity that they should be immediately sent to these colonies to confirm this wonderful conversion to episcopacy.

That this is the true and only consistent sense of the passage under consideration, I think may be demonstrably proved, from the following passage. "Whatever notions the Dissenters in this country may have formerly entertained, concerning the church; yet of late years, they have have greatly come off from their prejudices."—In the former part of this century, the num∣ber of American clergy and professors of the church.—was small and inconsiderable in comparison with the amount of their present number.—And even then, he tells us with seeming approbation, the clergy vestries, and governors of provinces,

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signed petitions or addresses, setting forth, that it was the in∣clination of the people in the colonies to have an American Bi∣shop, which they looked upon to be the voice of God approving the scheme. Now when he had thus told us from the authori∣ties of the clergy, the vestries and the governors of provinces, that the inclinations of the people in the American regions, were to have Bishops among them, fifty years ago; and that the pro∣fessors of the church of England, were small and inconsidera∣ble then in comparison with the amount of their present num∣ber, what can any stranger to America conclude, but that they are all in general conformed to the church?—Accordingly he has represented in his appeal, that the professors of the church of England in America, are about a million who complain for want of bishops.

Will not, says he, then the complaints of near a million of British subjects, who are suffering under the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 unprecedented hardships, with regard to their religion, be regarded and procure the redress of so intolerable a griev∣ance?
Now if there are million in America, who belong to the church of England, certainly she has increased in a most amazing manner, and other denominations must have unaccount∣ably decreased, and dwindled away comparatively to almost no∣thing. But who that has any tolerable acquaintance with America, and the numbers of the various denominations, does not know this calculation of the Doctor, to be a most glaing misrepresentation of facts? It is astonishing that he should have no greater regard for his public reputation, than to stuff his ap∣peal with such striking falsehoods, entrenched as he may flat∣ter himself to be, within the authority of the clergy, vestries and governors of provinces. For how many such authorities will be sufficient to convert a notorious falsehood, into an important and serious truth? To have requested a Bishop at all, since he is likely to prove so injurious to the civil and religious liberties of the colonies, would have been highly unreasonable, but to report that we are desirous of such an opp••••ssion, is at once to enslave and insult us.

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From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE Nov. 21. A KICK for the WHIPPER, [No. XXV.]

—Sic olim in retia marsus Actus aper, fremit horrendus, sinuosqu quassat Vincula. ludibrium CATULIS, HODSWORTH'S muscipulo.

I Have somewhere read the following story. A Kings jester call'd a nobleman of the Court, a FOOL, which so enraged his lordship, that he threatned to whip him.—Why, there it is now, says the buffoon, you're as angry as a fury at me for calling you fool, because every body else call, you so; but had I call'd my Lord S—20 fools, he would have only smil'd, for all the world knows him to be a man of sense. The Whig hav∣ing said something in general about shameles: scribblers, Sq. T's conscience makes a particular application; and uming and fretting, roaring and bellowing like a ••••••man, he with all the fury of revenge, hurls back a shower of scurrility in the 3 first par.'s of his 25th. No. While the Whig in all the dignity of conscious merit, only condescends to laugh at him.

It signifies nothing to hold an object before a man who will shut his eyes. That very letter from A. M. O. I. D. C, which our whipping-post hero in his paper now under consideration most foolishly pretends to lash, contains incontestable evidence of the constitutional dissimilary of the Churches of England and Holland; and yet this scribbler still has the effronery to insinu∣ate (on the authority of a person, to whom e, perhaps inad∣vertently, ascribes an attribute of the Deity, viz. that he can∣not lie or be mistaken) that the Dutch know not the constitution of their own Church, and in the name of that of England sa∣lutes as a sister, the Church of Holland with a kiss, not much un∣like to that of JUDAS. The Church of Holland either is epis∣copal, or it is not.—If it is, a classis of presbyters is a Bishop; if it is not, Sq. T. has thrown away his kiss of chari∣ty, having saluted not a sister, but (as the sensible Dutch wri∣ter has since wittily observed) only "a distant relation."

Par. 9. Sq. T. says the Church holds and teaches the ne∣cessity of an uninterrupted succession of—Ordinations;" (episcopal ordinations, no doubt he means; but his design re∣quires a little mincing) and yet he plumply denies that she un∣churches foreign churches, and himself caresses them as sitters to the Church of England, tho' they reject episcopacy, and pre∣tend

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not to uninterrupted succession. But these are crumbs of complaisance not to be thrown away, it seems, on such domestic schismatical dogs as we are, whom our Whipper sentences to re∣proach in this world and condemnation in the next. That En∣glish dissenters "stand not on the same foot" with foreign pro∣testants, is in some sense true; the latter separated from the mo∣her, and the former from the daughter, (both of which seem to have been equally vex'd at the separation) but tho' foreign pro∣testants stepp'd much farther at one step from the Church of Rome than British protestants, I can't but think English dissen∣ters after their 2d step "stand on the RIGHT foot, as well as they. But if schism, as such, is so criminal as to be scandalous is this world and condemnatory in the next, what will become of the members of the Church of England, originally rent from the Church of Rome for no more "tolerable a reason" than a whimsical freak of Harry VIII!

Sq. T's Parallel (par. 7.) will be admitted, when it shall ap∣pear that the 1st day of the week is as ambitious, and women and infants as powerful, as aspiring males or ecclesiastical adults. No valid objection can be raised from Pope Joan or Bishops in their cradles.

In his 2 last par.'s Sq. T. in order to fix 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of absurdi∣ty on A. M. O. I. D. C. plays upon words most delightfully; I shall interrupt his diversion only by observing, that should I in this respect treat the Whipper with half the severity that he does my friend the Dutchman, I should kick the Whip to atoms.

Tho' he declines, "the trouble of learning a new vocabulary," I shall give a specimen of one which his readers had need to learn; and yet I will not promise that the completest of the kind would render his Whip quite intelligible.

The CHURCH.
The Church of England. alias The Clergy.
Sister Church
One necessary to a Party.
Grievances of the Church.
Grievances of the Clergy.
Petitions of the Church.
Do. of the Clergy.
Faction
All opposers of ecclesiastical bondage.
Religion
The national form.
Dissenter
An Enemy to Monarchy.
Persecution &c.
Self-defence.
Demonstration
Asseveration.
Conclusive argument
Misrepresentation.
Things unworthy of notice.
Things incontestable.
Anti-episcopalians
Cavillers, sophists &c,
〈…〉〈…〉 appeal
Scripture.

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From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE, Nov. 21. A WHIP for the AMERICAN WHIG. By TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQR. [No. XXXIII.

A Knave or Fool should perish in a Line.

YOUNG.

To TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQR

SIR,

IF I justly remember, both you and your Antagonist, the Ame∣rican Whig, in some of your preliminary Numbers, promised to relieve your Readers, when tired of the

Dry Crust of Controversy,
by now and then throwing into your Papers something sprightly and entertaining. This Engagement, I confess, has been pretty well comply'd with on your own Part: But the Whig seems utterly to have forgotten his Promise; unless he goes upon the old Maxim,
That he who acts by another, acts by himself.
On the Strength of This, per∣haps he may fondly hope to justify his Procedure; as it is more than probable that Sir Isaac Foot, writes his Kick by Whiggish Direction,—most palpably under Whiggish Influence.

However, as the Knight seems to have sunk into total Ne∣glect, (if peradventure any Regard was ever paid to his Babble∣ments and Buffoonery,) I think it incumbent on his Master, who I will presume is somewhat more attended to, at length to give us some Specimens of that Wit and Humour, which here∣tofore, it has been said, gained him some small Reputation: Tho' from what I have seen, heard, and understood, at least Five Eights of it were given him by the good Nature of the Public; several spirited Performances in the ludicrous Style, having been fathered on Him, tho' they were in Reality the Offspring of some other Parent; which it seems, the Gentleman's super∣lative Modesty would not suffer him to disavow. But, be that as it may, I should be glad that either He, or some of his Asso∣ciates, (for I cannot but suppose that he has some superior to Sir Isaac,—I cannot but suppose (a Supposition, Mr. Tickle, which he has not made in your Favour) that some Men of Gen••••s may be sound among the Variety of Writers that are engaged in his Paper) I say, I should be glad that some of the Confde∣racy would give us a few Strokes of that Humour (still avoiding all personal Reflections) with which, "I am told," he has long

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ago, and openly threatened to be

avenged of his Adversaries. Laugh and be Fat,
is an old Prescription: I hope he will try ts Efficacy, both for his own Sake, and for the Sake of many others, as well his Writers as Readers, who, I will be bold to say, are every Way poor enough, except in Head and in Spirit.

I know you have declared, that you look upon Sir Isaac as below your Notice, or even your contempt; and I do assure you, that unless I was convinced in my own Mind that you really thought him so, I never should have dishonoured myself and my Profession, by writing to you upon the Occasion. But meeting accidentally with a Complaint of his, in one of his latest Numbers,

That the People either did not read, or else that they did not understand him,
or Words to that Effect, I snatched up my Pen, and wrote the following Ode, as I stood by the Side of my Counting Desk, as fast, aye, as fast, Mr. Tickle, as most Folks can read it—And now as it came from my Pen so glibly, and as it is the first of my Exhibitions in the poetical Way, if you can prevail upon yourself to think it no Breach of your Engagement to the Public, to insert it in your Whip (I mean, if you can forgive this Notice being taken of the illustrious Commoner) I should esteem it a particular Favour. I cannot say that the Versification is in all Places very harmoni∣ous; but I hope that both yourself, and the Public, will forgive or get over any little Hobble, of which Inexperience must be thought the Occasion.

I am, Sir, (At least I shall be, if you comply with my Request) Your most obedient and obliged Servant, THE AUTHOR.

P. S. Just as I was going to Seal, came in a Latin Scholar, to whom I shewed my Ode; and tho' he sound great Fault with it for not being agreeable to the Rules of Prosoia, (for so he called the Author, who, I suppose, from the Sound of the Name, must have been a Lady—and it gave me great Uneasiness to think that any Thing of mine should be disagreeable to any of that Sex particularly;) yet he was kind enough to furnish me with a Classical Motto: For, said he, a Piece of Latin at the Head of an English Performance, gives it a Look of Erudition, and adds much Credit to the Author, (think how I was pleased Mr. Tickle, with the Application of that Word to your hum∣b Serva••••!) and makes him appear a Man of Consequence in the Republic of Letters.—He was going on a full Speed, til the Mention of Republic made me stop his Career; for, to tell

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you the Truth, I began to fear that he would have insensibly slid into Treason; as I have observed that Republicans and Re∣bels (under a monarchial Government) are pretty commonly sy∣nonimous Terms.—But this, you will tell me, is nothing to the Purpose; and I own, it may be more to the Purpose, at least, to give you the same Information that the Scholar gave me, which was, That the Motto is taken from Quintus Horatius Flaccus, who, he added, would have been a very clever Fellow, if he had not been too much addicted to Women and Wine, and withal a Polytheist and an Heathen: However, said He, my Master often told me that He wrote Latin almost as well as him∣self, and every Body allows Him to be the best Linguister in all America.

A most irregular ODE, On a most irregular WRITER.

To the most potent, most puissant, most pedantic, most pre∣sumptuous, most pugnacious, most Pedestrian Knight of the Post, this poetical, tho' pitiful Performance, is most publicly, and most properly presented, by P P. Clerk of this Parish.

PEDE IN UNO. On one FOOT. HOR.
SIR ISAAC complains That he loses his Pains, In Writing, And Fighting, And Squabbling, And Babbling, As fondly he deems, Or as wildly he dreams, To his schismatic Schemes To draw the rude Rabble in: Quoth He. on a Time, Tho' he spake not in Rhyme; (For that was the Season, It seems, to speak Reason;) Many are the Folks, Who love to crack their Jokes, And suppose me John O'Nokes Whilst more, Rich and Poor,

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With sarcastical Smiles, Say, they smell Tom O'Styles. Some think him a Tindall, some think him a Chubb, Some think him a Ranter that spouts from his Tub: Some think him a Newton, some think him a Locke, Some think him a Stone, and some think him Stock, —But a Stock he at least may thank Nature for giving. And if he's a Stone, I pronounce it is Living. But think him a Man of the Pulpit or Bar, A Man of—whatever you please,—but of War; (For, trust me, the Knight Has no Stomach to fight; Yet, tho' he's no Fighter, He's sure a prime Writer;) There are who aver that they know his Condition, And vow that He's either a Fool or Physician: Quoth Dick, by my Troth, (Tho' he meant not an Oath,) I believe he is both; Because into Sense He so seldom doth vary, And talks so much like an Apothecary. But, quoth his Friend Will—i—am, Of this Notion still I am, And always have been, (As may plainly be seen By my Watchings of old And Reflections so bold, And by Whigging of late In Defence of the State; For as to the Crown, I would have it pull'd down; And the Mitre, that Whore's-Cap, and still greater Evil, If I had my Will, should be sent to the—I-) I say that which Fact is, And still is my Practice; When a Man writes with Reason, I make it a Rule To deem the said Writer of Reason a Fool; And all Men of Reason will judge, that, from thence, I think him a Fool who presume to write Sense: From which one may guess, What I dare not express That the Right Worthy Wight, Tho' so knowing an Elf, Does not know Himself,

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Better than he knows his Friend the Knight. But all, Great and Small, High and Low, Friend and Foe, Do declare, Vow and Swear, (Excepting these Worthies, the Wight and the Knight, And the Wight's never wrong, and the Knight's ever right) That whate'er be his Trade, or whate'er be his Name, He's not likely soon to be kick'd into Fame; Because, notwithstanding He's so good a Hand in The Art of purloining, and picking, and gleaning, No Mortal on Earth can peep into his Meaning: But trust me, Sr Knight, You may write Day and Night; Yes, good Master Isaac, Till both Arm and Eyes ake; Scratch Noddle so thick, Bite Nails to the Quick; Praise Cromwell the glorious, And Kirk the Victorious; Twist Ropes To hang Popes; And damn the old Harlot In purple and scarlet; Tho' there's One next of Kin, Who, when stript to the Skin, Exhibits such Purity, Beauty and Charms, Her Form is so pleasing You cannot help squeezing, And tugging and hugging her close in your Arms: Yet alas, honest Man, Do the best that you can, Not one in the Nation, At least before the general Conflagration, (And then what you write May perhaps come to Light,) Your Works will develope, or even once heed them, For none, my good Friend, takes the Trouble to read them.

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From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE, Nov. 28, 1768. The AMERICAN WHIG, No. XXXVIII.

The following letter is wrote with so much good sense and plety, that I shall make no apology for giving it a place in the American Whig.—

New-Jersey, November 18, 1768.

To the AMERICAN WHIG.

SIR,

AMONGST all the various devices that have from time to time been formed by those who aspire to lord it over God's heritage, there probably never was a more pernicious scheme concerted for the destruction of our religious liberties, than that of establishing an episcopate in the American plantations. It must therefore be matter of rejoicing to every serious mind, that the advocates for this ruinous project, appear daily more and more cret-fallen and dejected; while its opposers increase in number, and are manifestly victorious in argument.—Nay, so far superior to the little juncto, that are engaged in forging chains for a free and loyal people, that I doubt not, but mad wit' despair, and raving with disappointment, having already long since abandoned all pretence to reason and argument, they will within the space of two months, contract their forces to a competent number for forming a circle round a fire side, and vent their ultima ratio Jacobitorum, as they usually do, that is, in cursing the Whigs, and drinking to the restoration of a Tory administration. But however promising, the prospect of their speedy and total defeat; I think we should not rely on an arm of flesh. If not so much as a sparrow falls to the ground, without the will of our Heavenly father, how much more ought we to eye the dispensations of providence, in a matter so mo∣mentous to our most inestimable privileges. I would therefore draw my encouragement of success, from a devout consideration of the reasons we have for supposing that the great disposer of events is on our side. And if he be for us, who shall be against us?

It has justly been observed by divines, that what we generally call second causes, are not causes in strict propriety of speech; and what we call the laws of nature, are only certain rules and methods, by which the great ruler of the world generally pro∣ceeds

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in those of his ons, which fall under our cognizance: Nay, that the right notion of the divine omnipresence will greatly assist us, in forming a just apprehension of the nature of that providence, which respects not only the great events, but the minutest circumstances of every the smallest action and event in the world: Even that providence, by which "the very hairs of our heads are all numbered." That though the providence of God presides over, and governs all things, it has a peculiar influence upon all the great events that happen to men, and especially in respect of such, wherein the fate of a whole people is involved. And that these are effected by the Deity's inclining the hearts of men, in a way consistent with rational agents, to accomplish the purposes of his will, and by controuling the designs, or infatuating the counsels of those who act against his divine predestinations. Thus we frequently find, that he terrifies bad men, with strange amazements, to discover their own conspiracies, and to fall into the snares which they se∣cretly laid for others.—Agreeable to this, the sacred oracles inform us, that

he frustrateh the tokens of liars, and makes diviners mad; turneth wise men backward, and maketh their knowledge foolish.
I remember an excellent remark of the pious Mr. Matthew Henry, in his comment on the conduct of Rehoboam, who like the Bishop of Landaff, had been advising with a parcel of hot-headed striplings.
God, says he, often fulfills the counsels of his own wisdom, by infatuating men, and giving them up to the counsels of their own folly. No more needs be done to ruin men, and to leave them to them∣selves, and their own pride and passion.
Let us examine the mad conduct of our diviners, and trace their conspiracy by this rule, and we shall find great reason to thank God for the comfortable hopes, that he is by a strange concurrence of exter∣nal causes, about making their knowledge foolish. The world had hitherto been imposed upon by the specious pretences of a certain society, who had secretly been preparing the way for an episcopate in America, by introducing missionaries into this country, to proelyte the different denominations of Christians to episcopacy. This being done under colour of converting the Pagans to Christianity, was so far from giving umbrage at home, that thousands of Dissenters, yearly contributed to the apparent, without so much as conjecturing about the true and a∣tent design. And this scheme, tho' suspected by some among us, yet being only suspected, might have been prosecuted for years to come, without affording any satisfactory evidence in reality. Such being the case, who could have imagined, that a man en∣gaged in this very plot, and who must certainly have known that

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its success depended on its being kept a secret, till another cen∣tury had matured it for execution, should, in the most public manner, divulge it thro' the nation; than which nothing in the world could more contribute to mar and ruin it.

But being smitten with the splendor of an American Bishop∣ric, which notwithstanding the incredible fustian about a primi∣tive Bishop, is intended to outshine the inconsiderable lack-cash see of Landaff, his Lordship under the most astonishing infatua∣tion declares,

This point obtained [the mission of Bishops to the Colonies] the American church will soon go out of its infant state, be able to stand upon its own legs, and without foreign help, support and spread itself." "Then the busi∣ness of this society will have been brought to the happy issue intended.

Nor is the finger of God, less discernable in his Lordship's (who is by many supposed to be the prelate they had fixt their eye upon, or rather raised their eyes unto) discovering such ex∣treme virulence against the non-episcopalians in this country, as must necessarily rouse them to a greater opposition than perhaps they would otherwise have given.

I proceed now to shew the reasons we have to conclude, that the providence of God is about confounding the measures of these men by the striking instances of infatuation in the conduct of Dr. Chandler, all tending to defeat the very project he was en∣deavouring to promote.

1st. He appears sensible, that whatever were his private sen∣timents about the religious denominations, not of his own com∣munion; it was but common prudence, not to affront them in an affair in which he seems desirous, if not of their assistance, at least of them neutrality. Actuated by this principle, he has in some parts o his pamphlet treated them with such marks of respect, as nothing but the most absolute necessity could have extorted from a person of his bigotted turn. And yet in other parts, he appears so unaccountably infatuated, as to represent them, tho' 〈◊〉〈◊〉 could serve no imaginable purpose, and is flatly contrary to truth, as

sounding the trumpet of sedition, and being disaffected to the civil establishment.

2d. Tho' he confesses it altogether unnecessaay to his pur∣pose, to insist on the divine right of episcopacy; yet hath he openly avowed such an attachment to the Jure Divino of diocesan Bishops, as (supposing his illogical syllogisms to be conclusive) to unchurch, and consequently to affront the whole body of Christians in America, except those of his own commu∣nion, and his good friends in Canada.

3d. He declares, that he only desires a harmless primitive

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Bishop; and on gaining credit to this declaration, the success∣ful prosecution of his scheme principally depends, and yet he has rendered it totally impossible to gain any man's belief, by giving more than bare intimations, that as soon as his party have sufficient power and influence, they will procure legislative acts, to aggrandize the American hierarchy, and exalt this pri∣mitive Bishop into as great a Lord spiritual, as ever wielded the episcopal staff in England; and now pretends to be affronted for being disbelieved, this self-contradiction notwithstanding

4th. Confounded by the same infatuation, he published an advertisement in which he speaks with the highest contempt of Whig principles, tho' a person of half his abilities must have known, that nothing could be more fatal to the success of his scheme, than the discovery of a Tory biass, in the reign of a Prince whose royal progenitor was advanced to the throne on Whig principles, immediately after a scheme had been concerted in the reign of the Doctor's beloved Queen Anne, the great pa∣troness of an American episcopate, for introducing the Pretend∣er, "For America says he, has Whigs." Who that was not under a providential infatuation in order to be finally disappoint∣ed, would have ventured to risk the success of his cause, on so ill-timed, as well as wretched a witticism, when he knows, that bating some of his own party, and the papists in Mary∣land, he might search the continent with a lanthorn for a diffe∣rent character, as Diogenes did Athens for a man, and be baulked in his search.

I am farther induced to conclude, that God is determined to bring their counsels to nought, and to make the devices of these people of none effect, on considering some remarkable and pro∣vidential occurrences in the conduct of the convention, as that their malevolent calumnies on as obedient and loyal a people, as any Prince upon earth could ever boast, should, notwithstanding their studied secrecy, be so soon divulged.

So that tho' they shot in secret and encouraged themselves in an evil matter, and communed of laying snares privily, saying who shall see them, a bird of the air carried the voice, and that which hath wings discovered the matter.
That they should ap∣point a person to conciliate the good graces of the non episcopa∣lians, who, from his narrow principles, they must have known, could not possibly write with temper on the subject of episcopacy. Nor while contemplating this his grand idol, refrain from using those whom he most nonsensically calls Dissenters, with indig∣nity and insult,—That they should notwithstanding his invi∣tations of all objectors to propose their objections, no sooner find an opponent, than determine to treat him with the most unpa∣rallelled

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scurrility; and in order weekly to abuse him, retain in their service, a brace of reverend blunderbusses, who in the lan∣guage of Milton, are lower than the lowest; and by that means exhibit the clearest demonstration of that very spirit, which, tho' at present, harmless and despicable for want of power, the continent so greatly and so justly apprehends, when armed with the temporal powers of a Bishop, which will enable them to carry it into the most dreadful and unrelenting execution.— And finally, that of all the members of the convention (among whom there must doubtless be some men of ability and temper) they should depute such a genius as Mr. I-gl-fs, to preface and correct their laborious defence of a defamatory ser∣mon; and after having decluded a poor credulous creature by their most malevolent misrepresentations, render him still more ridiculous, by the slander and falshoods, interspersed through their vindication.

From these observations on the conduct of providence, respect∣ing this interesting affair, I think we may conclude that it does not seem at present agreeable to the divine will, to give success to the measure; and that notwithstanding the great demerit of our sins, we shall not be chastised for them, with the particular punishment meditated by the convention; but that he who hath from time to time delivered us from the merciless designs of am∣bitious and unreasonable men, and still brings to light the hid∣den things of darkness, and hath preserved to us our religion and liberty, in despite of all the malicious and restless attempts of our adversaries, will also in his infinite mercy, rescue us from that tremendous destruction which was ready to devour us.

From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE, Nov. 28, 1768. A KICK for the WHIPPER. No. XXVI.

—Sudat multum fuustraque laborat.

HOR.

A Propos! Sq. T. (No. XXVI) talks of some who by "multiplying words" endeavour to prove that black is white. Among this kind of gentry he himself makes a distinguish'd figure; he writes as tho' he had the same venera∣tion for the appeal, as for the BIBLE; and right or wrong, wou'd fain persuade us, that the whole is consistent and rational.

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He may be, for aught I know, as much a voluntier in this ser∣vice as the Whig in a better; but, tho' he may not be paid for conceiving. I'm not clear that he does not pay largely for the delivery of his MICE. NIGRICOLA, 'tis true, proposed a negro episcopate; but I can't find that the Whig (as Sq. T. pretends) has said a syllable about the matter: however, if negroes could be proved white men, the character of the appeal, as to sincerity, wou'd not suffer in the least by the argument.

I wonder not that the Whig has (nor should I have wonder'd if the grave Dr. CHAUNCEY had) ridicul'd Dr. C's queer long-winded argument, which begins with British conquests, and ends (who wou'd have thought it?) with an American episcopate; for, in spite of all the tinkling of Sq. T's hammer, a number of the links in this long chain are evidently too defective to support the huge weight of a Bishop.—For, that what is called the national, is "the purest and best" religion,—that the opinion of the civil magistrate concerning religious matters, which either are disputable or affect the rights of conscience, ought to be considered as the national opinion, and that episcopacy (or if you please, episcopal Christianity) is the "MOST suitable monument of religious gratitude," are propositions very far from being in∣disputable. The first, (which Dr. C. himself has half given up) has often been confuted! the 2d. rests on an absurdity, viz. that religious sentiments are capable of delegation: and the 3d. regards the outside, as what principally recommends a sacrifice to Heaven.

Sq. T. may shuffle as much as he pleases, but 'tis evident, that by the phrase national religion, Dr. C. and he mean, not Christianity, but merely that "mode, form or species of reli∣gion' call'd episcopacy. And indeed, in spite of his tergiversation, Sq. T. implicitly owns as much in some places, where he speaks of those who were Christians before, as "receiving"—"adopt∣ing"—"preferring"—"establishing" &c. what he calls NATI∣ONAL RELIGION. By this distinguishing term cannot be meant the Christian religion, in which almost all denominations agree, but that in which episcopalians differ from others; for this dif∣ference, Sq. T. says, is the "only reason" that "it has been made the national religion." (Quere, was pure Christianity without regard to "mode, form or species" ever established by law?)—As Sq. T. seems fond of the terms "mode, form, and species" of religion, he must give me leave to ask him a question. —The essential materials of dress being the same in different nations, if I adopt or prefer the English dress, is it not the "mode, form or fashion of the English dress which I adopt or prefer?—Certainly;—and therefore by Dr. C's NATIONAL

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RELIGION, we must necessarily understand episcopacy and its appendages.

Sq. T. seems to think the establishment of American prelacy a "monument of gratitude equally proper" with an anniversary thanksgiving. I consider it as a monument not only less proper, but entirely improper; because 1. endangering the civil and re∣ligious liberties of a people, is evidently no proper method of thanking heaven for their deliverance from arbitrary power and savage violence. And 2. If the members of the civil legisla∣ture have a right (which I think they have not) to determine for their constituents in disputable matters of religion, which may therefore affect the rights of conscience, the legislature of Great-Britain certainly has not a right so far as to meddle with the internal policy of the colonies, as to impose a Bishop any more than to TAX them: and therefore Sq. T. need not dis∣tress himself, for fear the nation will not maintain its "religious character," for want of taking unconstitutional steps. But a national anniversary thanksgiving, being what no man living, not even an heathen, can doubt the propriety of, might be "erected as a monument" by the King's prerogative alone. However after all, I can't but think what Dr. C. last mention'd and is most cool about (which however can't be "erected" with∣out a Bishop) of all, the most proper "monument of gratitude," viz. THE CONVERSION OF AMERICAN HEATHEN. This would be a "monument erected" most remarkably on "the very ground" itself; and this is what the "Worthy" Dr. Wheelock and others have been since the war indefatigably pre∣paring: I wish I could say they had not met with powerful ob∣structions.

I can't suppose even Sq. T. would be so silly as to refuse a "poor man a shilling," merely for fear he would rise to a "level with himself;" but I am sure he wou'd be loath to give him a Whip, if he expected to feel the smart of it himself.

The moderation of "our GEORGES and the immortal WIL∣LIAM" (Whig Princes!) and the arbitrary rule of OLIVER (as well as CHARLES I, stimulated by LAUD) we are ready to acknowledge; but certain it is, notwithstanding, that civil and ecclesiastical despotism, in such a state as ours, naturally tend to introduce each other; and, if they do not hereafter do so, we shall, I believe, have as much reason to thank the monarch as the metropolitan.

If the Whig loses credit so fast as Sq. T. pretends, 'tis a pity he labours so hard in Whipping him.—But alas! I forget, that Sq. T. himself is the AEOLUS, who by his puffs, airs the "infect∣ed" Whig Vessels during their quarentine."

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We are much obliged to Sq. T. for informing us, that "a most eminent prelate" is elevated so low to secular business, and so eminently "promoted" to the truly evangelical occupation of buying and selling in the temple. The reader will doubtless judge Sq. T's card a very decent triumph before victory, or rather a true picture in miniature of the genuine spirit and de∣signs of his party.

L.

From Mr. GAINE'S GAZETTE, Nov. 28, 1768. A WHIP for the AMERICAN WHIG. By TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQR [No. XXXIV.]

They studiously avoid entering into the Merits of the Cause; but are loud, violent, and tedious, in dwelling upon all Circum∣stances which are not to the Purpose. For instance, in the Case already mentioned: They never desire to know what Claim my Adversary hath to my Cow; but whether the said Cow were red or black, her Horns long or short.

GULLIVER.

WHEN we see Men, in any public Debate, carefully avoid∣ing to enter into the Merits of the Cause, but loud, vio∣lent, and tedious in dwelling upon Circumstances; we naturally infer that they are conscious, either of their own personal In∣sufficiency, or of the Badness of their Cause. This Reflection has been already suggested, not less than 500 Times, by the American Whig and his "Underling" Scribblers.

I propose at this Time to consider the two Papers in the Ame∣rican Whig, (Numb. XVIII, XIX) upon the general Subject of Episcopacy, sign'd Dordracensis. Who Dordracensis is, I know very well. Faenum habet in Cornu. But why he signs himself thus, I know not. If he means thereby to intimate his Appro∣bation of the Proceedings of the Synod of Dort, it is not much to his Credit. For, as a very masterly and candid Writer ob∣serves,

the Synod of Dort was convened in Malice, and pro∣tected in Policy, and came not to examine the Truth, but to punish the Remonstrants; themselves acknowledging that they came not to dispute, but condemn.
Ad judicandum quippe, non ad disputandum, Se convenisse aiebat Synodus. Acta. &c. Pref. P. 5. I doubt not but many who subscribe to, and approve of the Doctrines then and there established, hold in Abhorrence the Conduct of that Synod.

But as I was going to say: I know Dordracensis, what he

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is—what he has been—and what he lately would have been, if he could. You may say, What is all this, to the Purpose of an∣swering his Papers on the Subject of Episcopacy? I reply, that it is, and I will maintain it to be, as much to the Purpose, as his Papers on Episcopacy are to the Purpose of the grand Point in Debate.

