The history of the colony of Massachusets-Bay, from the first settlement thereof in 1628. until its incorporation with the colony of Plimouth, province of Main, &c. by the Charter of King William and Queen Mary, in 1691. : [One line in Latin from Pliny] / By Mr. Hutchinson, lieutenant-governor of the Massachusets province.

CHAP. I. The History of the Colony of Massachusets-Bay from the first Settlement until the Year 1660.

THE discovery of America by Columbus and of the northern continent by the Cabots in the 15th century, and the several voyages of English and French in the 16th I pass over, and begin with the voyage made by Bartholomew Gosnold, an Englishman, in the year 1602, to that part of North America since cal|led New-England. It is not certain that any European had been there before. Hackluit mentions the landing of some of Sir H. Gilbert's men upon some part of the conti|nent; but, its probable, that was farther eastward, upon what is now called Nova-Scotia. Gosnold landed first on the eastern coast, which he calls Mavoshen.* 1.1 After some commerce with the natives he sailed southward and landed upon one of the islands called Elizabeth islands.* 1.2 He gave them that name in honour to Q. Elizabeth, who was living when he left England, and they have retained it ever since. He built a fort and intended a settlement upon the island, or the continent near it, but he could not persuade his peo|ple to remain there, and they all returned to England be|fore winter.* 1.3

IN 1603, De Monts obtained a patent from Henry the 4th of France, for all the country from the 40th to the 46th degree, by the name of Cadie or Acadie. In 1604 De Monts ranged along the sea coast from St. Lawrence to Cape Cod, and to the south of it. He went far up Kene|beck river, and into divers other rivers, bays and harbours.* 1.4

IN 1606 King James the first granted all the continent from 34 to 45 degrees, which he divided into two colo|nies, viz. the Southern or Virginia to certain merchants of London, the Northern or New-England to merchants of Plymouth.

IN 1607 some of the patentees of the Northern colony began a settlement at Sagadehoc. They laid the plan of a great state.* 1.5 The president died the first winter, which was extreme cold. Sir John Popham his brother, the great promoter of the design, and Sir John Gilbert the admiral's brother, died the same year in Europe, and the next year, 1608, the whole number which survived the winter re|turned to England. Their design of a plantation was at an end. Both English and French continued their voyages to the coast, some for fishing, and some for trade with the natives; and some feeble attempts were made by the French towards plantations, but they were routed by the English in 1613. There was no spirit in the people of either nation for colonizing. Favorable accounts were published of the continent by Capt. Smith and others; but who would re|move and settle in so remote and uncultivated a part of the globe if he could live tolerably at home?* 1.6 The country

would afford no immediate subsistance and therefore was not fit for indigent persons. Particular persons or compa|nies would have been discouraged from supporting a colony by the long continued expence and outset without any re|turn.* 1.7 No encouragement could be expected from the public. The advantages of commerce from the colonies were not then foreseen, but have been since learned by ex|perience. Virginia in it's infancy was struggling for life, and what it's fate would have been if the fathers of it in England had not seen the rise and growth of other colo|nies near it, is uncertain.* 1.8 God in his providence bringeth good out of evil. Bigotry and blind zeal prevailed among christians of every sect or profession. Each denied to the other what all had a right to enjoy, liberty of conscience. To this we must ascribe, if not the settlement, yet at least the present flourishing state of North America. Per|secution drove one Mr. Robinson and his church from Eng|land to Holland, about the year 1608. They stayed about a year at Amsterdam and then removed to Leyden. In 1617 they began to think of removing to America. They laid great stress upon their peculiar tenets, but this did not lessen their regard to morality. The manners of the Dutch were too licentious for them. Their children left them, some became soldiers and others sailors in the Dutch service. In a few years their posterity would have been Dutch, and their church extinct. Th••y were at a loss whether to remove to Guiana * 1.9 or to Virginia, but the majority were in favour of the latter. The Dutch la|boured to persuade them to go to Hudson's river and

settle under their West-India company; but they had not lost their affection for the English, and chose to be under their government and protection. They applied to the Virginia company for a patent of part of the country. To render it probable that their undertaking would not, like all former, be abortive, they gave among others these special reasons:

That they were well weaned from the delicate milk of their mother country, and inured to the difficulties of a strange land. That they were knit toge|ther in a strict and sacred bond, by virtue of which they held themselves bound to take care of the good of each other and of the whole. That it was not with them as with other men whom small things could discourage, or small discontents cause to wish themselves at home again.

The Virginia company were very much pleased with the application, and some of the chief of them addressed the King to grant the petitioners liberty in religion under the great seal; but this was refused. He promised to connive, and not molest them; but this would not do for them at that time. They laid aside the design for that year. In 1619 they renewed their application and resolved to venture though they could not have a special grant from the King of liberty of conscience. They hoped their remote situation would put them out of danger of the ecclesiastical courts. The affairs of the Virginia company were in great confusion, and it was the latter end of the year before the patent was granted. It was taken out under the company's seal to John Wincob. He lived in the family of the Countess of Lincoln, and not removing with the rest, they never took any benefit from the patent. Mr. Weston and other merchants of London engaged, some to adventure their money, and some to go over with them. They therefore made the necessary preparations, and in July 1620 the principal of them went over to South|hampton, where two ships were ready to take them on board. They sailed the beginning of August, but were obliged repeatedly to put back and to leave one of their ships behind with part of the company at last. They in|tended

for Hudson's river or the coast near to it; but the Dutch had bribed their pilot, and he carried them farther northward, so that they fell in about Cape-Cod, and arri|ved in that harbour the 11th of November. The har|bour is good, but the country is sandy and barren. This was discouraging, but it was too late in the year to put to sea again. They coasted about in their boat until they found a place more agreeable to them for a plantation though not so good a harbour. Here they brought their ship and determined to take up their abode. They gave it the name of New-Plimouth. Captain Smith happened to give the name of Plimouth to the same place in 1614. A very circumstantial account of the beginning and pro|gress of this colony, wrote by Mr. Edward Winslow, one of the principal undertakers, is to be found among Purchase's collections.* 1.10

THE project of settling America revived again, and a new patent was granted bearing date Nov. 3d, 1620, in|corporating the adventurers to the northern colony by the name of the Council for the affairs of New-England; the bounds of the country were expressed between 40 and 48 deg. N. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Captain John Mason were two of the most active members of this council. All the sea-coast at one time or other has been granted or pretended to be granted by this council, and some parts seve|ral times over, partly from defects in form in preceding grants, and partly from unacquaintedness with the geography of the country. The first grant within the bounds of the Massachusets was obtained by Mr. Weston, who in the summer of 1622, sent over two ships with 50 or 60 men to begin a plantation at Wessagusset, since called Weymouth. They were sickly when they arrived, and received necessa|ries and refreshment from their neighbours at New-Plimouth. They were a dissolute crew, soon brought themselves to poverty, then robbed the Indians and offered other abuses to them. The Indians made their com|plaints to the colony of New-Plimouth; but the abuses

continuing, the next year they laid a plot for the de|struction of all Weston's company.* 1.11 The plot was dis|covered to the New-Plimouth people, who sent some of their men and prevented the execution of it, by the sur|prize of those who were to be the principal actors. Mr. Weston coming over to visit his plantation, was cast away in Ipswich bay, and stripped by the Indians of every thing but his shirt. Being thus rendered incapable of affording any relief to his colony, it came to an end after one year's continuance.

CAPTAIN Robert Gorges obtained a patent from the council of Plimouth dated Dec. 13, 1622, 10 miles in breadth, and 30 miles into the land on the northeast side of Massachusets bay. This was loose and uncertain, and no use ever made of it.* 1.12 He was son to Sir Ferdinando, and employed by the council in 1623 as lieutenant-general to restrain interlopers and regulate all affairs. He made some attempts to revive Weston's plantation, but returned home the same year without success. Francis West came the same year as Vice-Admiral, but made no stay. The

Earl of Warwick had a patent for Massachusets bay about the same time, but the bounds are not known.

IN 1624, Lyford the minister of New-Plimouth and one John Oldham stirred up a faction there, and were banished that colony. They began a settlement at Nan|tasket. The same year some persons belonging to Dor|chester in England sent over fishermen and made necessary provision for a fishery at Cape-Ann, and Roger Conant,* 1.13 who with John Oldham had left Plimouth and removed with the rest to Nantasket, was appointed their overseer, A grant was made by one of the Gorges, it is not said which, to Oldham and others, of part of Massachusetts bay, which occasioned some dispute between them and the Massachusets grantees.* 1.14

IN 1625 one Capt. Wollaston with about 30 persons began a plantation near Weston's. They gave it the name of Mount Wollaston. It was known by that name some

years after, but at length the name was lost in that of Braintree, of which town it is a part.* 1.15 No mention is made of a patent to Wollaston. One Morton of Furnival's inn was of this company. He was not left in command, but contrived to make himself chief, changed the name of Mount Wollaston to Merry Mount, set all the servants free▪ erected a may-pole, and lived a life of dissipation until all the stock intended for trade was consumed. He was charged with furnishing the Indians with guns and ammunition, and teaching them the use of them. At length he made himself so obnoxious to the planters in all parts, that at their general desire the people of New-Plimouth seized him by an armed force, and confined him until they had an opportunity of sending him to England. In the fall of 1626 Roger Conant and some if not all of his company removed from Cape-Ann to a neck of land upon Naumkeak river. I find mention made of planters at Winisimet about the same time, who probably removed there from some of the other plantations. This is all the account we have of any settlements or attempts for settlements in the Massachusets bay until the year 1627. Mr. White the minister of Dorchester had encouraged Conant and his company to remain in New-England, and promised them men, provisions, &c.

IN 1627, March 19, the Council of Plimouth sold to Sir Henry Roswell, Sir John Young, Thomas Southcoat, John Humphry, John Endicot, and Simon Whetcomb, who lived about Dorchester in England, their heirs and asso|ciates, all that part of New-England three miles to the south of Charles river, and three miles north of Merri|mack river, from the Atlantick to the South Sea. All the lesser grants which have been mentioned within those limits (the settlement of the country being entirely neg|lected by the grantees) were without doubt looked upon to be forfeited or void. The conditions or tenor of none of them appear at this day. It is very likely the three

persons first named in this grant had nothing more in view by the purchase than a settlement for trade with the nati••es, or for fishery, or other advantageous purposes. As soon as a colony for religion was projected we hear no more of them.* 1.16 The other three remained. Mr· White managed a treaty between Sir Richard Saltonstall, Matthew Cradock and John Venn, Esquires, and divers others in and about London, and the original patentees. A purchase was made, and the same summer Mr. Endicot,* 1.17 one of the original patentees, was sent over to Naum|keak with planters and servants, and all the affairs of the colony committed to his care. The patent from the council of Plimouth gave a good right to the soil, but no powers of government. A royal charter was necessary. This passed the seals March 4. 1628. Mat|thew Cradock was appointed the first governor, and Thomas Goffe deputy governor. Two days before, March 2d, some affairs of the colony requiring it, there had been a meeting of the company at which both gover|nor and deputy are named as such, The day for the annual election of officers by charter being the last

Wednesday in Easter term, on the 13th of May 1628 Mr. Cradock was chosen governor by the company, and Mr. Goffe deputy governor, and Sir Richard Saltonstall, Isaac Johnson, Samuel Aldersey, John Venn, John Humfrey, Simon Whetcomb, Increase Nowell, Richard Perry, Natha|nael Wright, Samuel Vassall, Theophilus Eaton, Thomas Adams, Thomas Hutchins, George Foxcroft, William Vas|sall, William Pincheon, John Pocock, and Christopher Coul|son, assistants. William Burgis was chosen secretary in the room of John Washburne. At this court it was determined that every one of the company who had subscribed fifty pounds should have 200 acres of land assigned, and in pro|portion for a greater or lesser sum as the first dividend. The names of all the adventurers and the sums subscrib|ed were sent over to Mr. Endicot, who was appointed their governor in the plantation. A second embarkation of planters and servants had been determined at a meeting April 30, to be made with all speed.* 1.18 Four ministers were provided. Three of them, Francis Higginson, Samuel Skelton, and Francis Bright, were readily accepted by the company, and had all due encouragement promised them; the fourth, Ralph Smith was required to give under his hand, that he would not exercise his ministry within the limits of the patent without the express leave of the go|vernor upon the spot.* 1.19 Five ships were provided for

this embarkation. Mr. Higginson says in his journal that he sailed from the Isle of Wight the 11th of May, and arrived at Cape-Ann the 27th of June, and at Naumkeag the 29th. They found at Naumkeag about 100 planters, 8 houses, besides a fair house built for Mr. Endicot. The old and new planters together were about 300, of which 100 removed to Charlestown, where there was a house built, the rest remained at Salem. Mr. Endicot had cor|responded with the settlers at Plimouth, who satisfied him that they were right in their judgments of the outward form of worship, being much like to that of the reformed churches in France, &c.* 1.20 On the 20th of July Mr. Higginson and Mr. Skelton, after fasting and prayer, were first elected by the company for their ministers, the first teacher, the other pastor, each of them, together with three or four grave members, laying their hands on the other with solemn prayer. Nothing is said of any church being then formed; but on the 6th of August, the day appointed for the choice and ordination of elders and deacons, thirty persons entered into a covenant in writing, which is said to be the beginning of the church, and that the ministers were ordained or instituted anew. The repetition of this form they probably thought necessary, because the people were not in a church state before.