Dr. Chandler thought proper to introduce the Subject of American Bishops with a brief Sketch of the Arguments in Fa∣vour of Episcopacy, and an Explanation of the Episcopal Office, according to the Doctrine and Belief of the Church of Eng∣land; in Order to shew, that, upon the Principles of the Church, Ordination, Confirmation, and a regular Government of the Clergy cannot be exercised in America, for Want of Bishops. It was thought that a brief Explanation of these Points was not improper, to enable those, who are Strangers to our Princi∣ples, to judge of the great Disadvantages and Hardships the American Church of England is under, while without an Epis∣copate. For the only fair Way for Men to judge of this Case is, to consider it upon the Principles of the Church, and not of those who differ from it. Accordingly the Author of the Ap∣peal very justly observes, that whether we are right or wrong in our Principles of Ecclesiastical Polity, our Plea for American Bishops is equally valid; for no Plea of this Kind can be founded on the absolute Truth of Principles, but on the Be∣lief of the Truth of them. It is evident therefore, that an At∣tempt to overthrow the Doctrine of Episcopacy as maintained in the Church of England, can make no Part of a regular Oppo∣sition to the Proposal of American Bishops; and that it is as foreign from the proper Point in Debate, as a tedious Examina∣tion into the Colour of a Cow, or the Length of Her Horns, in a Dispute concerning her legal Proprietor.

However I propose briefly to consider what Master Dordra∣censis has offered on the Subject, and to truss up his two Pa∣pers together, like a Brace of "Snipes;" for verily, gentle Reader, like Snipes they are, being, altho' long-leged, yet small∣bodied. His first Paper consists altogether of Presumptions, alias presumptive Arguments against Episcopacy.

1. His first presumptive Argument is, "that the Reformers, when they rejected the Errors of Popery, rejected with it Epis∣copacy." I am sorry, if this Writer believes his own Assertion, that he has been so grossly misinformed. None of the Reform∣ers ever rejected Episcopacy on the Footing of its being an In∣novation in the Church; but some of them were obliged to depart from it, as they have often lamented, on Account of the Restraints of the civil Power. As to Presbyterianism, Bp. Bur∣net,

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never blindly prejudiced against its Disciples, has shewn it to have been originally a political Engine of popish Invention.

2. "All the present Churches, except that of England, dis∣claim Episcopacy." This is so far from being true, that most of them enjoy it; and the rest of them wish for it, if there is any Truth and Sincerity in their Declarations. I could produce in∣numerable Documents in Proof of this; but I will content my∣self with a single one, which is recommended to the peculiar Attention of Dordracensis. It is taken from the Church of Holland in the Synod of Dort. Bp. Carleton, a Member of the Synod, informs us, that having made a public Protestation against Presbyterianism and in Favour of Episcopacy, be told the Divines of that Synod in a Conferrence, that the Cause of all their Troubles was because they had no Bishops, &c. To this they answered,

That they had a great Honour for the good Order and Discipline in the Church of England, and heartily wished they could establish themselves upon this Mo∣del; but they had no Prospect of such a Happiness; and since the civil Government had made their Desires impractica∣ble, they hoped God would be merciful to them.
As to the ancient Waldenses and Albigenses, here classed under the Head of present Churches, I affirm, upon the most valid and unexceptionable Authority, against this Writer, and those who have deceived him, that they were strictly and properly episcopal.

3. His next presumptive Argument against Diocesan Episco∣pacy is, "that many of the brightest Lights in the Nation (mean∣ing by this Metaphor, the Dissenters) cannot in Conscience con∣sent to it." But a better presumptive Argument for it is, that a far greater Number of as bright Lights in the Nation, cannot in Conscience reject it. If indeed there are many poor Presbyte∣rian Ministers, who would find their Advantage in conforming to the Church, but choose rather to forego it, tho' I question whether there be many such; this may be allowed to be a Proof of their Sincerity, but cannot be admitted as an Evidence of the Truth of their Notions. The English Papists make a much greater Sacrifice of wordly Advantages than they; and conse∣quently, upon the Plan of this presumptive Argument, offer a much stronger Proof in Favour of Popery.

4.

Episcopacy seems not so consistent with the Genius of the Gospel, and the Humility it so strictly inculcates, as the Scheme of an Equality amongst Ministers.

5. "It is more apt to swell proud Ambition," i.e. not humble Ambition. I put these two presumptive Arguments together, because in Reality they are no more, and ought not to count more than One. And if it proves any Thing, it proves too

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much; namely, that the Superiority of the Twelve over the Seventy—of the Apostles over the Elders,—and perhaps of Christ himself over his Apostles, was inconsistent with the Genius of the Gospel. The same Kind of Argument in the Mouth of a Republican (I hope Dordracensis is not one) would as conclusively prove, that there ought to be no Superiority of Office in the State, nor in our Fleets and Armies. Dordracensis here tells us, as we have been told a thousand Times by others, with equal Pertinence, of Diotrephes who loved the Prehemi∣nence. Now what a sad Fellow was this same Diotrephes? I believe him to have been a most ambitious, irregular Man; and the learned Dr. Hammond has unanswerably proved him to have been a Presbyterian.

Diotrephes, says he, was not ordained to any Office of Power, in the Asian Church,—but of him∣self, without any Mission, nay expressly against the Apostles' Consent, was willing to assume and exercise this Power; and is but an Example of Korah's Sedition and presumptuous Humour; and that is inevitably the Case of the Presbyte∣rian,
&c.

6, and 7. These two Arguments again can count but One; and they tend to prove (so far as Arguments upon the Weather-Cock Establishment, turning round and round, can have any particular Tendency) that no Man, either in Church or State, ought to be entrusted with, or to undertake, the Government of others.

8. The last presumptive Argument here against Diocesan Episcopacy is, that

several Bishops, &c. of the Church of England, have themselves disavowed the divine Institution of it.
And here we are told of Cranmer, and others, and are referred to Stillingfleet's Irenicum, in Support of a long String of Misrepresentations. But does not Dordracensis know, if not I now tell him, that the Irenicum is no Authority, and is looked upon by the Advocates for Episcopacy as no Evidence, in the Case before us. None can have a greater Veneration for the Charac∣ter of Bp. Stillingfleet than I have. I believe him to have been one of the greatest Scholars and best Men of his Age; and I never wish to see any Men higher in their Principles, than that mild and excellent Prelate. At the same Time I do not scruple to declare, that I look upon his Irenicum to have been a hasty, indigested and partial Account of Principles and Facts. And in this the good Bishop would not have blamed me; for when he had examined Matters more thoroughly, he looked upon it in the same Light himself. His Design in writing, appears to have been a good one; which was, in general, to assist in composing the religious Differences that then tore the Nation in Pieces,

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and particularly, in Order thereto, to demolish the Jus Divinu•••• of Presbytery. But his Zeal carried him, as it often carried others, into an Extreme. It represented Things to him thro' the Medium of Prejudice; but it was not long before he was able to correct his Mistakes, and to form a very different Opi∣nion, both of Principles and Persons. He wrote his Irenicum at the Age of 24, and did not scruple to condemn it him∣self afterwards, declaring,

That there are many Things in it, which if he were to write again, he would not say; some which shew his Youth, and want of due Consideration; others, which he yielded too far, in Hopes of gaining the Dissenting Parties to the Church of England.
As to Cran∣mer, he was once a Papist; afterwards a Protestant; and be∣fore he died, as good a Churchman as almost any of his Succes∣sors.

I have said more than enough, in answer to the presumptive Arguments in the Papers before me, and their Invalidity is no bad presumptive Argument of the Invalidity of the Cause they are made use of to support. I shall now proceed to the second Paper, wherein Dordracensis undertakes to

produce positive Proofs from the New-Testament, against Diocesan Episco∣pacy.
But his positive Proofs amount in Number to no more than a single one, at which he labours through the bigger Part of his Paper; and what he produces farther than this, cannot, by the greatest Stretch of Courtesy, be allowed a higher Title than that of presumptive Arguments.

The positive Proof is taken from the Ordination of Timothy; on which one Instance, aided by positive Assertions, Dordracen∣sis is obliged to rest the whole Weight of his Cause. And what Proof it is will be seen presently.

If there had been, says he, one Instance in the sacred Scripture, of a Minister of the Gos∣pel, ordained to his Office, by the Imposition of a Bishop; how greatly would the Episcopalians have triumphed in such a Case? I think therefore, as there is an Instance of a proper Ordination to the ministerial Office, recorded in the New-Testament, which is said to have been done by the laying on of the Hands of the Presbytery, the Point ought to be given up.
His Instance of Presbyterian Ordination, as I have observed, is that of Timothy, to whom St. Paul says in his first Epistle to him,
Neglect not the Gift which is in thee, which was given thee by Prophecy, with the laying on of the Hands of the Presbytery.
I will allow that this Passage relates to the Or∣dination of Timothy, and that the Hands of the Presbytery were imposed in his Ordination. But still, Evidence is wanting to prove that the Word Presbytery was intended to convey the

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Ideas, which are affixed to it by our modern Presbyterians. It is farther observable, that the Office is said to have been per∣formed, not by, but with the laying on of the Hands of the Presbytery; which is a feeble Expression, and I believe has never been used, in any other Instance, to signify the actual Conveyance of Authority. Upon an Inspection therefore of the Passage, two Difficulties immediately offer themselves: One is, to settle the Meaning of the Word Presbytery; the other is, to account for the Expression, "with the laying on of Hands." Now the only proper Way of clearing up these Points, is to compare the Case with other Instances of the like Nature in Scripture, if any are to be found. And upon Inquiry it will appear, that there are various other Instances of Ordination recorded in the New-Testament, in each of which the Office was performed by those who were superior to Presbyters. An impartial Inquirer will therefore endeavour to explain the Passage in such a Manner, as to render it consistent with the known Practice of the Apostles. That there are several Ways of doing this, Dordracensis knows; he is pleased to call them Evasions, but giving harsh Names is one of the easiest Ways of getting clear of Difficulties. I do not at present contend for any parti∣cular Interpretation, but approve of any which the Expressions will bear, if it can be reconciled with that System upon which the Apostles evidently acted; and I insist upon it, that every Interpretation, which is irreconcileable therewith, is false, and ought to be rejected

I have said no more than what, I imagine, the first Inspection of the Passage under Consideration would naturally suggest to a Mind divested of Prejudices; and this, of itself, is sufficient to guard Men against the novel Interpretation of the Presbyterians. But for our farther Security, it so happens, that this very Case of Timothy's Ordination is, in another Place, mentioned by the fame Apostle, and expressed in such a Manner as to afford an obvious Solution of all the Difficulties that attend the Passage we have been considering.

Wherefore I put thee in Remem∣brance,
says St. Paul in his second Epistle to him,
that thou stir up the Gift of God, which is in thee, by the putting on of my Hands
2. Tim. i. 6. This Text. with a strong Light of Evidence, bursting through the Cloud of Objections that has been raised to darken it, as manifestly refers to Timothy's Or∣dination, as the other Text before-mentioned. Not so, says Dordracensis; and he endeavours to assign Reasons. But they are so poor, jejune and futile, as not to deserve Notice. It is really a pitiable Case, that our Adversaries should be reduced to the hard Shift of maintaining, that the latter Text has no Relation to that Fact or Event, to which they contend that the

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same leading Word in the other Text has an exclusive Reference! The whole Force of their Argument is, Sic nole, sic jubeo, stat pro Ratione No luntas. But others will take the Liberty to conclude, upon a Comparison of the Two Passages—that, in the Ordination of Timothy, the Hands of the Presbytery, in whatever Sense the Word is used, were not imposed without those of an Apostle,—and, that the Gift therein mentioned, was confered by the Hands of St. Paul, as well as

with the laying on of the Hands of the Presbytery.

What has been said is sufficient to shew, that the Ordination of Timothy was not Presbyterian, but Episcopal; or, if Dor∣dracensis likes his own Phraseology better, "by the Imposition of a Bishop." I had Thoughts of producing several other Instances from Scripture, of episcopal Ordination, which can easily be done; but the Limits to which I am confined will not at present admit of it.—Dordracensis seems to allow that we may tri∣umph, upon producing a single one. One has been fairly pro∣duced; and, to add to the Honour of the Triumph, it is the very Instance on which alone he placed his Dependence.

Dordracensis has drawn out a Number of presumptive Ar∣guments, for such they are, if they can be called Arguments in any Sense, to guard the Rear of his Papers; but I am persua∣ded the Reader will readily excuse me from concerning myself farther with presumptive Arguments. When Dordracensis undertakes, according to his Promise, to demolish Chilling-worth, as I expect to see rare Work, I propose to do myself the Pleasure of attending him.—I have also some what to say to him, in due Time, on the Subject of an uninterrupted Suc∣cession.

From Mr. PARKER's GAZETTE, Dec. 5, 1768. The AMERICAN WHIG, No. XXXIX. INGLISIANA, PART I.

MR. William Livingston having promised in the Advertise∣ment prefixed to his Letter to the Bishop of Landaff, that he would acknowledge himself under obligations, should he be mistaken in any the most immaterial circumstance, to the friendly hand that pointed out his error, provided the person discovering his mistake did it with decency and temper, and was not ashamed to discover his own name; might reasonably have expected, that if any of the missionaries thought themselves

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obliged to defend a man, whom in all probability themselves had deluded, they would act upon equal terms; and not meanly shelter themselves within the intrenchments of anonymous scan∣dal. Such a step, tho' the nameless author of the Vindication, thinks it "of no consequence to the public who or what man∣ner of person he is," was of great importance to the author of the letter; as the contrary conduct has given his antagonist an opportunity of using such language, as no gentleman could think consistent with the dignity of his character, if he appeared openly. It was moreover extremely mean, as a contrivance to disable Mr. Livingston from replying, without breaking his word. Thus his not answering was to be construed into a de∣feat; and if he answered, they were to triumph in the viola∣tion of his promise: Mean while he was to be bespattered with their weekly billingsgate; and most heroically dared to answer, tho' not a single missionary chose to subscribe his name to the challenge. But what must the impartial world think of a man who indulges himself in such scurrilous liberties, because he flatters himself that he will not be discovered. Who will know it, is the argument that prompts little minds to commit these indecencies. Secure from being detected by others, and un∣awed by any self respect, they take up their vilifying pens; and thence arise those buffooneries which are only fit for the gentry of Wapping. This however, sneaking as it is, has been the constant practice of this set of men. Thus they treated Dr. Mayhew, who, tho' he prefix'd his name to his writings, was perpetually attacked by anonimous pamphleteers, till he laid an Archbishop upon his back, without knowing his adversary; and after being long since dead, is now re-assaulted in the same insidious and ungentleman-like manner. Having therefore by this despicable artifice, prevented the letter-writer from do∣ing himself-justice, and the Bishop of Landaff's sermon, being evidently calculated to facilitate his Lordship's acquisition of an American Bishopric, and thus unquestionably coincident with my design of exposing the project of any such episcopate; I shall without farther apology, undertake a reply to the so much cele∣brated Vindication. But as I am determined never long to lose sight of the main object, the Appeal, till every part of it is refued; I shall not hold myself obliged to prosecute the subject of the Vindication, in an uninterrupted succession. That the reader, may however, be no loser by the interruption, I shall entitle all the papers on this subject, Inglisiana: and by num∣bering them in the order they succeed each other, he may al∣ways peruse them in their connection, notwithstanding the inter∣vention of any other subjects, between their several numbers. In

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four or five papers I hope completely to refute the Vindication, and to reduce the author (whom this notable performance, has by an incredible miracle exalted at least a cubit above his sta∣ture) to his pristine dimensions.

Tho' this writer hath thought proper, for reasons best known to himself, to conceal his name, it is no secret, that the author of the prefatory advertisement, is the Rev. Mr. Ch-rl s I gl-s, who by this step has adopted the whole work, and thrown on himself the burden of the exculpation. Till this be done, I shall accordingly treat him as the author of the Vindication. There is indeed one, and but one supposition against this pre∣sumption; and that is, that some parts of the performance, may appear to persons not intimately acquainted with him, to be ra∣ther a little above his capacity. But whatever agency that re∣verend and very constitutional body, the convention, may have had in the composition, it being rather disproportionate to the industry of any individual member; Mr. J-gl-s had certainly in the manner above-mentioned, made it his own. His it is de juro, let the de facto be where it will. The affair being thus far settled betwixt us, I shall treat him in the progress of my reply, as responsible for the whole; and so with an all ma∣lice apart, proceed to the business. But as I find it impossible immediately to enter the magnificent structure (so I call the argu∣mentative part) of this master-builder, by reason of the immense rubbish with which he has choak'd up the passage; I find my∣self necessitated to clear away the lumber, before I can introduce the reader into the mansion; which, considering his hearty in∣vitation to survey and examine the edifice, ought in all good conscience to be done at his own costs and charges and whe∣ther I shall make him pay a Quantum meruit, must be submit∣ted to the verdict of the impartial reader. Among this rubbish, I reckon what he fondly deemed wit; of which he has made some very vigorous and very aukward efforts.—But of all the deli∣cate touches of humour, wherewith the Vindication, like a kind of artificial firmament, is so gorgeously bespangled, commend me to the first page of the advertisement, where he declares, that he looks for no fee or reward. And so fond is he, of this pretty conceit, that in page 18 of the Vindication, he must give it a second deliverance.

The following character, of these people, says he, is given by Mr. Neal, who is their professed advocate, tho' I know not that he ever received any fee from them.
That "Mr. I-gl s looked for no fee or reward," in compiling or publishing this voluminous pamphlet, is a fact known only to himself, and which therefore I shall not be so un∣courtly as to dispute with him; and the rather as he really might, in his serious and humble moments entertain of the Vin∣dication,

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the same opinion which the beggar did of the blessing of a certain Bishop, who having refused to give him the solicited groat, very munificently bestowed his benediction. Thus there may perhaps be a little equivocation in the matter, and tho' the gentleman may not think himself entitled to a reward ex condigne; he may expect a small recompence ex congruo; and so fancy a comfortable deanery, after his Lordship's arrival, no great In∣congruity. But as the word see, is in the last quotation printed in Italic, and in the first in capitals, as tho' it was in the most intimate alliance with the church (on which Mr. I-gl-s's printer has almost worn nine of his capital types) he undoubtedly in∣tended to insinuate, that Mr. Livingston had wrote his letter for a fee. But the whole wit and poignancy of this sublime stroke cannot appear in full lustre, without being made ac∣quainted, that Mr. Livingston is of a certain profession, which, for having more than once saved this province from utter de∣straction, is of late, for certain political reasons, endeavoured to be rendered very unpopular. Now he being a lawyer, and lawyers being paid for serving their employers (which it seems is peculiar to them, all the rest of mankind working for nothing) it therefore follows, that every letter they write, either for their own amusement, or to serve their country or to expose the fals∣hoods of the missionaries, must be in expectation of a see. But doe Mr. I-gl-s really believe, that Mr. Livingston, for the leter, in question, either had, or looked for a see? I am confi∣dent the reader in convinced that he does not: Why then endea∣vour to appear witty at the expence of truth? Why drop an insinuation so injurious to his neighbour's character, and that had no relation to the matter in contest? For if it was of no consequence to the public,

who or what manner of person the author of the vindication was;
neither was it of the least consequence, what fee or reward the Letter-writer had, or looked for. The only thing material, was the truth or falshood of what was written, and not the consideration that gave rise to the writing. Surely if every one of Mr. I-gl s's sermons for which he hath received a see, were upon that account to be deemed heretical, I fear very few of them would be found or∣thodox. But I am well persuaded, that Mr. Livingston, neither received or looked for any fee in the case; and that if he did, Mr. I-gl-s is the last man in the world that should have re∣proached him for it.—For pray what is it that this gentleman will do without fee or reward? He certainly received a see for abandoning the parish of Dover, for that of New York; and whether he had stomach'd the exchange, had not the latter out-feed the former, is best known to himself. I ask again, what it

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is that he will do without fee or reward? Why, he will not suf∣fer a man in his parish to be born or to die without it. He will neither marry nor bury without it. Yea, for that last office of humanity, the interment of the dead, this disinterested and mo∣ney hating gentleman will cheerfully take a fee; for without fingering the cash, he must be caught in a special good humour, if he will send to heaven even the soul of a

dear brother departed.
Nay, for admitting an infant into the visible church by baptism, he has no objection against taking a fee. Thus he will not let an individual creature within his parochial jurisdiction, come into the world, continue in it, or go out of it, without a fee; and what is beyond all toleration, the gentlemen of his fraternity, in this city, make no conscience of taking fees from both sides of the question. For they are paid by those of other communions, as well as their own. They take money from people whom they do not serve, and who want none of ther services. They receive fees for preaching even from the clergy of other denominations, who can preach for themselves, and whom they are so far from preaching for, that they must, upon certain occasions preach against. The most inglorious fee to be met with, in the whole compass of history! Nay, so great a lover of fees is this same Mr. I-gl-s, that in conjunction with his good brother of Elizabeth-Town, (who says, he has changed his religion for a better, and no doubt from mere principle of conscience, without looking for an additional fee from the so∣ciety) he is for procuring legislative acts, to compel the whole province to pay fees to a primitive Bishop, tho' not a twentieth part of it ever intend to become his clients The doctrine of fees, was therefore certainly not a proper topick for the display of his wit; and happy would it be for him, if any of his friends could persuade him, that wit is not his principal talent.

But as no man is answerable for not being a wit, (wit being as certainly native as religion is not) I have no controversy with him on that account. But for misrepresentation, and falsely citing the words of his adversary, he is doubtless answerable; and I think it greatly concerns his reputation to make a satisfac∣tory answer.—Mr. Livingston, he says, tells his Lordship,

That he questions whether there be a pamphlet in the nation, that in proportion to the length of the sermon, contains so great a number of aberrations from the truth.
That is, says Mr. I-gl-s, in plain English, so great a number of lies. But does this gentleman really believe, that there is no difference between an aberration from the truth, and a lie? If he does, I believe he is the only casuist in the world, who makes every mis∣take, to which human nature is incident, a lie. I have always

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understood, that a man might as well ignorantly as knowingly err from the truth, and that in the latter case only, he was chargeable with the guilt of lying. And so far is Mr. Living∣ston from supposing, or even insinuating, that his Lordship had knowingly deviated from the truth, without which he could not be guilty of lying, that he expressly declares the contrary; and ascribes his errors to the misrepresentations of the missionaries. How then hath he charged him with lying? But this is only one of the numerous artifices of the Vindicator to render his antago∣nist odious; and deserves at least the name of a wilful misrepre∣sentation; and whether that be lying or not, we shall suspend our judgment till we are favoured with Mr. I-gl-s's definition of that crime. But in the art and mystery of false quotation, he appears as great an adept, as tho' he had been regularly bred at the feet of the Gamaliel of Elizabeth-Town, whose adulterated citations, I shall make the subject of a particular paper. Mr. Livingston being as well acquainted as Mr. I-gl-s with the letter from the Lord Justices, to Lieutenant-Governor Dummer, respecting certain synodical proceedings, expressed himself in the following words,

And what may appear extra∣ordinary to an English prelate, they (that is the N. England synods) have been so conducted as never to give any just um∣brage to the civil power.
Now as no person can be so igno∣rant, as not to know the difference between just umbrage being given and umbrage being unjustly taken, by misrepresentation and calumny, it is evident that the word just, was of the last importance in the passage cited, and that on the praeterition of it in the quota∣tion, is founded the whole supposition of the Letter-writer's er∣ror.—What appears extraordinary in this, says Mr. I-gl-s, is that Mr. Livingston should roundly assert,
their synods never gave any umbrage to the civil power.
What appears still more extraordinary, say I, is that he should roundly assert, that Mr. Livingston had so asserted. For pray Sir, why so slily drop out of the above quotation, the little monosyllable, just? Is it a word particularly obnoxious to thy reverence; or did it unlucki∣ly stand in thy way, in a passage which thou couldest not suc∣cessfully attack without excluding it from that company in the Vindication, in which it made a very significant figure in the Letter? Upon what very unequal terms a man must contend with an antagonist who can allow himself in such liberties, the intelligent reader cannot be insensible; and while he loves and reveres the clergymen, on account of his sacred function, will naturally despise the writer for his disingenuous and contempti∣ble artifice.

Another of this gentleman's gross misrepresentations is this:

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Mr. Livingston, speaking of the New-England colonies, says,

There is not a more virtuous, not a more religious people upon the face of the earth,
—which is in lain English, that in virtue and religion, no people in the world srpass them; and if there be any that do. I should be glad Mr I gls would inform the public who they are. But when the Reverend Vin∣dicator comes to observe upon this passage, he represents Mr. Livingston as saying, that they are
the most virtuous and reli∣gious people upon the face of the earth,
which in plain Eng∣lish, is affirming that they surpass all others.—Such misrepre∣sentations do not happen by accident, and whatever this gentle∣man may think, the more conscientious part of mankind, who hold such practices in the highest detestation, will not consider them as ornamental to the clerical character.

But what has given our author the greatest offence of all, is, that the Letter-writer should waft (as he calls it) the first settlers of New-England to heaven. Let us see the ebullitions of his wrath upon this occasion.

I defy the most flaming panegyrist among Catholicks, who stands forth collected and transported, to trumpet aloud the praises of some departed saint, under whose guardianship he places himself, and to whom he intends to pay daily and devout adoration,—to be more florid, ve∣hement, lavish, luscious or extravagant in his encomiums than this gentleman is in his encomiums, on the departed saints of New England.
What a matchless
floridity, fervidity, prodigality, mellifluity and pomposity
of expression! In all my life I never knew a man so much disturbed at a few people's going to heaven. But let us see what hath thus transported this peaceable minister of the gospel Mr. Livingston, speak∣ing of the first adventurers to New-England, says,
whom we have the greatest reason to believe, have long since received the approbation of their and your Lordship's final judge.
This one would have thought so remote from any thing like
a popish canonization,
a practice to which the exercises pre∣scribed for the "thirtieth of January," bear a much greater resemblance) that one is obliged in the judgment of charity, to suppose that the people whom Mr. I gl-s himself allows to have been pious, and whom he insists the Bishop of Landaff intended thus to caracterize, are now in the mansions of the blessed. But it seems, that to believe the salvation of a Presbyterian soul, however pious, is according to Mr. I-gl-s's creed, downright popery. To suppose such a spirit admitted into the realms above, is to canonize "the departed faints of New England;" and Christian charity is popish idolatry. Methinks those who have so little that does not look like popery, should be particu∣larly

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careful in preserving charity as a tru protestant virtue. I am really sorry, that this gentleman by appearing so greatly discomposed on bearing of those people's being lodged in heaven, has betrayed a spirit that would have been more gratified to have found them sent elsewhere. But I must notwithstanding, join Mr. Livingston in believing them in heaven; and happy is it for them, if they are really there, that it is not in Mr. I-gl-s's power to fetch them out.

Tantaene animis caelestibus irae? —"Such malevolence in priestly breasts?"

But the Vindicator had so often thumb'd over the Bishop of Landaff's sermon, that he had thoroughly imbibed his Lord∣ship's spirit, which, while revolving the above passage, coming into contact with his own, instantly occasioned what the chy∣mists call an "Effervescence. Here e blazes out with all the combustion of a Vesuvius. Popery! oiatry! Canonization! Ring the bells backward; the temple is on fire! For people are going to heaven without paying sees to the church. If Christi∣anity cannot inspire this Reverend divine with sufficient benevo∣lence to bear the happiness of others, I 〈◊〉〈◊〉 recommend to him, the story of "Uncle Toby, and the Fly," which I dare say, will tend as much to his edification, as the perusal of Ha∣dibrass, the study of which, with some gentry in black, is in no small danger of supplanting the holy scriptures. But as I said, upon another occasion, if Mr. Livingston had been a little too forward in sending people to heaven, Mr. I-gls is the last man in the world that should have made any disturbance about it. For it is well known, that this gentleman himself, and that for a very "inconsiderable see," and in a solemn ad∣dress to Almighty God, will tell the supreme being (not that he has "reason to believe," but (that he has

sure and certain hopes
of the resurrection to eternal life of the person in whose behalf he is retained; tho' he knows him to have been one of the greatest reprobates that ever existed.

ADVERTISEMENT.

AS the author to justify his charge of the false representations of the Missionaries, will have occasion in the course of his reply, for the abstracts of their letters annually published, with the anniversary sermons preached before the Society, which, not∣withstanding what Mr. I-gl-s says of hundreds of them, being regularly sent to America, and given by the Missionaries to "every person that will please to read them," he finds it ex∣tremely difficult to procure; he will acknowledge himself singu∣larly

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obliged to any friend of truth, possessed of any of those ab∣stracts, to favour his printer with the loan of them; promising that they shall be safely returned with abundance of thanks; and if he does not point out at least ten falshoods in every abstract, be will have reason to think the Missionaries greatly reformed since he had the perusal of those, their skilsully abbreviated and "aberratious" epistles: and if Mr. I-gl-s has any of them in his custody, and will be kind enough to gratify the author as above, he can assure him, that he "will be pleased to read them," with the greatest attention.

From Mr. PARKER's GAZETTE, Dec. 5, 1768. A KICK for the WHIPPER. No. XXVII.

Introrsum turpem, speciosum pelle decora.

HOR.

THE 27th Whip seems to be Sq. T's master-piece. His pretended letters from the Whig, an independent and een oude duytsman were, the 1st. so improbable not to say impossible, and the two last so out of character, that his readers have, I dare say, long ago discovered the forgery; but here he exhibits his chef d'oeuvre in the letter sign'd a DISSENTER. 'Twas necessary indeed that his dissenter should plead for prelacy in some places; but, lest he should be suspected to be the Whipper himself, Sq. T. takes care to make him speak like a real dissenter in others, and, (still more to colour his deceit) even controverts some of his sentiments. Thus his D. reproves the Whig, but cunningly reproves the Whipper too;—He condemns the Whig's paper, as containing "malignant blasts, &c." yet compliments him as a "friend to Christianity:"—and tho' an advocate for episcopal dominion "as a dissenter," most characteristically de∣nies any establishment of the Church of England, in America, and even prays for exemption from "ecclesiastical tyranny." Sq. T. has profited, I find, by his blunders, and this artifice of his is somewhat plausible; but alas! it will not do. What must we think of the "good sense" of one, who undertakes as moderator to determine a dispute by the mere shadow of a single argument?—What of his impartiality, who with a great show of moderation, instead of publishing his thoughts by themselves in the Gazette, chooses to have them inserted in the most scur∣rilous

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periodical party-paper in town?—and then, what must we think of his sincerity, who publickly asks for the address of a person, whom he may at any time find, if he will but seek him in his own study?

I shall now examine the only thing that looks like an argu∣gument in the D's whole letter. He says

the Church of Eng∣land is at present destitute of all legal establishment;
—(AT PRESENT! hem—very well! Mr. D.) that,
as having rela∣tion to the state,
she
can no more be known in law than any of our dissenting Churches:
—that's true indeed, but why?—for want of an EPISCOPAL establishment," says he, This position, no Whipper, who
sees into its consequences, will thank him for,
as it ruins all the late loyal boasts grounded on the union of the CHURCH and state, especially when seconded by some late loyal threats of applying for a foreign Bishop, if a British one is deny'd. * 4.90 But what are we to infer from these premises? Why, because there is no EPISCOPAL establishment, there is AT PRESENT no legal establishment of the CHURCH, and therefore no episcopal domination, in the colonies.— Well! and what is all this to the purpose?—But, not to take advantage of the confusion of our D's thoughts, and the self-betraying inadvertency of his expressions, let us try to guess at his drift, and suppose he meant to reason thus. The Church of England is not legally established in America; Ergo, the pri∣vileges of Americans wou'd be in no danger from an establish∣ment of episcopacy. In a similar manner might one with more reason have argu'd five years ago, thus, Great-Britain has no right to tax America while unrepresented; Ergo, she never will: —But how just this reasoning wou'd have been, let all America judge! Aware of an objection suggested by our late experience, viz. That we fear that, with prelacy' "a legislative fiat will bring to pass a legal existence or creation" of the CHURCH in America, the D. very sagely obviates it by telling us he "TRUSTS we have no reason to fear." Now by trusting just the contrary I confute his confutation, till he is pleas'd to justify it by TRUSTING again. Seven years ago indeed we shou'd have been less afraid of Bishops than of Stamp-masters and com∣missioners of the customs; but at this time if they all come au∣thorized by, and under the patronage of, the government, to exercise their respective functions here, we have as much reason to dread the one as the others.

S. T. after justifying his pious virulence by pleading

provo∣cation,

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as a member of the CHURCH of ENGLAND,
&c. most heroically resolves to presevere in Whipping the Whig, thrice as long as the Greeks besieg'd Troy, viz. 30 years longer;—but if so, tho' he may have many a furious Achilles, haughty Agamem∣non and sturdy Ajax, I dare promise ther will never be found an ULYSSES, in his army.

A.

From Mr. GAINES's GAZETTE, Dec. 5. A WHIP for the AMERICAN WHIG. By TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQR. No. XXXV.

If you would have your Son reason well, let him read Chil∣lingworth.

LOCKE ON EDUCATION.

As my good Friends, the American Whig and his Associates, have frequently been imposed upon by spurious Copies of Let∣ters, Addresses, and so forth; and as, very unfortunately for their own Reputation, they have been obliged often to have Recourse to second-hand and third-hand Accounts of Books, for Want of the Books themselves; I hope it will be considered as an Act of Generosity in me, that I now present them with a true Copy of Chillingworth's Demonstration of Episcopacy. This Piece I recommend to the peculiar Atten∣tion of Dordracensis, who has promised a full Answer to it; and I advise him, with great Compassion to him, to examine well into the Soundness of his Teeth, before he hazards them in the Encounter; lest he should undergo the Fate of Phaedrus's Viper.

—et fragili quaerens illidere Dentem, Offendet solido.

The Apostolical Institution of EPISCOPACY DEMONSTRATED.

SECTION I.

IF we abstract from Episcopal Government, all accidentals, and consider only what is essential and necessary to it; we shall find in it no more but this; An appointment of one man of eminent sanctity and sufficiency to have the care of all the Churches, within a certain Precinct or Diocese; and furnishing

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him with authority (not absolute or arbitrary, but regulated and bounded by Laws, and moderated by joining to him a con∣venient number of assistants) to the Intent that all the Churches under him may be provided of good and able Pastors; And that both of Pastors and People, consormity to Laws, and perform∣ance of their duties may be required, under Penalties, not left to discretion, but by Law appointed.

SECTION II.

To this kind of Government, I am not by any particular in∣terest so devoted, as to think it ought to be maintained, either in opposition to Apostolick Institution; or to the much desired reformation of men's lives, and restoration of Primitive Disci∣pline; or to any Law or Precept of our Lord and Saviour Je∣sus Christ: For that were to maintain a means contrary to the and: for Obedience to our Saviour is the end for which Church Government is appointed. But if it may be demonstra∣ted (or made much more probable than the contrary) as I verily think it may: I. That it is not repugnant to the Government settled in and for the Church by the Apostles. II. That it is as compliable with the Reformation of any evil which we desire to introduce as any other kind of Government: And, III. That there is no Law, no Record of our Saviour against it: Then, I hope, it will not be thought an unreasonable Motion, if we humbly desire those that are in Authority, especially the High Court of Parliament, That it may not be sacrificed to Clamour or over born by Violence, and though (which God forbid) the greater part of the Multitude should cry, Crucify, Crucify; yet our Governors would be so full of Justice and Courage, as not to give it up, until they perfectly understand concerning Episcopacy itself, Quid mali fecit?

SECTION III.

I shall speak at this time only of the first of these three Points: That Episcopacy is not repugnant to the Government settled in the Church for perpetuity by the Apostles. Whereof I conceive this which follows is as clear a Demonstration, as any thing of this nature is capable of.

That this Government was received universally in the Church, either in the Apostles' time, or presently after, is so evident and unquestionable, that the most learned Adversaries of this Government do themselves confess it.

SECTION IV.

Petrus Molinaeus in his Book, De munere pastorali, purpose∣ly written in defence of the Presbyterial Government, acknow∣ledgeth: That presently after the Apostles times, or even in their time (as Ecclesiastical story witnesseth) it was ordained,

Page 318

That in every City one of the Presbytery should be called a Bish∣op, who should have pre-eminence over his Colleagues; to avoid Confusion which oft times ariseth out of equality. And truly, this form of Government all Churches every where re∣ceived.

SECTION V.

Theodorus in his Tract, De triplici Episcopatus genere, con∣fesseth in effect the same thing. For, having distinguished Epis∣copacy into three kinds, Divine, Human and Satanical; and attributing to the second (which he calls Human, but we maintain and conceive to be Apostolical) not only a Priority of Order, but a superiority of Power and Authority over other Presbyters, bounded yet by Laws and Canons provided against Tyranny: He clearly professeth that of this kind of Episcopa∣cy, is to be understood whatsoever we read concerning the Au∣thority of Bishops (or Presidents, as Justin Martyr calls them) in Ignatius, and other more ancient Writers.

SECTION VI.

Certainly from these two great Defenders of the Presbytery, we should never have had this free acknowledgment, (so preju∣dicial to their own pretence, and so advantageous to their Ad∣versaries' purpose) had not the evidence of clear and undeniable truth enforced them to it. It will not therefore be necessary, to spend any time in confuting that uningenuous Assertion of the anonymous Author of the Catalogue of Testimonies, for the equality of Bishops and Presbyters, who affirms, That their disparity began long after the Apostles' times: But we may safe∣ly take for granted that which these two learned Adversaries have consessed; and see, whether upon this foundation laid by them, we may not by unanswerable reason raise this superstruc∣ture.

That seeing Episcopal Government is confessedly so Ancient and so Catholic, it cannot with reason be denied to be A∣postolick.
SECTION VII.

For so great a change, as between Presbyterial Government and Episcopal, could not possibly have prevailed all the world over in a little time. Had Episcopal Government been an aber∣ration from (or a corruption of) the Government lest in the Churches by the Apostles, it had been very strange, that it should have been received in any one Church so suddenly, or that it should have prevailed in all for many Ages after. Variasse debu∣erat error Ecclesiarum: Quod autem apud omnes unum est non est erratum, sed traditum. "Had the Churches erred, they would have varied: What therefore is one and the same

Page 319

amongst all, came not sure by Error, but Tradition. Thus Tertullian argues very probably, from the consent of the Churches of his time, not long after the Apostles, and that in matter of opinion much more subject to unobserved alteration. But that in the frame and substance of the necessary Govern∣ment of the Church, a thing always in use and practice, there should be so sudden 〈◊〉〈◊〉 change, as presently after the Apostles' times; and so universal, as received in all Churches; this is clearly impossible.

SECTION VIII.

For, what universal cause can be assigned or feigned of this universal Apostasy? You will not imagine that the Apostles, all or any of them, made any Decree for this Change when they were living; or left order for it in any Will or Testament, when they were dying. This were to grant the question; to wit; That the Apostles, being to leave the Government of the Churches themselves, and either seeing by experience, or fore∣seeing by the Spirit of God, the distractions and disorders, which would arise from a multitude of equals, substituted E∣piscopal Government instead of their own. General Councils to make a Law for a general Change, for many Ages there was none. There was no Christian Emperor, no coercive Power over the Church to enforce it. Or, if there had been any, we know no force was equal to the courage of the Christians of those times. Their lives were then at command (for they had not then learnt to fight for Christ) but their obedience to any thing against his Law was not to be commanded (for they had perfectly learnt to die for him.) Therefore there was no Power then to command this Change; or if there had been any, it had been in vain.

SECTION IX.

What device then shall we study, or to what fountain shall we reduce this strange pretended alteration? Can it enter into our hearts to think, that all the Presbyters and other Christians then, being the Apostles' Scholars, could be generally ignorant of the Will of Christ, touching the necessity of a Presbyterial Government? Or, dare we adventure to think them so strangely wicked all the world over, as against knowledge and conscience to conspire against it? Imagine the spirit of Diotrephes had en∣tered into some, or a great many of the Presbyters, and possessed them with an ambitious desire of a forbidden superiority, was it possible they should attempt and atchieve it at once without any opposition or contradiction? And besides, that the contagion of this ambition, should spread itself and prevail 〈◊〉〈◊〉 out stop or controul, nay, without any noise or notice taken of it, through

Page 320

all the Churches in the world; all the watchmen in the mean time being so fast asleep, and all the dogs so dumb, that not so much as one should open his mouth against it.

SECTION X.

But let us suppose (though it be a horrible untruth) that the Presbyters and people then, were not so good Christians as the Presbyterians are now; that they were generally so negligent to retain the Government of Christ's Church commanded by Christ, which we now are so zealous to restore: yet certainly we must not forget nor deny, that they were men as we are. And if we look upon them but as mere natural men; yet, knowing by experience, how hard a thing it is, even for Policy armed with Power, by many attempts and contrivances, and in a long time, to gain upon the liberty of any one people; undoubtedly we shall never entertain so wild an imagination, as that, among all the Christian Presbyteries in the world, neither conscience of duty, or love of liberty, nor averseness from pride and usurpati∣on of others over them, should prevail so much with any one, as to oppose this pretended universal invasion of the Kingdom of Jesus Christ, and the liberty of Christians.

SECTION XI.

When I shall see therefore all the Fables in the Metamorpho∣sis acted and prove true stories: when I shall see all the Democra∣cies and Aristocracies in the world lie down and sleep, and awake into Monarchies; then will I begin to believe that Presbyterial Government, having continued in the Church during the Apo∣stles' times, should presently after (against the Apostles' Doctrine and the Will of Christ) be whirl'd about like a Scence in a Masque, and transformed into Episcopacy. In the mean time, while these things remain incredible, and, in human reason, impossible, I hope I shall have leave to conclude thus:

Episcopal Government is acknowledged to have been univer∣sally received in the Church, presently after the Apostles' times.

Between the Apostles' times and this presently after, there was not time enough for, nor possibility of, so great an al∣teration.

And therefore there was no such alteration as is pretended. And therefore Episcopacy being confessed to be so Ancient and Catholick, must be granted also to be Apostolick, Quod crat demonstrandum.

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From Mr. PARKER's GAZETTE, Dec. 12, 1768. The AMERICAN WHIG, No. XL.

OUR reverend appellant, by his own confession might have saved himself the trouble of entering into the controversy about the divine institution of episcopacy, in a country where the non-episcopalians are content with the enjoyment of their own sentiments, without disturbing the mental repose of others, in opinions, however absurd or irrational. Nor could it any way conduce to the equity or reasonableness of his proposal, whether episcopacy was of divine or human appointment. It was sufficient for his purpose, that such was the government of his church. Of this he was so sensible that he expresly declares,

It is not necessary to enter upon a particular defence of the doctrine, in an undertaking of this nature; since our present plea is equally valid whether these principles are founded rightly or wrongly.
Where then the necessity of troubling the word with so unnecessary a controversy; or of repeating what has been advanced a thousand times, and a thousand times refuted? How can a
brief sketch of the argument whereby the necessity of episcopal government is defended,
be either useful or proper, when they are admitted to be useless and un∣necessary? But Brother Leaming had wrote a book on the sub∣ject; and why should not Dr. Chandler write another? Ac∣cordingly he introduces the darling theme, with the humourous conceit of the uninterrupted succession. But as he was confident no mortal wight could refrain from smiling at the thoughts of so ludicrous an object, we are the less obliged to the gentleman for his gracious licence to exert the muscles of our faces.
Men may ridicule (says he) the uninterrupted succession as they please.
And take my word for it, good Doctor, they will please to ridicule it as often as any man is pleased to mention it. But now let us attend to what no one would have expected from so zealous an advocate for human appendages.
As Christ (says our author) is the great founder of the church, so he is the only fountain of ecclesiastical authority.
This is a truth to which all Christians will readily subscribe; and a pity it is, that any of them should subscribe it with secret equivocations, or mental reservations. But how such a position is consistent with the principles of any man, who believes, that secular potentates as such are invested with ecclesiastical autho∣rity, not only to enjoin rites and ceremonies, but also matters of saith, I confess myself at a loss to conceive. Did this gentle∣man

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really believe this fundamental maxim of the Christian re∣ligion, according to the plain and evident meaning of the words, down went all obligation of conformity to the law esta∣blished modes of Christian worship, like the unstable fabric which the fool of the gospel had built on the sand. If Christ hath laid one foundation, pray whom hath he authorized to lay another? If he is the fountain, what have Christians to do with the millions of rivulets that can all be traced up to ecclesiastical policy, and never originated from this divine source? What bu∣siness have they with that motly junction of king-craft and priest-craft, which hath almost banished primitive Christianity out of the world? Hay, it is this very persuasion of Christ's be∣ing the great founder of the church, and the only fountain of ecclesiastical authority; and their inviolable attachment to it, that has made the Dissenters suffer such grievous persecutions, for not acknowledging the divine right of episcopacy, nor the usurped power of Bishops, to inflict temporal pains and pe∣nalties, or to illuminate the consciences of their fellow-creatures, by afflicting their bodies and picking their pockets. It is the be∣lief of this, that has restrained them from recognizing any man on earth as the head of the Christian church; while the high-church lergy have at different times, submitted to the infalibi∣lity of an Henry and a Mary, tho' as repugnant in principle as popery and protestantism.

But as our author cannot find the episcopacy he wants among the laws of Christ, he has at least invented a compass by which we of the Laity are directed to discover it.

Whatever general laws (says he, speaking of our blessed Saviour) he was pleased to enjoin, must be of indispensible obligation to all his follow∣ers
So far perfectly right! But in what immediately fol∣lows, no protestant can possibly acquiesce.
Indeed, with re∣gard to the government of the church, his laws are expressed in such general terms, that we must have recourse to those whom he immediately entrusted with the government of his church, for a more particular explanation of them.
If this be not downright popery, it is exceeding difficult to determine wherein the formal nature of popery consists. For this very position of the laws of Christ, being so expressed, that the Laity are unable to comprehend their meaning, is the very basis on which the whole enormous babel of the papacy is erected. For that once admitted, and an infallible head of the Christian church is of absolute necessity. And of the two, Papa hath this 〈…〉〈…〉 antage of the Doctor, that it is certainly more rea∣〈…〉〈…〉 up our judgments to a man claiming infallibility, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to one who pretends to no such thing. It is far from being

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evident, that the Apostles themselves were the interpreters of scripture They were the amanuenses of the Holy Ghost, who lest no doctrine or precept to their interpretation; much less are weo receive the sense of holy writ from their pretended successors, who from their insatiate thirst of wealth and domi∣nation, appear to be actuated by a very different spirit. I should have drawn a very different conclusion from the generality of the laws of Christ respecting his church. I should never have ima∣gined it consistent with the dignity of the divine author of our religion, to express his laws in terms mystical and ambiguous, merely for the sake of rendering it necessary to have an

unin∣terrupted succession of interpreters,
to give them a more par∣ticular explanation. I should have concluded, that it was to teach us not to lay too great a stress on any particular form of church government; but to be furnished with a perpetual op∣portunity of exercising our forbearance and charity towards those who differed from us in sentiment.—It was most certainly not that we should make an implicit surrender of our judgment and consciences in matters of religion, to any fallible, political ambitious churchman. It was not to warrant or authorize any of his followers to inflict pains and penalties on his fellow-Chris∣tians, for not bowing down to mitres; or believing the divine right of human ceremonies. It was not that we should worry one another like wild beasts, and even shed human blood, to compel and enforce for doctrines the commandments of men. It was not in fine to convert the peaceful religion of Jesus into an engine of violence and oppression; or to authorize any man to challenge as a successor to him,
who had not where to lay his head,
worldly wealth and dignitie, and tythes, and lord∣ships, with innumerable other appendages, which I am sure the Doctor even by the help of the most particular explanation, findeth not in the sacred canon. How extremely fortunate is the Christian church, to be thus prevented from running into fatal errors about the office of a Presbyter, as explained in the laws of Christ, by the particular explanation of those unerring interpreters, the governors of the church, by whom, as by an inerrable pole-star we are directed to find the man, concealed as he is, beneath the robe and the mitre and the lawn sleeves of the Bishop. So open an attack on the rights of private judgment, and a doctrine so manifestly inducing the necessity of an infalli∣bility in the clergy, is what I had never expected from the pen of a protestant divine. If this arrogant claim of a particular ex∣planation, and in consequence of it, a right of enforcing it by compulsory means, without which it is vain and ridiculous, is to be part of the Bishop's errand into this American world, the

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Doctor cannot pray more fervently for his speedy arrival, than I do, that he may never, never, never come; to which, if not all, I believe ninety-nine in a hundred of all the people here will say, Amen.

From Mr. PARKER's GAZETTE, Dec. 12, 1768. A KICK for the WHIPPER, [No. XXVIII.]

Non cuivis hemini contingit adire corinthum.

HOR.

HAH! what Roger again!—Well! Countrymen I find, must have their fit of scribbling out as well as Citizens, and old as well as young men contend earnestly for the Church. Desiring, it seems, that episcopacy and the stamp-act should be establish'd by the same authority, yet resolving that at least the CHURCH in America, shall have a representative in paliament, Roger (Whip No. XXVIII) gives his ideal advocate instructions how to speak in the house of commons. Here, indeed, when it suits a particular purpose, we are told that the CHURCH in America has no "legal existence," nor any "relation to the state" and only wants the apostolical powers of the primitive times; but Roger's orator tells the house, that, in her

prin∣ciples and constitution
she is so connected with the state, that "together both must flourish, both together falls," affects to "shudder" at the thought of "refusing" her a Bishop, as a ruin∣ous and destructive measure, as tho' she (ay, reader, the CHURCH in America) were the Atlas that sustains the globe, or at least the rock that supports the pillars of the British empire; and for proof (par. 8th) appeals to history, which can never justify such extravagant notions of the CHURCH even in England itself. Be∣cause formerly the Church "suffered" with the state in England, he would fain infer, that if even the little CHURCH in America, shou'd fall, it must involve the state in its ruin. Ha! ha! ha!

The episcopal commoner, is likewise made to assure the mem∣bers of parliament, (par. 15th) that American churchmen are a mighty loyal peaceable people (so they are, at least many of them) and incorruptible as Milton's good angels; and yet Roger in his introduction, after grievously complaining of the negligence of some "in authority," even threatens them with

some act of desperation
on the part of American episcopalians, in case

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the FACTION be allow'd to "triumph," and those who have the honour (forsooth) of being "attach'd to" the same form of religion with the "SOVEREIGN" have not a Bishop in∣dulg'd them.

Roger as well as his commoner has a good deal to say about FACTION, SCRIBBLERS, fanaticks, Independants, turbulent spi∣rits, "rock'd in the cradle of sedition" &c. but his comsort, it seems, is that the number is but SMALL, and mine is, that such hard words, how often soever repeated, cannot injure the Anti∣episcopal cause AT ALL; and so Roger may e'en light his pipe, and I'll lay down my pen.

POSTCRIPT.

Having a little room to spare (which I have not had lately) I beg leave to present the compliment of the TOE most respect∣fully to the modern Socrates, our late retro-kicking flagellator, assuring him, that I am deeply sensible of the honour he has done me (in the midst of affected disdain) in making me the sub∣ject of another intire paper. Thus much to Sq. T. and now for a word or two to his Parish-Clerk. This parochial publican, in the introduction to his ode, pretty plainly hints, that what "came from his pen so glibly," contains, in his opinion, some∣thing "sprightly, and entertaining." By this time perhaps he knows, how far his sentiments are confirmed by those of the public. However certain it is, that the whole is grounded on misrepresentation.—Far from "complaining" that

people did read
the Kick, I only assign'd as one reason of their not understanding it, what plainly implied, that they did not think the Whip deserved a second reading; and this perhaps Sq. T. knows to be true. 'Tis really diverting to observe the P. Clerk's em∣barrassment in guessing at my person, profession, and connec∣tions; but I must inform him, that whether I am a lawyer, a divine, a physician or a fool, and whether I write
by Whiggish direction,
or "under Whiggish influence," are questions not to be solved by Parish Clerks. I would therefore advise him to light from his pretty poetical hobby-horse, and diligently apply himself to collecting the parson's fees.—non omnia possumus omnes.

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From Mr. GAINES's GAZETTE, Dec. 12. A WHIP for the AMERICAN WHIG. By TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQR. No. XXXVI.

To TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQR.

Sir,

As you are already engaged in a Controversy with the Ameri∣can Whig, in generously defending Dr. Chandler, and his Ap∣peal, from his rude Insults, and Misrepresentations, you would confer a singular Obligation on the Author of the Vindication of the Bishop of Landaff's Sermon, if you would also undertake the Defence of his Pamphlet, which is now attacked by the same Writer. It will ease the Vindicator of a disagreeable Office, be all in your Way, and you have shewn yourself to be equal to the Task; besides, you may serve the Cause of Truth,— which I am convinced was your Motive when you first engaged, —by the one as well as the other. In the mean Time, by giving a Place to the inclosed Advertisement to the Public, in your next Whip, you will oblige your constant Reader, and hum∣ble Servant, The Author of the Vindication.

Advertisement to the PUBLIC.

THE Design of the Vindication of the Bishop of Ladaff's Sermon, in Answer to Mr. Livingston's Letter to his Lord∣ship,

was to rescue the Character of that worthy, eminent Pre∣late, from the Odium which the Letter would throw upon it, and justify the venerable Society, so far as they were charged with Blame,
in the said Letter. The Author of the Vin∣dication professed
he would set about this, not as an angry Antagonist, who assumed a Liberty of abusing and reviling at Pleasure, just as Resentment or Caprice might dictate; but as a dispassionate Inquirer after Truth, who desired that Per∣sons and Things might appear in their true and proper Light.
What he undertook, he executed, by
confining himself to Facts, and representing them fairly.

The Author appeals to every candid, unprejudiced Person, who has perused his Pamphlet, whether he has not acted agree∣able to his Engagement, and to the Character he assumed, of a Lover of Truth and Decency; notwithstanding the many

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Misrepresentations, the unprovoked Abuse and Insolence, with which Mr. Livingston's Letter was replete.

As the Refutation of the several Charges contained in Mr. Livingston's Letter, turned chiefly on the Investigation of Facts, for which the Vindicator refered his Readers to the Authorities on which he related them—and as others might, if they chose it, be ascertained of their Truth, by turning to those Au∣thorities: He conceived it could be a Matter of no Consequence to the Public, to know who, or what Manner of Person he was, Besides, he judged it improper, as well as beneath him, to ha∣zard a Rencounter with a Set of scribbling Janizaries, who, to mention no other Instances, had so grossly abused the Candour and Moderation of Dr. Chandler, in their Attack upon his Ap∣peal. From such Men, inflamed with Party Rage, and all the dark Passions which disappointed Ambition generally rouses, what could he expect but the same Persecution his Betters had experienced before him? For notwithstanding the Invitation and Promises, contained in the Advertisement presixed to Mr. Liv∣ingston's Letter were specious; yet little Regard was due to them, considering that he himself was the principal Writer of the American Whig, to pass over his former Publications of a similar Nature. And indeed his Treatment of the Bishop of Landaff, who had prefixed his Name to his Sermon, was a suf∣ficient Circumstance to deter any one who had not the greatest Confidence in his own Patience, or who was tender of his Cha∣racter, from entering into Controversy with him openly, These Considerations induced the Vindicator to conceal his Name. Actuated, as he was, by a Desire to serve the Cause of Truth and Religion, and not to embroil himself with angry, personal Altercations, he endeavoured with all good Faith to discharge what he esteemed to be his Duty. If he has flung in a few Strokes of Humour now and then, they are decent, and were judged proper to keep the Reader's Attention more awake; and if he has interspersed several Anecdotes thro' his Pamphlet, they were all pertinent to the Subject, had a manifest Connecti∣on with it—yet still without any Malevolence.

It must be confessed, that after the Vindicator had detected so many Errors, and refuted so many Calumnies in Mr. Living∣ston's Letter, the Letter-Writer's Character, as to Veracity and Probity, supposing him to have had a competent Knowledge of his Subject, did not stand in the most favourable Point of Light; for this however, he had none to blame but himself, as he first commenced Hostilities. Yet still a Way was left for him to re∣treat with Honour, and exculpate himself with Reputation; making some small Abatement for his fond Credulity, The Vin∣dicator,

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after seeing Dr. Chauncy's Remarks on the Bishop of Landaff's Sermon, (which was not till after he had finished his Strictures on the Letter to his Lordship) charitably supposed that Mr. Livingston had been misled by the garrulous old Gen∣tleman of Boston. This was the most favourable Construction that could be put upon his Conduct; and indeed his Friends thought it the best Apology that could be made for him. The Vindicator was willing to think so, and doubtless the Public would have admitted the Plea.

But, alas, how often is our Charity mistaken! Some Spirits are of such a Cast, that you only make them more untractable, more stubborn, by Reason. Their Obstinancy rises in Propor∣tion to the Clearness and Strength of your Arguments. You cannot enrage them more, than by shewing them they err, Mr. Livingston was not of a Temper to make any Concessions, nor even admit he was fallible. Instead of making any Reparation to the Bishop of Landaff, for the injurious, groundless Calum∣nies flung upon him, as Truth and Justice demanded—instead of acknowledging he had been led into any Error by the Re∣marks: He breathed out Threatnings and Vengeance against the Vindicator. His Head indeed was generally supposed to have received some little Damage by this unlucky Bounce against the Bishop. Conscious of this, and that his Character, as an Au∣thor, had also suffered, it stung him on to keener Resentment. For altho' the genius of literary Fame had not given him Ad∣mittance into her Train, nor even, as it is reported, heard once of his Name, Yet he paid her some distant Adoration; and to testify his Sincerity, had frequently sacrificed at her Shrine the trifling Considerations of Humanity, Decency, Friendship, and Truth. All these mournful, galling Reflections crowding to∣gether on the Mind, were enough to transform a moderate Per∣son, much more our American Whig, into an Inquisitor— even of Blood.

Accordingly, he came forth, gentle Reader, as you may per∣ceive by casting your Eye on the American Whig. No. XXXIX. —he came forth, I say, with all the tremendous Pomp of of an Inquisitor—Effrontery and Suspicion leading the Van, Insolence and Malice his Assessors on either Side, whilst Con∣demnation and fierce Revenge brought up the Rear. Thus ter∣ribly accoutred and supported, the Rev. Mr. I-ng-l-s became the hapless, devoted Victim of his Rage. On a bare Suspicion that this Gentleman had written the prefatory Advertisement which is prefixed to the Vindication, he discharges the whole Weight of his Resentment against him, and treats him with the lowest and most contemptible Scurrility. Surely this would not

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be justifiable had there been the clearest Evidence, even to De∣monstration, that he had written the whole Pamphlet.

Mr. Livingston absurdly makes this Gentleman accountable for every Passage in the Vindication, at the very Time he says— "Some Parts of the Performance—are rather a little above his Capacity;" and that the Composition is rather disproportionate to the Industry of any Individual Member of the Convention," Now this I conceive to be a little hard. If the whole Conven∣tion was combined to write the Vindication, why should the Blame, if perchance there is any, be thrown upon one? Yea, but Mr. I-gl-s, quoth our Whig, by writing the prefatory Ad∣vertisement, "has adopted the whole Work, and thereby thrown on himself the Burden of Exculpation." And Mr. Livingston, say I, wrote the first Paper of the American Whig; Is he there∣fore accountable for all the Blunders, Nonsense, Falshoods, Secur∣rility, Dulness, Forgeries, bad Reasoning, &c. contained in the subsequent Papers? Would he not think it unjust? The Cases are parallel. I say not this as if Mr. I-ngl—s, need be ashamed to adopt the Vindication, if the Opinion of others is to be taken; but to expose the Futility of the Letter Writer's Reasoning— Reasoning indeed is not his Talent—as well as the Injustice of his Procedure.

This ungenerous Attack on Mr. I-ngl-s is the more extra∣ordinary, as he is known to have always entertained the most favourable sentiments of Dissenters, particularly Presbyterians, and to have been so much attached to them as to incur the Cen∣sures of some Members of his own Community on that Account. This Attack is also extraordinary, as the Vindication, whether he was the Author or not, is, in the Judgment of every candid, dispassionate Reader of it, that I have conversed with, written with much Temper, and intended only to wipe off the Calum∣nies that had been flung on the Church of England, and its Members.

Particular Answers shall be returned in due Time, to the Papers against the Vindication. In the mean Time, I will give the Reader a Specimen of the first, which seems to be rather in∣tended as a Vehicle for private Scandal, and to fling Dirt at Mr. I-ngl-s, than a Reply to the Vindication. Mr. Livingston charges the Vindicator with "false quoting," and says he dropt the Word just, in citing a Passage from the Letter. If the Reader will be pleased to turn to the Vindication, he will find the Passage at p. 24; and he will also find, to his Astonishment at the Whig's Effrontery, the Word just at full Length. I shall transcribe the Passage for the Reader's Satisfaction from the Vindication.—"Again, he, i. e. Mr. Livingston tells the

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Bishop of Landaff,—"Ecclesiastical Synods have ever been in use among them," i. e. the New England Colonists," and what may seem extraordinary to an English Prelate, they have been so conducted as never to give any just Umbrage to the civil Power." These are the Words exactly as they stand in the Vin∣dication, p. 24.

In the very next Sentence, the Mode of answering, adopted by the Vindicator, led him to repeat the Substance of the Quotati∣on, when for Brevity's Sake, several Words were omitted; and among others the Word just. But was it not laid before the Reader in the Quotation? Or did this alter the State of the Case? Not in the least. The violent Proceedings of the New-England Synods gave Umbrage to the civil Power,—the Lords Justices wrote to Governor Dummer, about them, and for∣bid their meeting. These Facts the Whig cannot deny.

Perhaps he will say there was no just Umbrage given to the civil Power. Yea, but who is to judge? Shall he judge for the civil Power, or shall the civil Power judge for itself? Most cer∣tainly the Lords Justices thought that just Umbrage was giv∣en, or else they would not have written to Mr. Dummer.

From this Specimen the Reader may judge what Sort of Re∣ply the Vindication is to have. Mr. Livingston affirms the Vin∣dicator dropt the Word just, tho' in Truth he quoted it; and I observe he cautiously avoids setting down the Page of the Vindication, as few Readers may be able to remember where the Passage lies, and turning to it would detect his Misrepresen∣tation. How wretched must the Cause be which requires such Artifices to support it? And what Kind of a Heart must he have, that can use such Artifices!

Indeed this Method of answering Pamphlets by detached weekly papers, is as unsair as it is unprecedented, and argues want of Ability in the Writer, or else a bad Cause. It is much easier to sit down and write a short, flimsy Piece, made up chiefly of Personal Invective and private Scandal, which will not fail to catch vulgar Ears; than to write a Pamphlet where Argu∣ment and close Reasoning are necessary. The Whig however, like most Animals, knows no doubt where his Strength lies; and his Exhibitions often remind me of the Feats of Punch, placed in a Window, to draw the Rabble to see a Pup∣pet Show. To do the Whig Justice, I believe his Abilities for Reasoning are much on a Level with his Courage and Heroism; as he generally makes his valiant Attacks on your passive Eccle∣siastics, who are restrained at least by a Regard to their Charac∣ter, from making such Reprisals as Laymen would be apt to make, and for which he seems to have no Stomach. But he

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certainly ought to have considered, before he sat down to ani∣madvert on Characters, whether his own be invulnerable. Ac∣cording to his own Doctrine, "Recrimination is just." The Vindicator assures him he will make no Return in the Way of Scandal, or raking into his private Character. As a Gentle∣man, he despises it, as a Christian he detests it. He has no Am∣bition to excel in the Manners, Flowers, or Style of Billingsgate, —to the Whig's more masterly Genius and Pen, he leaves such Things. But be will not be answerable for what others may think proper to do with Regard to Characters.