It is difficult to assign any other reason. Messengers or delegates from the church of Plimouth were expected to join with them, but contrary winds hindered them in their passage, so that they did not arrive until the afternoon, but time enough to give the right hand of fellowship. Two of the company, John Brown and Samuel Brown, one a lawyer, the other a merchant, both men of good estates, and of the first patentees and of the council, were dissatisfied. They did not like that the common prayer and service of the church of England should be wholly laid aside, and therefore drew off, with as many as were of their sen|timents, from the rest and set up a separate society. This offended the governor, who caused the two members of his council to be brought before him, and judging that this practice, together with some speeches they had uttered, tended to sedition, he sent them back to England. The heads of the party being removed the opposition ceased.* 1.21

WHILST these things were doing in the colony, the company in England were projecting a much larger em|barkation, and the transfer of the corporation itself from Old England to New. Several gentlemen of figure and estate, Isaac Johnson, John Winthrop, Thomas Dudley, and divers others, who were dissatisfied with the arbitrary proceedings both in church and state, pleased themselves with the prospect of liberty in both, to be enjoyed in America, and proposed to the company at London to re|move with their families▪ but upon this condition only,

that the patent and charter should remove with them. This proposal was first communicated July the 28th, 1629. A committee was appointed to consider of it and to advise with counsel learned in the law and to make report. The adventurers had been at great expence without any returns made to them, and had no rational prospect of any profit from the plantation in the way they were in. The principal objection seems to have arose from a doubt whether such a transfer was legal. The report of the committee is not recorded. Mr. White a counsellor at law was one of the company and great stress was laid upon his opinion; and on the 29th of August it was de|termined

by the general consent of the company that the government and patent should be settled in New-England.

It is evident from the charter that the original design of it was to constitute a corporation in England, like to that of the East-India and other great com|panies, with powers to settle plantations within the limits of the territory, under such forms of government and magistracy as should be fit and necessary. The first step in sending out Mr. Endicot, appointing him a council, giving him commission, instructions, &c. was agreeable to this construction of the charter.

IN consequence of this new resolution, the members of the corporation which remained in England were to retain a share in the trading stock and the profits of it for the term of seven years. The management of it was committed to five persons who were going over, viz. J. Winthrop, Sir Richard Saltonstall, I. Johnson, T. Dudley, and J. Revell, and to five who were to remain, M. Cradock, N. Wright, T. Eaton, T. Goffe, and J. Young, and at the expiration of the term the stock with the profits were to be divided to each man in proportion to his adventure. All other powers and privileges were to remain with the planters upon the spot. We have no account of any divi|dend ever made, nor indeed of any trade ever carried on for the company. There was another article, that one

half the charge of fortifications and support of the ministers should be paid out of the joint stock, but no notice was taken of it in the colony.

THE 20th of October at a general court of governor, deputy and assistants, and the generality, a new choice was made of governor, &c. consisting of such persons as had determined to go over with the patent. John Winthrop was elected governor, John Humfrey deputy governor, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Isaac Johnson, Thomas Dudley, John Endicot, Increase Nowell, William Vassall, William Pyn|chon, Samuel Sharp, Edward Rossiter, Thomas Sharp, John Revell, Matthew Cradock, Thomas Goffe, Samuel Aldersey, John Venn, Nathaniel Wright, Theophilus Eaton, and Thomas Adams, assistants.* 1.22 They did not all go over.

From time to time until the general embarkation, as any one declined some other person was chosen in his stead. First Roger Ludlow was chosen instead of Samuel Sharp.* 1.23

Whilst they were at Southampton (March 18) Sir Bryan Jansen, William Coddington and Simon Bradstreet were chosen in the room of Mr. Wright, Eaton and Gofse, and

yet Sir Bryan never came to New-England. Even after they had embarked, at a court on board the Arabella, Mr. Dudley was chosen deputy governor, in the room of Mr.

Humfrey who staid behind. It is not matter of wonder that they discovered so great want of resolution. It is strange that so many perse••ered. It shews some little

fortitude in a man in health and vigour, who goes through the fatigues of a long voyage and spends but a few months in a wilderness, among Savages, and in a climate more severe than he had ever experienced. What must we think then of persons of rank and good circumstances in life bidding a final adieu to all the conveniencies and delights of England their native country, and exposing themselves their wives and children to inevitable hardships and sufferings, in a long voyage across the Atlantick, to land upon a most inhospitable shore, destitute of any kind of building to secure them from the inclemency of the weather, and of most sorts of food to which they had been always used at their former home? The sickness and mortality which prevailed the first winter, they did not foresee. It is an observation since made, that most parts of America have proved unhealthy (except where the country is cleared) until persons have had a seasoning in it.

ELEVEN ships which sailed from different ports in England, arrived in New-England before the end of July. Six more arrived before the end of the year. They brought above 1500 passengers. The Arabella, on board which was the governor and several of the assistants left Yarmouth between the 7th and 10th of April. On the 7th the governor and divers others on board signed a pa|per directed to their brethren of the church of England, to remove suspicions or misconstructions, and to ask their prayers. This paper has occasioned a dispute whether the first settlers of the Massachusets were of the church of

Engl••••d or not. However problematical it may be what they were while they remained in England, they left no room for doubt after they arrived in America. The Arabella arrived at Salem the 12th of June.* 1.24 The com|mon people immediately went ashore and regaled them|selves with strawberries, which are very fine in America, and were then in perfection. This might give them a favorable idea of the produce of the country, but the gentlemen met with enough to fill them with concern. The first news they had was of a general conspiracy a few months before of all the Indians as far as Naraghanset, to extirpate the English. Eighty persons out of about three hundred had died in the colony the winter before, a••d many of those that remained were in a weak sickly condition. There was not corn enough to have lasted above a fortnight and all other provisions were very scant. They were obliged to give all the servants * 1.25 they had sent over their liberty that they might shift for themselves, although they had cost from sixteen to twenty pounds a head. They had not above three or four months to look out proper places for settlements, and to provide shelter against the severity of the winter. With this prospect of difficulties, great enough for them to encounter, sickness began among them. Being destitute of necessary ac|commodations they dropped away one after another. Among others the lady Arabella, who, to use Mr. Hub|bard's words,

came from a paradise of plenty and plea|sure in the family of a noble Earl into a wilderness of wants, and although celebrated for her many virtues yet was not able to encounter the adversity she was surrounded with and in about a month after her arrival she ended her days at Salem where she first landed.

Mr. Johnson her husband highly esteemed for his piety and wisdom, over|come with grief survived her a short time only and died at Boston the 30th September to the great loss of the colony.

Mr. Rossiter another of the assistants died soon after. Be|fore December they had lost two hundred of their num|ber including a few who died upon their passage.

THE governor and some of the principal persons left Salem the 17th of June and travelled through the woods to Charlestown, about 20 miles, to look out for a conve|nient place for their chief town, which they had deter|mined should be in some part of the bay or harbour between Nantasket and Cambridge. At first they pitched upon the north side of Charles river, or rather northwest, by the major voice, but a number of the principal gentle|men having fixed their cottages (shelters intended for one winter only) upon the opposite side of the river, the go|vernor and most of the assistants removed to them in November. They were however undetermined where to build in the spring. A fortified town, at least palisa|doed, was thought necessary to defend them against the natives, and they could not agree upon the most conve|nient place for that purpose.

THEY found, when they arrived, a few families scatter|ed about in several parts of the bay. Mr. Maverick, who will often appear in the course of this history, lived upon Noddle's island, a grant or confirmation of which he after|wards obtained from the court. He had built a small fort and had four cannon mounted there. At a point up|on Shawmut or Trimontaine, since Boston,* 1.26 lived Mr. Blaxton who had left England being dissatisfied there and not a thorough conformist; but he was more dissatisfied with the non-conformity of the new comers. He told them he came from England bec••••se he did not like the Lords Bishops, but he could not join with them because he did not like the Lords Brethren. He claimed the whole peninsula upon which Boston is built, because he was the first that slept upon it. He had a grant of a very handsome lot there at the west part of the town, but he chose to quit all and removed to the southward, at or near

what is since called Providence,* 1.27 where he lived to old age. There were also several families at Mattapan, since called Dorchester or rather Dorchester neck; here * 1.28 Mr. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Mr. Rossiter pitched with two ministers Mr. Warham and Mr. Maverick. On the north of Charles river (Charlestown) were the remains of those who had moved the last year from Salem; here Mr. Nowell and some of his friends made their pitch, but considered them|selves and Boston at first as but one settlement and one church, with Mr. Wilson for their minister. When he went to England in the spring, Charlestown became a distinct church and town and took Mr. James for their minister. Sir Richard Saltonstall chose a place some miles up Charles river, which has taken the name of Watertown. His company took Mr. Phillips for their minister. Mr. Pyn|chon was at the head of another company who settled be|tween Dorchester and Boston. Their town took the name of Roxbury. They had Mr. Eliot* 1.29 for their minister. Med••ord and Mistick were then distinct places, tho' not so at present At Medford * 1.30 which I take to have been a small village at the lower part of Mistick river, now called neck of land, where a creek also ran into Charles river, it was intended a settlement should be made for Mr. Cradock and the people he was sending and had sent over. Here by his agents he built several vessels of burden. At these several places together with Salem the whole company were settled for the first winter. They had little time enough to provide their huts. Assoon as December came their out-door work was over. On the 6th of De|cember the governor and assistants met and agreed to fortify the neck between Boston and Roxbury, and orders were given for preparing the materials, but at another meeting on the 21st they laid that design aside and agreed

on a place * 1.31 about three miles above Charlestown, and most of them engaged to build houses there the next year. The weather held tolerable until the 24th of December, but the cold then came on with violence. Such a Christ|mas eve they had never seen before. From that time to the 10th of February their chief care was to keep themselves warm, and as comfortable in other respects as their scant provision would permit. The poorer sort were much exposed, lying in ••ents and miserable hovels, and many died of the scurvy and other distempers. They were so short of provisions that many were obliged to live upon clams, mussels and other shell-fish, with ground-nuts and acorns instead of bread. One that came to the gover|nor's house to complain of his sufferings was prevented, being informed that even there the last batch was in the oven. Some instances are mentioned of great calmness and resig|nation in this distress. A good man who had asked his neighbour to a dish of clams, after dinner returned thanks to God who had given them to suck of the abundance of the seas and of treasure hid in the sands. They had appointed the 22d of February for a fast, but on the 5th to their great joy the ship Lyon, Capt. Pierce, one of the last years fleet returned laden with provisions from England, which were distributed according to the necessities of the people. They turned their fast into a thanksgiving.

IN the spring of 1631 they pursued their design of a fortified town at Newtown. The governor set up the frame of a house, the deputy governor finished his house and removed his family. About this time Chicketawbut the chief of the Indians near Boston came to visit the governor and made high professions of friendship. The apprehensions of danger lessened by degrees, the design of a fortified town went off in the same proportion, until it was wholly laid aside. The governor took down his frame and carried it to Boston. Mr. Dudley the deputy was of|fended, and persisted for some time in his first determination of residing at Newtown, but at length removed to Roxbury.

THIS scheme of a fortified town was well enough while they were uncertain what the temper of the natives would be. Their design was to make improvements and to ex|tend their settlements in the several parts of the country. Unless they were upon such terms with the Indians that they could do this with safety the colony could not long subsist. If they were upon such terms fortified towns were unnecessary.* 1.32

THE high price of provisions this year in England im|poverished the colony. Every bushel of wheat meal cost including the freight 14s. sterling, every bushel of pease 10s. and Indian corn imported from Virginia sold at 10s. * 1.33 Some were discouraged and returned to England, viz. Sir Richard Saltonstall, Thomas Sharpe, &c. and never came back, but others in hopes of better times went over to fetch their families and returned with them, viz. Mr. Wil|son, Coddington,* 1.34 &c. They went in the Lyon which brought their supply. In the same ship Sir Christopher Gardner was sent home under confinement. He was a knight of the sepulchre, but concealed his true character and came over last year under pretence of separating him|self from the world and living a life of retirement and de|votion. He offered to join to several of the churches, but

he was suspected to be an immoral man and not received. He had a comely young woman which travelled with him. He called her his cousin. For some miscarriages in the Massachusets he fled to the Indians. They carried him to Plimouth, having first used him pretty roughly. From thence he was sent to Boston. He joined afterwards with Gorges, Mason and others in complaints against the colony.

MR. Wilson left the church on the south side of the river without a minister. At his parting he recommended them to the care of the governor, deputy-governor and other godly and able christians to carry on the worship of God on the Lord's day by prophesying until his return.

So much of their attention was necessary in order to provide for their support that little business was done by the assistants or by the general court. The removal of the charter made many new regulations necessary which were settled by degrees. The first court of assistants was at Charlestown Aug. 23d about two months after their ar|rival. A beadle a corporation officer was appointed. It was then ordered that the governor and deputy for the time being should be justices of the peace, four of the then assistants were also appointed justices. All justices whatso|ever were to have the same power for reformation of a|buses and punishing offenders which justices have in Eng|land, but no corporal punishment to be inflicted except by an assistant. In high offences the governor and assistants sat as a court as well as in civil matters. There was a trial by a jury this year for murder and the person charged was acquitted. The first general court was held the 19th of October, not by a representative but by every one that was free of the corporation in person. None had been admit|ted freemen since they left England. The governor and assistants had a great influence over the court. It was or|dered that for the future the freemen should chuse the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and the assistants from among themselves chuse the ••••••••rnor and deputy governor. The court of assis|tants 〈…〉〈…〉 have the power of making laws and appoint|ing officers. This was a departure from their charter.

One hundred and nine freemen were admitted at this court. Maverick, Blackstone, and many more who were not of any of the churches were of this number. This was all that was transacted that was any thing material the first year. The next general court was the court of election for 1631. The scale was now turned and the freemen resolved to chuse both governor, deputy and assistants notwithstanding the former vote, and made an order that for the time to come none should be admitted to the freedom of the body politick but such as were church members.* 1.35

THIS was a most extraordinary order or law and yet it continued in force until the dissolution of the government, it being repealed, in appearance only,* 1.36 after the restora|tion of King Charles the second. Had they been deprived of their civil privileges in England by an act of parliament unless they would join in communion with the churches there it might very well have been the first in the roll of grievances. But such were the requisites to qualify for church membership here that the grievance was abun|dantly greater.