After the Whig has made his first foul Discharges, it is pro∣bable his Stomach may be easier, and his Head more cool,— Evacuations being generally attended with such Effects. Should this fortune to be the Case, and a Regard to Truth and Decency, gain the Ascendant a little, his Reply to the Vindication shall be noticed accordingly; if not by 'Squire Tickle, yet by the Vindicator himself The Author declares he will defend the Vindication no farther than the Vindication defends Truth. If in any Instance it is plainly shewn, that the Vindicator was mis∣led, and thereby erred,—for knowingly or wilfully he erred not—he will immediately acknowledge and re∣tract it.

But he humbly requests the Whig, alias, Mr. Livingston, that, if possible, he would be decent,—that he would quote fairly,—that he would not torture Words, nor endeavour to wrest them from their natural, obvious Sense,—and that he would not endeavour by Sophistry, to cast a Mist before the Reader's Eyes, in order to obscure the Truth. Moreover, he submits it to the Whig's most sage Consideration, whether for his own Sake,—verily not for Mr. I-gl-s's, whose moral religious Character is very well known, and above the Reach of his Malice, or that of any other Dirt-Flinger,—whether for his own Sake, I say, meaning and refering to the Whig, he should not be somewhat tender and delicate when treating of private Characters. Because, whatever be may lose in the Esti∣mation of some Folks, with respect to his being a frolicksome, waggish Companion,—whatever Abatement there might be of the Savage Pleasure which others would take in reading ca∣lumniating Insults on their Neighbours,—a Pleasure which we are to suppose the Whig never tasted—: All this will be fully made up in clear Gain to his Character, as a Gentle∣man and a Christian. Add to this, that as the Subject has some Connection with Religion, it would be quite as well to rea∣son more, and rail less. The Premises being complied with by the Whig, shall be sacredly observed by the Vindicator. Should

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Squire Tickle think proper to engage, he ought to do the same; but if he deviates from them, e'en let him be kicked, or buffet∣ted, or abused, as seemeth most meet unto the meek minded Whig.

These Preliminaries being adjusted and adhered to, Mr. Liv∣ingston may proceed with his Reply as fast as he will. But he must not think to impose on the World, by calling such Pa∣pers as his XXXIXth No. which consists chiefly of shameless Scolding, and misrepresents two or three Words and Passages in the Vindication;—he must not think. I say, to impose on the World by calling such Papers, Answers or Replies to the Vindication. A free, sensible People, will discern better; they will treat with Indignation, so palpable, so outrageous an Insult on their Understanding.

The Author of the Vindication.

Mr. Tickle's Compliments to the Writer of the above Adver∣tisement,—will very readily undertake the Desence of the Vindication, which he is convinced will not give him much Trou∣ble—if the Author himself should decline the Task; which, however Mr. T. hopes he will not, being convinced of his Qua∣lifications for the Office;—If he is only fearful of being led amay, in the Course of his Observations, to use severe Reflections, &c. the following Hint may be of Service.—To speak the Truth, be it ever so poignant, of a Man who has scribbled away all his own Reputation in defending a Party which never had any to lose, is one of the most beneficial Acts of an Individual to the Community; and all good Men (in which Number I do not in∣clude S. L. and S.) will thank him for his Services. N. B. The Brunswick Affair is not forgot.

From Mr. PARKER's GAZETTE, Dec. 19, 1768. The AMERICAN WHIG, No. XLI.

To the Author of the AMERICAN WHIG.

WHEN I first took a superficial view of the celebrated Ap∣peal to the Public, it appeared to be plausibly written; the author, it is evident, intended to appear in public, in the character of a man of candour and moderation. But a wolf in sheep's clothing, will ever find it difficult to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 long concealed. —Altho' he has been much upon the reserve, it being his pro∣fessed design to conciliate us to his scheme of Bishops; yet an attentive reader may easily discover what spirit he is of, and with what views he is aiming at the introduction of an American

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episcopate. The whole tenor of his Appeal represents every ar∣gument in favour of religion, as favourable to his own scheme; and that religion itself must necessarily sink or swim, according as it shall fare with his darling prelacy. It is evidently the light in which he has represented the case, that there can be no church of Christ in this country, nor any real Christianity among us, in any other way than by introducing the episcopal constitution. The most conscientious worship of God, and the strictest profession and practice of the religion of Jesus Christ in the presbyterian form, is, in his view of the case, the most brutal profligacy of manners, and equal to the highest degree of infidelity that is to be found, even among the grossest barbarians: Yea, that it is a scandalous neglect, and what brings great and deserved reproach upon the civil authority of the nation, to suffer us in this coun∣try so to continue. Indeed it was his design, that the sentiments should, for the present, be concealed from public view; yet, (as much upon his guard as he was) his incautions pen has referred us to one who has spoken his sentiments with more freedom.— He tells us in page 10, of his advertisement. "That it gives him great pleasure to find that his sentiments have been so clearly and forcibly expressed, by the right reverend Lord Bishop of Landaff, in his excellent anniversary sermon preached before the society in February last."—The sermon here reserred to, sufficiently justifies me in the representation I have given of the Doctor's sentiments of religion. Especially in page 6, of that sermon, we find these notable expressions.—"Since the dis∣covery of the new world, the same provision hath not been made of ministers necessary to the support of Christianity, among those who removed thither; especially in the British colonies.—A scandalous neglect, (this, of not making a provision of ministers) which hath brought great and deserved reproach, both on the adventurers, and on the government whence they went, and under whose protection and power they still remain in their new habitations. To the adventurers, what reproach could he cast heavier than they deserve? Who with their soil abandoned their native manners and religion, and e'er long were found in many parts, living without remembrance or knowledge of God, with∣out any divine worship, in dissolute wickedness, and the most brutal profligacy of manners, instead of civilizing and convert∣ing barbarous infidels, as they undertook to do, they became themselves infidels and barbarians."—In these strong expressions, does the Bishop represent our forsaking the episcopal constitution, and setting up and pactising the presbyterian form of church order, to be the abandoning the Christian religion, and living without remembrance or knowledge of God, in disso∣lute wickedness, and the most brutal profligacy of manners;

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yea, as becoming infidels and barbarians. And it is here called a scandalous neglect of the authority of the British nation, which brings great and deserved reproach upon them, to suffer us, in these plantations to continue such infidels and barbarians, as to remain in the practice of presbyterianism, which is here stiled wickedness.

This sermon, Dr. Chandler calls an excellent one, and re∣joiceth to find his own sentiments so clearly and forcibly expressed in it. I have therefore his own authority for considering this representation, which the Bishop gives of this country, as his own; from which, notwithstanding all that moderation and shew of candour with which he makes a parade in the Appeal, it appears that in his view of the case, presbyterianism has no∣thing of Christianity in it; yea, that it is the most dissolute wickedness, by which we make ourselves infidels and barbarians. And altho' he would fain persuade us to believe, that he his no design to give the least disturbance to such as are of any other denomination, by the introduction of Bishops; yet how ready is he to accuse the King and parliament of a scandalous neglect, and as exposing them to great and deserved reproach, for not interposing their authority for our recovery, from this dissolute wickedness of presbyterianism. What sincerity can there be in his repeated and positive declarations, that he aims not at any thing beyond the harmless, enfeebled and disarmed creature of a Bishop, which stands described in his Appeal? Can we believe him that he desires the authority of the nation, should continue in such a practice, which he looks upon as a scandalous neglect! Or is it not evidently his aim to introduce episcopacy, as a leading step to engage the civil sword, to con∣vert us from the barbarous infidelity of presbyterianism to the Christian faith, which is to be found only in the prelatic church? It is evidently in this view of the case, that he pleads for the necessity of Bishops in this country, representing throughout his Appeal, that there can be no real church, or Christianity among us upon any other footing, and that every argument than can be urged in favour of religion, must be understood as being in favour, and as shewing the necessity of his ghostly pre∣late.

It is plain the Bishop of Landaff could collect his account of this country from no public history that has ever been written, it being diametrically opposite to every other account of us, that has been ever published to the world. The only medium of in∣telligence from whence he can be supposed to collect it, must be private correspondence. And as the Dr. has so freely declared, that he finds his own sentiments of us plainly expressed by the

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Bishop, it is but doing him justice to esteem him the person to whom the Bishop is indebted for his information. And to speak the truth, it must be confessed, the account he has given of us to the Bishop of Landaff, is as near the truth, as usually are the accounts transmitted by him and his brother missionaries, to the society which employ them. The Dr. makes frequent com∣plaints of persecution, representing his party and his cause as being heavily loaded with it. And yet, not a man on the con∣tinent can shew any thing this gentleman had to present the idea of persecution to his mind, unless it be the pleasing forethought of being soon able to make use of the convincing arguments of confiscation and faggot, for the conversion of presbyterians. A spirit of bigotry this, not inferior to that which once blazed in that fiery prelate Arch bishop Laud, whose character will stand mark'd with indelible infamy, as long as the British annals shall endure, for his more than brutal savageness towards his fellow creatures, cloak'd under the specious mask of religion, and con∣ducted with a pious zeal for the church. All that the Bishop of Landaff, or Dr. Chandler himself want, in order to shine with the same lustre, is only to arrive at the same meridian. Bigotry and superstition are, in our fallen state, the natural product of that tendency to religion, implanted in human nature, in its rectitude, which prompts to this inquiry, "Wherewith shall I come be∣fore the Lord." And altho' the kind father of the universe, has been pleased, by the medium of divine revelation, to give us needful direction; yet, mistaking the true scope of the divine precept, while confident of having divine revelation for our guide; the tendency of our nature to religion, fills us with zeal, and we become furiously mad, verily thinking we are doing God service; while we are really fighting against Heaven. A notable instance of this enthusiasm we have in the British annals, which gave rise to the first settlement of America, in the reigns of those two weak princes, James I. and Charles I. who by designing men, were easily persuaded to become tools to priestly tyranny. While some were endeavouring to restore popish superstition, others were aiming at exalting the prelatic church, to as formi∣dable an height as the Pope himself. By these united schemes, so fierce a fire was kindled in the nation, as rendered that region too hot for such of its inhabitants as conscientiously govern'd their conduct, and worshipped their maker with a gospel spirit, and obliged them to seek shelter among the savages of America, whom they found more hospitable than the dignified prelates of their native soil. And altho' this persecuting spirit of bigotry has been so often exposed, by writers of all denominations; yet how surprisingly does this ignis atuus again kindle and rekindle

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between the Dr. and the Bishop of Landaff, together with the other members of the convention! And unless just Heaven shall blast their malevolent scheme, it will be necessity for us to look out for the discovery of another new world, in which we may take shelter from the approaching storm, as our fore fathers did in this.

LIBERIUS.

From Mr. PARKER's GAZETTE, Dec. 19, 1768. A KICK for the WHIPPER, [No. XXIX.]

For who can write the true absurd like me, Thy pardon, Codrus, who, I mean, but thee? YOUNG.

THE grand scope of the American Churchman (Whig No. 25) was to exculpate the generality of American Churchmen, of all concern in the late prelatical scheme; but the grand scope of the TRUE Churchman (as he calls himself) Whip No. 29. seems to be to prove (if possible) that those who dare presume to dissent from his MAJESTY's and the national religion, are disloyal subjects. That when the legislature has establish'd a church in England, we cannot be "true patriots,"—"wise politicians" or "friends to religion," unless we submit to its ju∣risdiction in America,—and that it is absolutely necessary to the success of the religion of the indigent JESUS, who knew not where to lay his head, that his ministers shou'd be rich and power∣ful. The manner in which he undertakes to prove this last ar∣ticle particularly, is eno' to make a school boy laugh. From the cup of cold water mentioned by our Saviour, he wou'd infer (par. 8.) the necessity of a fat warm benefice; from his orders by his Apostles, that those "who preach the gospel shou'd live by the gospel" and be gives to hospitality" he wou'd fain argue, that they ought to have palaces to receive, and plumb pudding to entertain strangers; and by the provision made (under the Jewish theocracy) for the priests, that they might not be oblig'd to meddle with secular business (par. 9.) We are to be convinc'd, it seems, that the Bishops of the English church, ought to enjoy the church "livings, lands and possessions," have seats in parlia∣ment, and even become members of the board of TRADE. We doubt not indeed, but ambitious candidates for holy orders, tremble at the thoughts of poverty (the burden of the song!)

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and hanker after Bishopricks, or other lucrative stations in the church, nor shall we wrangle with Great-Britain, tho' she bur∣dens herself with ten times her present number of ecclesiastical Lordship's; but (in spite of all the T. C. has to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 out cold water, hospitality and Levites) we beg leave to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 have no need of them; nor can we think ourselves less loyal to our King, less friendly to our country, or less devoted to a CRUCIFIED Saviour, because we oppose episcopal domination, ecclesiastical oppression, and the establishment of a proud hierarchy of human invention.

That the aim of the convention (vid. Whip No. 30.) is to "sub∣jugate the colonies to the tyranny of priests," we acknowledge has never as yet been publickly demonstrated, by "producing and proving" a plan different from that pretended, or publishing any of the petitions which have taken wing.—Such things as these will perhaps best answer as a Corps de reserve. However that one chief design of an episcopate, is, to keep us, "insolent, republican" colonists in order, is pretty plain from the Yankey-Zealot's letter publish'd (unexpectedly to him no doubt!) in the Whig No. XX. But words and papers out of the question, actions, actions, actions! Mr. T. C. are sufficient to excite just suspicions, put rational men on their guard, and make every friend to his country "set his face like a flint," until he is con∣vinc'd by demonstration (for nothing less will do) that there is no danger. And this is a sufficient answer to thy five first wise parts (Whip No. 30.)—I catch a fellow in my parlour, fumbling at my bureau, suspect him of, and charge him with evil designs, —and he challenges me to prove it!—Ha! ha! ha!

The A. C. had said, that in Virginia, "the public provision extended only to two churches in a county," the T. C declares, that "the least counties have two and the most of them three churches" How far this declaration is true, or (as design'd to be understood) contradictory, I cannot determine: Certain it is however, that "there may be more churches than there is public provision for; and that the difference of two and three is too small, supposing the A. C. mistaken, to destroy the propriety of his observation, viz. that the episcopalians of Virginia "pay not a blind devotion to their clergy." But blind indeed must be their eyes who from the society's words, "upon renewed in∣stances from Governor's of provinces, ministers, vestries and pri∣vate persons, &c."—can infer that a majority of American epis∣copalians had solicited an episcopate, and "wide indeed must be their throats," who can "swallow" the T. C's windy boasts and improbable declarations.

Displeas'd with the picture of American churchmen, drawn by the A.C. out T. C. gives us another as much beyond, as that

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can possibly be suppos'd short of the life. We are at once trans∣ported into a fairy land, and every churchman, by the extrava∣gant touches of his pencil, appears scarce less than a little divi∣nity. If the A C. has been deficient in his commendations, he is accus'd as an accuser of the brethren (for generous donation is it seems, inconsistent with frugal aeconomy, &c.) and if, for want of skill in painting, he has fail'd of a likeness he is charg'd with aiming at, the grotesque style (unconscionable this!) But our Apelles dashes off a portrait, which, tho' it may resemble some individuals among American churchmen, is much too flat∣tering a picture, for perhaps 9 10ths of Americans, of whatever denomination, and I'm pretty confident, no more resembles the painter himself than Paris did Thersites.

L.

From Mr. GAINES's GAZETTE, Dec. 19. A WHIP for the AMERICAN WHIG. By TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQR. No. XXXVII.

To TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQR.

Sir,

As you have frequently gratified occasional Correspondents, by publishing their Productions in your Paper, I hope you will favour me so far, as to give a Place therein, to the following Animadversions upon a Letter signed B. W. which appeared in the New York Gazette, or Weekly Post-Boy, of the 29th of August last, printed by James Parker, Esq—and indeed I have some Right to be indulged in this Request, as the un∣manly Attack that was made upon me in that Letter, was oc∣casioned by a Paper published in your Whip, of July the 4th. Your Compliance will oblige your very humble Servant.

West-Chester, Dec. 9, 1768.

S. SEABURY.

AS it is more than probable that the Public has by this Time forgot a Letter signed B. W. which was published by James Parker, Esq Comptroller of the Post-Office, in New-York. Land Waiter in the Custom-House, and Printer of the New-York Gazette or the Weekly Post-Boy, in his News-Paper of the 29th of August last, in which I am treated in the most

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injurious and scurrilous Manner; I shall give the Reader an Opportunity of re-examining the whole Letter as it stood in Mr. Parker's Paper: That no Imputation may lie against me, of misquoting or misrepresenting it.

Mr. Parker introduced the Letter with the following Pre∣amble, viz.

The Printer thought proper to inform the public, that he received the following letter from a gentleman of figure in Boston, who has, several years past, been a member of the society for propa∣gating the Gospel in foreign parts; and lest any person should doubt the genuineness of this letter, the Printer hereby gives no∣tice. That the original is now in his hands, and ready to be shewn to any person, who is desirous of satisfaction on this head.

Boston, August 5, 1768.

To Mr. James Parker, Printer of the American Whig.

I OBSERVE that Mr. S-b-r-y, as I suppose, in his Paper, printed in the New-York Gazette of July 4, very decently for a clergyman, gives Dr. Chauncey the lie, for asserting, as he says, that all candidates for holy orders, in the church of Eng∣land, have the expences of their voyage home paid by the so∣ciety, &c." It would not have been impertinent, if this declai∣mer against falsehood, had mentioned some passage in the Doc∣tor's answer, referring to the page, wherein he affirms this for fact—Till he is pleased to do this, I shall take the liberty to think that the Dr. has affirmed no such thing. He has indeed affirmed "that the society has publickly given an invitation to all the colony-students, who desire Episcopal ordination to come to England assuring them that their expences in going to, and returning from thence, shall be defrayed by the society;" and he has faithfully referred his readers to the very abstract and page, in which this invitation and promise are contained. Up∣on which I might ask this stickler for impartiality in writing, whether it was fair dealing to keep so important a fact entirely out of sight? Let him, if he can assign some better reason for his passing it over in silence, than his not knowing what to do with it. He probably knows, if he does not, I now tell him, till he is able to prove, that the society never published the a∣bove cited invitation and promise, or that they have since pub∣lished their revocation of them, the world will judge, and are authorized to judge, that they are bound in strict justice to de∣fray the expence any young students, who go to England for Episcopal ordination, are put to on this account, unless it is

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paid in some other way. This is all the Dr. wanted, or had in view, in order to a full proof of the point in debate, namely, that the want of a Bishop in America was no great hardship to candi∣dates, on account of the expence that would arise from their crossing the atlantic. This might be galling to our correspon∣dent with 'Esq Tickle, and the true reason, at bottom, of his rude and injurious reflections on the Dr.

I am not ignorant, that the society, for some time, have not defrayed the expence of voyages to England for holy orders. And why? because there was no need of it; as this expence has been paid, not by the candidates themselves, but by the com∣munities, who expect the benefit of their labours, or by private donations from other persons here, who wish the growth of the church, or by the joint contributions of both. Very few, if any, candidates, I have reason to know, have, for many years, gone from this part of the country for ordination, but the ex∣pence of their voyages have been provided for in one or other of those ways. I have myself been frequently called upon for help in such cases, and have always been free to afford it. And as the expence of candidates has been borne by others, and in order to lessen the disbursements of the society, which would otherwise have been claimable, and must in honour and con∣science have been paid by them, the Doctor's argument remains strong, and cannot be invalidated.

I shall not think it improper to let this over-zealous writer know, that I am not only a son of the church of England, a real hearty friend to its growth and prosperity, but one who has the honour of being a member of the incorporated society, for the propagation of the gospel in foreign parts. I am also a friend to decency, good manners, and a becoming treatment, especially of respectable characters; and what is more, I am a friend to truth and honest impartiality: and as I am fully con∣vinced, that the representation the society have had from this side the water are, in many instances, not only unfair, but no∣toriously false; I am obliged to say, what I really think, that the greatest occasion we, at present, have for a Bishop in Ame∣rica, is to correct and keep in order such troublesome persons as this associate with The American Whig Whipper, appears to be, who with some others of the like malevolent spirit, have im∣pertinently disturbed the quiet of this country for sometime past.

B. W.

I was so little conscious of deserving the malevolent Strictures and false Insinuations contained in this Letter, that had there

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been another Clergyman in this, or either of the neighbouring Colonies, whose Name thus gutted, would have answered to S-b-r-y in the Letter, I should have had no Suspicion that it was intended for me. But as I found myself so particularly pointed out, I took the first Opportunity of calling on Mr. Par∣ker, to see the original Letter. Mr. Parker shewed me a writ∣ten Paper, signed only B. W. and dated at Boston. I imme∣diately took Notice that the Direction at the Head of this writ∣ten Paper. "To Mr. James Parker, &c." and I think the Date at Boston were in a different Hand and Ink, from the other Writing. Upon my expressing my Surprise, that he should produce this Paper, signed only B. W. as an original Letter "from a Gentleman, of Figure in Boston,"—and de∣manding of him who the Author was, Mr. Parker, after some Shuffling, and Hesitation, named Benning Wentworth, Esq late Governor of the Province of New-Hampshire, as the Au∣thor; and affirmed that the written Paper he then shewed me, was his Hand Writing. Being asked by me whether he, (Par∣ker) had received the written Paper, signed B. W. from the late Governor Wentworth;—he replied, that he himself did not receive it; but that it was sent by Dr. Chauncey, of Boston, to some Gentlemen of this City, to be publish a his Paper; and that if I denied or doubted its being the Hand Writing of the late Governor Wentworth, he was ready to prove it.— Comparing in my Mind, Mr. Parker's Answers, and the Circum∣stance that the Direction at the Top of the wrriten Paper, was in a different Hand and Ink, from the other Writing. I could not help suspecting that there was some Fraud or Forgery in the Case: And finding from Mr. Parker's frequent Shiftings and Shuflings, that he was not a proper Person to be conversed with alone on such an Occasion;—after telling him, that he had in no wise complied with his own Preamble to the Letter he had printed,—that I doubted its being the late Gover∣nor Wentworth's, and that he should be applied to about it, I left him.

As Mr. Parker had told other Persons that the Letter signed B. W. was written by the late Governor Wentworth, a Gen∣tleman of Character in this City, had, before I came to Town, written to a Friend of his at Portsmouth, concerning the Affair; his Friend's Answer inclosed the following Letter from the late Governor Wentworth to him, viz.

Portsmouth Sep. 18, 1768.

"IN the short Time I have had to consider of the Letter signed B. W. which Mr.—advises one Parker had printed in his Paper of 29th August past, I can only at pre∣sent assert, That the Contents, and every Clause therein con∣tained,

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is a villainous Piece of Forgery: And if any Measures can be taken to obtain the original Letter, the Villains may be discovered: And if that cannot be effected, and a legal Prose∣cution of Parker, will answer, or be serviceable, I will be at the Expence.

I am Sir, your most humble Servant, B. Wentworth."

After I had seen this Letter from Mr. Wentworth. I again called on Mr. Parker, in Company with a Gentleman of un∣doubted Credit, in order to obtain a second Sight of the Pa∣per in his Possession, that I might compare the Writing, with the Letter from Mr. Wentworth. Mr. Parker complained that I had not, when I was last at his House, treated him like a Gentleman; and then he rummaged over a Box of Papers, and and said he could not find it; but he repeatedly declared that the Letter signed B. W. and published in his News-Paper, was written by Benning Wentworth, Esq and transmitted to New York by Dr. Chauncey, of Boston, with a Direction to have it printed in his Paper. Upon my desiring him to produce his Proofs, which in a former Conversation he had said he could give, that the Letter published by him was written by Mr. Wentworth, he replied,—that he was obliged immediately to attend a Corpse into the Country, and therefore had not Time, but that if I doubted the Authenticity of the said Letter, if I would go to Mr. Thomas Smith, Attorney at Law, he had such Proofs in his Hands as would effectually convince me; for that Mr. Smith had received it from Dr. Chauncey, whom he supposed I would esteem a Man of Veracity.

From Mr. Parker I went, in Company with the same Gentle∣man who was with me at Mr. Parker's, to Mr. Thomas Smith. Upon metioning my Business, and telling him that Mr. Parker had declared that Mr. Wentworth was the Author of the Letter signed B. W. and that it was Mr. Wentworth's Hand Writing; and that Mr. Parker had said that he received the Letter from him, and had referred me to him for the Proofs that the Letter was Mr. Wentworth's;—he replied, that he had indeed given the said Letter to Mr. Parker to be printed, that he received it from Mr. Rogers, who recieved it inclosed in a Letter from Dr. Chauncey, who received t from the Gen∣tleman himself in Boston;—that it was no Mr. Wentworth's own Hand Writing, for that Mr. Wenworth was an old Man and could not write; but that it was written by his Order, and that he signed B. W. to it, and gave it to Dr. Chauncey who inclosed it to Mr. Rogers, who delivered it to him (Thomas Smith) who put it into the Hands of James Parker, Esq who

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printed it in his Paper. I observed upon th, that Mr. Went∣worth did not live in Boston. To which Mr. Smith replied, that he was in Bo on at that Time, and that if it would be any Satisfaction to me, if I would wait till the following Week, an Affidavit would arrive from Boston, to prove that the Gen∣tleman was the Author of the said Letter

As I observed that Mr. Smith cautiously avoided mentioning Mr. Wentworth's Name, but always expressed himself by the Term—the Gentleman, I suspected that all was not fair, I therefore pressed him more closely, and then he said that one Reason why he thought the Letter to be written by Mr. Went∣worth, was, that B W. were the initial Letters of no other Name on the Societies List of Members, but of Mr. Went∣worth's only.—As I went out of Mr. Smith's Office. I told him that I had such Proofs in my Pocket, that Mr. Wentworth was not the Author, as would surprise him and all concerned.

After we came into the Street, I insisted, that as Mr. Smith had been so very officious, as to go between Mr. Rogers, and Mr. Parker, in the Affair of printing the Letter signed B. W. in which I thought myself very cruelly and unjustly treated, he ought in Justice to procure me a Sight of Dr. Chauncey's Let∣ter to Mr. Rogers. Mr. Smith replied that I might take what Steps I pleased; that he would give himself no Trouble about it, unless he chanced to see Mr. Rogers; and that he never had told Mr. Parker, or any other Person, that the Letter signed B. W. was written by Mr. Wentworth.

I forgot to mention, that in my Conversation with Mr. Parker, when I told him that he had not complied with his Promise in the Introduction which he had printed to the Letter signed B. W. he answered, That he did not write that Introduction; that he objected to its being printed, and that therefore he did not think himself obliged by it,—or Words to that Purpose.

From Mr Smith's, I immediately went to Mr. Roger's House, but he was from Home, on a Journey into New-Jersey, tho' ex∣pected to return that Night, or in the Morning. I called again, two or three Times the next Day, but he had not returned. The next Week I set out on a Journey, to Philadelphia, and when I returned, Mr. Rogers was gone into New-England, so that I had no Opportunity of seeing him till some Time in Novem∣ber. Upon my mentioning my Business to him, he behaved with great Openness and Candour; readily gave me a Sight of Dr. Chauncey's Letter to him. He without Hesitation also de∣clared that he did not know, and never had heard who wrote the Letter signed B. W. That when he was lately in Boston,

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Dr. Chauncey mentioned the Matter, but did not chuse to make known the Author's Name.

In Dr. Chauncey's Letter to Mr. Rogers, according to the best of any Recollection, (for Mr. Rogers did not think himself at Liberty to permit any Extracts to be taken from it) he says, That the Letter signed B. W. was written by an Inhabitant of the Town of Boston; an Episcopalian by Principle and Edu∣cation, and for several Years past a Member of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel;—that it was written volun∣tarily, and unsolicited by him, and put into his Hands for him to make what use he pleased of it; that the Author wrote it with a View of exculpating him (Chauncey) from an Accusati∣on of Falshood, in a Paper published in Mr. Gaine's Gazette, and Weekly Mercury, July the 4th.

[The Remainder, containing Reflections on the Letter sign∣ed B. W. in the next Number of the Whip,]

From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE, Dec. 26, 1768. The AMERICAN WHIG, No. XLII.

To the Author of the AMERICAN WHIG.

To my dear countrymen; especially my friends and brethren, who are attached to, and united in the episcopal cause.

THOUGH fixed in a private station of life, I have not been a careless observer of what passeth in public; nor do I look upon myself unconcerned in debates affecting privileges of a civil, but more especially, of a religious nature. I could not look on the late tumults and commotions, occasioned through these colonies, by the unhappy Stamp-Act, without the most tender concern, knowing the consequences (ever to be dreaded) of a rupture between the mother country and these plantations; which is an event never to be desired by those who are true friends to either. A real friend of the nation or its colonies, ought therefore to be sensibly alarmed at every thing which has the remotest tendency to increase the jealousy, or weaken the connection between them.—Pardon me then, my brethren, if it should appear to be without just foundation, that the vigo∣rous efforts lately made, to obtain an American episcopate, have excited my fears, and prevailed on me, in this manner, to use my

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endeavours to awaken the attention of such as are united in the same religious interest with myself. My apprehensions on this occasion, I must confess, are various; not being fully satisfied as to the true cause of those endeavours, nor the end really aimed at. Altho' I must profess the sincerest regard for the episcopal church in America, and heartily desire to see it blessed with all its most ample gospel-privileges; yet whether the lae attempts to procure American Bishops, take their rise from friends to the church, or secret enemies to both church and state, appears to me an uncertainty. Whoever considers the jealousy of the na∣tion respecting its colonies, as being desirous to throw off their dependence upon the mother country; and the mutual jealousies between the nation and its colonies, so lately excited by the Stamp-Act, cannot far of being alarmed, lest some evil-design∣ing men, taking the advantage of the credulity of some of our well meaning clergy, have stirred up their well intended, but ill-timed zeal, earnestly to solicit the obtaining Bishops among ourselves. An event, which, should it happen, would so evidently lessen the dependence, and weaken the connection of these colo∣nies with the crown. It is said, there are more than a million of subjects, dispersed through the plantations, professed members of our excellent church, who are all connected with the nation, not only by civil ties, in common with those of other denomi∣nations; but in addition thereto are strongly united by the sacred ties of religion, being in subjection to, and dependent upon the Bishops in the mother country. Of this the able statesmen of the nation, cannot but be sensible; and from principles of state-policy, they must oppose the design.—In what light then, will they view those strenuous efforts for an American episcopate, but as a secret design, cloak'd with the specious pretence of reli∣gion, to ripen our circumstances for a revolt? Nor will our warmest protestations of loyalty to the crown, avail to prevent such apprehensions concerning us, while the thing we are aim∣ing at, whether it be our intention or not, really has such a tendency.

These, my dear countrymen and brethren, were my apprehen∣sions till the late "Appeal" to the public, fell into my hands; on the reading of which, I was greatly surprised, more especially at the character there given of the Bishop sought after, and in∣tended for us. A Bishop that should have power only to con∣firm,—to ordain,—and to govern none but the clergy! One that should have nothing to do with us who are in lay-commu∣nion, save only to confirm!—How different this from the character of a scripture Bishop, as we have always been taught! —And how far from being able to answer the great and

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good ends of religion among us!—are there none but our clergy, that stand in need of the godly discipline of the church; And must we of the laity be as sheep going a••••ray, without any to 〈…〉〈…〉 to the fold? Is not the discipline of the church, of divine appointment, to be a guard to our virtue, to quicken and strengthen us in maintaining Christian watchfulness over ourselves, and for our recovery to repentance after a relapse? I should be content with a Bishop stript of those temporal dignities, which by the law of the nation, have been superadded to that office: But one divested of such an essential part of the autho∣rity given him by the gospel, appears to me really worse than none at all; because he must necessarily soon fall into contempt, and the credit of religion, especially the credit of the episcopal persuasion, sink with him.

That the Bishop intended for us, should be such a maimed, incomplete creature, was, to me, really suprising and unaccount∣able, till by a more attentive view of the whole discourse, I was alarmed with shrewd marks of a covered design in the scheme. —The reason which is there held up to public view, is to prevent our design of having Bishops from being opposed by our neighbours of other religious denominations. But however plausible and catholick this, at first sight, may appear, yet I am persuaded any one who attentively considers the matter will, with me, be fully convinced, that this is only used as a palliative, whild a latent project is carried on, either against them, or against us. If the secret aim is levelled against our neighbours of other persuasions, to lull them asleep, and prevent their opposing our scheme of getting an American episcopate, esta∣blished in such an inoffensive and harmless shape hoping after∣wards to have him the more easily completely vested with a full character; if, I say, this is the secret aim, 'tis manifest the pious fraud is not so closely concealed as to escape their notice, as is evident from the "American Whig," who so often appears in this paper, and whom I shall leave to manage his own cause.

But why, my brethren, should others take the alarm, and we sleep on secure? Is our cause invulnerable? Or is it impossible there should be any evil imagination, and secret intrigues car∣ried on against us? It surely cannot but appear surprising, that the Bishop intended for us should be like the "log in the fable, who was made king of the frogs." Or, as the prophet says of the idols, "One that can do no good, nor is it in him to do hurt." If this is not meant to delude our neighbours of other religious denominations it must be to delude us, and keep us quiet till such a Bishop be sent, as would be equally displeasing to us, as to them. What objections could the Dissenters make

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against a prelate clothed with full ecclesiastical power to govern the laity in communion with the church of England, as well as her clergy, supposing his jurisdiction confined to them, and not extended to others? It is plain, they could have none. Is it not therefore designed to cajole us into a compliance with some se∣cret design artfully concealed from public view? It is well known, that many of those additional powers, conferred on Bishops at home, by the statutes of the nation, would be as griev∣ous to us, as to our dissenting neighbours; and to which, (were we apprised of it) we should be as ready to make opposition, as they. The payment of tithes, the probate of wills, the license of marriages; but above all, the spiritual courts, that disgrace of our church, and intolerable grievance of the nation; are things to which we can, by no means consent; and against the introduction of which, we should be equally opposed, were we but sensible any such things were intended. If our secret schemers can but lull us to sleep, and amuse us with the expec∣tation of having Bishops amongst ourselves, from whom we may hope for signal spiritual advantages and thereby prevail with us, to use our influence for facilitating their designs, in procuring to be set over us such, as instead of being agreeable to our wishes, will prove the very reverse of what we expected; and instead of being a blessing, will really prove a curse: How grievous will be our disappointment? And shall we not ever blame ourselves for that supine negligence, whereby we now suffer ourselves to be wheedled into their pernicious devices?

Are we to have a Bishop; let him be a Bishop. Let him be set over us with the full authority which the gospel gives him. Let him exercise that ancient godly discipline of the primitive church, the want of which, we are taught in our service, yearly to lament:—But let him not come to plague and harrass us, with that shameful substitute of a spiritual court. I am sensi∣ble, that alterations cannot be made i the religious constitution of the church at home, without the hazard of great convulsi∣ons in the state; and how far this may justify our nation in re∣taining the spiritual courts, which are so loudly and justly com∣plained of; and not restoring the godly discipline of the ancient church; I shall not take upon me to determine. But what is there to hinder the establishment of Bishops in this part of the world, after the truly primitive pattern; or what is there to keep out the godly discipline of the primitive church amongst us;—where no modern corrupt substitutes are introduced to prevent it? If we have Bishops at all, it is evident there is no∣thing to prevent their coming clothed with their true primitive authority in the church. But to have a nominal Bishop, o

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neither the ancient, nor modern kind, divested of so great a branch of that authority which belongs to the episcopal office; and thereby rendered incapable of answering the end of his func∣tion, is what ought to be opposed by every true Christian. And if, to quiet us, we should be told, that when once we have ob∣tained the establishment of Bishops in this inoffensive character proposed, it will be an easy matter to obtain any additions to his office, as occasion shall require:—I must still demand what security can be given us, that the additions shall not be the same, wherewith the Bishops at home are now invested; which would be as grievous to us, as to any of the non-conformists.— If they come at all, it is plain, they may come as inoffensively both to us, and to them, clothed with the power of the primi∣tive discipline, as without it; which of all things, would be the most effectual security against spiritual courts, and other griev∣ous and justly dreaded consequences. The maimed and muti∣lated creature pleaded for in the Appeal to the Public, is there∣fore to me, and must be to every intelligent friend of our church, sufficient to alarm us, and put us upon our guard, lest kind words and fair speeches allure us to expect good, when evil is really intended.

LIBERIUS.

From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE, Dec. 26, 1768. A KICK for the WHIPPER, No. XXX.

Tantum rellig otuit suader Malorum! Such flimsy pro can Bigotry suggest! ANON.

SQUIRE T. tells us (No 31) HE is "convinc'd" that nobody desires Bishops on any other plan but that "propos'd in the Appeal,"—and that "to write against any other is nothing to the purpose." To the 1st of these articles I can only reply, that I (as important a person as Sq T. reader) am convinc'd of the contrary;—and the last I beg leave to deny, because I'm convinc'd that even such a plan as is pretended, tho' punctually executed, would not be long adher'd to.

Sq. T. blames the W.'s "ringing changes" (as he calls it) on the words probable and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and very graciously condescends to inform him of what he ery well knew, viz. that what the objector thought probable Dr. C. call'd barely possible.

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Very cunning this! But how in the name of wonder! can it clear the Dr. of the W's charge of aiming to juggle conviction down his reader's threat, by frighting him with imaginary ab∣surdities of his own invention? But, "if Dr. C. thought so for good reasons," says Sq. T. "had he not a right to say so? No doubt! but then his readers certainly bad a right to know what good reason he had to think so or say so. Dr. C. indeed had of∣fer'd some lame reasons for the mere possibility of a probable thing, which Sq. T. conscious of their weakness, ekes out as tho' they cou'd be coroborated by repetition.—These we shall now consider.

1. The "ill effects" apprehended "are diametrically opposite to every plan propos'd" The term diametrically, is rather too mathematical here;—all that can be taken for granted is, that Dr. C's plan disowns any "ill" designs; but it is extraordinary reasoning thence to infer IN OUR DAY, that no such "effects" wou'd probably follow the establishment of prelacy even on the most unexceptionable plan imaginable, unless it contain'd greater security than the ipse dixit of those Dr. C calls "our superiors at home," or those who wou'd fain be our superiors in America. 2. None but primitive Bishops have been petitioned for. How true this is, I am not sure.—Sq T. indeed says he has seen the 7 petitions, and declares, they request no other; but, as HE has heretofore venturd even beyond gross misrepresentation, I'm sorry to say, that his word cannot be taken as evidence on the present occasion. 3. "The members of the church are to a man averse to a Bishop vested with temporal power, &c." How Sq. T. has found out their sentiments to a man I can't conceive: The ge∣neral aversion of Americans to the STAMP ACT I knew indeed, in the time of it, as well as Sq. T. (tho' neither of us cou'd an∣swer for every individual) but did their aversion render our pre∣sent miseries improbable? Far from it;—the most judicious, even at the time of the repeal, foresaw, as highly probable, the present calamitous state of America. 4. Legacies have been left in England for the support of American Bishops. What then? Is Sq. T. sure those legacies will be sufficient? or, if so, is he so ignorant of human nature as not to know, that to dignitaries es∣pecially, tho' they have eno', a little more, a little more,—and yet a little more, is vastly agreeable?—Oh! but the testators bequeath∣ing were it seems, "fully acquainted with the plan," and there∣fore wou'd not have "thrown away their estates (thrown away sure eno'!) unnecessarily," tho' oblig'd to leave them, for the support of an American episcopate, unless it were improbable that ever taxes wou'd be levy'd or other methods taken for that purpose; i. e. if a person, who knows my circumstances in life,

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leaves me a legacy, 'tis therefore improbable, that I shall ever find means of making additions to my estate. 5. "The spirit of the times" tends "rather to abridge than add to the power of the clergy, both in England and America." 'Tis really pleasant to see such an argument advanc'd, when the "spirit of the times" evidently is, to create new Bishops, with their subaltern officers, and make Lords of trade of the old ones. But however just Sq. T's observation may be as to the generality of the laity, who but Mr. W—m H—r S—th's patients can consider it as an argument, that court favour'd, law dignified ecclesiastics wou'd not attempt unreasonable usurpations? Such attempts cou'd not be "crushed INSTANTLY" even by the vast majority in the Ame∣rican opposition; but, tho' they might be crush'd in time, the numerous non-contents have been too long us'd to arbitrary mea∣sures, to risk a repetition of squabbles, so disagreeable to them∣selves, and so liable to be misrepresented, as sowing discord-seed and trumpeting sedition.

"Had the W. liv'd when the society was incorporated," per∣haps he might (tho' I suspect no "person of the least discern∣ment," cou'd) have judg'd ecclesiastical usurpation in America, a bare POSSIBILITY; but, tho' it might be merely an apparent possibility at that time, it has by this (in spite of all scribbling to the contrary) grown up into an evident PROBABILITY. So that all Sq. T's raillery (par. 12.13.) is flat, dull and insipid.

On the whole, the conduct of Dr. C. Sq. T. and Co. &c. is extremely odd. If we are not "convinc'd" by their pleas for the necessity and apostolicality of episcopacy, they tell us, it is sufficient that they are; but, when we tell them why we are afraid of those apostolical gentlemen, call'd BISHOPS, they even huff us, and try to cram conviction down our throats, by autho∣ritatively asserting, that our apprehensions are "totally devoid of any foundation." Or, if they condesend to produce argu∣ments, they are, as the reader sees as flimsy as cobwebs. If they wou'd but act reasonably (since neither party can be convinc'd) they wou'd candidly leave the affair to be determin'd by a majority, as Dr. C. seem'd to do; but alas! they unex∣pectedly find this method wou'd ruin all their favourite schemes.

Some time ago I happen'd to be in an inn, where six gentle∣men agreed to have a dish of soup at dinner. One of them, be∣ing a Frenchman insisted on having shallots in it, tho' they were disagreeable to all the rest of company. When they objected, he swore, the shallots wou'd season only his side of the dish, and undertook to prove it, but, they not being "convinc'd" either by his word or his arguments, he rudely told hem, they were ene∣mies to liberty, and he wou'd overturn the table, if they did not consent to indulge him. Reader, make the application.

A.

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From Mr. GAINE'S GAZETTE, Dec. 26, 1768. A WHIP for the AMERICAN WHIG. By TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQR. [No. XXXVIII.]

A Continuation of Mr. SEABURY's Letter, (Whip No. 37.)

HAVING thus given a just and faithful historical Account of this Affair, I shall now make some Reflections upon the Letter itself. And,

1st, I shall take Notice of the Spirit and Temper with which it is written. It appears, both from the Letter itself, and from Dr. Chauncey's Letter to Mr. Rogers, that the Design of the Letter Writer was to vindicate him (Dr. Chauncey) from an Accusation of Falshood; But with what Spirit has the Author done this, or more properly attempted it?—With the most ma∣levolent Party Rage, and with such Rancour and Ill-Nature, as none but a Heart inflamed by Malice could dictate. The whole Letter shews this to have been the Temper and State of Mind in which it was written, and no Censure passed upon it can possi∣bly expose it. Instead of vindicating Dr. Chauncey, he rails at Mr. S-b-ry; accuses him of "giving Dr. Chauncey the Lie," —of making "rude and injurious Reflections on the Dr."—of being a "troublesome Person,"—of a "malevolent Spirit,"— of having "impertinently disturbed the Quiet of this Country for some Time past," and strange to tell! of being a "Declaimer against Falshood," and a "Stickler for Impartiality in writing." —If by this Country the Letter Writer means Boston, and the Territority thereunto belonging, I seriously declare, That I have been so far from "disturbing the Quiet of that Country," that I never was in it; that I have no Agents in it; that I do not recollect ever to have wrote a single Letter to any Person in it: —In short, I have, and desire to have nothing to do with it.

If by this Country the Letter-Writer means the American Colonies in general;—I do not remember that I have done any Thing by which the Quiet of any one Person could have been disturbed, except, that I once called the American Whig to an Account, for his Effrontery in saying, that Dr. Chandler "and the Convention, do not desire such a Bishop as is mentioned in the Appeal:" And if the American Whig will allow me a very small Share of that Vanity with which he himself is so replete, I can confidently affirm, that in the Affair litigated between us at that Time, I "laid him fairly on his Back without knowing my Anta∣gonist;"—whether

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he hath since gotten upon his Legs, or whe∣ther, ad hu pro••••umbit Humi Bos, is a Matter of more Conse∣quence to him than to me.

2dly. The Letter signed B. W. as far as it relates to me, is "utterly, absolutely and entirely false and groundless." And tho' this Writer is so very angry with Mr. S-b-r-y, for giving, as he says, "Dr. Chauncey the Lie," yet he himself has writ∣ten without any Regard to Truth. I speak only of what relates to myself in B. W's Letter,—a lying Heart hath directed a de∣ceitful Hand.—I positively declare, that I was so far from being the Author of the Paper to which he refers, that I never saw it, heard it, thought of it, or dreamed of it, 'til it made its pub∣lic Appearance in Mr Gaine's Paper of July 4th — Who B. W. is, I know not, and to speak the Truth, care not But B. W. says, he is "a Son of the Church of England,"—"a real Friend to its Growth and Prosperity,"—"a Member of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in foreign Parts,"—a Friend to Decency, good Manners, and a becoming Treatment, especially, of respectable Characters,"—"and what is more—a Friend to Truth and honest Impartiality."—If Mr. B. W. is endowed with all these good Qualifications, it is very strange that not one of them should shew itself in the Letter now under my Considera∣tion.—Is he a "Son of the Church of England?" Let him re∣member that the Church teaches and requires him "to keep his Tongue from evil Speaking, Lying, and Slandering." Is he "a Friend to the Growth and Prosperity of the Church?" —Why then does he take Part with its avowed Enemy? Why does he represent those who contend only for its real and just Rights and Privileges, as troublesome Persons, of a malevolent Spirit, who have impertinently disturbed the Quiet of their Country for some Time past? Is he a "Member of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel?" That venerable Body have ever cherished, countenanced, and protected those Missiona∣ries that did their Duty; they never abused, slander'd, or vili∣fied them, in anonymous Letters and scurrilous Papers.—Is he "a Friend to Decency and good Manners, and a becoming Treatment, especially of respectable Characters?" Why then has he treated me with so much Indecency and Ill-Manners? If a steady and sincere Desire and Endeavour to do my Duty in that honourable State of Life to which it hath pleased God to call me, will entitle me to any Respect. I may, without Vanity affirm, that my Character is respectable enough to have entitled me to a more becoming Treatment. Is he "a Friend to Truth and honest Impartiality?" How could such a Person, write

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such a Letter?—A Letter from which, if you take all that is false and partial, you will leave a mere Chart Blanch.

Mr. B. W. says I "gave Dr. Chauncey the Lie." It is a Form of Speech in which I do not allow myself to my menial Servants: And with Regard to any Thing Dr. Chauncey hath said in his Answer to Dr. Chandler's Appeal, I am so far from giving him the Lie, that I deliberately declare I never read more than a Dozen Pages in it, and never intend to read a Dozen more.—When an Author can calmly and seriously set himself to establish such wild Positions as that "the Church of England does not teach the Divine Right of Episcopacy, and that her Reformers did not believe it," I can spend my Time much more profitably than in giving him the Reading. Perhaps it may be alledged in Excuse for the Dr. that he wrote his Pamphlet in less than two Months; that he is an old Man, and thefore it must be expected he will be tedious and positive: Tediousness and Positive∣ness being often the Foibles of old Age. This I confess would be a good Excuse for not writing at all; and it is much to be la∣mented, that the Dr. does not avail himself of it, and of the Poet's Advice,

Solve Senescentem maturè sanus Equum, ne Peccet ad extremum ridendus, & Ilia ducat. HOR. Loose fron the rapid Car your aged Horse, Lest in the Race derided, left behind, He drag his aged Limbs and burst his Wind. FRANCIS.

That the Dr. is in some Danger of meeting with this Accident, every one must be sensible, who considers with what Rapidity he answered Dr. Chandler, if any Credit is due to the American Whig. And now behold he hath advertised a Volume of Thirty Sheets at least, in which the Fathers of the Church are, many Centuries after their Martyrdom, again to be put to the Rack, and tortured into Confessions. If however the Dr. should escape this Fate, the following Line of another Poet, will be very ap∣plicable to so voluminous a Writer.—"See who ne'er was nor will be half-read."—This, as I put no Motto to this Paper, many serve instead of one to those who are found of Motto's; and I hope it will not be thought the worse for being introduced in the Body of my Performance.

3dly. I shall take Notice of the villainous Baseness of this Wri∣ter, in putting B. W. at the End of his Letter. Possibly he thought he had a Right to press any two Letters in the Alpha∣bet into his Service. But certainly it is a most extraordinary Piece of Conduct, first to declare himself a Member of the So∣ciety, and then to affix the initial Letters of another Member's

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Name to his scandalous Production; especially when it is con∣sidered, that B. W. are the initial Letters of no other Name on the Society's List of Members, but only of Benning Wentworth, Esq and that this B. W's Letter, tho' now it has all the Ap∣pearance of a base-born Child, brought forth in Secrecy, was ushered into the World, by James Parker, Esq who acted the Part of Man-Midwife at its Birth, as the legitimate Offspring of a reputable Parent, who was ready to own, support, and de∣fend it. Whether the Writer intended by this artful Conduct, to lead People into a Belief that the Letter was really written by a Gentleman of so established a Reputation as Mr. Went∣worth is, in order to give a greater Weight to his Assertions; or whether it was with a Design to terrify Mr. S-b-r-y from re∣plying to his infamous Performance, is not easy to determine: Possibly both these Motives may have concurred, to induce him to proceed in this dastardly, fradulent Manner. The first of these Inventions was fully answered in this Place, by the signing B. W. to the Letter, and by "Mr. Parker's positive Assertion, That Mr. Wentworth was the Author of it." That the other Design did not succeed, the Author is by this Time, I believe, pretty well convinced.

The Author has declared himself a Member of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel; and Dr. Chauncey says (if I remember right) in his Letter to Mr. Rogers, "that he is an Inhabitant of the Town of Boston." I have carefully examined the List of the Society's Members for the Year 1767, I can find only four Members who reside in Boston, viz. His Excellency Francis Bernard, James Apthorp, Hugh Hall, and John Tem∣ple, Esqrs. To all these Gentlemen I am personally unknown. I am utterly at a Loss to conceive, that I have ever given any Occasion to them to treat me in so injurious and cruel a Man∣ner, as I find mself treated in that Letter. I cannot therefore suppose, that any one of these Gentlemen was the Au∣thor of it. It remains then with Dr. Chauncey to produce his Author, or to take the Letter, with all its "Fraud, Forgery, Villainy, Scandal, Falshood, and Baseness," upon himself.

To you therefore, most venerable Doctor, I now beg Leave to address myself. Possibly you may think I treat you with too great Freedom; that your Age, Station, and Character should exempt you from it. Age is not an Excuse for such base Conduct as you have been guilty of, and therefore it ought not to screen you from the Consequences of it. My Station and Character, (save the Article of Learning) are equal to yours; and if you think that some Regard is due to the Station and Character, you ought to have considered, before your illiberal Attack upon me.—You

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have been at the Pains of sending an anonymous Letter 250 Miles, directing it to be printed in a public News-Paper, that it might circulate far and wide, in order to wound the Character of a Man, utterly unknown to you, who never did, nor intended to do you any injury;—and who was even innocent of the heinous Crime of having contradicted you. When you coolly and calmly consider this Part of your Conduct, I cannot but hope you will feel some little Compunction of Heart; some, if they be slight, Rebukes of Conscience; some Tendency at least towards a Blush. What Reparation you will think proper to make me, I know not; but that some Reparation ought to be made, you must be sensible. The Bread of myself and Family; nay more, my Usefulness as a Minister of Christ, depend upon that Cha∣racter, which you have cruelly sported with, and most unjustly endeavoured to deprive me of.—These Things, Sir, I say, not for my own Sake, but for yours; to make you sensible of the Iniquity of your Conduct; and to bring you, if possible, to Re∣pentance and Amendment. For my own Part, tho' it would but ill become me to boast, yet I trust, that within the narrow Circle of my Acquintaince, my Reputation is too well established to be shaken by such Attempts. If therefore you choose to persist in the Way of Defamation, and had rather endeavour to vin∣dicate what you have done, than like an honest Man, and a good Christian, to repent and retract it, you have my free Con∣sent to act as is most natural and agreeable to your Inclinations.

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From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE, Jan. 2, 1769. The AMERICAN WHIG, No. XLIII.

The advantages of a new interpretation of Scripture in favour of an American episcopate, in ASERMON, Occasioned by a late celebrated comparison of the church to the woman in the apocalypse, BY The Right reverendly—inclined Charles Doubledee. In the 12th Chapter of the visions of the most reverend Father in God, John, Lord Archbishop of Ephesus, and Primate of all Ly∣dian Asia, are these words; "And there appeared a great wonder, a woman clothed with the Sun, and the Moon un∣der her feet, and upon her head a crown of twelve Stars.

Dearly beloved brethren,

GREAT are the advantages of a new interpretation of scrip∣ture. By this we are relieved from many burdens and yokes of bondage, to which former interpreters have unreasona∣bly subjected us. 1st. We shall be delivered from the irksome duty of believing in the sun of righteousness for justification, which has always been insisted upon by the old interpreters of of this text; who, by the sun here, foolishly understood Jesus Christ and his merits, by faith in whom true Christians were to be justified. This they spoke of as the great glory dignity and honour of believers:—And therefore have urged mankind with truly nonsensical zeal to believe in Christ, and to look to him for becoming to them in a spiritual sense, what the sun in the firmament was in a natural sense.—2dly, We shall be delivered from the insupportable burden of regulating our reli∣gious sentiments, according to the doctrine taught in the New-Testament by the twelve Apostles. By the crown of twelve stars in our text, has generally been understood, by dreaming commentators, conformity in articles of faith to the doctrine of the Apostles.—And hence much learned pains have been taken in comparing scripture with scripture, to fix and determine the leading principles of Christianity: But now, this drudgery of believing orthodoxly, which has done much mischief in the world, we are happily freed from, by a modern paraphrast, who demonstrates, that all the antient commentators have been mis∣taken

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in understanding by the twelve stars, the apostolic doctrines of Christianity.—3dly, Another great advantage, accruing to Christians, by the new mode of interpretation is, that they will be happily rescued from the mortifying business of self-de∣nial. There will be no need of spiritual mindedness, crossing our carnal inclinations, or striving against terrene affections. You know, my brethren, that this has been the interpretation, generally gone into by our old divines, of "the moon under her feet." But now it appears, they were only a pack of "hot∣headed writers, and pragmatical enthusiasts, who expected to find their account in raising a combustion and being noisy." Thus you see that renouncing the old interpretation of scripture, will introduce you into a glorious liberty. The antient inter∣preters and teachers were always for shackling us with the doc∣trine of justification by faith in the merits of Christ, with the necessity of a good degree of apostolic orthodoxy in our senti∣ments, and what was worst of all, with the indispensible obli∣gation of an holy walk and conversation; but the new inter∣pretation sets us free from all this more than Egyptian bondage. —Now to shew further wherein the antients were mistaken, and to sot the advantages of the new interpretation in a true light: This woman, clothed with the sun, having a crown of twelve star on her head, and the moon under her feet, is The Church dressed and dignified with the glorious trappings, ap∣pendages, perquisites and advantages, which arise from her bles∣sed "alliance with the state in Christian countries." These ornaments are in our text mentioned under three heads, "which may be reduced to civil power, temporal possessions, and legal exemptions."—Civil power is the clothing of the sun. You know what a brilliant sigure the church always makes, when she has regal dignity at her head, is incircled with gartered peers, and led into green pastures by mitred lords.—Temporal possessions is her crown of twelve stars. These are the tenth part of the lands of the state, which were solemnly offered in holy unburnt sacrifice by "St. Ethelwulph, for the health of his soul on the altar of Winchester" temple, An. 854; to which is added a tenth part of all the labour and industry of the King's subjects, who are to manure and cultivate these lands for the church, together with a multitude of other perquisites arising from matters testamentary and matrimonial. This is a glorious crown, well set with gems, which causes the church to shine with orient lustre!—Legal exemption, is another important part of her dress. The church enjoys the sun of civil power, and the glorious crown of temporal possessions, without the griev∣ous incumbrance of duties and taxes for the support of govern∣ment,

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the poor, or any other charges of state. Thus she has the moon under her feet; has not the mortification of parting with her lands or money either to protect or defend her.

Again, the new method of interpretation discloses more truth from the text. By the sun is farther meant the extensive bishop∣rics and metropolitan sees of the church. These give light to Christian eyes, and are a lamp to their feet—By the crown of twelve stars is intended the hierarchy of the church. 1. Arch∣bishops, 2. Diocesans, 3. Prebends, 4. Deans, 5. Suffragans, 6. Chancellors, 7. Vice-Chancellors, 8. Archdeacons, 9. Rec∣tors, 10. Prebends, 11. Curates, 12. Prelatical Baillies. These are the twelve stars that bespangle her crown of temporal pos∣sessions; and an illustrious constellation they are—None can object here, "unless they do it from ignorance or malice," that these church-officers are not found in the Bible; for they are clearly found in our text, and any doctrine or office, proved by one text, is every way sufficiently established. But we have not only this one text, to support our prelatic church, but we can easily press more into our survice. And where these fail us, we can easily administer conviction of our point by the unquestiona∣ble authority of St. Ignatius, and other more modern fathers, and invincibly prove that these were the church's crown for al∣most 1500 years.

Moreover in our context, in the same visions, there appeared "another wonder a great red dragon, having seven heads and ten horns." And this dragon is that horrible monster, the English dissenters, "who have no natural right to any degree of civil or military power. They persecuted the woman, and she fled into the wilderness of North-America. And here she now is in a naked, perishing, and, "without speedy remedies," in an infallibly dying condition. She has neither sun, nor moon, nor stars; neither "civil power, temporal possessions, nor legal ex∣emption;" has nothing to guard her, but a parcel of turn-coat Missionaries and lazy luxurious priests (paucis exceptis)—And now you see this "renders her outward circumstances and figure widely different;" yea, the difference is as great as between "being possessed of a fortune, and without one,—or between having a large parish and a small one." But you must know that these things do not make any essential difference in the church. For tho' "these have generally varied in different countries and ages,—yet they have not altered its real nature, which is always and essentially the same under all outward cir∣cumstances."—Whether she is in Rome or Geneva, Georgia or Holland, England or Scotland, Abyssinia or America, she is "always and essentially the same." And as to her "act, whe∣ther

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it is performed by the Bishop of Man, or the Archbishop of Canterbury, or in the language to St. Jerom (with whom! per∣fectly agree) whether by the Bishop of "Rome or Rhegium, it mat∣ters not."—If any should here remark, that then the church "is essentially and always the same," whether it be popish or episcopalian, presbyterian or congregational, this can only be "the abuse of some petulant tongues, or more petulant pens." —But the woman is now in America, having fled hither, thro' the aid of Dedalian wings, from the face of the serpent; yet the serpent has persued her to this wilderness also, and besides drawing with his tail many stars of Heaven, he covers more than seven-eighths of this wilderness with his body; yea, he overspreads all the northern colonies, except a very few spots, which would in like manner have been covered by the filthy monster, had it not been for the unexampled liberality, and truly excessive "charity of the worthy sociecy." To which society "the church owes its existence at this day in some of the colo∣nies," for it either had been drowned by the flood, or crushed beneath the serpent's weight, if the society's "indifatigable ap∣plication and amazing perseverance" had not prevented; because the earth here doth not help the woman.—Thus you see the great distress and perishing condition of the church; wherefore, travailing in birth and paining to be delivered, her clergy and friends, "looking up to your grace," and call (with our mouths, for we have no trumpets) over the Atlantic to your Majesty for help and relief in our deplorable and wretched circumstances. Some of us have been looking up and calling over, not merely from morning to evening, but these 40, 50, or 60 years, and are not heard even to this day. Is the head of the church asleep? Is he deaf or on a journey? or if we leap on our altars, and cut ourselves with knives and lancets, will there be no voice nor any to answer?—What can be further said? Is it not demon∣strable, that the American church must soon perish? She has neither sun to clothe, her, nor moon to tread upon, nor twinkling stars to shed a ray thro' her tremendous gloom. She is perishing! she is perishing! her diseases must prove fatal; and none can wonder should death be the event; for she wants the common necessaries of life. She therefore "earnestly requests, and only requests" (at present) one star to comfort her, even a mutilated suffragan, which is far from being a star of the first magnitude. Oh! that proper remedies may be provided for her present suf∣ferings! Oh, that she may be delivered out of her unparrallel∣led distress! Oh! oh! oh!

Now, my very dearly beloved brethren, I dismiss you for the present; whether I have said any thing "presumptuous or un∣reasonable,

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let heaven and earth judge." For all, whether pro∣testants or papists, presbyterians, or epistcopalians,

if they are in reality the friends of truth and justice and liberty—they must be heartily disposed to act a friendly part towards us, with regard to an American episcopate.

Blessed forever be the Bishop of Landaff, and let every one of us say, Amen, Amen.

The Doctor's miracle accounted for, in a natural and easy man∣ner by father Paul, a Romish writer.

LET us hear what a more celebrated writer than even Chil∣lingworth himself, says on this subject.—A writer as much conversant with the antiquities of the church as any man living, and whose affinity to the church of Rome, might have blinded him had it been possible. I mean father Paul of Venice, the admired historian of the council of Trent. In his discourse upon exemptions from episcopal authority Lib. 2. he takes occa∣sion to shew how that authority took its rise, and by what de∣grees it rose to its height. Out of this, compared with that upon episcopal jurisdiction, Lib. 4. we collect the following in substance, tho' not verbatim, viz.

That,

According to St. Paul to the Cor. the whole body of the primitive church, took cognizance of offences, as appears from is reproving them, that they 'had not lamented to separate from among them the transgressor:'—As their custom was to do it with much mourning and fasting. It was necessary that the judgment of the multitude should be dcted by one, and the Bishop [or minister, according to his office] always presided and directed the action. But when Christians became numerous, the matter was usually ripened in the consistory, and by them proposed to the general congregation for their re∣solution. This form was still on foot in the year 250, as is plainly seen by the epistles of St. Cyprian, concerning those who did eat meats offered to idols.—And St. Jerome testifies, that in the beginning of Christianity the churches were guided by an aristocracy or common council of the presbytery.— The goodness and charity of the Bishops, made their opinions for the most part to be followed, and by little and little cha∣rity waxing cold, this was the cause why the church not regard∣ing the charge laid upon them by Christ, did leave the care to the Bishop; 'and ambition a witty passion, which doth in∣sinuate itself in the shew of virtue," did cause it to be readily embraced.—Divisions at length arising among themselves,

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they sell upon the monarchial form of government, giving all the superintendency to the Bishop, and ridding themselves of the trouble, until the times of persecution ceasing, the Bishops (or Ministers) of one province did govern themselves in synods, and to make this government more easy, attributing much to the Bishop of the principal city, they made him head of that body; and by a more ample communication of all the pro∣vinces in a great government, the Bishop of the head city where the chief ruler did reside, got a superiority, as was na∣tural, from custom. Thus arose the Romish Bishop above all, as Rome was then the capital of the whole world:—Hence also the vast influence and power of the patriarchs of Alexan∣dria, over Egypt, Lybia and Pentapolis, of Antioch over Sy∣ria, and the eastern provinces, and so of the lesser Eparchai or Prefectures. This government brought in by custom, and supposed conveniency only—and for some time executed with great fidelity, was found by Constantine of great benefit to him in civil affairs, as by it he saw many causes determined with all the authority and sanction of religion. He therefore made a law that there should lie no appeal from the sentences of Bishops, and that the secular judge should execute them, This ecclesiastical form of government with all its peculiari∣ties was under him established by the first council of Nice, and ordained by a canon to be perpetual. After this the autho∣rity of Bishops was from time to time enlarged or diminished as affairs happened to turn.