THE scarcity of the former year excited the inhabitants to make the greater improvements by tillage assoon as the spring advanced, and it pleased God to give them such fa|vorable seasons that they had a very plentiful harvest, and Indian corn* 1.37 which could not be purchased with

money the year before, at the end of this year was made a tender in discharge of all debts, except money or beaver had been specially agreed for. Cattle were extremely dear, a great part of what had been shipped from England being dead, and a milch cow was valued at twenty five to thirty pounds sterling.

THE same governor and deputy governor and such of the assistants of 1630 as were living and in the colony, were re-elected for the year 1731.* 1.38 They continued to make the same choice for 1632, with the addition of Mr. John Humfrey, who had been deputy governor in England but was prevented coming the first year, and John Win|throp, jun. the governor's eldest son, who with his wife, mother and some others of the family arrived in October the year before. They were frequently alarmed this year* 1.39 by the Indians, which put them into confusion; happy for them that in this their feeble infant state they were only alarmed. A company of Eastern Indians called Tarre|tines, about an hundred in number, assaulted the wigwams of the Sagamore of Agawam.* 1.40 They came by water in 30 canoes, slew seven Indians and wounded two Sagamores who lived near Boston, and carried away captives one of their wives with divers other Indians. The governor likewise received advice from the governor of Plimouth of a broil between some English of that colony and some of the Naraganset Indians, who set upon the English house at Sowam,* 1.41 also of motions made by the Pequods, which caused the Dutch governor of Manhadoes to give notice to the English to be upon their guard. A shallop be|longing to Dorchester having been missing all the winter, it appeared this summer that the crew consisting of five men had been secretly murdered by the Eastern Indians.

However, the Sagamores near Boston made professions of friendship, and on the 5th of August this year Mianti|nomo one of the great Sachems of the Naragansets, the most numerous of all the Indians between Boston and Hudson's river, came down to Boston, whether out of fear or love they could not tell, to enter into a league of friendship with the colony. He and his followers were invited to attend the publick worship, but three of them withdrew in sermon time, and to satisfy their hunger broke into an English house to get victuals. The Sagamore who was a very high spirited fellow could hardly be persuaded to order them any corporal punishment, but he was so ashamed of his attendants that he ordered them out of town and followed them himself soon after.

THE French also occasioned some uneasy apprehensions. They had been drove from Accady by Sir Samuel Argall in 1613. The people of New-Plimouth had set up a trading house at Penobscot about the year 1627. Intelli|gence was brought this year to the Massachusets that in 1630 or 1631 Sir William Alexander had sold the country of Nova-Scotia to the French, and that the fort with all the ammunition and stores were delivered to them; that Cardinal Richlieu had ordered some companies there, and that more were expected the next year with priests, jesuits, &c. This news alarmed the governor and council and put them upon consultations for their defence. They determined to finish a fort which was begun at Boston, to build another at Nantasket, and to hasten the settlement of Agawam (Ipswich) it being one of the best places both for pasture and tillage, lest an enemy should take possession and prevent them. Mr. Winthrop the governor's son was accordingly sent to begin a plantation there.* 1.42 It appears

that their apprehensions of the French designs to take pos|session of some part or other of the coast were not ill founded,* 1.43 for they sent a ship this year to Penobscot as a prelude to what was to come after. Governor Bradford of Plimouth gives this account of it.

This year the house at Penobscot is robbed by the French in this manner. While the master of the house and part of the company with him is come with one vessel to the westward to fetch a supply of goods brought over for us, a small French vessel having a false Scot aboard goes into the harbour, pretends they are newly come from sea, knows not where they are, that the vessel is very leaky, and desires they may hawl her a|shore and stop her leaks, making many French comple|ments and congees: And seeing but three or four simple men who are servants, and by the Scotchman understanding the master and the rest of the company

are gone from home, fall to commending the guns and muskets which lie on the racks by the wall side, take them down to look on them, asking if they were charged, and when possessed of them, one presents a loaded piece against the servants, another a pistol, they bid them not to stir but deliver the goods, and made them help in carrying them all aboard to the value of four or five hundred pounds sterling, prime cost; three hundred weight of beaver, the rest in trading goods, as coats, rugs, blankets, &c. then set the servants at liberty and go away with this taunting message, Tell your master when he returns that some of the Isle of Rhee gentle|men have been here.

IT appears that the Massachusets people took possession of the country at a very critical time. Rich••ieu in all probability would have planted his colony nearer the sun if he could have found any place vacant. De Monts and company had acquired a thorough knowledge of all the coast from Cape Sables beyond Cape Cod in 1604, indeed it does not appear that they then went round or to the bottom of Massachusets bay. Had they once gained foot|ing there they would have prevented the English. The frenchified court of King Charles the first would, at the treaty of Saint Germains, have given up any claim to Mas|sachusets bay as readily as they did to Acadie; for the French could make out no better title to Penobscot and the other parts of Acadie than they could to Massachusets. The little plantation at New-Plimouth would have been no greater bar to the French in one place than in the other. The Dutch the next year would have quietly possessed themselves of Connecticut river, unless the French instead of the English had pre|vented them. Whether the people of either nation would have persevered is uncertain. If they had done it the late contest for the dominion of North-America would have been between France and Holland, and the commerce of England would have borne a very different proportion to that of the rest of Europe from what it does at present.

THE new settlers were in perils also from their own countrymen. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. Mason, two of the council of Plimouth, who with a view to the advancement of their fortunes had expended large sums to little purpose in attempts to settle colonies in New-England, beheld the Massachusets with an envious eye. They intended for themselves all that part of the colony which lies to the Eastward of Naumkeag. Gardiner and Morton * 1.44 to revenge the affronts they had received joined

with them in a complaint to the King in council against the colony. At this time they failed of success, and an order was made in council 19th January 1632

declaring the fair appearances and great hopes which there then were, that the country would prove beneficial to the kingdom as well as profitable to the particular persons concerned, and that the adventurers might be assured that if things should be carried on as was pretended when the patents were granted and according as by the patent is appointed, his Majesty would not only maintain the liberties and privileges heretofore granted but supply any thing further which might tend to the good government prosperity and comfort of the people there.

* 1.45

* 1.46IN the year 1633 the people still continued the admi|nistration of government in the same hands. Fresh sup|plies of inhabitants had been brought from England from time to time in the course of the two former years, but there were many who were willing to see the success of the first adventurers before they embarked themselves. The reports carried over were very encou|raging so that this year there was a very great addition made, ships arriving all summer, in some months twelve or fourteen in a month; an exportation so great and of such sort of persons that it produced the following order of the King in Council, 21st February 1633.

WHEREAS the board is given to understand of the frequent transportation of great numbers of his Majesty's subjects out of this kingdom to the plantation of New-England,

among whom divers persons known to be ill affected, discontented not only with civil but ecclesiastical government here, are observed to resort thither, where|by such confusion and distraction is already grown there, especially in point of religion, as beside the ruin of the said plantation cannot but highly tend to the scandal both of church and state here. And whereas it was informed in particular, that there are at this present divers ships in the river of Thames ready to set sail thither freighted with passengers and provisions, It is thought fit and ordered that stay should be forthwith made of the said ships until further order from this board. And the several masters and freighters of the same should attend the board on wednesday next in the afternoon with a list of the passengers and provisions in each ship. And that Mr. Cradock a chief adventurer in that plan|tation now present before the board should be required to cause the letters patent for the said plantation to be brought to this board.

* 1.47

MR. Hubbard says that this order was the effect of a new complaint preferred by Gardiner, Morton and others, of their hardships and sufferings from the severity of the government, and that such of the company as were in England were called before the committee of council, and delivered an answer in writing, and that upon reading thereof it pleased God so to work with the Lords of the council and afterwards with the King's Majesty, that when the whole matter was reported to him by Sir Thomas Jermayne one of the council who had been present at the three days of hearing, and spake much in commendation of the governor, both to the Lords and after to his Ma|jesty, the King said he would have such severely punished as should abuse his governor and the plantation, and the defendants were dismissed with a favorable order for their encouragement; being assured from some of the council that his Majesty did not intend to impose the ceremonies of the church of England upon them, for that it was considered it was for the sake of freedom from those

things that people went over thither. It is certain a stop was not put to the emigration. There came over amongst many others in this year 1633, Mr. Haynes of the civil order, Mr. Cotton,* 1.48 Mr. Hooker, and Mr. Stone, three of the most famous men of the religious order. Mr. Cot|ton is supposed to have been more instrumental in the set|tlement of their civil as well as ecclesiastical polity than any other person. The church of Boston by advice of the go|vernor and council and of the elders in the colony received him for their teacher, to which office he was ordained the 17th October. Mr. Thomas Leverett an ancient member of Mr. Cotton's church in England was at the same time ordained ruling elder. The circumstances and order of proceeding in Mr. Cotton's ordination were intended as a precedent, and the congregational churches in New Eng|land have generally conformed thereto ever since. Mr. Hooker and Mr. Stone with their friends settled at New|town (Cambridge.)* 1.49

IN the year 1634 they thought proper to give their governor some respite,* 1.50 Mr. Dudley being chosen in his stead, and Roger Ludlow deputy governor.

MR. Haynes who had lately come over was chosen to the place of assistant. The governor and assistants kept the powers of government both legislative and executive very much in their hands the three first years. The peo|ple began to grow uneasy, and the number of freemen being greatly multiplied an alteration of the constitution seems to have been agreed upon or fallen into by a general consent of the towns, for at a general court for elections in 1634, twenty four of the principal inhabitants appeared as the representatives of the body of freemen, and before they proceeded to the election

of magistrates the people asserted their right to a greater share in the government than had hitherto been allowed them, and resolved

That none but the general court had power to make and establish laws or to elect and appoint officers, as governor, deputy governor, assistants, treasurer, secretary, captains, lieutenants, ensigns, or any of like mo|ment or to remove such upon misdemeanor or to set out the duties and powers of these officers—That none but the general court hath power to raise monies and taxes, ••nd to dispose of lands, viz. to give and confirm proprieties.

After these resolutions they proceeded to the election of magistrates. Then they further determined

That there shall be four general courts held yearly, to be summoned by the governor for the time being and not to be dissolved without the consent of the major part of the court—That it shall be lawful for the freemen of each plantation to chuse two or three before every general court to con|fer of and prepare such business as by them shall be thought fit to consider of at the next court, and that such persons as shall be hereafter so deputed by the freemen of the several plantations to deal in their behalf in the affairs of the commonwealth, shall have the full power and voices of all the said freemen derived to them for the making and establishing of laws, granting of lands, &c. and to deal in all other affairs of the commonwealth wherein the freemen have to do, the matter of election of magistrates and other officers only excepted, wherein every freeman is to give his own voice.

—And to show their resentment they imposed a fine upon the court of assistants for going contrary to an order of the general court.* 1.51

THE freemen were so increased that it was impractica|ble to debate and determine matters in a body, it was be|sides unsafe on account of the Indians and prejudicial to their private affairs to be so long absent from their families and business, so that this representative body was a thing of necessity, but no provision had been made for it in their character.

THUS they settled the legislative body which, except an alteration of the number of general courts which were soon reduced to two only in a year and other not very material circumstances, continued the same as long as the charter lasted. This I suppose was the second house of representatives in any of the colonies. There was as has been observed no express provision for it in the charter, they supposed the natural rights of Englishmen reserved to them implied it. In Virginia a house of burgesses met first in May 1620. The government in every colony like that of the colonies of old Rome may be considered as the effigies parva of the mother state.

THERE was great disturbance in the colony this yea•• occasioned by Roger Williams minister of Salem. He had been three or four years at Plimouth, and for some time was well esteemed, but at length advanced divers singular opinions in which he did not meet with a concur|rence, whereupon he desir••d a dismission to the church of Salem, which was granted him. That church had invited him upon his first coming to New-England, but the go|vernor and council interposed with their advice and pre|vented his settlement at that time. He had refused to join in communion with the church at Boston, because they would not make a publick declaration of their repentance for holding communion with the church of England whilst they lived there. He was charged with divers exception|able tenets, as

that it is not lawful for a godly man to have communion 〈◊〉〈◊〉 family prayer or in an oath with such as they judge unr••••enerate, and therefore he refused the oath of fidelity and taught others so to do—that it is not lawful for an unregenerate man to pray—that the magi|strate has nothing to do in matters of the first table;

another tenet is added which ought not to have been ranked with the 〈…〉〈…〉mer, viz.

that to punish a man for any matters of his conscience is persecution.

* 1.52 The magistrates sent a second time to the church of Salem to desire them to forbear calling him to office, but they refused to hear|ken to their advice and proceeded to ordain him, Mr.

Skelton their former minister dying a little before. Mr. Williams caused the church of Salem to send their letters of admonition to the church at Boston and to several other churches, accusing the magistrates which were members of them of divers heinous offences, would admit no church to be pure but the church of Salem, but at length because the members of that church would not separate not only from all the churches in Old England, but from all in New-England also, he separat••d from them, and to make compleat work of it he separated from his own wife, and would neither ask a blessing nor give thanks at his meals if his wife was present, because she attended the publick worship in the church of Salem.* 1.53 But what gave just occasion to the civil power to interpose was his influ|encing Mr. Endicot, one of the magistrates and a member of his church, to cut the cross out of the King's colours as being a relique of antichristian superstition.* 1.54 A writer of the history of those times questions whether his zeal would have carried him so far as to refuse to receive the King's coin because of the cross upon it. Endeavours were used to reclaim him but to no purpose, and at length he was banished the jurisdiction. He removed to the southward to look out for a new settlement among the Indians, and fixed upon a place called by them Moshawsick but by him Providence.* 1.55 After all that has been said of the actions or tenets of this person while he was in the Massachusets, it ought for ever to be remembred to his honor, that for forty years after instead of shewing any revengeful resentment against the colony from which he had been banished, he seems to have been continually employed in acts of kind|ness and benevolence, giving them notice from time to time not only of every motion of the Indians over whom he had very great influence, but also of the unjust designs

of the English within the new colony of which he himself had been the founder and governor and continued the patron.* 1.56

MR. Endicot was sentenced by the court

for his rash|ness, uncharitableness, indiscretion, and exceeding the limits of his commission, to be sadly admonished, and also disabled for bearing any office in the common|wealth for the space of a year next ensuing.