Hence the whole train of diocesan Bishops, Archbishops, Me∣tropolitans, Primates, Patriarchs and Popes.—The Doctor's miracle is thus unravelled in a plain and natural manner, and if antiquity has any certain voice, it confirms it.

ADVERTISEMENT.

AS Mr. S—b—ry has again thought fit to be abusive to the American Whig, from which, considering the scurvy figure he made in a late rencounter, common prudence ought to have restrained him; I take this opportunity of informing my rea∣ders, that though I really think it beneath me to enter into a formal altercation with a man of his ungovernable passion and illiberal language, yet being determined that he shall not pass with impunity for his transgression, I intend to deliver him 〈…〉〈…〉 Mr. As to be buffeted.

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From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE, Jan. 2, 1769. A KICK for the WHIPPER, No. XXXI.

Sumite materiam vestris qui soribitis aequam Viribus— HOR.

TO every sensible reader, after the masterly reasoning of the W's 17th, No. Sq. T. in his 32d. must appear like a Whip∣per chastizing a man with a straw. The W. had mentioned 5 particulars in which, if in any thing the derivation of "happi∣ness and support" "to the" state from the Church, and the "harmony" of both, must be evinc'd; but he afterwards prov'd, that in those articles the Church as at present establish'd, does not harmonize with the state, and therefore, as such, can afford it neither "happiness nor support:" And yet, out of even this defeat, Sq. T. wou'd fain Whip a victory for D.C.—Let us see how he manages.

By his reasoning (to make him a small compliment) I'm al∣most convinc'd, that (as I've heard some sophistical disputants say) nothing is so absurd, but that something may be said in it's favour; and yet it's plain, that all he has said under art. 1.2 and 5, relative to the King's supremacy, instead of proving that the Church of England "supports," on the whole rather proves, what is really true, that she is SUBDUED to, the state. Mighty meritorious this! Henry VIII. the first who claim'd ecclesiasti∣cal supremacy, usurp'd it, not from a "desire of uniting the Church to the state," but out of revenge against the POPE: And if his parliament, in confirming it to him, aim'd at any thing more than gratifying an ambitious monarch they durst not offend, they doubtless meant to take care, that "the civil magistrate" shou'd no longer be (as Sq. T. expresses it) "a mere tool to the church." As to the Church, she did not "deprive herself of her natural independency," but surrender'd it sorely against her will, because Harry was so boisterous, that she durst not defend it against him. Sq. T. tells us, "religion is the main support of government." This I am not clear in,—the temporal happiness of mankind being the proper object of go∣vernment, it seems to be mainly supported by hopes and sears of a temporal kind. I know indeed that religion is of great advan∣tage to a state; but not as a national religion, such a one being, properly speaking, no religion at all, but a mere political engine.

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If such a religion therefore "supports" a state, all that can be said is that the state supports itself. 'Tis the divine or suppos'd divine original of a religion, that gives additional support to a state, and, were it not for this, the religion of the Koran would have no more moral influence on the civil conduct of a mussel-man than on that of the A. Bp. of C-nt-y. Hence, uninfluenc'd by any hopes of political advantages, the protestant (i. e. the Presbyterians or dissenters) of FRANCE, behav'd so, that Lewis XIV, tho' he afterwards revok'd the edict of Nanter, gave an ample testimony to their loyalty, in his declaration 1652, and the Queen-mother acknowledg'd they had sav'd the state; and even now, episcopalian bigets can commend French protestants, while they spout scandal at English dissenters. "An Imperium in Imperio," Sq. T. says, "every wise common wealth will avoid, if possible."—The Jews in our SAVIOUR's time (who, tho' he declar'd his kingdom was not of this world, was sole head of the Church) profess'd (mighty loyally, no doubt!) to act from the same wise principles of policy; and yet CHRIST was a King, in spite of Tiberius, and wou'd have been so even, tho' Caesar had declar'd himself head of, the Church.

But Sq. T. pleads, as meritorious, the privileges of the Church, as well as the prerogatives of the King;—just like a Whipper, who, whether he flogs or is kick'd) boasts, that all is for the good of the public. For the 1st of the Churches privileges (Art. 3d, viz. Bishops sitting in parliament, he pleads, "the usefulness, &c. of their advice, &c." when the legislature is plagu'd (as it never shou'd be) with "Church affairs." Whether their ad∣vice is likely to support the state or not, when ecclesiastical and political interests interfere, is easy to guess; however 'tis as easy to see that their

advice and assistance might be had without their enacting judgment. 2. That episcopal voices make laws more binding.
For my part, I judge of the obligation of the laws, not from the character, but, from the right of the legislator, nor shou'd I think our provincial laws a want "more binding," even tho' the whole of our legislature were compos'd of BISHOPS: What say you, my countrymen 〈◊〉〈◊〉 3. Temporal and spiritual Lords can oppose each other respectively. And what of this?—the opposition of the Church certainly does 〈◊〉〈◊〉 "sup∣port the state;" and surely temporal Lords might oppose "am∣bitious schemes of the clergy," without having any in the house. So that on the whole I can't see that the Lords temporal "need" or can obtain, if they wou'd, any "support" from Lords spiri∣tual. The 2d. privilege of the Church (Art. 4.) is "spiritual courts," which were "erected," it seems, to "remedy evils the civil courts either cou'd not take cognizance of, or cou'd not re∣move;"

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and yet, even according to Sq. T. these courts receive their authority from the state. I'm really surpriz'd to hear of a power delegated by a body politic of remedying evils it cou'd not take cognizance of or remove, itself; and fancy that must be a strange sword which none but Bishops can "wield." How∣ever after all, Sq. T. himself seems half to suspect, that spiritual courts are rather insupportable, than supportative, to the state.

To Sq. T's quotation from Hooker, by way of reply to the W's assertition, that the King is absolute monarch of the Churches, "I think no rejoinder more suitable than"—that in the whole I can't find a syllable about the matter. If by "King as the head" Hooker meant head of the Church, the quotation indeed amounts to an assertion, that he is so by law: And what of that Mr. Whipper? If a King is absolute monarch by law, is he not absolute monarch at all?

Sq. T. "finishes his paper (as a man with 100 oysters did his supper) with 6 par's of what he calls "pertinent observations: and yet his remarks relative to Bishops, on dignities,"—"anti∣quity,"—"illustrious descent,"—"honour,"—"highest rank," —"brothers of Kings and noblemen—to every one, who consi∣ders, that our SAVIOUR was born in a stable and laid in a man∣ger, must appear so puerile and ridiculous, that cou'd Sq. T. be deem'd a good Christian and a man of sense, they wou'd infalli∣bly be taken for a burlesque on prelacy.—If (as Sq. T. no doubt thinks) O. Cromwell aim'd at the crown himself, he surely cou'd not, by "the extirpation of episcopacy, have aim'd at the destruction of monarchy;" and therefore our knowing Squire must have fail'd of penetrating into his system of politics: But we are not unacquainted with that of Charles I. nor are we ig∣norant how much it was indebted to prelatic "advice and assist∣ance."—Sq. T's 5th finishing par. just amounts to this,—that he is probably an enemy to this country, who endeavours to re∣form her, at the risk of "lessening a reverence for the wisdom of the legislature, and a love for any part of the constitution," which ill natur'd sentence must involve many of the best members of the Church of England—The rest of Sq. T's observations are not more important than they are "pertinent;" I shall there∣fore conclude by observing on his quotation from Montesquieu, that neither Hooker's authority, nor his, (great men as they both were) are sufficient to prove, that black is WHITE.

P. S. Sir Isaac makes Sq. T. the compliments of the season and hopes he will mend his pen with the New-Year.

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From Mr. GAINE'S GAZETTE, Jan. 2, 1769. A WHIP for the AMERICAN WHIG. By TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQR. [No. XXXIX.]

To TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQR.

SIR,

ALTHO' I have a natural Disrelish for Controversy, and am far from being moved by any personal Disregard to the Author of "the Letter to the Bishop of Landaff;" yet, as a Friend to the Author of the Vindication, and a "Lover of that Truth and Decency, which I think are justly preserved throughout his Pamphlet, I cannot help interesting myself in the Dispute. But, notwithstanding the Subject has thus become in∣teresting to me, the Part I shall take in it, will be conducted with Coolness and Impartiality; it being a Maxim with me, that the Page to which I set my Pen, shall never be stained with the in∣famous Blots of Malevolence, or the soul Daubings of the re∣lentless Hand of Party-Zeal.

On reading, and attentively considering, both the Letter and Vindication, free from Prejudice, I was upon the whole, and as yet am satisfied, that the latter contains a full and complete Re∣futation of the former. And what more strongly enforced this Conclusion upon my Mind, was, that the Arguments of the Vindicator are principally founded on Facts, and his Inferences are such as naturally result from them.

How far the Inglisiana may tend to induce a Change of Sen∣timent in me, I know not; but should there, thro' this Medium, any new Light break from that dark Cloud which now invelopes the Letter, and the favourite Subject espoused by it's Author, I shall cheerfully yield to the illuminating Ray. Blinded neither by Prejudice, nor heated with Party-Zeal, I shall always be open to Conviction.

But should the Whig take up Raillery for Reason, and substi∣tute a Play of Wit in the Room of solid Argument; and should his first Number of the Inglisiana, in this Respect, be characteris∣tical of the Rest, he must allow me the Privilege (however inferior I may be to him in Point of Wit) of seasoning my Answers to such of his Papers, with a little Spice of the same Ingredients. Perhaps my Efforts may be feeble and somewhat aukward, for I claim not Wit as my native Inheritance.

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What I mean by this is, that should it so happen, that any of my Remarks may be somewhat keenly edged, the Author of the Letter will excuse me, from this plain Principle of Justice, namely, that I have a Right to make use of such Kind of Wea∣pons as he himself has brought into the Field. My principal Design, is however, to adhere closely to reasoning upon the Sub∣ject, avoiding all personal Abuse and Invective. If I sometimes range in the airy Region of Fancy, it will be only when my Antagonist calls me aside, and takes Post there; and while we are diverting ourselves upon this Ground, I shall not act so mean and ignominious a Part, as to throw dirt in his Face, or bespat∣ter him with Calumny. The Support of Truth is the single Object I aim at, and I trust I shall pursue it with the Candour of an ingenuous Mind.

I am sensible, Mr. Tickle, that you have generously under∣taken to become an Advocate for the Vindicator; and am per∣suaded his Cause could not have been committed to better Hands. —It is, I confess, Presumption in me to think of asking you to permit me to take this Engagement upon myself. But are you not already engaged in a Work of Importance, that is more general in its Nature, and may not your undertaking to sup∣port the Vindication, too much break in upon, and interefere with this more extensive Design?

Shall I then with your Leave, 'Squire Tickle, step in as a Vo∣luntier to rescue the Character and Abilities of a worthy Clergy∣man, from an Attack, which (to say no worse of it) is very un∣generous? I have the utmost Confidence that I can shield his Reputation from every Assault, and bring off the Vindication triumphant in the End.—They both stand upon good Ground, and cannot but be victorious.

In the Prosecution of my Plan, I propose to answer the Num∣bers of the Inglisiana regularly, in Mr. Gaine's Gazette. The Title I shall adopt, is that of, The Candid Examiner; and as I conceive the Arguments in the Vindication are fair and conclu∣sive, and that it may be defended upon the most solid and rati∣onal Principles, it shall be my Endeavour to shew, that the Spi∣rit which this Paper breathes, corresponds with the Title under which it appears—If you approve of my Proposal, you will be pleased to signify it by the Publication of this Paper. The next I shall send will be an Answer to the first Number of the Inglisi∣ana; and I would desire that it might be published under the Title of, The Candid Examiner, No. I. which I shall conti∣nue as Occasion may require.

A. B.

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To TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQR.

SIR,

THE Controversy between you and Mr. Whig, after a Con∣tinuance of so many Months, seems to be as f•••• from a Conclusion as the warmest Advocate for Contention could wish; and on the Part of your great Opponent, seems rather about Words than Measures; more about what may possibly, than what is likely to happen; and in a great Measure, is an Abuse of the Time and Attention of that Public to whom Dr. Chand∣ler so seriously and solemnly appeals.

Whatever may be the religious Profession of the Writer of this Letter, can be of no Manner of Consequence to you, or Mr. L—the supposed Author of the Whig: Suffice it to say, that as on the one Hand, Impartiality obliges me to accuse him of wandering from the Path marked out by the Appeal; so, on the other, I cannot conceive there is any Necessity for so steadily pur∣suing him thro' that Thicket in which he seems, if not lost, yet very near benighted. For his obstinate Perseverance in a a Road so foreign to the real Question of the Debate, no Doubt his own Conscience frequently condemns him; but, be that as it may, to pursue him through all his sinister Turnings and Windings, would be rather to lose Sight of the Subject (as he does) than to convince your Readers of the Legality and Pro∣priety of the Church's Petitions.

Allow me now to point out to Mr. Whig, what is not, and then, in a few Words, to shew what is the Question before a Pub∣lick, who will not be swayed by pompous Declarations, and round Assertions, altogether foreign to the Business in Hand.

It is not indeed, Mr. Whig, it is not the Matter, Whether or no Bishops, like other Men, are fond of good Living, and with the rich Man upon Record, would choose to "fare sumptuously every Day;"—it is not whether the Episcopalians are to provide their Lordships a Palace, or two, that will cost three or £.400.000, or whether they are to dwell in Fishermen's Cottages, as once did their Predecessors;—it is not whether their Sleeves are gene∣rally made of Homespun, Lawn, or Crocus;—it is not whether they wear square or round, Castor or Beaver Hats;—it is not what Persecutors Bishops may have been, when Superstition and Bigottry over-spread the Christian World;—it is not whether they will go to Meeting-Houses and Conventicles, and chant Hymns through their Noses; or whether with

"Sternhold and Hopkins (who had great Qualms) "They'll sing a Stave of David's Psalms."

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It is not, Mr. Whig, Whether they are Men or whether, as you weekly insinuate, they are Jesuits, Inquisitors and Devils:— Believe me, none of these Questions would interfere in the De∣bate was it properly conducted in Mr. Parker's Paper. On the other Hand, it is not whether Presbyterians are Bigots, or the Practisers of an universal Charity;—whether they are in gene∣ral a Set of hard featured Mortals, who cannot even smile on the Prosperity of a Neighbour and Fellow-Christian;—it is not whether it was not for Ease of their tender. Consciences, that they once persecuted the poor Quakers in New-England, or that they burnt the unhappy People accused of Sorcery and Witch∣crast,—It is not whether (pious Souls!) they will keep holy the 30th of January; a Day sacred to a Man of Humanity; or whether they then feast upon Calves Head, and jovially drink to the Memory of the other Man of that Day, those Names will be branded with Infamy while the Sun endures, even honest Oliver, who with his Descendants and Adherents, are the dis∣tinguished Enemies of Monarchy and true Religion.

It is not whether the Church has an Estate in this City, that has hitherto supported her against Independent Artillery, and the Title to which is too clear, even for the Assaults of a Whig; it is not whether some People lost their Hopes of placing a Party Somebody, in a certain Honourable House; it is not whether a memorable Application for a Charter succeeded or miscarried, and whether a certain Bishop spoke against it with his usual con∣vincing Eloquence, at the Board of Trade. No, Friend Tickle, it is not, but really, and truly, and bona fide, without Equivo∣cation or mental Reservation, it is; whether or not, The Church of England in America has not as good a Right to enjoy all her Privileges and Immunities as any Church on Earth; pro∣vided always (and soon be it enacted) that the Privileges and Immunities do not interfere with the religious and civil Rights and Liberties of others—here the Matter comes to a Point at once—Debate it with that Calmness and Moderation, which ought ever to distinguish Men who write for the Information of the Public; and wou'd Mr. Whig do this, of how much more Consequence wou'd his weekly Labours be, than to skip and jump about from Post to Pillar in the Manner he does, as if really he had no other Intention than to recommend himself to his Readers, as a Hero every Way qualified to constitute the Character of Mr. Punch in a Show?—believe me Mr. Whig, they may smile at your Witticisms, and admire your wonderful Ta∣lent for Satire, but they do not stand before you convinced by your Scurrility and wonderful Assertions, nor are they so much frighted as you imagine with your Pitchforks and Spiritual

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Courts: your red hot Furnaces, and other Bugbears, which seem too much to infect and torment you.—And now, Mr. Whig, for a little Supposition.

Suppose the British Parliament should pass an Act to prevent Presbyterians in America, ever holding a Synod in future, and that no one of your Candidates for the Ministry could be admit∣ted, without going to dear sweet Edinburgh for his Letters of Ordination, and that the different Legislatures upon the Conti∣nent, should pass Laws to confirm and make it valid and binding upon all their Constituents—Pray now for a few Questions— Do you really, Mr. Whig, imagine this would be no Hardship? —Would you not be the first Man to complain of the Cruelty of the Case?—At least if you regard any Consistency in your Character, Would your Church (you love to be churched dearly of late) do you imagine, flourish under such Restrictions as much as you or any other Member of it have a Right to wish for? Would you not think it hard to go a Voyage of 3000 miles on an Errand, the Business of which could as well be answered (with Leave) at Home? Has many of your young Band, think you, £. 100, a £. 150 to spare, to provide for the necessary Expences of such a Voyage? If Half or a Third of them were drowned in prosecuting the Voyage, would you not think the Parlia∣ment in some Measure accessary thereto, and as a Lawyer, be very apt also to advise a Prosecution against that august Assem∣bly, for wilful Murder, as they at least by inference constrained the spruce young Gentlemen of Yale to the Danger? Such Per∣sons being drowned, would you not think the Family (perchance thereby made destitute of Support) most cruelly and despitefully neglected, did not Churchmen contribute to their Maintenance? I address you for Answer not as a Whig or Tory, not as Pres∣byterian or Churchman. As a Man,—as a Christian, are these Questions applicable or not?—Oh! lay your Hand upon your Heart, and declare like an honest Man, before God and the World, and as you shall one Day answer it,—do you in your Soul think, the Church has a Right to a Bishop in America, upon Dr. Chandler's declared Plan, or not? I cou'd venture my Life, wou'd you be candid and sincere, and for once divest your∣self of Prejudice, that the Moment of your reading this, your Conscience answers in the Affirmative. If the Church is in Errors, you nor no other Presbyterian will have them to answer for,—to the Church and its Members be it,—they have Souls as well as Dissenters, and pray, Mr. Whig, let them be saved or d—in their own Way. Let me now take leave of Mr. Whig, with advising him to pay some little Regard to a Rule held in very high Estimation by every Man who would approve himself a

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Follower of its divine Author.

Do unto others as ye would they should do unto you.

Pray now, S. T. for that's what you are called by Sir Isaac, (whose Foot by the Bye smells as rank as the Musk in his Shop) give me Leave to advise you never to mind the Whig, when he does not mind the Subject, but stick to the Letter and Spirit of the Text, and go on vindicating the Appeal and its worthy Au∣thor; be not under any Apprehensions for the Church, she runs no Risk from such Enemies as at present attack her; for assure yourself, your Antagonist gains no Proselytes while he remains entirely employed in the Dirty Work of Abuse and Scurrility, instead of treating us now and then with at least a little Show of Reason and Argument.

A FRIEND TO EPISCOPACY.

[From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE, Jan. 9, 1769.] The AMERICAN WHIG, [No. XLIV.]

WHETHER Dr. Chandler means to support the proofs he adduces in savour of an episcopacy in general, or only those for an American episcopate in particular. I am at a loss to determine. If only the latter—his challenge is too general; and a proper explanation had been kind to himself as well as to his opponents: To himself, as it would have saved him the trou∣ble of entering into a dispute to which he cannot expect to give a better issue than has heretofore been given; to them as it would have spared the repetition of old answers to worn-out ar∣guments—Was it necessary he should first confirm the Epis∣copalians in the belief, that the office of a prelate in his sense, was of divine original? Do they need his confirmation? Or is it not evident that he has some other end in view? Under the nation of a mere preamble, which did not enter into the essence o his plan, but served only as an introduction, he artfully aims a stroke, at all other denominations of Christians in America; and on pretence of only favouring an American Episcopate, he designs to make proselytes to the church of England. The scheme i sufficiently subtil, and managed with tolerable art; but is still obnoxious to many objections, which by his own challenge he is bound to obviate, whenever produced.

Whether he intended it or not, his manner of writing has engag'd him in the dispute between the church of England and other Churches; and his public defiance not having made this an exception, he had need to arms.

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His first section is call'd "A sketch of the arguments in fa∣vour of Episcopacy." And indeed he has given us in a small compass, all the arguments of any weight that the church of England has ever produced; or can produce, for her unhappily defering in discipline from all the other protestant churches un∣der Heaven. But his title page is too general for his purpose, and so is his plan of Arguments. Why does he follow the old track, and give us a defence of Episcopacy, when in no wise requisite? Why did he not rather attempt to support it, as esta∣blished in England, and desired by him in America, than pro∣ceed to defend it in general? But it has ever been the art of the writers of the church of England in this controversy, to avoid the plain definition of Episcopacy in their sense, as distinguished from what the other reformed churches mean by it. This gen∣tlemen has imitated them. His whole success depends upon keeping this distinction out of sight. Let it be but fairly made, and it will be found, that his sketch of arguments, wherever they are tolerably true, concludes as strongly in favour of his opposers, as of himself. The usual method is to set out and d••••ead episcopacy in general, to declare themselves advocates for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 being of Bishops in the church,—to plead for them by ar∣guments from scripture,—to cite regiments of fathers in sup∣port of things never denied by the other churches, viz.

That in the church there is the office of a Bishop,—that this office is superior to mere presbyters, * 6.1—and the oversight of the church is committed to them.
Having plain proofs for these things, they exhibit them under the notion of their being deanied; they exhibit them I say,—they fight the phantom them∣selves created,—they beat it down,—they trample it in the dust, —they triumph in the conquest. Thus it is with Chillingworth, who has demonstrated a thing which no intelligent presbyterian ever denied; and thus with the writer on my table.

Are the other reformed churches enemies to episcopacy? No. —they contend for it as much as doth the Doctor's sketch. Do they deny the superiority of a Bishop to a mere presbyter or elder? No,—they give instances of it almost universally. Do they refuse to acknowledge three degrees of office in the church? No.—there is scarce a parish without its Bishop.—its elders, and its deacons. Now to argue against those churches by the proof of these things in general terms! What is it but an unfair me∣thod of reasoning, to deceive the unwary?

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the controversy must turn in his favour. But it will ver be hard for the Doctor to convince men of sense, that when he has clearly demonstrated the necessity of Bishops in the church, he has ef∣fectually proved, that a Bishop on the English plan, is of divine 〈7 letters〉〈7 letters〉ment. All the other reformed churches, 'tis true, refuse to admit a Bishop over Bishops, but they do not refuse episco∣pacy. They find nothing in holy writ to warrant such an enor∣mous hierarchy, which only wants a Pope to complete it, "from the dirt to the skies." Nor do they dread all the ipso facto ex∣communications thundred out by the canons of that church, against all who cannot shape their judgment and consciences to such an unscriptural prodigy.

This writer would have done well not to have spent his sketch in proving, that

Bishops are an order in the church superior to Presbyters merely so,—that they have the powers of go∣vernment and ordination.
The man who wages war with no-body, let him fight ever so valiantly, cannot be called an hero. Let him not take it amiss, if I should prescribe him a task not so easy, but more to his purpose, i.e. after he has honestly distinguished between a diocesan and a parochial Bishop,—to de∣monstrate, that the former is more agreeable to the word of God, than the latter; or (if he pleases) more agreeable to his venerable St. Ignatius, whose sacred authenticity he is willing to defend, by comparing one of equal degree, and superior li∣terary merit to himself, with the hypocondriacal Hardouin, and whose arguments against this apostolical Saint, are beyond the ability of this or any other writer to answer: except by ridicule, which himself allows is not a test. I say, let him prove by St. Ignatius, that a diocesan is more consistent with the plan of the gospel, than a parochial Bishop. His Saint will tell him, that
It is a Bishop's duty "to know the state of his flock" so mi∣nutely, as to become acquainted (not merely with the heads of families) but with the servant maids and others of the house.
I wou'd therefore demand, whether those epistles even allowed to be genuine, the Doctor can shew, that their au∣thor had any idea of such a diocess, as that of the Bishop of London, or as all America would make? Or whether he sup∣poses, that a Bishop ought to be endowed with omnipresence, an attribute of deity? Let him shew, that the erecting a Bishop, to ••••perintended a thousand other ministers of Christ, and to go∣vern a thousand parishes.* 6.2 is more agreeable to the humble plan

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of the gospel, than the erection of a Bishop over one parish only, to be equal to his brethren, and capable of knowing the spiri∣tual state of his flock. Nay, I could wish he had gone farther, and attempted to prove, what never has yet been proved to sa∣tisfaction,—that for such "a truly scripture Bishop," we must be dependant upon our mother country, as we are for other tax∣able commodities,—that we must have a bill disputed in Par∣liament, creating him one, or at least giving him jurisdiction over us, without our consent:—that the King of England, as "head of the church," has a right to choose for us; as if we were not of age, nor competent to choose for ourselves. I do not mean to ask him to shew me that these things are

originally and essentially belonging to the office;
he has put us in mind that we should be careful
to separate the several things that have been added as appendages,
&c. But to shew that it is bet∣ter for us to have one Bishop with all this enormous load of ap∣pendages, this unweildly mass of lumber, than to have a thou∣sand as good upon the simple plan of the gospel, and
who call no man master;
to have one, for whose creation all England, Scotland, and Wales must vote, before we can have him, and in whose election and creation, we cannot have the common privilege of Englishmen, of Christians, or of men; but must submit to those who have nothing to do with us in this matter.—Let the Doctor shew, that this is more scriptural and eligible, than to have many who can shew as much authority from Christ, as his Lordship, when he comes, tho' they are strip∣ped of those anti-christian appendages, and chosen by ourselves. I boast myself a non-episcopalian, for the same reason that I boast myself an Englishman; nor can I see half so much rea∣son why we should submit to tyranny in the church, as in the state.

Allow us, I say, the distinction between a diocesan and paro∣chial

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episcopate,—allow us to judge from scripture, what a Bishop means, and we are ready to subscribe to the most of the Doctor's "sketch of arguments." The most of it, I say, be∣cause there are some exceptions, to which I am amazed that he can subscribe himself.

That he should, for instance, adopt that quotation from the offices, by which the function of a presbyter and priest is con∣founded. If one views the Church of England as but had pu∣rified from the corruptions of popery; if one traces the history of its reformation, and considers the many impediments which obstructed its progress, one will not wonder at finding the name and office of a priest, as well as an altar retained, when the ab∣horred doctrine of transubstantiation, or

the sacrifice of the real body and soul of Christ,
in the eucharist was discarded. But sure, to one who is acquainted only with his bible, the in∣consistency of retaining the one and dropping the other, must appear very glaring. The office of a priest under Christ, is un∣known to scripture, as much as the offering of sacrifices. Upon the popish plan, the office is indispensible; upon that of the church of England, it is absurd.

To suspect any material alteration in the plan of church go∣vernment, during the "first, second, or third centuries," is ac∣cording to this writer, an argument of

a wrangling and cap∣tious disposition.
And yet himself furnishes us with an in∣stance of a dispute called the quarto-deciman controversy, which proves that within that time, such was the character of Chris∣tians, as to suffer them to separate from each other, and tear the church to pieces, upon so very a trifle, as the
time of the ob∣servance of E••••ter;
a mere superstition or institution never commanded by the word of God! This methinks shews, in spite of what the Doctor had said; that their character was not such as to oppose all innovations; since they not only consented to this institution of men, but were so attached to it, as to quarrel about the time of it to a furious degree.

We know, that even in the time of the Apostles, many cor∣ruptions in doctrine did arise, and were opposed by them. We know that very soon after them, the most damnable heresies did spring up and spread. No one will deny this, or I would assign instances. The Apostle warns them of "evil men and seducers." Now if the character and persecuted state of the primitive Chris∣tians, was no security against corruption in doctrines, much less in discipline and government.

Simple unaspiring, unsuspicious men, as were the primitive Christians, were more exposed to the designs of ambition, in the article of government, than in matters of faith. Will the ap∣pellant

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dispute this? The event proves it a fact. To what do∣mination did many Bishops arise within the space of 400 years! The man of Sin, is to this day a monument of the supreme height to which this ambition has mounted. Time was when he assumed to himself more power, than was ever claimed by Jesus Christ himself; and above half the world subscribed to the abomination; the world "went wondering after the beast." In the Church of Scotland, or any church so well established, where the powers of church officers and all manner of discipline have been so thoroughly sifted, and where the reformation occasioned so many contests, it would not be surprising to find an innova∣tion of this kind vigorously opposed. But let the Doctor shew us that this case is parrallel to that of the primitive Christians, who tho' they might be well informed of doctrines necessary to salvation yet might not in general have equally understood the nature of government; as this was a less essential point in their view, and at that time not so thoroughly weighed. Where a plan is settled after long contest, the least attempt to innovate gives loud alarm: where there never was a contest on this head,—men may steal by unsuspected degrees into dominion, until the multitude find the yoke to fast wreathed to get it off. So that we need not suspect the zeal of the primitive Christians, and yet allow that there were innovations.

Our author would have us produce the history of the time, when all the Christian church did tamely resign their privileges, and how this was accomplished without the most violent convul∣sions? I ask him with the same reason to shew me the history, and to account for the prodigy, how one Bishop upon his plan, began to usurp over another—And pray let him tell me, how it happened at last, without the most dreadful convulsions, that one Bishop assumed the whole power, and became the

vicar of the son of God?
The same reasons which will account for one man's arriving at the supremacy of the whole church, will certainly account for one ambitious man's obtaining the power of "lording it over ten of his brethren." In plain words, the same reasons will account for the rise of diocesan episcopacy, which will account for the rise of an universal bishoprick or pope∣dom. For it is full as easy to tell how a man got upon the lower round of the ladder, as how he ascended to the top. As for history, it gives us as much light in the one case, as it doth in the other. The truth is, that ambitious ecclesiasticks assumed, and the civil authority finding it for its advantage, confirmed the tyranny.

It is on all hands granted that the mighty dissention between Bishops. Metropolitans, Archbishops, Primates, Patriarchs and

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Popes, did not spring up in the church in a moment. This grand portent was not the birth of a night; but gradually arose and gain'd strength for a long time before it came to its crisis. The Dr. indeed insists that the first three centuries were clear of corruption. But the form of government in the church, was nevertheless greatly changed before the end of the fourth, or else the Church of England, cannot pretend to be in the right so much as the Church of Rome. But what reason could operate in the fourth, that did not also operate in the third century? If an innovation would have alarmed in the second, why should it not in the fifth century? If historians would have given us the particular account in the third century, why did they not in the fourth? Before the end of the fourth, it is certain, the aspiring prelates had got almost to their ne plus ultra, and yet no par∣ticular account of it, as a sudden thing. Therefore, tho' I ad∣mire the language of Chillingworth, in his boasted demonstra∣tion, and especially the passage cited by our author; yet I cannot admire his reasoning. Let us try, whether it will not establish popery as well as diocesan episcopacy; by only putting the same argument into the mouth of a Jesuit.

When I shall see therefore all the fables in the metamorphosis acted, and prove true stories; when I shall see all the aristocracies in the world lie down and sleep, and awake into monarchies; then will I begin to believe, that the episcopal government (as it obtains in the Church of England) having continued during the Apostle's times, and for three hundred years after it,—should presently after, against the Apostle's doctrine, and the will of Christ, be whirled about like the scene in a masque, and transformed into papacy. In the mean time, while these things remain thus incredible, and in human reason impossi∣ble, I hope I shall have leave to conclude thus:

The papal jurisdiction is acknowledged to have been received into the church, not very long after the third century.

But between the end of this third century, and this not very long after, there was not time enough, nor possibility of so great an alteration.

And therefore there was no such alteration as is pretended: and therefore the papacy being confessed to be so ancient and catholick must be granted also to be apostolick.

The reasoning is as good in the one case as the other. But if you grant that the papal power arose gradually, and in an un∣alarming manner, the same answer is sufficient to account for the immoderate rise of episcopal power.

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From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE, Jan. 9, 1769. A KICK for the WHIPPER, No. XXXII.

—Two or three brace of snipes on one and the same spit.

TICKLE'S Whip, No. II.

IN a late P. S. I took more notice of the Parish-Clerk than I had ever intended; but in my course, stumbling upon him ••••ain, (Whip No. 33) I shall just kick him little out of my way. "Out of the abundance of the heart the" pen writeth.—Even this little publican, I find, aspires, and with other sons of the switch (if he the Citizen, Messrs. Tag Rhyme and Crambo, &c. are all different scribblers) longs no doubt to be "kick'd into FAME." Fame! fame! fame! is the cry wth them; and, tho' THE CHURCH shou'd sink and drown, they hope at least to swim themselves, it seems, and immortalize their own name, by means of bladders of windy nonsense blown up for her support. The queer contrast between the Parish Clerk's letter and P. S. and even between this last and itself, is really diverting. In the 1st he appears somewhat like at least an honorary BACHELOR OF ARTS; but in the last he so unaccountably affects the Ignoramus, and even while puffing out technical terms, so absurdly blunders out Linguister,—gapes at the latin scholar, and dreads affront∣ing the Lady Prosodia; that, unless he can support a character better, he will never shine in either epic or dramatic poetry, and I dare promise him, that, tho' he writes an episcopiad, 'twill ne∣ver find a place in a library, and tho' he scribbles fifty plays, not one of them all will ever be acted even at the Theatre in John-street.

I am much oblig'd to Dordracensis for lending me an helping ha—foot, as he has thereby sav'd me the trouble of kicking Sq. T's 34th No. to pieces.—I must however beg his pardon, for anticipating him by a few remarks on Chillingworth's Demon∣stration of the apostolical institution of episcopacy, as given us by Sq. T. (No. 35.) This boasted demonstration is founded entirely on a suppos'd concession of Molinaeus and Theodorus. Until I see those writers, I can't judge for myself of their real senti∣ments, and therefore must in the mean time make the best of Sq. T's "THIRD-hand account," from which however, it seems very natural to suppose, that by

Bishops presently after the Apostle's times,
Molinaeus meant no more than Dr. Chauncey does by primi interpares, As to Theodorus, if he ad∣mitted

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the authenticity of the Ignatian epistles, and did indeed ascribe "superiority of power as well as priority of order" in Chillingworth's sense, to the Ignatian Bishops, (whom it is allow'd Justin Martyr of the 2d century calls only Presidents) I'll ven∣ture to say he was no "great defender" of presbytery. However I suspect neither Molinaeus nor Theodorous meant to allow the identity of primitive and modern episcopacy:—But even sup∣posing they did, who but those that grant the same can feel any force in Chillingworth's demonstration? Demonstration indeed! founded on the concession of two men!—A demonstration is founded either on axioms, propositions prov'd, or universally allow'd; but if an argument founded on the bare confession of two persons, may be mark'd Q. E. D if that plain and spherical triangles are in all respects similar, I'll undertake to demonstrate, that the three angles of an equilateral plain triangle are equal to three right angles. A demonstration founded on personal conces∣sions, or even on private instead of general principles, is no de∣monstration at all.

Chillingworth might have spar'd much of what he has said in proof of the 2d. of his premises, amounting to this, that the work of a century cannot be done in a year; for if Molinaeus and Theodorus were indeed so complaisant as to grant his 1st, he need not to have fear'd that any one, who knows that Rome was not (as to either city, state or CHURCH) built in a day, wou'd dispute his 2d.—but on certain occasions, men love to harrangue on evident points rather than others. If episcopacy is not an apostacy, because of its universality, per∣manency and uniformity, what are we to think of the original apostacy of mankind, which may boast of its having been ancient, uniform, permanent and universal? These properties, in such a world as ours, can never prove human conduct conformable to a divine pattern, but under certain circumstances, rather furnish presumptions to the contrary. If we have no account of any opposition made at first to episcopal usurpation, in ecclesiastical history, we have, I fancy, at least some account of its mysterious operation, in the scripture prophecy, contain'd in the 2d chap. of St. Paul's 2d epistle to the Tessalonians, which I recommend to the reader's attentive perusal.

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From Mr. GAINE'S GAZETTE, Jan. 16, 1769. A WHIP for the AMERICAN WHIG. By TIMOTHY TICKLE, ESQR. [No. XL.]

This Heap is much in Show, but light in Substance.

Bp. JEWEL.

WHEN I entered the Lists with the American Whig, I really expected that I was to engage with a potent Adver∣sary; that I should have Reason and Argumentation in every Paragraph: I was also much pleased with the Prospect of ha∣ving the "dry Crusts of Controversy" mollified by Strokes of Wit and Humour, at proper Intervals. But, how great has been the Disappointment, both to myself and the Public!—Instead of Reasoning, we have been presented with Sophistry; instead of Argumentation, with Misrepresentation; instead of Wit and Humour, with Scurrility and Buffoonery;—Impudence has been obtruded upon as for "sound Sense; Pertness," for Sprightliness; a quaint canting Style, for manly Eloquence; Pedantry, for Erudition, and Falshood, for Truth.—I am therefore not at all surprised, at the Contempt with which his Papers are treated by the Public. Nay, I find that I myself am, in Danger of being neglected, for attending so closely upon his Productions: And the general Opinion seems to be, that Esq Tickle

might employ himself better, than in making Remarks upon Papers that Nobody reads.
For this Reason the Ame∣rican Whig must not take it amiss, if I sometimes am obliged to take three or four of his Papers into Consideration, in order to furnish one tolerable Entertainment to the Public.

In his XXI Numb the American Whig again enters on the Subject of the Expence of American Bishops; but in a

Man∣ner so angry, and with a Temper so inflamed by Passion,
that what he says on the Subject, deserves the less Attention. Speaking of Dr. Chandler, he says,—
Indeed, in no other In∣stance should I discredit his Word:
—But before he had got half through his Paper, he is fired with Passion, which rises so high, that the atrabilious Humour is put into the most
••••ustra∣tious Ferments,
and the Doctor is painted as a
tergiver∣satious, hypocritical, arrogant Claimant, for Civil Power, and worldly Riches:
—Is described,
as smuggling into Port this contraband Commodity,
viz. American Bishops, in

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a

sneaking, mealy-mouthed, half-choaked, hesitating, claim∣ing, disclaiming, avowing, bungling Manner.

Again, speaking of the Dr. and the Convention, he says,—

For besides the extreme Stupidity of confiding in the Promises of this Sort of Gentry, when a darling Project is to be car∣ried, any longer than they labour under an Incapacity of breaking them, it having been their constant Practice to vio∣late those kind of Engagements, whenever their Designs were sufficiently matured to defy Opposition, (as shall hereafter be abundantly shewn from History,) it is evident, from their present Conduct, that a primitive Bishop is as far from their Thoughts, as primitive Christianity.
—When a Writer thus gives himself up to intemperate Anger, and can so utterly divest himself of all Regard to Truth, Decency, and good Manners, instead of meriting an Answer, he becomes the just Object of Contempt.

With Regard to the Expence of American Bishops, I have in my 31st Num. incontestably proved, that no Tax will be needed; a Fund is already provided, and daily increasing; a Fund esta∣blished by the pious Donations and Legacies of some of the worthiest Men that England has produced. This outrageous Clamour which this "testy, petulant Reviler," hath made, and which he hath wearied himself in endeavouring to propagate, is only intended to raise an Odium against American Bishops; and if I thought the Whig himself believed it, or that there was one Person in the Province, "above the Capacity of an Idiot," who paid any, the least Regard to the visionary Tax-bill, with which the Whig's second Sight has tormented him, (in which he has omitted the Article of Bibles, imagining, possibly, that as little Use is made of the Bible in the Church, as in a Meeting-House,) I would enter into a particular Examination of it. But till I am convinced of this,—and I must have better Proof than either the Whig's Word, or that of his footy Fellow-Scribblers,—I choose to leave it, and the Remainder of this Paper, to be a Monument (as long as it lasts) of his implacable Opposition to the established Church of the Nation, and the venerable Minis∣ters of God's true Religion. I shall just take the Liberty to ask the Whig, Whether, The Rev. Mr. Williams, who had been Rector of Yale-College, was not promoted to the Command of a Regiment, in the Expedition against Cape-Breton, in the Year 1745; if that was the Case, he might have mentioned it as another Instance, besides Rector Sharp, of an Ecclesiastic having a military Promotion.

The Whig labours hard, in his XXII Numb. to establish a Point of the greatest Importance to himself, and the Cause he

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has undertaken to manage, viz. That Dr. Chandler, Mr. Sea∣bury, and the Convention, do not desire, and are not endeavour∣ing to obtain such a Bishop as is proposed in the Appeal, or in other Words, a primitive Bishop, but a

modern, proud, Law-dignified, Court-favoured Prelate.
It is remarkable that the Whig has indulged himself, thro' the whole Course of his Wri∣tings, in a most flagrant Piece of Sophistry.—Dr. Chandler and Mr. Seabury have declared, that they themselves, and the Convention, have applied for, and desire only a primitive Bishop, i. e. a Bishop whose Powers shall be of a spiritual Kind, such as are derived from the Church and not from the State. It is sufficiently known, that according to the Principles of the Church of England, and the whole Tenor of Scripture, Bishops are an Order superior to Presbyters; and such an Order superior to Presbyters, it is, that the Clergy of this Country have applied for;—an Order, who are to or∣dain and govern the Presbyters of a certain district, and to confirm such of the Laity as desire to be confirmed. The Whig hath repeatedly declared, that there are no Objections against Primitive Bishops being settled in America; but then he considers every Presbyter as a primitive Bishop; and an Order of Men in the Church, superior to Presbyters, he considers as an Innovation. Under Cover of this Sophistry he hath repeat∣edly declared, that it is impossible we should have a primitive Bishop; because he would refuse to give that Apellation to any Person, who was of an Order superior to Presbyters:—From the same Source his most amazing Kindness and Indulgence to the Episcopalians has proceeded:—"The Episcopalians," says he in his Number,—
may have I doubt not, a thousand primitive Bishops, without Molestation. They may make every Mis∣sionary a Bishop, without giving any sort of Uneasiness to the Colonies, provided they adhere to the primitive Pattern;
i. e. provided those Bishops are not superior to Presbyters. The American Whig hath therefore, grossly imposed upon his credu∣lous Readers, by this Sophism. He hath dressed up a Phantom, and has most unmercifully belaboured it. Whereas he ought to have shewed the Inconvenience that would have accrued to the Colonies from the settling one or more Bishops in them, to or∣dain, and govern the Clergy of the American Church of Eng∣land, and confirm such as desired to be confirmed. Had he done this, or had he endeavoured to have done this, he would have stuck to the Point and the Controversy would before this Time have been at an End. However,

As he hath attempted to

point out sundry material Differ∣ences, between the primitive Bishop, and the Bishop mentioned by Dr. Chandler,
and I will do him the Honour to attend him.

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"1st, The primitive Bishop" says the American Whig, was "chosen by the People, over whom he was to preside," and for the Truth of this Assertion, he appeals to the Writings of the Fathers, and the Canons of the primitive Church.—And further on, he asks, "Is it not a Privilege for the People to choose their own Bishops? Why then did Christ, the great "King and Head of the Church, confer it upon them"?

If the American Whig will consent, that this Point shall be decided by Testimonies from the Fathers, I will readily join Issue with him; with this Proviso, that his Quotations shall be taken immediately from the Writings of the Fathers, and from the Canons of the primitive Churches, and in the original Language. I will not be satisfied with Quotations of Quota∣tions, or Translations of Translations; particularly I shall ob∣ject to any Translations, Quotations, or Authorities from St. Peter King's Enquiry; many of which are so very faulty, that a School Boy would have deserved a Flogging for them.

For the present, I absolutely deny that the primitive Bishops were chosen by the People; or that Christ ever conferred this Privilege upon the People. St. Paul, appointed Timothy Bish∣op of Ephesus, and Titus of Crete, without any

popular Suffrage.
When the American Whig produces his Autho∣rities for these Assertions, it will then be Time enough to be more particular.

2dly, The American Whig asserts,

There was one or more primitive Bishop or Bishops, in every City or Town, where Christianity was professed.
—Ans. There was one Bishop in the larger Cities, and in some Districts of the Country; and if, thro' Age or Infirmity, he was unable to discharge the Duties of his Function, an Assistant or suffragan Bishop was allowed.—"The Apostle Paul," continues the Whig,
appointed that there should be Elders or Bishops ordained in every City, or Town, of the Island of Crete.
—Ans. St. Paul consecrated Titus Bishop of Crete, and directed him to ordain Elders, i. e. Presbyters in every City. But if Elders or Presbyters, and Bishops, are the same, what Need was there of leaving Titus in Crete, to do that which every Elder or Presbyter might do as well as he? This is an Instance of the Whig's Sophistry, which I took Notice of above. He uses the Words. Elder. i. e. Pres∣byter, and Bishop, as meaning the same Office; which every Person who is not as purblind as a Whig, must see is the Point he ought to have proved, and therefore he has no Right to take it for granted.

3dly,

According to primitive Institution, Bishops were to be apt to teach,
i. e. I suppose disposed to teach,—
and

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to take heed to all the Flock.
—he should have added—over which the Holy Ghost had made them Overseers,—i. e. to take the best Care they could of the whole District, whether greater or less, that was committed to their Charge,—
To feed the Church of God. But Dr. Chandler's Bishop is not to be a constant Preacher, nor, as far as I can learn from him, to preach the Gospel at all.
But is it not universally known and allowed, that one Part of the Bishop's Office, is to preach the Gospel? Did Dr. Chandler exclude the Bishop he mentions, from preaching the Gospel? Why then this malicious Insinua∣tion against Dr. Chandler? Does not the Governor take Care of the People committed to his Charge, who requires, and sees that the Judges, Justices, and every inferior Order of Magi∣strates do their Duty: unless he in his own Person executes the Office of Judge, Justice, Sheriff, Constable, and Hangman, in every City, Town, and Village in his Government? And does not that Bishop "take heed to the whole Flock," who requires and sees that both Orders of Ministers under him, do their Duty, and administer the Ordinances of Religion, in the various Con∣gregations to which they are appointed? Titus was left by St. Paul in Crete, to ordain Elders, Presbyters, or Ministers, in every City, and to see that they did their Duty: but St. Paul gave no such absurd Direction, as that he should preach constantly in every City.

4thly,

The primitive Bishop was to discipline all Offenders; such as sinned before all, they were to rebuke before all, that others also might fear; and to reject Heretics after the first and second Admonition.
—But according to his
(Dr. Chandler's) Account of his American Bishop, he is not to discipline the Laity at all;
&c. To obviate this Objection, I shall here give a short, but full Answer to the 23d Numb. of the American Whig, which is professedly upon this very Sub∣ject, and contains more Misrepresentations, than any Paper of the same Length that ever appeared in this Province.

That Excommunication was one Part of the Discipline of the primitive Church, I believe will not be denied; and the Ame∣rican Whig, after complaining bitterly of the severe Effects of Excommunication in the Church of England, endeavours to prove, that the Church of England has no Discipline at all, and quotes Part of the Exhortation in the Office of Commina∣tion, Dr. Whitby, and Bp. Burnet, in Support of his Position. But if Excommunication be a more severe Discipline in the Church of England, than it was in the primitive Church, where is the Sense of asserting, that the Church of England has no Discipline at all? I am ready to defend Dr. Chandler's Posi∣tion,

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viz.

That the Power of the Church is entirely Spiri∣tual,
&c. But if any civil State shall determine, that a Per∣son excommunicated by the Church, shall not be,
••••llowed to commence any Action at Law; nor to be a Witness, Advo∣cate, or Juror, &c.
the Church is no more accountable for these Consequences, than for the Effects of any other penal Laws passed by the State. None of these Consequences, how∣ever, can happen in this Country, because there is no Law to give Being to them.

With Regard to the sacramental Test, tho' I am no Lawyer, I am confident no Action at Law would lie against a Minister for r••••sing the Communion to any Officer of a scandalous Life, and Conversation; and my Reason is, that the Rubrics in the Book of Common Prayer, being established by Act of Parliament, have the Force of a Law; and it cannot be supposed that a Minister would be punished by one Law for obeying another.

That the Discipline of the Church of England is very much weakened, I readily allow; and I think Dr. Chandler has assign∣ed the true Reason, viz.

Altars are set up against Altars, and Churches against Churches; and those who are rejected by one, may be received by another.
The English Indepen∣dents and Presbyterians must take all the Glory and Honour of this to themselves. They rent and divided the Church; they sowed the Seeds of Enthusiasm, and Hypocrisy, Libertinism, and Infidelity, which have produced a most plentiful Harvest: They refuse to submit to the Discipline of the Church, and then censure the Church, because its Discipline is not of Force enough to reclaim those that are incorrigible; they, by their Clamours and Cabals, by their restless Ambition, and unwearied Endea∣vours to change the "monarchial Government" of their Country, into a Republic; by
Reflectors, Watch-Towers, American Whig's, and Centinels;
by a
premeditated Opposition, and pre-concerted Combination
from Boston to Philadelphia; by "Ass-sociations, Consociations, Presbyteries and Synods" by Pulpit Harrangues, and private Conversations; have given, and do give, all the Obstruction in their Power to the Appoint∣ment of American Bishops, and then have the Effrontery to make their Non-appointment an Argument to prove, that the Office of Bishop in the Church of England, is not the same with that in the primitive Church.

Thus I have fully confuted three Numb. of the American Whig; and if he or his Associates, have the least Modesty left, they will never mention this Matter of Discipline more.

The 6th "Particular of his 22d Numb. is this,—

The Bishop of the Appeal, is to be a grand Personage,
&c. Whe∣ther

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the American bishops will be of great or small bulk, the American Whig knows no more than I do; nor whether their "support and dignity" will be great or little; but when he insinuates, nay affirms, that the Appeal proposes that the A∣merican bishop should be a 'grand personage,' and that a 'tax of four-pence' in the £. 100, should be raised for his support, he knows as well as I, that he insinuates and affirms what is false, false, false.

His triumph over Dr. Chandler, Mr Seabury, Aristocles, and Hierocles he may enjoy, "if he can;—only let not him that girdeth on his armour, boast himself as he as that putteth it off:" And let him remember, that it ill becomes Whigs, and Independents, to accuse others of 'breach of promise or forgetfulness of engagements and protestations.'

N. B. I have passed over No. XX of the American Whig as it is chiefly filled with a pretended letter from "one of the Society's missioners in America, to one of his Majesty's chap∣lains." The Whig says, "the public may depend on it to be genuine." But the public has been so often and so flagrantly abused with forgeries by him and his party, (of which the letter signed B. W. is an instance, lately detected) that his word is not to be relied on. In the first place, I absolutely deny that the said letter to one of his Majesty's chaplains, was written by one of the Society's missionaries, and in the next had it been wrote by a missionary, I aver there is nothing in it that is unjust, or that may not be well defended. The infamous trade of forgery by the Whig and Co. is at present in a bad state.—almost ruined, to the great satisfaction of all honest men.

[From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE, Jan. 16, 1769] The AMERICAN WHIG, [No. XLV.]

To the Author of the AMERICAN WHIG.

SIR,

AS the episcopalians in this city, are preparing the way for the better reception of an American Bishop, by filling our house of representatives with members of that denomination, or such as they know to be under their influence, I cannot but think such their insidious project within the native design of your periodical pa••••••s, which among other salutary purposes, are doubtless intended to preserve this colony from the abso∣lute dominion of high-church.—For which reason I persuade myself, you 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cheerfully insert the following piece in your paper.

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The episcopalians in this city, having for more than half a cen∣tury past, regularly and invariably pursued a confederacy for establishing episcopacy, thro' every part of this province, and steadily prosecuted this design thro' many of their political me∣nuvres; a majority of the dissenting denominations conceived it high time before they were irremediably enslaved by pre∣latical tyranny, to make a stand for the preservation of their religious liberty, by choosing for their representatives in the next general assembly, men upon whom they could depend as the guardians of their rights and priviledges; and who were not to be influenced by the threats or promises of their adver∣saries.—To avoid however, the least imputation of giving rise to a contested election, if it could be avoided consistent with a due regard to their political safety, they appointed a committee authorised to propose to the two episcopal candi∣dates, that the dissenters wou'd acquiesce in their appoint∣ment and give them their votes, and interest on condition, that in consideration thereof, they should be at liberty to appoint two non-episcopalians, and that such four should be elected without any contest. This proposal was rejected; and the episcoplians are pleased to wonder forsooth that the affair should be made a religious quarrel. What follows, is therefore to remove all wonder about the matter; and to shew that if there be any religious quarrel in the case, it is of their own making. This will be evident to all impartial men, and to every conside∣rate person among themselves, who will seriously consider the following

Reasons for the present glorious combination of the dissenters in this city, against the farther encroachments and strata∣gems of the episcopalians, from a brief recollection of what the latter have already done, to exalt their own party on the ruins of every other religious persuasion amongst us.

I.

NOTWITHSTANDING one of those fundamental arti∣cles of the 'conditions for plantations,' upon which this country was settled, published by the Duke of York, is in these words, "That every township should be obliged to pay their own ministers, according to such agreements as they should make with him; the ministers being elected by the major part of the housholders and inhabitants of the town." And notwith∣standing the Dutch were farther expresly secured by the faith of the nation, solemnly declared in the 8th article of the capi∣tulation at the surrender of this province, by them, to the crown of England, on the 27th August, 1604, that "the Dutch here

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should enjoy the liberty of their consciences, in divine worship and church discipline,—notwithstanding all this I say, and in manifest violation thereof, they the episcopalians did in the year 1693, procure an act of legislature for establishing episcopacy, in four several counties of this province, under the specious pretence of settling a ministry and raising a maintenance for them in the city of New-York, county of Richmond, West-Chester, and Queen's county.

II.

But lest the people of other denominations should insist that the choice of the minister intitled to the salaries to be raised by the said act was in the people, they procured another act in the year 1704, "granting sundry privileges and powers to the Rector and Inhabitants of the city of New-York, of the com∣munion of the church of England, as by law established," transferring the right of calling a minister, from the people of this city, to the vestry and churchwardens of Trinity church.

The monies raised by virtue of those acts to which every denomination must contribute, did already amount on the 6th of June 1755, above 13 years ago, being calculated 〈…〉〈…〉 ∣pound interest, to above half a million, viz. five hundred and thirty three thousand one hundred and forty pounds, three shillings and six-pence lawful money of New-York.

III.

Between the morning and the afternoon service, they took possession of the presbyterian church at Jamaica; and on Mr. Hubbard's returning to his church, he found to his great astonish∣ment, an episcopal clergyman reading the liturgy in it. Of the possession so obtained, they availed themselves for 19 or 20 years, till in the year 1727, they were ejected by due course of law.

IV.

In the year 1702, Governor Cornbury, a violent episcopalian, retired from this city, on account of a very mortal distemper which then raged in it, to the town of Jamaica; and in a friendly manner intreated Mr. Hubbard, for the use of the parsonage house, during his stay there. That clergyman gene∣rously put himself to inconveniencies to oblige his Lordship, who instead of re-delivering the house to his benefactor on his return to New-York, did, with the most astonishing perfidy, put the episcopalians in possession of it; and they, by virtue of this possession, kept it till the said year 1727, when it was, together with the church recovered from them by the ejectment above-mentioned,

Page 388

V.

During the administration, of the same Governor, they per∣secuted the Rev. Messieurs Makemie and Hampton two Scotch presbyterian ministers, for preaching in this city without licence from the Governor, and had the former tried on an informa∣tion, and tho' acquitted by the verdict of a Jury, loaded him with upwards of £. 80 costs.

VI.

In the year 1712, they opposed the application of the presby∣terians to President Schuyler, for a charter for their church; and again during the administration of Governor Burnet; employing counsel against granting their petition, tho' the Governor was willing to do it and the King's counsellor in England advised that it might be done agreeable to law.

VII.

They obtained a patent from the same Lord Cornbury for a very valuable tract of land near this city, which had before been granted to the widow of a Dutch minister; and taking the advantage of the abscence of the owners, still hold it by possession without ever having made any compensation to the legal representatives of the original patentee, which tract of land is now worth above £. 50,000 pounds.

VIII.

They prevailed on the assembly to appropriate half of the monies raised by a lottery, for a free and catholic college in this province, to the narrow partial episcopal college now in this city; and aimed at securing the whole, but were disap∣pointed by the spirited opposition made against them.

IX.

They have since attempted to establish episcopacy in the Ma∣nor of Philipsburgh, by act of legislation, but were happily de∣feated by a seasonable opposition.

X.

They have again opposed the English presbyterians in this city, in their application to the throne for a charter of incor∣poration for their church.

XI.

Instead of assisting by their wealth, the French protestant refugees in this city, and thus pouring oil into the expiring lamp of one of the most glorious churches of the reformation, they fomented an opposition to Mr. Daller (a man of un∣doubted piety and unexceptionable abilities) for the sole cause of his firm adherence to the presbyterian worship and disci∣pline of the church of Geneva.—Mr. Daller's friends re∣membred who signed his certificate; nor will ever forget the

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unfeeling hearts of those who refused to certify the most noto∣rious truth, in favour of that persecuted stranger.

XII.

They have so managed, as to fill the whole council with members of their own persuasion, one only excepted, and re∣frain not saying that it is a shame there should be one single non-episcopalian at that board.

XIII.

They have lately attempted, in order to obtain the water lots contiguous to the church ground, and other purposes equally iniquitous, to exclude every non episcopalian from the magistracy of this city, and to fill the office of alderman and common-council-men, with persons of their own per∣suasion.

XIV.

To ruin the Dutch church, they have for above 20 years past used every art and stratagem to prevent the introduction of English preaching into it, knowing that to be the most ef∣fectual measure for preserving that congregation, from which they were continually making additions to their own, on ac∣count of the Dutch language growing into disuse, and being little understood by the younger sort of the Dutch them∣selves.

XV.

When disappointed in this unfair and unchristian plot, they began to foment, and have hitheto supported an unhappy division in that church, and excited a law suit between the two parties, in order to rend it piece-meal.

XVI.

That church being now at peace, and in so flourishing a condition, that they dispair of destroying it, and the Dutch being now thoroughly apprised of their pernicious designs they have lately, after all their flattering and cajoling, openly thrown off the mask, and by the instrumentality of their weekly 'calumniator general,' publickly reviled the 'Dutch reformed religion,' by traducing that venerable body the synod of Dor∣dreght, the grand bulwark of calvinism, and one of the great∣est ornaments of the reformation, as a parcel of designing men, rather convened to wreak their resentment on their enemies, than to serve the cause of religion.

XVII.

They have by their influence, procured the rejection of a petition of the Lutheran and French churches in this city, and of four Dutch churches in this province, for charters of in∣corporation for their respective churches, whilst the like char∣ters

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are constantly granted to the episcopal churches amongst us.

XVIII.

The more effectually to rivet our chains, and at one stroke to crown their long and uninterrupted design, steadily pursued for upwards of fifty years, of totally subjugating us to their ab∣solute empire, they are now meditating the introduction of that curse of curses, an American Bishop, with all his spiritual courts and tremendous power. And

XIX.

They do now refuse the most reasonable overtures of allow∣ing dissenters to nominate only two of the four candidates to serve in the next general assembly, rather choosing to throw this city into the most violent convulsions, than not to have the sole direction of that important affair.

These my friends and fellow citizens are facts, stubborn and incontestible facts, And now I appeal to the sober judgment of every impartial man, to determine whether (if so it must be call'd) we or they have made it a religious quarrel. We are disaffected to no man, of any Christian persuasion on account of his religious sentiments. Nor are we prejudiced against any episcopalian for his religion.—But it is the politics of the church,—its domineering spirit,—its perpetual strides towards universal dominion,—its pride,—its power and its thirst of domination, a thirst not to be satiated but by our ab∣solute destruction, that we are combined to oppose. Instead of any machination against them, I wish we could answer for our criminal passivity for half a century. Why have all these things been suffered? Many of them could certainly have been pre∣vented, had we not been wanting to ourselves. Look around you, my brethren, and the tell me what post or what office is not engrossed by them! Could all this happen by chance in a province where they constitute so small a minority? not such a series of encroachments to be ascribed to a concer∣tion of design for aggrandizing themselves, and suppressing the dissenters? Rouse therefore my friends, and act like men! Exert yourselves in the glorious cause of preserving your liber∣ties. Transmit them like an inestimable jewel, to your pos∣terity. Suffer yourselves no longer to be wheedled by their artifices. Let it suffice, and more than suffice us, that hither∣to we have slumbered on supine and inactive. They want only a majority in the house of representatives to have all the three branches of the legislature on the side of episcopacy: And then farewel, an eternal farewel, to our religious liberty! Then shall we indeed be made, (what one of them within

Page 391

these six days, had the assurance to say we ought to be made,) 'Tributaries to the church.' Up therefore, and be doing. If you sleep now, you sleep as on the top of a mast, and all beneath you is destruction and ruin. To avert the perdition which threatens you, preserve inviolate your laudable combination.—Your only strength consists in your union. Let no strata∣gem of theirs disconcert it. As you have one joint interest to secure, act as if inspired by one soul. The prospect is encou∣raging. Providence will not frown on your struggles for liber∣ty, Whatever be the issue, it is ours to use the means, and then to acquiesce in the dispensations of Heaven: But indo∣lence is certainly culpable. If we succeed, we shall lay a per∣manent foundation for our privileges. If we fall, we glori∣ously fall, by falling in the vindication of what is dearer than life itself.—In a word, should we be disappointed, let our disappointment be improved, to a still closer, and more intimate junction. Let it be improved to excite us to exert ourselves upon every future occasion, with greater harmony, and redou∣bled vigour.

From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE, Jan. 16, 1769. A KICK for the WHIPPER, No. XXXIII.

Sic opis est nostra, fer opem legis, atque ope digns.

LILEY'S Quae genus

THE vindicator's advertisement in the Whip, is the first piece I remember to have seen in that paper which bears the least marks of even tolerable abilities; so that, in its present situation it looks like a jewel on a dunghill: And yet partiality and prepossession are so glaringly evident in it, that I cannot but think, it contains at least somthing very kickable.