He pro|tested against the proceeding of the court, and an order passed for his commitment, but upon his submission he was dismissed.

MR. Winthrop's conduct had been such from his first associating with the company in England until his being dropped this year from his place of governor, that unless the ostracism of the ancient Greeks had been revived in this new commonwealth, it was reasonable to expect that he should be out of all danger of so much as the least thought to his prejudice, and yet he had a little taste of what in many other popular governments, their greatest benefactors have taken a large potion. After he was out of the chair he was questioned in such a manner as ap|pears to have been disagreeable to him concerning his receipts and disbursements for the publick during his admi|nistration. Having discharged himself with great honor, he concludes his declaration and account in these words:* 2.1

IN all these things which I offer I refer myself to the wisdom and justice of the court with this protestation, that it repenteth me not of my cost or labour bestowed in the service of this commonwealth, but do heartily bless the Lord our God that he hath pleased to honour me so far as to call for any thing he hath bestowed upon me for the service of his church and people here, the prosperity whereof and his gracious acceptance shall be an abundant recompence to me.

I conclude with this one request (which in justice may not be denied me) that as it stands upon record that upon the discharge of my office I was called to ac|count so this my declaration may be recorded also, lest hereafter when I shall be forgotten some blemish may lye upon my posterity, when there shall be nothing to clear it.

"Sept. 4. 1634.

* 3.1

JOHN WINTHROP."

IN the year 1635* 3.2 there was a great addition made to the numbers of inhabitants, among others Mr. Vane,* 3.3 afterwards Sir Henry Vane, was admitted to the freedom of the colony on the 3d of March; and at the same time Mr. Harlakenden, a gentleman of good family and estate. There were many others, as Mr. Bellingham, Mr. Dummer, of the magistrates, Mr. R. Mather, Mr. Norton, Mr. Shepard, and Mr. Peters, of the mini|sters, who came over in this and the last year, determined to take up their abode, and many other persons of figure

and distinction were expected to come over, some of which are said to have been prevented by express order of the King, as Mr. Pym, Mr. Hampden, Sir Arthur Haslerigg, Oliver Cromwell, &c. I know this is questioned by some au|thors, but it appears plainly by a letter from Lord Say and Seal to Mr. Vane, and a letter from Mr. Cotton to the same nobleman as I take it, though his name is not men|tioned, and an answer to certain demands made by him, that his Lordship himself and Lord Brooke and others were not without thoughts of removing to New-England, and that several other persons of quality were in treaty about their removal also, but undetermined whether to join the Massachusets or to settle a new colony. By the charter the number of assistants might be eighteen, but hitherto they had chosen a less number, from 6 to 9, which left room as any getleman of distinction came over to admit him to a share in the government without leaving out any of the former assistants.

IT appears by the demands just mentioned that some of the nobility and principal commoners of that day had what appears at this day to be very strange apprehensions of the relation they should stand in to Great-Britain, after their removal to America. Many of the proposals were such as imply that they thought themselves at full liberty without any charter from the crown to establish such sort of government as they thought proper, and to form a new state as fully to all intents and purposes as if they had been in a state of nature and were making their first en|trance into civil society. The importance of the colonies to the nation was not fully understood and considered. Perhaps the party which then prevailed in England would have been content to have been rid of the heads of what was deem'd a faction in the government and to have had no further connexion with them. Be that as it may, this sentiment in persons of such figure and distinction will in a great measure excuse the same mistake which will ap|pear to have been made by our first settlers, in many instances in the course of our history. The answer made

to the demands seems not to have been satisfactory, for these Lords and gentlemen soon after again turned their thoughts to Connecticut, where they were expected to arrive every year until after 1640.* 3.4

MR. Haynes was chosen governor for this year, and Mr. Bellingham deputy governor; Mr. Dummer and Mr. Haugh were added to the assistants.* 3.5 The inhabitants of the plantation being so much increased found it difficult to pitch upon convenient places for settlements. Mr. Hooker and Mr. Cotton were deservedly in high esteem; some of the principal persons were strongly attached to the one of them, and some to the other. The great in|fluence which Mr. Cotton had in the colony inclined Mr. Hooker and his friends to remove to some place more remote from Boston than Newtown. Besides they alledged as a reason for their removal that they were straitened for room, and thereupon viewed divers places on the sea-coast, but were not satisfied with them. Three or four persons had some time before * 3.6 travelled westward into the country an hundred miles upon discovery, until they struck a great river which afterwards they found to be Connecticut or the fresh river, where there were many spots of interval land, and land in other respects to be desired for settle|ment. The Dutch at the Manhados had some knowledge of this place and had given intimations of it to the people of New-Plimouth with whom they had commerce, but Plimouth government kept their intelligence secret.* 3.7 A letter from Mr. Winslow of New-Plimouth Sept. 26, 1633, mentions their having been up the river. They

forbad the Dutch making any settlements there and set up a trading house themselves.* 3.8 The governor of the Massa|chu••ets also this year 1635 sent a bark round the cape to the Dutch governor, to acquaint him that the King had granted the river and country of Connecticut to his own subjects, and desired him to forbear building any where thereabouts. This river Mr. Hooker and his friends pitched upon as the most likely place to accommodate them. The latter end of the last year (1634) they intended to remove and applied to the court for leave.* 3.9 Of 21 members of the lower house 15 were for their removal, but of the magistrates the governor and two assistants only were for it, the deputy governor (Mr. Winthrop) and the rest of the assistants against it; but still, as the lower house was so much more numerous than the upper, the major part of the whole court was for it. This division was the occasion of first starting the question about the negative voice. The deputies or representatives insisted that the voice of a major part of the assistants was not necessary. The assistants refused to give up their right, and the business was at a stand. The whole court agreed to keep a day of humiliation and prayer, to seek the divine direction in all the congregations in the colony, and to meet again the next week after, At the opening of the court Mr. Cotton preached from Hag. II.4. Yet now be strong O Zerubbabel saith the Lord, and be strong O Joshua the son of Josedech the high priest, and be strong all ye peo|ple of the land, saith the Lord, and work, for I am with you, saith the Lord of hosts. His sermon was as pertinent to the occasion as his text, and prevailed upon the deputies to give up the point at that time.* 3.10 Here was a crisis when the patricians, if I may so stile them, were in dan|ger of losing great part of their weight in the govern|ment. It may seem a matter of less consequence than it

would have been if the office of assistant had by charter been hereditary or even for life; but the assistants aided by the elders who had great influence with the people, were in a good measure secure of their places. It was by the same aid that they now carried the point against the plebeians. There was no occasion for prodigies or other arts of the priests of old Rome. A judicious discourse from a well chosen text was more rational and had a more lasting effect.

THERE were some circumstances very discouraging, particularly the neighbourhood of the Dutch on the one side and some intelligence received of the designs of the Pequod* 3.11 Indians on the other, and of their having killed Capt. Stone and his company as he was going up the river; but they could not be satisfied until they had accomplished their intentions and obtained the leave of the court.

THEY met with a new company which arrived this year, who purchased their estates and settled at Newtown in their stead, with Mr. Shepard for their minister. They did not take their departure until June the next year, and then about an hundred persons in the first company, some of them had lived in splendor and delicacy in England, set out on foot to travel an hundred and twenty or thirty miles with their wives and children, near a fortnight's journey, having no pillars but Jacob's and no canopy but the heavens, a wilderness to go through without the least cultivation, in most places no path nor any marks to guide them, depending upon the compass to steer by, many hideous swamps and very high mountains besides five or six rivers or different parts of the same winding river (the Chickapi) not every where fordable, which they could not avoid. The greatest part of the lands they were going to were evidently without the jurisdiction of the Massa|chusets,

nevertheless they took a commission from the au|thority of that colony to govern in Connecticut. There are other instances which shew that they supposed they retained some authority over their inhabitants even when out of the limits of the colony.* 3.12

THE Plimouth people notwithstanding the French piracy in 1632 kept possession of their house at Penobscot and carried on trade with the Indians, but in 1635 Rossil|lon commander of a French fort at La Have upon the Nova Scotia shore sent a French man of war to Penobscot, which took possession of the trading house and all the goods. The French gave their bills for the goods and sent away all the men. The commander wrote to the governor of Plimouth that he had orders to displace all the English as far as Pemaquid, but to those westward he would shew all courtesy. The Plimouth government who supposed they had good right to the place were not willing to put up the injury quietly, and hired a large ship of some force the Hope of Ipswich in England,—Girling comman|der, to displace the French. Girling was ••o have two hundred pounds if he effected it. A bark 〈◊〉〈◊〉 20 men was sent with him as a tender. But the French having notice of the design fortified the place and Girling having

near spent his ammunition sent the bark to the Massachu|sets for aid. Two persons came from Plimouth also to treat about it, and the court agreed to assist their neigh|bours by a subscription among themselves, but provision was so scarce that there could not sufficient be had sud|denly to fit out an expedition of an hundred men only, so the matter was deferred to a further time and Girling returned, leaving the French in possession which they continued until 1654.

THE situation the colony was in at this time must have given them a threatning prospect; the French on their borders on one side, the Dutch on the other, the Indians in the midst restrained only by want of union among themselves from breaking up all settlements, they being utterly defenceless.

THIS year Mr. Winthrop, jun. returned from England, whither he had gone the year before, and brought a commission* 3.13 from the Lord Say and Seale and Lord Brook and others to be their governor of their plantation at Con|necticut. A fort was built at the mouth of the river known by the name of Saybrook fort. He brought also a number of men with arms ammunition and stores, and two thousand pounds in money to bring forward a settlement. This commi••••••on interfered with the intended settlements by the Massachusets; notwithstanding that, as a number of the inhabitants of Watertown had possessed themselves of a fine piece of meadow at Weathersfield below Hartford where Mr. Hooker and his company settled, the agents for the Lords, being well disposed to promote the general good, permitted these settlers quietly to enjoy their posses|sions. The fortress below struck terror into the Indians and quieted the minds of the English. Plimouth was dis|satisfied with being thus supplanted by the Massachusets (the Dorchester men as I suppose having pitched upon

the spot where Plimouth had built a trading house and as they alledged had purchased the lands of the Indians) and demanded an hundred pounds or part of the land. There was great danger of a warm contention between the two colonies, but at length the Dorchester men made such of|fers of satisfaction that Plimouth accepted them. The Dutch also sent home to Holland for instructions intend|ing to maintain their claim to the river or the place where they had possession, but upon a treaty afterwards with the commissioners of the united colonies they quitted all claim to all parts of the river resigning it up to the English.* 3.14

SIR Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. Mason having been at more expence and taken more pains than any other mem|bers of the grand council of Plimouth, and perceiving no prospect of any equivalent return, and fearing from the great clamour in the nation against monopolies that they should e'er long be forced to resign up their grand charter they entred this year upon a new project, viz. to procure a general governor for the whole country of New-England to be forthwith sent over, and because the Massachusets charter stood in their way they endeavoured a revocation of it, that so the whole from St. Croix to Maryland might be brought under the same form of government. The settlement of the Dutch at Manhados which lay within those limits, both then and at all other times was consider|ed by the English court as an intrusion as indeed it was. * 3.15

In June letters were received from Lord Say advising that petitions had been preferred to the King and to the Lords of the council by the Duke of Lenox, Marquiss of Hamil|ton and divers other noblemen together with Sir Ferdi|nando Gorges and Capt. Mason, but conceived to be the project of Sir. F. Gorge only. That to the Lords was as follows, viz.

May it please your Lordships,

WHEREAS it pleased your Lordships to give orders to Sir Ferdinando Gorges to confer with such as were chiefly interested in the plantation of New-England, to resolve whether they would resign wholly to his Majes|ty the patent of New-England and to leave to his Majesty and his council the sole management of the public affairs with reservation of every man's right formerly granted, or whether they would stand to the said patent and pro|secute the business among themselves, and have the said patent renewed with the reformation or addition of such things as should be found expedient. We whose names are here underwritten being interested in that business do humbly submit to his Majesty's pleasure to do there|with as he pleaseth. But withal we humbly desire that upon our resignation of our said patent his Majesty being to dispose of the whole country severally and immedi|ately from himself, those divisions upon the sea-coast that are hereunder designed may be instantly confirmed and bestowed by new grants from his Majesty unto us, to be holden of his Majesty, paying the fifth part, &c.

and with the privilege of the said patent and such fur|ther royalties as the Lord of Baltimore hath in his patent for the country of Maryland, saving only that we should submit ourselves to the general governor now presently to be established by his Majesty for the whole country, and after his decease or other determination of his office, that then from the Lords of his province there may be an election of three by lot, which said three persons so elected shall be presented to the King that out of the number one may be chosen by his Ma|jesty to succeed in the place of the general governor, who shall in person or by his sufficient deputy reside in the country during the space of three years only, and so from three years to three years another governor to be chosen successively and the old governor to be left out of the lot of choice.

THE proposed divisions of the twelve provinces were as follows. The first was from St. Croix to Pema|quid, the second from Pemaquid to Sagadehoc, the third contained the land between the rivers Amarascoggin and Kenebeck, the fourth along the sea-coast from Sagadehoc to Piscataqua, the fifth from Piscataqua to Naumkeak, the sixth from Naumkeak round the sea-coast by Cape Cod to Naraganset, the seventh from Naraganset to the half-way bound betwixt that and Connecticut river, and so 50 miles up into the country, the eighth from the half-way bound to Connecticut river, and so fifty miles into the country, the ninth from Connecticut river along the sea-coast to Hudson's river and so up thirty miles, the tenth from the thirty miles end to cross up forty miles eastward, the ele|venth from the west side of Hudson's river thirty miles up the country towards the 40th degree where New England beginneth. The twelfth from the end of the 30 miles up the said river, northward thirty miles further and from thence to cross into the land forty miles. And out of every one of these provinces was 5000 acres to be granted to certain persons there named in lieu of some former grants made to each of them in those divisions which they were now to surrender, and to hold to each man his 5000 acres

in fee of the Lord of the province. And the Lord of every one of those twelve provinces was to send the same year ten men with the general governor well provided.