It appears extremely odd to me, that one, who had taken up arms, and made one campaign as a voluntie ••••••u'd cry out to another for defence, especially to such a popgun hero as my Squire T. T. i. e. that a vindicator shou'd apply to a Whip∣per to vindicate his vindication. His reasons likewise for con∣cealing his name are evidently deficient. A voluntary second to one of two well known persons engag'd under the eye of the public, certainly ought not to appear in a masque, and it evidently is "a matter of" at least some "consequence to the

Page 392

public, to know, who he is &c." and that for this among other reasons, that individuals may not be expos'd to uncertain impu∣tations. Besides, if the V. had one half the "courage and heroism" he wou'd fain seperate from the character of Mr. Livingston, he wou'd have been no more afraid of persecution than that gentleman, who (tho' he foresaw it) ran the risk of being by name abus'd, slander'd and revil'd (and since it is a fashionable phrase, PERSECUTED) as he has been, by Sq. T. and his club of Dunces, and yet, (who wou'd have believ'd it? he's alive still. The V. assures us; his "anecdotes are all pertinent to the subject;" but the reader will be at a loss, I fancy, to discover any other connection than what he has ar∣bitrarily made by his transitions, the story about a YOKE OF OXEN and a ploughman, seems to be a cock and a bull story; and that about the Indian Deacon might be very well con∣trasted with another (as much to the purpose) of an Indian who, being by a celebrated divine converted to Churchanity with a mug of cyder, brought another almost dead drunk, and tumbling him on the floor, cry'd, Here Dr! another Shurchman!

The V's 4th. and 5th. par's as they chiefly concern Mr. Livingston personally, I shall leave to be by him treated either with neglect or otherwise as he shall think proper; only just ob∣serving, that both in his pamphlet and advertisement, the V. (with others of Sq. T's associates) seem to consider LITERARY FAME as no small acquisition, if gain'd, and if relinquish'd as no small sacrifice.

I'm not fond, I own, of calling proper names in question on the present occasion, without sufficient evidence; (how sufficient the W's evidence is, I pretend not to know) but I confess, I can see no absurdity in saying that he, whoever he be, (whether friend or foe to DISSENTERS, it matters not which) who wrote the prefatory advertisement, is accountable for whatever is contain'd in the vindication, tho' 20 were con∣cern'd in writing it. A Pamphlet, the V. tells us requires greater abilities than a periodical paper.—Not to dispute this point, I'll just tell him, that a pamphlet prefac'd with great I often repeated, is generally suppos'd to be written by one per∣son, which a peroidical paper is not: So that his simile taken from the writer of the 1st. Whig, is al a props, and "the cases are" not "parallel," (let him say what he will) but as different as a private man and the foreman of a jury.

The V. complains heavily of the W's charge of "false quo∣tation," and like an innocent person appeals to the reader. This dispute may be easily determin'd;—both parties are

Page 393

in the right: I am witness that, as some can speak the truth and something else in the same breath, the V. whoever he be, has quoted truly and falsely on one and the same page. In the 1st. quotation, it's true, the word just, as very long as it is, is in∣ferred "AT FULL LENGTH;" but in the 2d. it is omitted, apparently in order to colour a charge against Mr. Livingston, of having asserted ROUNDLY. But if I rightly understand the V. he thinks it needless to have copied the word just at all; be∣cause Mr. Livingston, having no right to "judge for the civil power, has, it seems, no right to have his private sentiments fairly represented. But pray Mr. V. should I differ in sentiment, (of which the word just is expressive) from all the LORD'S JUS∣TICES on the globe, have you a right, in quoting my words, to leave out that important word, because I have not a right to judge for others?—Fie, fie! Mr. V.!

The V. pretends to great candor and moderation, and yet can't help letting fly with a Vengeance now and then. He likewise professes, as a gentleman and a Christian, to be very tender of private characters, and yet for a bishoprick wou'd not have omitted a few gentlemanly and Christian INNUENDO'S with regard to Mr. Livingston's

But what is of all most diverting, is, that no less than 3 gentlemen have undertaken to refute the refutation of the vin∣dication, before it has made it's appearance. The V. it's true, affecting the candid disputant, promises to tumble down when∣ever the W. shall knock him down; and the CANDID EXAMI∣NER declares, that, in such case, he will not help him up; but Sq. T. not being possess'd of such delicacy of sentiment, justi∣fies "severe reflections," and evidently recommends stamping Mr Livingston in the dirt, in order to raise the vindicator from the mire.

[From Mr. GAINE'S GAZETTE, Jan. 23, 1769.] A WHIP for the AMERICAN WHIG, By TIMOTHY TICKLE, Esq [No. XLI].

—Quis, talia fando,— Temperet à lacrymis? VIRGIL.

INCITED by an insatiable lust of power, and spurr'd on by an ambition which increases in its prospects, as it advances to an eminence, a turbulent faction in this province, have never

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ceased blowing the coals of party spirit, till they have burnt forth into a blaze; divide et impera, is a favourite political maxim with them; accordingly as the church of England has been an obstacle to their towring designs, they have sought every means to destroy the friendship and harmony which has subsisted between her and other denominations, that they might rise to power over her ruins, and rule with absolute dominion. Evidently with this intent was the 24th number of the American Whig written. Dr. Chandler after incontestably proving that a bishop under the restrictions proposed, could be no way detrimental to dissenters, and that it is a privilege essential to the well-being of the church, urges, that any opposition of dissenters to a plan of so harmless a tendency, would have in it the nature of persecution—From so just an assertion, the American Whig takes occasion to accuse Dr. Chandler of insinuating that the church had been grievously opposed by dissenters; merely that he might with some degree of propriety and excuse, inflame their minds by a high colour'd narration of the savage cruelty of churchmen▪ Strange that a splenetic crew, who since their fi•••••• origin, have been continually maligning, traducing, and disturbing the quiet of all around them; who, discontented with the frest toleration any where granted, are continually discharging their venom at the bosom that nourished them; who have never miss'd one opportunity of persecuting others, and aiming at the destruction of the church; that such (I say) should not blush to accuse that religious society, the charity and benevolence of whose members is every where acknowledged, and enjoyed by themselves whenever they have petitioned for it.—The charges contained in this paper, and repeated in the 25th number, I should with pleasure refute; but the task is needless, since they have been totally obviated in a late paper,—are no way coincident with the subject, and would be improper at this season.

If the church of England in America is considerably distress'd thro' the want of an episcopate to superintend her clergy, and to confirm her members,—if half her churches are destitute of clergymen to officiate in them and administer the sacraments,—if the episcopate desir'd, would remedy these inconveniencies, and be of advantage to religion in general among us, and assist the propagation of the gospel among the heathen,—if the bishop is to be so abridg'd in his powers as that he cannot possibly in∣fringe the privileges of dissenters,—if these postulata are true, and that they are so, Dr. Chandler has irrefragably evinc'd—the opposition of presbyterians to so reasonable a proposal, is evi∣dently cruel, invidious, and malevolent; and betrays a spirit,

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scandalous to protestantism, and heinously criminal and nefarious.

But says the American Whig,

I am surprised that any man, who has resided but a few years in this country, and especially a native, who cannot but be thoroughly acquainted with the genius and disposition of its inhabitants, towards an ecclesiasti∣cal hierarchy, should seriously set himself to urge a measure that hath so manifest a tendency to interrupt the peace, impede the population, and re-kindle a flame in his Majesty's dominions.

This objection is so far from having any truth or solidity in it, and has been considered so often in the course of these papers, that it scarcely deserves attention. The dissenters in this coun∣try (excepting a trifling minority) with the reform'd Dutch church are so fully convinced of the moderation and benefits re∣sulting from the establish'd church, that they would rejoice in any method that could promote her interests, without damaging the liberties of others.

An insinuation that 'nine tenths of the colonies' have an un∣conquerable aversion to bishops, under the restrictions stated by Dr. Chandler, is a calumny that deserves the severest reprehen∣sion. The dissenters in this country have imbibed the principles of freedom and moderation: They are not, they cannot be of such an intolerant spirit, as to refuse a protestant church the en∣joyment of an episcopate that interferes not in their concerns.—Such assertions must give the enemies of the reformation cause to rejoice. and a fair plea to doubt of the boasted mildness and charity of protestants. The temporal powers of English bishops are not considered as inherent in their office—they are mere ap∣pendages confer'd by the state (in consequence of the alliance) to be employed in its service. These, if the church is established, may be circumscrib'd by an act of parliament, and if it is not—they cannot be exercised.

The faith of treaties, the sanctity of laws, and the fence of charters, will be the guardian of their privileges.

Where then can be the obstacle? Can they fear its increase in strength?—The well-being, harmony, religious liberty and peace, of the various denominations in America, depend on this circum∣stance. The presbyterians are fast increasing in number—unsa∣tisfied (as they ever will be) with their present large participation of privileges, they are ambitiously grasping for more.

Their aspiring leaders pant to seize the chariot of power—in which if they are once mounted, they will drive furiously.

The dissenters experience the lenity and mildness of the go∣vernment of churchmen; they find them open hearted and cha∣ritable, and in general despising the little views of party. On

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the contrary, from every instance in which the presbyterians have had the eins of authority, they have grown giddy, arro∣gant, and intoxicated, they have been carried away with the strea of ambition; every principle of justice and humanity have fell a sacrifice to the darling service of presbytery!—Just then are the reasons of policy which should urge dissenters to support the church of England 〈◊〉〈◊〉 its just privileges, as the only bulwark against popery on the one side, and the insatiable ambition of in∣dependant presbyterians on the other.—That their incroaching strides are to be feared, is evident to any one who reflects on the bitter enmity which they now, and have ever shewn to a pa∣cific church, to whose members however, when their interests will be promoted by it, they can humbly crouch and supplicate.—All the most mean and ignominious intrigues are made use of to de∣prive that church of an episcopate, because they flatter themselves, if this point could be effected, thro' want of clergymen it would by degrees crumble into nothing; while haughty presbyterian∣ism would unmolested, fix her standard in this extensive world, and every denomination be swallowed up into herself.—When that melancholy period arrivs!—adieu to the tender blandish∣ments of friendship and sociability—to the soft breathings of con∣cord and peace!

Persecution shall again unsheathe her sword, and knee-deep in blood stalk along, brandishing her scourges, pointing to gibbets and halters!—In those happy seats of the muses where science rears her laurels;—Gloomy bigotry, and degenerate cunning shall clap their wings;—Oppression and savage cruelty shall prowl arrogantly abroad with harpy talons, to wrest from industry the reward of its toil, and spread desolation around!

Ah! where is that liberty that sweetened the cup of sorrow, and smoothed the brow of care?—that open benevolent religion, pitiful courteous and merciful as its author was merciful?—Suc∣ceeded by suspicious unforgiving hypocrisy, by noisy confusion, and wild uproar.—Should any one, startled at the representation, conceive this picture the product of a heated imagination,—let him recollect the days, when an unhappy monarch was brought to the block!—Where then was that liberty of conscience, that purity of religion,—that illimited toleration, which were before so exultingly trumpeted! The weapons of the kingdom of dark∣ness were seized on, to stablish the kingdom of light.—The well-wrought constitution of Britain, obtained at the price of the blood of our forefathers, tottered on its base!—Rapine extended its sacriligious jaws to devour the offerings dedicated to the ser∣vice of learning!—and the sword of faction was sharpened for those who would not bow down to the idol of presbytery!

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Tho' in their state of weakness, they professed a free enjoy∣ment of their religious liberties would satisfy them;—tho' they declaimed (as they now do) of their affection to toleration, and freedom of every kind, yet as they ascended the steps of power, they changed their cry and behaviour, grew intolerably arrogant and imperious, and at last entered into a covenant,

to extirpate prelacy root and branch, and make the name of the Lord one, and his religion one, through the three kingdoms,
Their sen∣timents of toleration were altered, and their very devout and merciful synodmen, bellowed out against schism, and that 'hell-born doctrine of satanical toleration;' that those whom the word could not convert, the sword should; that the
vine of the Lord should flourish over the whole earth.
That I may not be thought to ground charges on bare assertions, let the reader pe∣ruse the following quotations, taken fairly from the sermons and essays of their public preachers and defenders, when Oliver was mounting to the throne.

The famous city of London, is become an Amsterdam; Se∣peration from our churches is countenanced; Toleration is cried up; Authority lieth asleep.
Calamy's Sermon to the Lord Mayor, January 14, 1645, page 3.

O! Let the ministers therefore oppose toleration (as being that by which the Devil would at once lay a foundation of his kingdom to all generations: Witness against it in all places; possess the magistrate of the evil of it; yea, and the people too; shewing them, how, if a toleration were granted, they should never have peace in their families more; or ever after have command of wives, children, servants, &c. Let's therefore fill all presses, cause all pulpits to ring, and so possess parliament, city, and the whole kingdom, against the sects, and of the evil of schism and toleration; that we may no more hear of a to∣leration, nor of separated churches, being hateful names in the church of God.
Amen. Amen. Edward's Gangrena, part 1, page 84.

This prelacy in the article, this many-headed monster of arch-bishops, bishops, &c. This is the beast wherewith we fight in the covenant,—thy mother papacy, shall be made childless among harlots; your diocesses, bishopless; and your sees, lordless; and your places shall know you no more.
Case's Sermon before the Commons, page 50, 51.

Subjects may appeal from the king and council to the next general assembly. An Assembly may abrogate acts of parliament, and discharge subjects of their obedience to them, if they any way reflect on the business of the church:
King's large decla∣ration,

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Fol. 407.

Our presbytery is no other than Christ's court.
Rutherford's Lex. Rex.
Come, my brethren, take this Agag prelacy, and hew it to pieces before the Lord.
Case's Covenant Renewed, page 51.'
Down with Baal's altars, down with Baal's priests.
Salwey's Sermons to the Commons, page 19.
To you of the honourable house, up, for the matter be∣longs to you; we, even all the godly ministers of the country will be with you; let not the pretence of peace or unity cool your fervour, or make you spare to oppose yourselves unto those idle idolized ceremonies of the church.
Fain Cloth to the Com∣mons, page 29.
You cannot preach nor pray them down, di∣rectly and immediately;—Well! that which the word cannot do, the sword shall.
Reyner to the Commons, page 12.

Episcopacy must not be pulled up, but the Bishops hanged up before the Lord.
King's large Declaration, Fol. 404.

If any person or persons whatsoever, shall, at any time or times hereafter, use, or cause the aforesaid Book of Common Prayer, to be used in any church or chapel, or public place of worship, or in any private place or family within the kingdom of England, &c. Every such person so offending therein, shall, for the first offence, pay the sum of five pounds, of lawful English money. For the second offence, ten pounds; and for the third, shall suffer one whole year's imprisonment, without bail or mainprize
Ordnance of Parliament August 23, 1645, for putting the Directory in execution.

As Josiah put to death those that followed Baal, so may the parliament those that will not return and leave Antichristianism.—That Antichristianism that was sworn in the covenant to be rooted out.
Marshal's Sermon 1645, p. 45.

The execution of judgment is the Lord's work; and cursed is he that does it negligently: And cursed shall they be that keep back their sword from blood in this cause.
Strickland, Nov 5, 1644, p. 26.

Let us not out of any worldly respects of estate, wives, chil∣dren, honour, good nature, justice compassion, care of trade, of laws. grow lack and lazy in our undertakings; upon the success of which the eyes of Christendom are fix'd:—But let us proceed to shed the blood of the ungodly.
L —, Dec. 19, 1642.

These are some of the sentiments of these pious assertors of freedom, in the only instance that they ever weilded the sword of power,—the horrid cruelties they were then guilty of, and the woes they entail'd on the British nation, will reach perhaps to latest posterity,—Reason bids us suspect their pretences to cha∣rity

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and moderation, and their inflam'd declamation on tolerati∣on and liberty of conscience!—and experience points to their for∣mer disguises, to their airs of magisterial tyranny,—to the lips of cruelty,—and the garments bath'd in blood!—But perhaps it may be urged that the conduct of a misled monarch drove them to these extremities,—were not, I will ask, the sufferings he un∣derwent sufficient to compensate, nay to exceed the degree of his errors? Must churchmen, as well as other Christians, be obliged to bow down to the image which they had set up?—But let us (to find the true spirit of this aspiring party) pursue them to this country, and inspect their conduct when not under the stimula∣tions of heat and faction,—we shall find them claiming lands where they had settled by royal permission, as a heritage sacred to themselves, where no other protestants had a right even to pass thro'!—We shall perceive them with all the severity of the inquisition, mangling the bodies of the most innocent and harm∣less people, for disagreeing with them in religious sentiments.—The aged brought with their grey hairs in bloody sufferings to the grave!—Women (weep humanity and tender hearted pity!) denied that food which nature expostulated for in vain! stript naked (blush modesty!) and drag'd with mangled limbs from town to town, and at last consign'd cruelly to death—their sex exposed to the scorn of the multitude, and their mutilated bo∣dies denied the last offices of humanity—Burial!—and that by men who ever rail'd out against the persecution of the church, and by a denomination who hypocritically professed to excel all other in purity and moderation!—My pen trembles and is una∣ble to perform its task!—let the unhappy sufferers themselves recite the rest!

An extract from a short summary of some of the sufferings of the people of God called quakers, as represented to the king and parliament in the year 1699.

In these few lines, O King, thou and thy Parliament may see the continued sufferings of thy subjects under the cruel and bloody hands of the priests and rulers in New-England, who did for divers years, most barbarously spoil and ruin the goods of thy faithful subjects there, hawling them out of their habita∣tions to prison, far from their families and little-ones, cruelly torturing their bodies with whips and pitched ropes, and lock∣ing up neck and heels in irons many hours, with famishings near unto death, being without pity to their aged parents or to their helpless children; chaining to a log of timber night and day, a long and very cold winter, dragging men along by the hair of their heads, and the tender women (as they were on

Page 400

their knees in prayer) dragg'd out of the house by their hands, with their faces towards the earth, over stumps and old trees, through very deep frost and snow, to prison.—And last of all, in the height of the spirit of the wicked one, the spirit of mad∣ness, blindness, blood and murder, they spared not, but cruelly put to death some of the servants of the living God, for no other cause but for their faithful obedience to the spirit of the Lord in their hearts.

From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE, Jan. 23, 1769. The AMERICAN WHIG, [No. XLVI.]

LIBERTY is the gift of God to mankind; and a jewel of inestimable value. Had we retained our primitive in∣nocence, we should have enjoyed our primitive liberty. But the introduction of sin into the world, introduced the necessity of putting the sword into the hands of the magistrate, to protect the weak from the violence of the strong. Hence the origin of government. We surrender a part of our liberty to secure the remainder; and thus it appears, that licentiousness, or an unruly desire in any man to do as seems good in his own eyes, is unfriendly to liberty; or in other words, that every true Son of liberty is a friend of good government, and in this con∣sists the glory of that character. The government, I say, must be a good one; for to disturb one that is destructive of the public felicity, or to oppose a tyrannical dominion, either origi∣nally acquired by force, gradually erected on the ruins of a free state, can never be called licentiousness: For no man or set of men, could ever acquire a right to render the society they are appointed to govern, as miserable as it would have been without any government; and much less to make the members of it more wretched than they would be in a meer state of nature. The happiness of the people is therefore the law of laws, the supreme law. And hence it follows on the other hand, that as no government is or can be perfect in its plan, nor always faultless in the execution of its powers, resistance is unlawful; unless, all things considered, there is a moral certainty of thereby promoting the happiness of the community. The true Son of liberty will therefore abhor both tyranny and licentiousness, and think it his duty to oppose every bad measure, whether attempted by prince or people, and conduct his opposition with a steady eye to the general good.

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Upon these principles we justify those heroes of our own nation, who with their blood, purchased that glorious consti∣tution, which after innumerable struggles, acquired a perma∣nent establishment on the accession of that ever memorable Dutchman, King William the third. By these principles also, the Sons of liberty in America, will be able to vin∣dicate their attachment to the constitutional claims of free∣born Englishmen; and the time is fast approaching when the present threatning clouds, with respect to the contested right of taxation, will be dissipated, to the honour of all those who shall appear at the end of those troubles, to have been cordial friends to the interests of the empire.

But whatever share any of us may claim in that harvest of glory, let it ever be remembered, that His will be the greatest, whose actions have been conducted upon the most generous principles, and with views of promoting the most extensive felicity; and that the man who shall stickle to shut out one evil, and contribute to open a door to a greater, will rather deserve censure than applause.

He who really loves his country, will, to the utmost of his power watch against, and prevent every annoyance: But a man who is clamourous against one ill measure, and regardless of others equally mischievous, can have no claim to true pa∣triotism: Such only wear it as a cloak to cover some sinister design: The conduct of some of those who in this city ac∣quired honour by their opposition to the stamp-act, gives there∣fore just ground to suspect, that they were not inspired by that laudable spirit, which seeks the redress not only of one partial grievance, but will exert itself against every machination de∣vised for the ruin and destruction of their country. Let us attend to a few instances in which the patriotism of those pretenders to the character of sons of liberty, has been brought to the test; and their claim to it will be found to be emptiness itself.

Scarce had we concluded our exultation on the repeal of the stamp-act, before we heard of the execrable scheme for enslav∣ing the whole continent under the dominion of spiritual courts. The Bishop of Landaff assures us, that the introducti∣on of Prelates into this country, was the main design of erect∣ing the society for propagating the gospel in the reign of King William. Ever since that period they, have had their eye upon us; and now when the conquest of Canada bids fair for such an increase of wealth, as to enable us to sup∣port the hierarchy, every exertion is made on both sides of the water, to accomplish the project.—Bishops preach it up. Legacies are given for it. Our own clergy petition the King,

Page 402

the Universities, and others in its favour. Private letters are written to solicit the assistance of men in power, Pamphlets and papers are published to wheedle and deceive the Ameri∣cans; and the late Arch-bishop of Canterbury himself, under∣took to defend the scheme, and in his answer to Dr Mayhew, who gave the first alarm, boldly presumes without the royal leave, to intimate, that if any colony will signify its request for a Bishop, a Bishop shall be sent.

As therefore the subjugating such an infant country as this, to dignified prelates, must be its inevitable ruin; who would imagine that any person bearing the name of a son of liberty, would have heard of so portentous and alarming a project, without the most painful emotions! Upon all those who really deserved that honourable appellation, it had that effect; and the efforts they are making to vindicate the religious liberties of the people, are as vigorous as those made in defence of their civil rights and privileges.

Admitting that the wings of the American Bishops may be so clipped, as to prevent them from doing us any injury; and that such only are desired as are of the primitive kind; yet surely it became the professed assertors of liberty, to take pro∣per steps to obstruct the scheme till security was given for this clipping, in order that all reasonable jealousy might be re∣moved.—Instead of joining to allay the fears of others, till the remedy was impracticable, they ought to have aided them in driving the zealots for this pernicious plot, not only into a dis∣avowal of it in words, but from urging it in any manner what∣ever, before such laws were enacted, as might put us out of danger. The proper steps were obvious. One denomination only was suspected to befriend the scheme. The motions of the bigots among them were therefore to be narrowly watch∣ed. I say their bigots were to be watched, because it must be confessed, to the honour of the majority of the episcopalians on the continent, that they are as averse to prelacy as any other protestants amongst us. And to frustrate the designs of those bigots, the sons of liberty of that church, should have joined all others in refusing their votes to any candidate for an elec∣tion, whose profession of principles afforded any ground for suspecting him a friend to the introduction of prelatic power into America. Nay, they ought upon the first notice of such a design, to have petitioned the assembly for a most explicit de∣claration of our abhorrence of the measure, and the most ear∣nest supplication to King Lords and Commons, that no such power might be suffered to disturb the repose, and consume the substance of this peaceable and prosperous country.

The neglect of all this is truly culpable—Nay, some who

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pretend to the character of sons of liberty, seem to act as if they were struggling to arrogate to themselves the name, mere∣ly to have the fairer opportunity of destroying the substance. They clamour against the laws destructive of civil liberty, only to gain a credit and power to rob us of what is infinitely dearer to us, even the privilege of worshipping God, accord∣ing to the dictates of our consciences, and to make us, as it has been expressed, Tributaries to the church.

That the attachment of those pretenders to the cause of liberty, was at best but partial, appeared incontestibly evident in the course of the last election for this city.

The real son of liberty will consider the business of an election, especially at such a critical juncture, as one of the most important concerns in which he can be engaged.—The freedom of elections is the grand bulwark of all our liber∣ties, rights, and privileges, civil and religious; and it is im∣pregnable to all attacks except those of corruption and terror. But will any man have the assurance to deny, that in the last elections, at least one of those batteries was served, and that too by men who boast in the name of Liberty-Boys? And was not this manifestly to keep out a certain candidate merely for his attachment to the cause of religious liberty; and because his abilities gave the enemies of it, reason to tremble for their dar∣ling scheme of erecting a prelatical domination over all the other churches in the colony?

There is no court to which we ought to resort with more seriousness, than the sheriff's court of election. To preserve our liberties and promote the common welfare, we should ourselves behave in it, and assist in obliging others, to demean themselves, with the greatest decorum.

Every man who offers his service to the public as a candi∣date, has a right to good usage, and deserves our thanks. Nay, if his offers are countenanced by the voices of any of his countrymen, there is a double respect due to him; and if he is insulted, his electors are abused, and have reason to resent it as an injury done to themselves and the public. But were there none who pretend to be sons of liberty, concerned at the late election, in tumultuous shoutings, displaying of colours, and other artifices, designed to inspire terror into one of the can∣didates, or his electors? Was not every part of the town alarmed by exhibitions purposely contrived to intimidate the inhabitants who befriended him? Yes, and those insulting ac∣clamations were made in the very court of election. Not to mention all the menaces and threats offered to the poor vo∣ters, some of whom were thereby terrified out of their birth-right, and treated as the most abject slaves, merely on the score of their poverty.

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[From Mr. PARKER'S GAZETTE, Jan. 23, 1769] A KICK for the WHIPPER, No. XXXIV. By SIR ISAAC FOOT.

Projicit ampullas et sesquipedalia verba.

HOR.

I'M very loth to exercise my office on any gentleman person∣ally; but, if any one will imprudently stand in the way of my toe, and thereby happens to be kick'd I can't help it.—He must blame himself.

Mr. S—b—r—y (Whip No. 37.) gives us (as he says) 'a just and faithful account' of his adventure, in quest of the name of the writer of the letter sign'd B. W. and after all his ram∣bles, concludes, (as, it seems, he did at first) that the whole is 'a villanous piece of forgery,' in which B. W. Dr. Chauncy, Mr. Parker and Mr. Smith, stand charg'd by him as persons concern'd. Now as I am not acquainted with the necessary facts, I shall leave it to those gentlemen, if they think it necessary, to vindicate their own characters: In the mean time, as one story is often good only till another is told, I advise the reader to suspend his judgment as I do. I beg leave however to make a few remarks on Mr. S's. 'performance,' as he calls it.

1. He gives Mr. P. a long string of titles, evidently out of pure spite, being apparently as much displeas'd with him for printing, as with B. W. for writing the letter. 2. He says, 'the direction at the head' of it and, He thinks 'the date at the Bottom were in a different hand and ink from the other writing.' Had his aim been to prove the authenticity of the letter, per∣haps he wou'd have thinked otherwise, at least as to the latter; and to the former he wou'd no more have suspected Forgery, than he might have done in many a piece sent to the press, in∣troduc'd with a 'different hand and ink' for the sake of the composers. 3. He accuses Mr. P. of 'not complying with his promise in his own preamble:"—Now Mr. P. promis'd no∣thing at all, or at most no more than to 'shew the original letter to any person desirous of satisfaction.' The letter Mr. S. owns Mr. P. shew'd him;—and what wou'd the man have had more? By being troublesome, 'tis probable he obtain'd the knowledge of Mr. P's conjectures as to the author, which right or wrong, he wou'd fain improve to his disadvan∣tage. 4. Mr. S. contradicts himself. Mr. Smith, he says, 'cau∣tiously avoiding mentioning Wentworth's name, but always express'd himself by the term—the gentleman;' and yet he

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owns Mr. Smith mention'd Mr. Wentworth's name no less than twice before. On the whole Mr. S. seems to have written his history in a great passion, to the beginnings of which, I doubt not, some of the gentlemen accused were witnesses, as well as the 'gentleman of undoubted credit' his companion, in proof of which as well as other articles, 'tis a pity he did not pro∣cure and publish his affidavit.

I come now to consider M. S's reflections on B. W's letter, (Whip No. 38) His remarks on the spirit and temper of it, so naturally put me in mind of his, that I shall confine myself to that alone. He is so much vex'd with Boston, that he de∣clares he 'never was in it,—'has no agents in it,'—'ne∣ver wrote a single letter to any person in it,'—and 'desires to have nothing to do with it.' Mighty good humour'd this!—He likewise 'confidently' boasts, that he has 'laid the Whig fair∣ly on his back.' What a pity it is such a doughty combatant has no trumpeter!

Mr. S. seems to think B. W. has not acted in character. Not as a son of the church; because he has ventur'd to reprove some of her hot-headed children.—Not as a friend to Her growth; because he scorns to promote it by the dirty manure of misre∣presentation, and is so candid as to do justice to Dr. Chauncy:—Not a member of the society; because he declares he is not im∣pos'd upon like most of his brethren:—Not as a friend to de∣cency and good manners: because he has treated with some free∣dom, so very Respectable a character as Mr. S's—and, not as a friend to truth and impartiality; because impartiality, on this occasion, oblig'd him to take the part of one of the dissenters, and because in his whole letter there is not One word of truth—but what is very unwelcome to Mr. S. Such a 'stickler for impartiality in writing' as Mr. S. had need to approve him∣self a very candid inquirer after truth; and yet reader! (cou'd you have thought it?) this same gentleman, undertakes to decide on the propriety of Dr. Chauncy's answering the ap∣peal, and ridicules him, as he wou'd an old horse, in the same breath with which he 'deliberately declares,' that he 'never read more than a dozen pages in' the Dr's. pamphlet, 'and never intends to read a dozen more.' On this occasion, I shall only remark, that I've known many an old horse worth more than a dozen young—s

Mr. S. affects to be thought too manly to give any one, even a servant, the lie, when in effect he had just declar'd, that B. W's letter was nothing but a pack of lies, and misrepresenta∣tions. I hope indeed Mr. S. was not the person, who gave Dr. Chauncy the lie, July 4th. 1768; but somebody certainly did: And even Mr. S. endeavours to justify him in it, by in effect

Page 406

declaring that there is not one word of truth or impartality in B. W's letter.

Whether B. W. are the initials of the letter-writer's Real name, or were by him sign'd as W. X. Y. Z. &c. have been by others. I can't pretend to say; but it wou'd doubtless greatly surprise Mr. S. (who has nothing to do with Boston) to find that some one of those gentlemen he mentions by name, had written the letter, and (whether mistaken or not as to the person who ap'd an independent) had acted from nobler motives than Mr. S. can, it seems conceive of, viz.—than rev••••ge for his having per∣sonally 'given him an occasion.' How apt some people are to discover unwarily the principles of their own conduct! But be all this as it may, I am so fully 'convinc'd' of Old Dr. Chauncy's good sense, integrity, and veracity, that I must not, I cannot, alter my sentiments, till Sq. T. Mr. S. or somebody else have advanc'd something more convincing than they have ever yet done, to prove him a dotard, rascal, or a liar; And therefore I can't believe Mr. S. will either procure 'bread for himself or family' (whatever he may for bears) by crying, go up thou bald∣head! or promote his usefulness as a minister of Christ, by par∣ty, and publickly rebuking an elder. By 'such attempts,' he has little reason to hope to 'shake Dr. Chauncy's reputation' or establish' his own.

The End of the Second Volume.

Notes

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