TO all which was added,

"IT is humbly desired that your Lordships would be pleased to order these things following:

1. THAT the patent for the plantation of the Massa|chusets-Bay may be revoked, and that all those who have any other grants within any of these provinces, whether they have planted or not upon any part of the same, yet they shall enjoy their lands laying down their jura regalia if they had any, and paying some reasonable acknowledg|ment as freeholders to the Lord of the province of whom they are now to take new grants of their said lands, and in case any of their lands shall be found having exorbitant bounds to have been unlawfully obtained they shall be reduced to a lesser proportion as may be fit for the grantor who is undertaker under the direction of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. And if the grantee shall be any ways refractory and refuse to surrender and hold anew of the said Lord of the province, that then your Lordships will take order by such course as law will permit to make void the same.

2. THAT every river which parts two provinces shall equally belong half way over to the provinces they lie contiguous unto.

3. THAT the islands upon the sea-coast or within the river of any province being not here named shall belong to the province they lye nearest unto.

4. THAT there is offered to your Lordship's conside|ration the building of a city for the seat of the governor, unto which city forty thousand acres of land may be allotted besides the divisions above mentioned. And that every one who is to have any of these provinces shall be at the charge of sending over with the governor ten men towards the building the said city, wherein every such ad|venturer shall not only have his share of the trade and buildings but also shall have all other fruit of the ten men's labor sent as aforesaid.

MOREOVER there is humbly dedicated to the founda|tion of a church in the said city and maintenance of clergy|men to serve in the said church 10,000 acres of land near adjoining to the said city."

THE petition to the King was of this form.

May it please your Majesty,

IT is humbly desired by the Duke of Lenox, &c. ancient patentees and adventurers in the plantation of New England, that forasmuch as they are now presently to join in the surrender to your Majesty of the grand patent of their corporation, that your royal Majesty will be gra|ciously inclined to give order to your attorney general to draw several patents of such parcels of land as by their mutual consent have been allotted to them, and to have the same patents prepared fit for your royal signature, with such titles, privileges and immunities as have been hereto|fore granted either to them or to any other by your Ma|jesty or by your late royal father King James of blessed memory, with reservations of appeal to the governor or lieutenant of the territories in cases reasonable, that they knowing their own interest may be the better able to plant and govern them to your Majesty's honor, their particular profit, and their people's civil government and faithful obedience to the laws of your sacred Majesty.

* 5.1

April 6, 1635.

A copy of some grant or agreement concerning one of the provinces to Capt. Mason was sent over signed Lenox, Hamilton, Arundel and Surry, Carlisle, Stirling, Edward Gorges, Ferd. Gorges. Attested by Thomas Maydwell Not. Pub. It has been said that the Marquiss of Hamilton and the Earl of Stirling both obtained the like instruments, and it is possible all the others might also. It is not ma|terial at this day whether they did or not. It is certain that above an hundred years are past and no possession taken, or improvements made by them or their assigns in consequence thereof, and all the territory is either included in other grants, some made before this surrender, by the

council itself and some made since by the crown, or has been purchased of the Natives, which, if done bonâ fide, so far as respects the property has been thought by some to be the best title.* 5.2

IN the year 1636 Mr. Vane was chosen governor,* 5.3 Mr. Winthrop deputy governor, and Mr. Harlakenden who came in the same ship with Mr. Vane was added to the assistants. The people of the colony very early discovered that they were not without disposition to novelty and change. It was not meerly out of policy to encourage others that they took early notice of such as came over from year to year. Besides this motive they were easily captivated with the appearance only of wisdom and piety, professions of a regard to liberty and of a strong attach|ment to the publick interest. Mr. Haynes who seemed to stand most in the way of Mr. Winthrop had left the colony and was settled at Connecticut, and Mr. Winthrop would have had a good prospect of recovering his former share of the people's favor, if Mr. Vane's grave solemn deportment, although he was not then above 24 or 25 years of age, had not engaged almost the whole colony in his favor. There was a great friendship between Mr. Cotton and him which seems to have continued to the last.* 5.4 He had great respect shewn him at first. He took more state upon him than any governor had ever done before. When he went either to the court or to church four serjeants walked before him with their halberds. His ad|ministration for several months met with great applause. Towards the end of the year the people grew discontented.

He perceived it and grew weary of the government. Receiving letters from London in December urging his return home he first communicated them to the council and then called the general court together to ask their consent to his quitting the administration. He declared to them the necessity of his departure, and such of the council as had seen the letters affirmed that the reasons were very urgent but not fit to be imparted to the whole court. The court took time until the morning to consider, when one of the assistants lamenting the loss of such a governor in a time of such danger both from French and Indians, the governor burst into tears and professed that howsoever the causes propounded for his departure did concern the utter ruin of his outward estate, yet he would rather have hazarded all than have gone from them at such a time, if something else had not pressed him more, viz. the inevitable danger of God's judgments which he feared were coming upon them for the differences and dissentions which he saw amongst them and the scandalous imputation brought upon himself, as if he should be the cause of all, and therefore he thought it was best for him to give place for a time. The court did not think fit to consent to his going for such reasons. He found he had gone too far and recalled himself, professing that the reasons which concerned his own estate were sufficient to satisfy him and therefore desired he might have leave; the other passage slipped from him out of passion not judgment. Whereupon the court agreed that it was ne|cessary to give way to his departure, and ordered another meeting of the general court to make choice of a go|vernor and deputy governor,* 5.5 and as it was in the midst of winter (15 December) the freemen had liberty to send their votes in writing if they did not come in person. Some of the church of Boston loth to part with the go|vernor met together and agreed that it was not necessary for the reasons alledged that the governor should depart, and sent some of their number to signify as much to the

court. The governor pretended to be overpowered and expressed himself to be such an obedient son of the church that notwithstanding the licence of the court, yet without the consent of the church he durst not go away. A great part of the people who were informed of this transaction declared their purpose still to continue him, and it was thought adviseable when the day appointed for election came to adjourn the court to May, the time of the annual choice.* 5.6 Mr. Vane has been charged with as dark dis|simulation a few years after in affairs of vastly greater im|portance, particularly in the manner of giving his testimo|ny in the case of the Earl of Strafford.

THERE came over with Mr. Cotton or about the same time Mr. Hutchinson, and his family, who had lived at Alford in the neighbourhood of Boston. Mr. Hutchin|son had a good estate and was of good reputation. His wife as Mr. Cotton says

was well beloved, and all the faithful embraced her conference and blessed God for her fruitful discourses.

* 5.7 After she came to New England she was treated with respect and much notice was taken of her by Mr. Cotton and other principal persons, and particular|ly by Mr. Vane the governor. Her husband served in the general court several elections as a representative for Boston until he was excused at the desire of the church.* 5.8 So much respect seems to have increased her natural va|nity. Countenanced and encouraged by Mr. Vane and Mr. Cotton she advanced doctrines and opinions which in|volved the colony in disputes and contentions, and being improved to civil as well as religious purposes had like to have produced ruin both to church and state. The vigi|lance of some, of whom Mr. Winthrop was the chief, pre|vented, and turned the ruin from the country upon herself and many of her family and particular friends. Mr. Wheel|wright a zealous minister, of character for learning and piety was her brother in law and firmly attached to her,

and finally suffered with her. Besides the meetings for public worship on the Lord's day, the stated lecture every thursday in Boston, and other occasional lectures in other towns, there were frequent private meetings of the bre|thren of the churches for religious exercises. Mrs. Hutch|inson thought fit to set up a meeting of the sisters also, where she repeated the sermons preached the Lord's day before, adding her remarks and expositions. Her lectures made much noise and sixty or eighty principal women at|tended them. At first they were generally approved of. After some time it appeared she had distinguished the mi|nisters and members of churches through the country, a small part of them under a covenant of grace the rest un|der a covenant of works. The whole colony was soon di|vided into two parties and however distant one party was from the other in principle they were still more so in af|fection. The two capital errors with which she was charged were these. That the Holy Ghost dwells personally in a justified person, and that nothing of sanctification can help to evidence to believers their justification. From these two, a great number of others were said to flow which were enumerated and condemned at a synod held the next year. The ministers of the several parts of the country alarmed with these things came to Boston whilst the gene|ral court was sitting, and some time before the governor Mr. Vane asked his dismission. They conferred with Mr. Cotton and Mr. Wheelwright upon those two points. The last they both disclaimed so far as to acknowledge that sanctification did help to evidence justification, the other they qualified at least by other words, they held the indwelling of the person of the Holy Ghost but not strictly a personal union, or as they express it, not a communicating of personal proprieties. The governor not only held with Mr. Cotton but went further or was more express and maintained a personal union. Mr. Winthrop the deputy governor denied both, and Mr. Wilson the other minister of Boston and many of the ministers in the country joined with him. A conference or disputation was determined

on, which they agreed should be managed in writing as most likely to tend to the peace of the church. When they could not find that the scriptures nor the primitive church for the first 300 years ever used the term person of the Holy Ghost they generally thought it was best it should be forborn as being of hu••an invention. Upon the other question Mr. Cotton in a sermon, the day the court met, had acknowledged that evident sanctification is a ground of justification, and went on to say that in cases of spiritual desertion true desire of sanctification was found to be sanctification as divines usually held, and fur|ther, if a man was laid so flat upon the ground as that he could see no desires, but only as a bruised reed did wait at the foot of Christ yet here was matter of comfort, for this was found to be true sanctification in the root and principle of it. Mr. Vane and he both denied that any of these or any degree of sanctification could be evident without a concurrent sight of justification.* 5.9 The town and country were distracted with these subtleties, and every man and woman who had brains enough to form some imperfect conceptions of them inferred and maintained some other point such as these; a man is justified before he believes; faith is no cause of justification; and if faith be before justification it is only a passive faith, an empty vessel, &c. and assurance is by immediate revelation only. The fear of God and love of our neighbour seemed to be laid by and out of the question. All the church of Boston except four or five joined with Mr. Cotton. Mr. Wilson the other minister and most of the ministers in the country opposed him.

TO increase the flame Mr. Wheelwright preached a sermon (Jan. 19) in which, besides carrying antinomianism to the heighth, he made use of some expressions which were laid hold of by the court as tending to sedition, for which he was sent for and examined whilst Mr. Vane was in office, but a full enquiry and determination was sus|pended until a more convenient time.

WHILST these contentions were thus increasing within, the Pequods, the most warlike of all the Indians, were plot|ting destruction from without. After Stone and his com|pany were murdered they sent messengers to Boston to make peace, pretending that the murder was committed by a few bad fellows who had fled to the Dutch. Their ambassadors were courteously treated and the terms of peace were agreed on. In confidence of their fidelity John Oldham, of whom mention has been made before, went in a small bark to trade with the Indians at Block Island. They murdered him but spared two boys and two Nara|ganset Indians who were of his company. The murderers were discovered by the crew of a small vessel one Gallop master from Connecticut which happened to come upon them soon after the fact. Gallop had with him only one man and two boys and no arms except two muskets and two pistols. Altho' the deck was full of Indians who had guns, swords, &c. yet as they were then not much used to them they made but little resistance, and when he boarded the vessel they jumped into the sea and many of them were drowned. He found Oldham's body not cold, his brains beat out and his limbs hacked off. Block Island was under the Nara|ganset Indians but they denied their having any concern in the murder. The murderers were sheltered and pro|tected by the Pequods, who at the same time surprized divers English in Connecticut river. These proceedings caused the Massachusets to send fourscore men by water under Captain Endicot who had instructions to offer peace to the Indians upon their delivering up the murtherers; if they refused to do it then to attack them. A great num|ber of them entered into some sort of parley by a messen|ger and interpreter, keeping at a great distance themselves, but assoon as they knew the terms they fled into the woods. Winter was approaching and Mr. Endicot thought it ad|viseable to return home in order to prepare for a more general attack the next summer. There were some severe reflections cast upon him for not pursuing the enemy at that time. The Pequods in the winter attempted an union

with the Naragansets. There had been a fixed inveterate enmity between the two tribes, but on this occasion the Pequods were willing to smother it, their enmity against the English being the strongest of the two, and although they had never heard the story of Polyphemé and Ulysses, yet they artfully urged that the English were come to dispossess them of their country, and that all the Nara|gansets could hope for from their friendship was the favour of being the last devoured; whereas if the Indians would unite they might easily destroy the English, or force them to leave the country without being exposed themselves to any hazard. They need not come to open battles: Firing their houses, killing their cattle, and lying in wait for them as they went about their ordinary business would soon deprive them of all means of subsisting. But the Naragansets * 5.10 preferred the present pleasure of revenge upon their mortal enemies, to the future happiness of themselves and their posterity.* 5.11 They are said to have wavered at first, but at length Myantinomo their chief Sachem with 20 attendants went to Boston, where all the magistrates and ministers were called together to receive them, and a guard of 20 musketeers sent to Roxbury to attend them. They proposed to join in war against the Pequods and that neither English nor Indians should make peace with them but utterly destroy them. The governor for form sake took time until the next morning to give an answer, and then the following articles were agreed to.

1. A FIRM and perpetual peace betwixt them and the English.

2. NEITHER party to make peace with the Pequods without the consent of the other.

3. THAT the Naragansets should not harbour any Pequods.

4. THAT they should put to death or deliver up any murderers of the English.

5. THAT they should return fugitive servants.

6. THE English to give them notice when to go out against the Peqouds and the Naragansets to furnish guides.

7. FREE trade to be carried on between the parties.

8. NONE of the Naragansets to come near the English plantation during the war with the Pequods without some Englishman or Indian known to the English.

CUSHAMAQUIN a Sachem of the Massachusets Indians also became a party to the treaty.

INDIAN fidelity is proverbial in New-England as Punick was in Rome. The Naragansets are said to have kept to the treaty until the Pequods were destroyed, and then they grew insolent and treacherous.

TOWARDS the end of the year religious heats became more violent, and the civil affairs more sensibly affected by them. The people of Boston in general were in favour of Mr. Vane the governor, the rest of the towns in general for Mr. Winthrop the deputy governor. At a sessions of the court in March it was moved that the court of elections for 1637 should not be held in Boston but in Newtown (Cambridge.) Nothing could be more mortifying to the governor, and as he could not hinder the vote by a nega|tive he refused to put the question. Mr. Winthrop the deputy governor as he lived in Boston excused himself, and the court required Mr. Endicot one of the assistants to do it. It was carried for the removal.

THE more immediate occasion of the court's resentment against Boston was a petition signed by a great number of the principal inhabitants of that town, together with some belonging to other towns, judging and condemning the court for their proceedings against Mr. Wheelwright. At this session Mr. Vane the governor could not prevent a censure upon one Stephen Greensmith for saying that all the ministers except Mr. Cotton, Mr. Wheelwright, and he thought Mr. Hooker, preached a covenant of works. He was required to make an acknowledgment to the satisfaction of the magistrates and ministers, was fined forty pounds, &c.* 5.12

AT the opening the court of election for 1637,* 5.13 which was not done until one a clock, (May 17th) a petition was again offered from many of the town of Boston, which the governor Mr. Vane would have had read, but Mr. Winthrop the deputy governor opposed it as being out of order; this being the day by charter for elections and the inhabitants all convened for that purpose, if other business was allowed to take up the time the elections would be prevented; after the elections were over the pe|tition might be read. The governor and those of his party would not proceed unless the petition was read. The time being far spent and many persons calling for election,* 5.14 the deputy governor called to the people to divide and the greater number should carry it, which was done, and the majority was for proceeding. Still the governor refused until the deputy governor told him they would go on without him. This caused him to submit. Mr. Win|throp was chosen governor, Mr. Dudley deputy governor, Mr. Saltonstall, son of Sir Richard, and Mr. Stoughton new assistants, and Mr. Vane and his friends of the same persuasion, Dummer, Haugh and Coddington, left out of the magistracy. There was great danger of a violent tu|mult that day. The speeches on both sides were fierce, and they began to lay hands on one another, but the ma|nifest majority on one side was a restraint to the other.* 5.15 Boston waited the event of this election of magistrates before they would chuse their representatives for the other business of the general court, and the next morning they chose Mr. Vane the late governor, Mr. Coddington and Mr. Haugh. This election of Boston was immediately

determined by the court to be undue. The reason is not assigned in the record, but it is said* 5.16 this reason was given, that all the freemen were not notified. A warrant issued for a new choice and Boston returned the same men again and then they were not rejected. The serjeants who used to attend Mr. Vane laid down their halberds and went home assoon as the new governor was elected,* 5.17 and they refused to attend him to and from the meetings on the Lord's days as had been usual. They pretended this extraordinary respect was shewn to Mr. Vane as a person of quality. The court would have appointed others, but Mr. Winthrop took two of his own servants to attend him. Mr. Vane professed himself ready to serve the cause of God in the meanest capacity. He was notwithstanding much mortified and discovered his resentment. Although he had sat at church among the magistrates from his first arrival, yet he and those who had been left out with him placed themselves with the deacons, and when he was in|vited by the governor to return to his place he refused it.

AN extraordinary act made by the general court this session very much heightened the discontent. Many per|sons of the favourite opinions in Boston were expected from England, a penalty therefore was laid on all persons who should entertain in their houses any stranger who came with intent to reside, or should allow the use of any lot or habitation above three weeks, without liber|ty from one of the standing council or two other assis|tants. The penalty on private persons was forty pounds, and twenty pounds besides for every month they continued in the offence. And any town which gave or sold a lot to such stranger was subject to £. 100 penalty, but if any inhabitant of such town should enter his dissent with a magistrate he was to be excused his part of the fine.* 5.18 This was a very severe order and was so disliked by the people of Boston that upon the governor's return from court they

all refused to go out to meet him or shew him any respect.* 5.19 Mr. Winthrop however firm and resolute in the execution of his office and steady to his principles yet in private life behaved with much moderation. He was obliging and condescending to all, and by this means in a short time recovered their affections and was in greater esteem than ever. Indeed while Boston thus slighted him the other towns increased their respect, and in travelling the same summer to Ipswich he was guarded from town to town with more ceremony than he desired.* 5.20

MR. Vane, in company with Lord Leigh son of theEarl of Marlborough who came to see the country, sailed for England the beginning of August, where he had a much larger field opened. The nation at that time was disposed to receive very favorably men of his genius and cast of mind. The share he had in the revolution there and his un|happy fate upon the restoration of King Charles the second are too well known to need any notice here. He came into New-England under peculiar advantages. His father was one of the privy council. He himself had the friend|ship of the Lord Say and Seal who was in the highest esteem in the colony. He made great professions of re|ligion, and conformed to the peculiar scruples of that day. I have seen a long letter wrote to him while he was on ship-board by one of the passengers in the same ship, ap|plauding him for honoring God so far as to shorten his hair upon his arrival in England from France and urging a compleat reformation by bringing it to the primitive length and form. It was with much difficulty he could obtain his father's consent to come over, but his inclina|tion was so strong that at length he had leave of absence for three years. It is said that the King being acquainted with Mr. Vane's disposition commanded the father, who had no great affection for the religion of New-England, to

gratify him.* 5.21 However this may have been, it was be|lieved in New-England to be true, and with the other circumstances mentioned strongly recommended him. Part of his business was the settlement of Connecticut, in con|junction with Mr. Winthrop the governor's son, as agents for Lord Say and Seal and Lord Brooke, &c.* 5.22 The most valuable places for townships had been taken up before by people from the Massachusets as we have already observed, and the agents not being willing to disturb them contented themselves at present with the possession of the mouth of the river, and Mr. Vane was stopped by the general desire of the colony in order to his being elected governor. The administration of a young and unexperienced but obstinate and self-sufficient governor could not but be dis|liked by the major part of the people, and at the next election they not only would not so much as chuse him an assistant, but made an order that no man for the time to come should be qualified for the place of governor until he had been at least one whole year in the country.* 5.23 A letter wrote from New-England shews the sense they had of him after they had made trial.

Mr. Vane coming from England a young gentleman was presently elected governor, and before he was half warm in his seat, to shew his spirit, began to broach new tenets drawn from the lees of one Mr. Wheelwright, agitated with such vio|lence as if they had been matters of that consequence that the peace and welfare of New-England must be

sacrificed rather than they should not take place. Divi|sions are always dangerous, never safe, never more dan|gerous than in a new settled government. Yet this man altogether ignorant of the art of government thinks it not enough to set the house on fire but must add oil to the flame, and so far had the bandying of these things proceeded that it was of God's great mercy it ended not in our destruction. It is fit that something should be said of the man that put us into this danger. Truly by his aspect you would judge him a good man. Yet I am persuaded he hath kindled those sparks among us which many ages will not be able to extinguish. But the wisdom of the state put a period to his government before he had run out his circuit. They were necessi|tated to undo the work of their own hands, and leave a blemish upon that rash undertaking for posterity to de|s••ant upon and a caveat to us, that all men are not fit for government, and none so dangerous when he is up as one that makes his affection his rule. But this disgrace took so deep an impression that partly from a sense of it, and partly from a consciousness how ill he had deserved of us through his heat of indiscretion, he exchanged New-England for Old.

Lord Say and Seal speaking of him after his arrival in England, in a letter to Mr. Cotton says

For the young man Mr. Vane whom your love followeth, and its well it doth so for he may be recovered, I have not been wanting to do my endeavour to shew him the danger of his way and what hath been the sad issue thereof in others, from whence I think it cometh, and whither Satan's aim is to drive it, as might have appear|ed to you by my letters written to him unto New-Eng|land when I first did perceive his delusions, if he had shewn my letters to you. I shall be glad to do my best to that end still, but I have not that frequent converse with his family now as heretofore, whereof there are the most in Holland and the rest will shortly be there also.

* 5.24

THE party in New-England lost their head. Mrs. Hutchinson notwithstanding continued her lectures. The court for the present took no notice of her conduct nor

of any erroneous opinions, but waited the determination of the churches in a general council, accordingly a synod was appointed to be held at Newtown the 30th of August, where were present not only the ministers and messengers of churches but the magistrates also, who Mr. Weld says (I suppose he was a member) were not only hearers but speakers also as they thought fit. Mr. Cotton altho' at the head of the ministers was too much a party to be proper for a moderator, and Mr. Hooker and M. Bulkley were chosen. Three weeks were spent in disputing pro and con and at length above fourscore points or opinions said to have been maintained by some or other in the country were condemned as erroneous, and the result was signed by all the members but Mr. Cotton. He had expressed

his dislike of most of them but declined condemning them all, maintaining that union to Christ preceded faith in him, but at the same time declared that the other new opinions were heretical, absurd, and some of them blas|phemous, and promised to bear testimony against them.* 6.1 This general agreement struck a damp upon the opinionists and gave further life and vigor to the other party. Mr. Hooker at first disapproved of determining the points in controversy by a synod. He writes to Mr. Shepard of Newtown April 8. 1636. (It should be 37)

For your general synod I cannot yet see either how reasonable or how salutable it will be for your turn, for the settling and establishing the truth in that honorable way as were to be desired. My ground is this. They will be chief agents in the synod who are chief parties in the cause, and for them only who are prejudiced in the controversy to pass sentence against cause or person how improper! how unprofitable! My present thoughts run thus: That such conclusions which are most extra, most er|roneous, and cross to the common current, send them over to the godly learned to judge in our own country and return their apprehensions. I suppose the issue will be more uncontroulable. If any should suggest this was the way to make the clamour too great and loud and to bring a prejudice upon the plantations. I should soon answer there is nothing done in corners here but it is openly there related, and in such notorious cases which cannot be kept secret the most plain and naked relation ever causeth the truth most to appear and prevents all groundless and needless jealousies, where|by men are apt to make things more and worse than they are.

ALTHO' two of the elders were the moderators or prolocutors of the assembly yet Mr. Winthrop seems to have had a controuling power. An anonymous writer of a manuscript sent from New-England the same year gives this account of it.

The synod being met much time is spent in ventilation and emptying of private passions, at

length divers truths are concluded upon as, the nature of grace and faith, the necessity of repentance and good works, the perfection of the scriptures, and like truths of common allay were assented unto by common suffrage: But when they came to the nature of the covenant, the qualifications preceding it, the use of it, the seal of the spirit, the Helenaes for which they strive, there they were as different as ever, resolved in nothing but this, that no one would be resolved by another; but therein was the wisdom and excellent spirit of the governor seen, silencing passionate and impertinent speeches as another Constantine, desiring the divine oracles might be heard speak and express their own meaning, adjourning the assembly when he saw heat and passion, so that through the blessing of God the assembly is dissolved, and jarring and dissonant opinions if not reconciled, yet are covered, and they who came together with minds exasperated by this means depart in peace, and promise by a mutual covenant that no difference in opinion shall alienate their affections any more, but that they will refer doubts to be resolved by the great God, at that great day when we shall appear at his tribunal.

The synod being thus over, the minds of the people were prepared for a further proceeding against the opinionists.* 6.2 The court at their sessions the 2d of November took notice of the petition presented and called seditious in March preceding. They expelled two of their own members Aspinwall and Coggeshall, one for signing and the other for justifying it, and sent a warrant to the town of Boston to return two other deputies in their room. The town agreed to send them back, but Mr. Cotton hearing of it went to the meeting and prevented it, and they chose two others, one of which had signed the pe|tition and was therefore dismissed.* 6.3 The court then sent

for Mr. Wheelwright and requiring of him an acknow|ledgment of his offence he refused it and justified his con|duct, but the court resolved that it tended to disturb the civil peace, disfranchised and banished him, allowing 14 days to settle his affairs, &c.* 6.4

MRS. Hutchinson was next called to her trial before the whole court and many of the elders. An ancient manuscript of the trial at large having been preserved dis|covers nothing in her conduct but what might naturally be expected from a high degree of enthusiasm. Her no|tions of revelations do not seem to have been altogether discountenanced by Mr. Cotton himself. Her sentence upon record stands thus:

Mrs. Hutchinson the wife of Mr. William Hutchinson being convented for tra|ducing the ministers and their ministry in the country, she declared voluntarily her revelations and that she should be delivered and the court ruined with their posterity, and thereupon was banished, and in the mean while was committed to Mr. Joseph Weld (of Roxbury) until the court shall dispose of her.

Having received her sentence from the court she had a further trial to go through in the church. She was first admonished. Mr. Cotton says that Mr. Davenport and he imagined they had convinced her of her errors, and she presented what was called a recantation under her hand, but at the same time professed that she never was of any other judgment than what she now held forth. The recantation is not preserved. She had, no doubt, some fine spun distinctions, too commonly made use of in theological controversies▪ to serve as a subterfuge if there be occasion,* 6.5 and perhaps as many other enthusiasts have done, she considered herself divinely commissioned for some great purpose, to obtain which she might think those windings, subtleties and in|sinuations

lawful which will hardly consist with the rules of morality. No wonder she was immoderately vain when she found magistrates and ministers embracing the novelties advanced by her. The whole church of Boston, a few members excepted, were her converts. At length she for|sook the public assemblies and set up what she called a purer worship in her own family. It's not improbable she was encouraged herein by Mr. Vane who some years after fell into the same practice in England. Mr. Hooker who had been charged by her with want of soundness in the faith in return expresses himself with some acrimony con|cerning her.

THE expression of providence against this wretched woman hath proceeded from the Lord's mira|culous mercy and his bare arm hath been discovered therein from first to last that all the churches may hear and fear. I do believe such a heap of hideous errors at once to be vented by such a self deluding and deluded creature no history can record, and yet after recantation of all to be cast out as unsavory salt that she may not continue a pest to the place, that will be for ever mar|vellous in the eyes of all the saints. It will not get out of my mind and heart but there is a mystery in the closure and upshot of this business, but he that carries the wisdom of the crafty headlong is able to lay open that also in his season. At the first reading of your relation I could not but suspect so much, may be it is but my melancholick suspicion, but these three things presented themselves in open view to my mind, 1. That it was never intended she should be excommunicated. 2. That her recantation was still with so much reserva|tion as sinks the mind of such who would have made way for her escape, viz. That our election is first evi|denced. 3. That this conceit is a nest egg to breed and bring in many other false imaginations if it be stretched to its breadth. Add also hereunto that there is no odds from herself but only in some expressions and misprisions that way as she would have men think, and then you have the whole cause where it was conceived in a nar|rower

compass and under a double vizard, that the appear|ance of it may suit every purpose as the occasion fits.

MR. Hutchinson her husband sold his estate and re|moved with his wife and family first to Aquidneck * 6.6 (Rhode Island) being one of the purchasers of that island from the Indians, where by the influence of his wife, * 6.7 the peo|ple laid aside Mr. Coddington and three other magis|trates and chose him for their sole ruler, but he dying about the year 1642 and she being dissatisfied with the people or place she removed to the Dutch coun|try beyond New Haven, and the next year she and all of her family which were with her being 16 persons, were killed by the Indians, except one daughter whom they carried into captivity.* 6.8

THE confusion in the colony occasioned by these reli|gious disputes was very great, and it appears from the let|ters then wrote from England that they made great noise there, but after all it is highly probable that if Mr. Vane had remained in England or had not craftily made use of the party which maintained these peculiar opinions in reli|gion to bring him into civil power and authority and draw the affections of the people from those who were their leaders into the wilderness, these like many other errors might have prevailed a short time without any distur|bance to the state and, as the absurdity of them appeared, silently subsided, and posterity would not have known that such a woman as Mrs. Hutchinson ever existed.* 6.9 We may suppose that they who from the beginning had gone along with her in her errors were not displeased at a good

pretence for getting rid of her without condemning them|selves. It is difficult to discover from Mr. Cotton's own account of his principles published ten years afterwards in his answer to Bailey wherein he differed from her. Her warm imagination was more wrought upon by the enthu|siastic tenet than his placid temper. He seems to have been in danger when she was upon trial. Mr. Dudley the deputy governor bore hard upon him, Hugh Peters shewed that he was well disposed to bring him upon trial. The other ministers treated him coldly, but Mr. Winthrop whose influence was now greater than ever protected him. Not long after in a sermon at a fast Dec. 13, 1638, he confessed and bewailed the churches and his own security and credulity, be means whereof so many dangerous errors had spread, and shewed how he came to be deceived; the errors being formed, in words, so near the truth which he had preached, and the falshood of the maintainers of them being such that they usually would deny to him what they had maintained to others.* 6.10 His conduct in this day of temptation was forgotten and he soon recovered and to his death preserved the esteem and respect of the whole colony.

MR. Wheelwright went to New Hampshire and laid the foundation of the town and church of Exeter, and af|terwards removed to Hampton and from thence to Salis|bury. He was restored in 1644 upon a slight acknow|ledgment. He was in England in 1658 and in favor with Cromwell, as appears by a letter to the church at Hamp|ton. He lived to be the oldest minister in the colony, which would have been taken notice of if his persecutors had not remained in power.* 6.11

THE court to prevent tumults required about sixty of the inhabitants of Boston to deliver up their arms and ammu|nition of every sort under penalty of 10 l. upon each per|son neglecting, and laid the like penalty upon every one of them who should afterwards borrow any arms or am|munition. And at the same time made a law to punish

any person by fine, imprisonment or banishment who should defame any court or any of their sentences.

A great number removed out of the jurisdiction, some of them being banished, some disfranchised; more to Rhode Island than to any other place. In a short time most of them were permitted to return and were restored to their former privileges. The most of those errors which were condemned by the synod, its probable, they never would have owned as their principles, and they appear rather to be deduced by some of the synod as naturally following from the capital opinions than to have been advanced by the opinionists themselves, or perhaps may have been unguardedly dropped by particular persons in the heat of their disputes, or during an enthusiastick frenzy, and in others may have been the effect of a fond fancy for paradoxical tenets. They were charged indeed with principles which admit and introduce all kinds of im|morality, and which make no distinction between virtue and vice. So are fatalists and predestinarians. Many of them were afterwards employed in posts of honor and trust were exemplary in their lives and conversations, and their letters and private papers shew that they were pious and devout, and with the name of antinomians paid the strictest regard to moral virtue. The opinionists were punished for being deluded enthusiasts. The other side were deluded also by a zeal, for the punishment for the honor of God, of such of his creatures as differed in opinion from themselves. It is evident not only by Mrs. Hutchinson's trial but by many other public pro|ceedings, that inquisition was made into men's private judgments as well as into their declarations and practice. Toleration was preached against as a sin in rulers which would bring down the judgments of heaven upon the land.* 6.12

THIS unhappy controversy did not take off the attention of the government from their necessary defence against the Pequod Indians who continued their hostilities. Governor Vane had sent Capt. Underhill the winter before to strengthen the garrison at Saybrook fort, which they laid siege to for several weeks together. The three colonies Massachusets, Plimouth and Connecticut agreed, with their joint forces, to go into the Indian country and attempt their entire destruction. Massachusets sent 160 men under the command of Capt. Stoughton. The num|ber raised by each town gives us some idea of the pro|portion which the several settlements bore to one another at this time.* 6.13 Connecticut men being settled near the Indian country it was expected they would be early in action; the first of the Massachusets men that could be raised were therefore ordered to march. This party con|sisted of 40 men. Capt. Patrick,* 6.14 who had the command of them, by letters dispatched from Providence, acquainted Capt. Mason the commander of the Connecticut men that he was hastening to join him. The body of the In|dians were in two forts or inclosures, which on all sides they had rendered as defensible as they could by pallisa|does, their skill in fortification carrying them no farther. Sassacus the chief Sachem was in one of them and to that the English intended. Capt. Mason went with about 80 English (20 of which under Capt. Underhill of the Mas|sachusets

he had taken from Saybrook fort) and 100 river * 6.15 Indians by water to the Naragansets country, where 200 of that tribe joined him. He would gladly have waited for Patrick's company but was afraid the friend Indians would attribute the delay to want of courage, and therefore on the 24th of May he began his march for Sassacus's fort. The Naraganset Indians were struck with terror at the name of Sassacus and endeavoured to dissuade Mason, but finding him determined many of them left him and near an hundred of them went back to Pro|vidence, where they reported that the Pequods had killed all the English. This report was carried to Boston and must have caused great concern there.* 6.16 Soon after one of Underhill's men fell lame, and the rest of the company wearied in travelling being loaded with arms ammunition and provisions, and Sassacus's fort being eight miles further distant, they resolved to attack the Indians in the other which was called Mistick fort.* 6.17 Wequa•••• * 6.18 originally a Pequod who was born at Mistick but now lived with the Naragansets, was their guide to the destruction of his own countrymen and nearest relations. They sent him forward to reconnoitre, and he returned with intelligence that the Pequods had taken great store of bass that day and were in a high feast, singing dancing and blessing their god* 6.19 for that the English were gone away. They had seen the vessels pass by their river from Saybrook towards Nara|ganset and supposed they were gone off. Some of the

English advanced and heard the Indians at their revels until midnight. The next morning (May 26) about break of day, after a march of three or four miles from the place where they halted the night before, they came within sight of the fort which was upon a hill. Wequash piloted them to the gate. The centinel happened just then to be gone into a wigwam to light his pipe. The Indians were all in a deep sleep. One of their dogs barking at the approach of the English caused a discovery. The Indians within the fort began their tremendous yell, and the In|dians without who were in the English ••ear and afraid to come up seconded them. No sound that was ever made can be more horrid than the Indian yell. The English immediately fired into the fort, the palisadoes not being so close as to hinder the muzzles of their guns going be|tween. Not being able easily to enter at the gate, Mason went round to the other side of the fort, where was ano|ther opening or entrance barred with branches of forked trees only, at which he entred with those that were with him. His lieutenant and the rest of the English entred at the same time by other parts. The Indians who had no arms but bows, tomahawks and English hatchets made stout resistance at first and wounded many of the English. Mason intended to have spared the wigwams, but finding his men thus distressed he entred one of them and with a firebrand he found there set it on fire. While he was doing it an In|dian was drawing his bow and would undoubtedly have killed him if his serjeant coming in had not cut the bow|string with his hanger. The fire spread to the rest of the wigwams and the English all retreated without the fort and surrounded it. The Indians some climbed to the top of the palisadoes to avoid the fire and so exposed them|selves to the English bullets, others forced their way out of the fort and if any of them brake through the English the allied Indians were in a ring at some little distance, so that few if any escaped. There were about 60 or 70 wigwams in the fort or inclosure and it was imagined four or five hundred Pequods men women and children. Three

of the English were slain, and many both English and In|dians their friends wounded with arrows and some very badly. The army was in distress notwithstanding their victory. The morning was cold. They had no sort of refreshment not so much as water nor any shelter for their wounded. They had no intelligence of their vessels which had been ordered to come from Naraganset to Pe|quod river. Many Indians were in the woods who were not of the party in the fort. In the midst of this perplexity they espied their vessels at a distance, sailing towards them. They then took up their wounded upon mats fastened to poles, some with the heads of the arrows in their bodies, and marched to the vessels six miles through the woods and swamps, the Indians lying in wait at every con|venient place and with their arrows wounding many more; but many of the Indians were slain in their attempts upon the English. They put their wounded into one of the barks which set sail the same night and reached Saybrook fort. Patrick came in a pinnace from Providence to Nara|ganset soon after the forces marched, and with the other vessels went forward taking Myontinomo the sachem of Naraganset with them, but their arrival was prevented by contrary winds until the morning of the action, after it was over. Most of the English and all the Indians marched through what was called Nianticut's country, to Saybrook fort, their vessels also arriving there the next day. The Indians in alliance with the English had taken eighteen captives, ten males and eight females, four of the males were disposed of, one to each of four Sachems, the rest put to the sword. Four of the females were left at the fort, the other four carried to Connecticut, where the Indians challenged them as their prize, the English not agreeing to it they were sacrificed also to end the dispute. The policy as well as the morality of this proceeding may well be questioned. The Indians have ever shewn great barba|rity to their English captives, the English in too many in|stances have retaliated it. This has only enraged them the more. Besides, to destroy women and children for the bar|barity

of their husbands and parent•• cannot easily be justified.

SASSACUS the Sachem, after the taking of Mistick fort and so many of his warriors being slain, broke down his own fort, burn'd all their wigwams, put his goods into canoes, and men women and children forsook their country and went a way by land to Quinnipiack. The forces un|der Capt. Stoughton arrived at Saybrook the latter end of June. They pursued the Indians, meeting now and then two or three at a time, whom they killed or took prisoners, at length they were informed of a great body of Indians in a swamp* 6.20 which they surrounded. They seem to have been of other tribes as well as Pequods. One of the Sa|chems came out with 99 men women and children, and delivered themselves up to the English. Wampum he said he had none, nor had he ever killed any English. The garment he had on, which was of black beaver skin, he pre|sented. An Indian was sent in to tell the rest that if they would come out and deliver up their arms and clear them|selves from having murdered any English they should fare the better. After a short parley they determined that as they had lived together they would die together. Twelve of the murtherers were among them. They were about eighty in all. The English fired upon them, and having surrounded the swamp all night entered in the morning, but found great part had escaped. Some of the Indians had guns and fired upon the English. This is the first account we have of their making use of guns. Sassacus fled to the Mohawks, by whom it was reported he was murdered. It is more probable that he and his company incorporated with them. Many of the captives were sent to Bermudas and sold for slaves. The Pequod tribe was wholly extinguished. The Naragansets took charge of some of them and promised to pay the English for their service; the few that remained never dared own they belonged to that tribe, but mixed with the Naraganset and other tribes. We have been more particular in relating this action, it being the first between the English and In|dians, many circumstances not having been published before,

and the rest of the Indians being thereby brought to be more afraid of the English and restrained from open hostilities near forty years together.

THIS year 1637 a number of the Puritan ministers in England wrote over to the ministers of New-England, in|forming them of reports that they had embraced new opinions which they disliked formerly and which they in England still judged to be groundless and unwarrantable, viz.

That a stinted form of prayer and set liturgy is un|lawful. That the children of godly and approved christians are not to be baptized until their parents be set members of some particular congregations. That the parents themselves though of approved piety are not to be received to the Lord's supper until they be admitted set members. That the power of excommunication is in the body of the church though the minister should be of another mind. That upon a minister's being dismissed though unjustly from his particular congregation he ceaseth to be a minister. That one minister cannot perform a ministerial act in any but his own congregation. That members of one congre|gation may not communicate in another.

They add,

that letters from New-England had influenced many in Old to leave their assemblies because of a stinted liturgy, and to absent themselves from the Lord's supper because such as ought to be were not debarred from it.

They therefore requested a seasonable review might be taken of the grounds and reasons that had swayed, and sent over, and if they were found to have weight they would be ready to give the right hand of fellowship, if otherwise they would ani|madvert upon them so far as they varied from the truth, &c. The famous puritan John Dod joined in the request.* 6.21 Mr. Hooker upon the occasion of this letter writes thus to Mr. Shepard,

I confess freely to thee my fears that the first and second questions touching a stinted form of prayer will prove very hard to make any handsome work upon, and I do sadly suspect a troublesome answer may be returned to all the arguments. This is to your self wherein I crave silence.

AN answer was wrote by Mr. Cotton and a more full answer afterwards printed. In some of the points, I sup|pose the two last, the ministers in England were misin|formed. In some of the others, particularly those which it was thought most difficult to answer, in a few years after the clergy in England fully concurred with their brethren in New-England.

IN June 1637 two large ships arrived from England with passengers. Mr. Eaton and Mr. Hopkins,* 6.22 two London merchants, Mr. Davenport a minister of great character for learning and piety, and many others of good note and condition were of this company. Great pains were taken to persuade them to stay in the jurisdiction. The court offered them any place they would pitch upon. The town of Newbury offered to give up their settlement to them. Quinnipiack and the country between that and the Dutch was represented as a very fruitful place and well situated for trade and navigation. They flattered themselves, but upon what grounds does not appear, that there they should be out of the reach of a general gover|nor, with which the country was from time to time threatned. These were the reasons publickly given for removing there. Besides, the principal men of the new company would be at the head of the government there; here, it was natural to expect, the old standers would be considered as their superiors. They laid the foundation

of a flourishing colony, of which Quinnipiack or New-Haven was the chief town. They agreed among them|selves upon a model of government in church and state, very like to that of the Massachusets, and continued a distinct colony and government until the year 1665,* 6.23 when Connecticut and New-Haven, having three years before been incorporated by a charter from King Charles the second, united under one governor.* 6.24 The people in the

Massachusets soon after reflected upon the favor of provi|dence in not gratifying them with the continuance of this company among them. It appeared that the Dutch were de|signing to take possession of this country, and they opposed the English in the settlement even of New-Haven itself, threatning hostilities against them. Mr. Eaton being a man

of good abilities was a fit person to resist them, and finally in the year 1650 the other colonies uniting in the cause with New-Haven they were by treaty limited to Greenwich, said to be ten or twelve miles on a strait line distant from Hudson's river. Indeed the suffering them to extend thus far was mere favor and indulgence, but there had been a good correspondence always kept up between the English colonies and these intruders. They had mutual trade and commerce, and altho' the Dutch at that day, whatever they may now do, did not esteem godliness to be the greatest gain, yet their form of worship, their principles as to discipline and ceremonies were more agreeable to the New-Englan|ders than those of the high party in England. New-Haven was a barrier to the colony of Connecticut and

caused its increase. To which we may add that the Massachusets by the removal of this company were enabled to provide the better for the immediate accommodation of the great number of passengers which unexpectedly came over the next year.

* 6.25FOR in 1638 notwithstanding the clamour against the plantation was revived in England, and a design was on foot to revoke or annul the charter, there arrived about twenty ships and three thousand passengers. These ships were the more welcome to the colony because they were afraid that in consequence of the complaints against them a stop would be put to any more passengers coming from Eng|land. In 1635 a commission had been granted to several of the nobility and great officers of the crown for the re|gulation of the colonies.* 6.26 The archbishop of Canterbury (Laud) kept a jealous eye over New-England. One Bur|dett of Piscataqua was his correspondent. A copy of a let|ter to the archbishop wrote by Burdett was found in his study and to this effect, viz.

That he delayed going to England that he might fully inform himself of the state of the place as to allegiance, for it was not new discipline which was aimed at but sovereignty, and that it was ac|counted perjury and treason in their general court to speak of appeals to the King.

By the first ships which came this year a letter was brought from the archbishop to Burdett, rendering him thanks for the care of his Ma|jesty's service, and assuring him that they would take a time for the redress of the disorders which he informed them of, but by reason of much business which lay upon them they could not at that time accomplish his desire. This letter to Burdett was by some means or other, not men|tioned, shewn to the governor of the Massachusets. A quo warranto had been brought by Sir John Banks attor|ney general a year or two before against the governor, de|puty governor and assistants of the corporation of the Mas|sachusets. This was never served upon any persons in New-England. Some which were or had been of the cor|poration and who remained in England appeared and dis|claimed

the charter, and there was a determination that the liberties and franchises of the corporation should be seized into the King's hands, but it is said judgment was never entred in form against the corporation.* 6.27 It is agreed that there was an order of the King in council May 3d 1637, that the attorney general be required to call for the patent of the Massachusets, and this year (1638) Mr. Winthrop received a letter from Mr. Meautis clerk of the council, accompanied with an order from the Lords of the council of April 4th 1638, requiring the governor or any other person who should have the letters patent in their power or custody without fail to transmit the same by the return of the ship which carried the order, and in case of contempt their Lordships would move his Majesty to re-assume into his hands the whole plantation. An answer was drawn up and transmitted as appears by the files of the court,* 6.28 in which after professing their loyalty they say, that they were never called to answer to the quo warranto, if they had been they should have had a good plea against it, that they came over with their families and estates with his Majesty's licence and encouragement, had greatly enlarged his dominions, and if their charter should be taken away they should be forced to remove to some other place or return to their native country; that the other plantations would be broke up and the whole country fall into the hands of the French or Dutch, and that all men would be discouraged from such undertakings in confidence of a royal grant; that the common people if cast off by his Ma|jesty might confederate under some new form of govern|ment which would be of evil example and might expose the court to his Maje••••••'s displeasure,* 6.29 and for these rea|sons they pray their Lordships that they may be suffered

to live in this wilderness, that their liberties may not be re|strained when others are enlarged, and that men of abilities may not be hindered from coming to them when they are encouraged to go to other plantations. It was never known what reception this answer met with. It is certain that no further demand was made. In a short time the archbishop and several other of the Lords of the council who were present at this order lost their authority and in|fluence. They were as much perplexed when called to ac|count for their own conduct as the colony could have been for theirs, had it been more exceptionable than it was. We may make some conjectures what would have been the consequence of taking away the charter at this time. It is pretty certain the body of the people would have left the country. Two years after meerly from a dissatisfaction with the soil and the climate, many did remove and many more were a tiptoe and restrained only by the consideration of their engagements to stand by and support one another; but where they would have removed is the question. It would not have been to the French. This would have been going further from the sun. They were too far northward already. Besides, they might well expect a heavier yoke under the romish hierarchy than what they com|plained of under the protestant. They would not have removed to any plantation or territory claimed by the King of England. What assurance could they have of security for the enjoyment of privileges in any other part stronger than they had when they came here? After they had spent their substance, and many that came with them their lives, in possessing and improving a country in confidence that they should enjoy their charter privileges, they and their posterity for ever, they would not have trusted to promises if any had been made them a second time. It is most likely they would have gone to the Dutch at Hudson's river. They had always kept up a friendly correspondence with them. In their religious principles and form of wor|ship and church government they were not very distant from one another. The Dutch were not generally very

nice upon those points. The only difficulty would have been to have obtained those privileges in matters of go|vernment from the Dutch which they had from the Eng|lish. And I think the Dutch would have been politic enough to have granted them. If they had failed with the Dutch, such was their resolution that they would have sought a vacuum domicilium (a favorite expression with them) in some part of the globe where they would accord|ing to their apprehensions have been free from the con|troul of any European power. In their first migration most of them could say omnia mea mecum porto. All the difference as to the second would have been that so far as they had lessened their substance so much less room would have been necessary for the transportation of what remained. Such a scheme would have consisted very well with their notions of civil subjection as we shall see in many instances. I do not say their notions were just. Alle|giance in an English born subject is said to be perpetual and to accompany him wherever he goes.

THE same governor, deputy governor and assistants were chosen for 1638 as had been for 1637. The settle|ments were extended this year beyond Merrimack river. Salisbury and Hampton had great quantity of salt meadows. They were an inducement to people to sit down there although the upland was a light sandy soil and not very inviting. Rowley and Sudbury were both settled this year also.

THE inhabitants of Lynn being desirous of larger ac|commodations, many of them removed to Long Island, near the west end, Lord Sterling by his agent there having sold or quit claimed to them a tract for a plantation, but they were soon disturbed by the Dutch and some of them were imprisoned under a pretence of an affront offered to the Prince of Orange's arms which they had taken down from a tree wh••re the Dutch had hung them up. Not being able to keep their ground they removed to the east end and settled a church and town (Southampton) and entred into a civil combination intending to be independent of any

of the colonies. Another distinct government was form|ing at the mouth of Connecticut river by the agent of Lord Say and Seal and Lord Brooke, who with other per|sons of distinction were still expected in New England, and other companies who were intending to remove, intended likewise to form into separate governments. But this humour did not last long. In a few years all the colonies found an union or confederacy necessary for their defence not only against the Indians, but against the French and Dutch, and there could be no encouragement for small bodies of men to sit down any where independant or un|connected. All that had began any settlements between the Massachusets and the Dutch (the Rhode Islanders ex|cepted who were covered except on the sea by the other colonies) joined with Connecticut or New Haven, and all to the eastward whether in New Hampshire, Province of Main or the country further east, applied to the Massachu|sets that they might incorporate with them.

THE year 1638 was memorable for a very great earth|quake throughout New-England. The shake by the printed accounts of it and from manuscript letters appears to have been equal to that in 1727, the pewter in many places being thrown off the shelves, and the tops of chim|nies in some places shook down, but the noise though great not so surprizing as that of the last mentioned. The course of it was from West to East. This was a remark|able aera. So long after the Earthquake, was as common with the people of New-England for many years as it seems to have been heretofore with the children of Israel.* 6.30

HARVARD College takes it date from the year 1638. Two years before the general court gave four hundred pounds towards a publick school at Newtown, but Mr. John Harvard a worthy minister of Charlestown dying this year and having given a great part of his estate, between se|ven and eight hundred pounds ••o the same use, the school took the name of Harvard College by an order of court.* 6.31

IN 1639 the former governor and deputy governor were continued,* 6.32 and the same assistants except Mr. Harla|kenden who died in the colony and I suppose the last year.

STRAITS and difficulties at the beginning of the colony had produced industry and good husbandry, and then they s••on raised provisions enough for their own support and an overplus for exportation. We hear but little of trade for the first seven years, except a small traffick with the na|tives by barter of toys, and the few utensils, tools and cloathing they at first thought necessary in exchange for furs and skins. What the planters brought with them consisted principally of materials for their buildings, neces|sary tools for their husbandry, stock for their farms and cloathing for themselves and families, and those who had more estate than was sufficient for these purposes were country gentlemen and unacquainted with commerce, as Winthrop, Dudley, Bellingham, Bradstreet, &c. and never employed themselves in it (Mr. Winthrop built a small bark called the blessing, which was employed to import corn from the southern Indians when the colony was in want, but she was soon cast away) and people in general turned their minds to provide comfortable lodgings and to bring

under improvement so much land as would afford them necessary support, and this was enough to employ them. After a few years by hard labour and hard fare the land produced more than was consumed by the inhabitants, the overplus was sent abroad to the West-Indies, the Wine-Islands, &c. Returns were made in the produce of the respective countries and in bullion, the most of which, to|gether with the furs procured from the natives, went to England to pay for the manufactures continually necessary from thence. As hands could be spared from husbandry and labor in providing their houses, they were taken off and some employed in sawing boards, splitting staves, shin|gles and hoops, others in the fishery, and as many as were capable of it in building small vessels for the fishery and for coasting and foreign trade. Thus gradually and insensibly they seem to have fallen into that trade most natural to the country and adapted to their peculiar circumstances, without any premeditated scheme or projection for that purpose. Their primary views in their removal were the enjoyment of civil and religious liberty. Merchants and others for the sake of gain when they saw a prospect of it afterwards came over and incorporated with them, and caused a great increase of commerce, and led the legislators to measures for the further improvement of it. For encouraging the fishery an act was made this year to free all estates employed in catching making or transporting fish, from all duties and publick taxes, and all persons were restrained by a penalty from using any cod or bass fish for manuring the ground; and all fishermen during the season for business, and all ship-builders were by the same act ex|cused from trainings. Sumptuary laws were made for restraining excess in apparel and other expences, a spirit of industry and frugality prevailed, and those who lived in the next age speak of this as the aurea aetas in which religion and virtue flourished: But it was not long before many became discontented and encouraged projects for their removal.

IN the year 1640 Mr. Dudley was governor and Mr. Bellingham deputy governor,* 6.33 Mr. Winthrop the former governor one of the assistants, the rest the same as the last year. The importation of settlers now ceased. The motive to transportation to America was over by the change in the affairs of England. They who then professed to be able to give the best account say that in 298 ships, which were the whole number from the beginning of the colony, there arrived* 6.34 21200 passengers, men women and children, perhaps about four thousand families.* 6.35 Since which more persons have removed out of New-England to other parts of the world than have come from other parts to it, and the number of families at this day in the four governments may be supposed to be less rather than more than the natural increase of four thousand. This sudden stop had a surprizing effect upon the price of cattle. They had lost the greatest part of what was intended for the first supply, in the passage from Europe. As the inha|bitants multiplied the demand for the cattle increased, and the price of a milch cow had kept from 25 to 30 l. but fell at once this year to 5 or 6l. A farmer who could spare but one cow in a year out of his stock used to cloath his family with the price of it at the expence of the new comers; when this failed they were put to difficulties. Although they judged they had 12000 neat cattle yet they had but about 3000 sheep in the colony.

THE year 1641 afforded not so pleasing a prospect. Assoon as the country ceased to be necessary as an asylum for oppressed people in England,* 6.36 some of those who had been the greatest benefactors there not only discouraged any further transportation but endeavoured to induce such as had gone over to remove. Had the same changes happened in England six or eight years sooner, the conti|nent of North America would in all probability have been at this day in a far less flourishing estate than it is. Some of the principal men wavered but others were more reso|lute, and determined not to forsake their undertaking.* 6.37

LORD Say and Seal had turned his thoughts to a more southern settlement in the Bahama islands. He had en|gaged Mr. Humfries one of the assistants of the Massa|chusets colony in the design with a promise of being the governor of the new settlement. A new plan of govern|ment was framed wholly aristocratical and the magistracy to be hereditary, but exceptions being taken to this form by the people it was altered and brought nearer to that of the Massachusets.* 6.38 Mr. Winthrop the usual governor and

always considered abroad as the head of the colony, had wrote to Lord Say representing to his Lordship that it seemed evident that God had chosen New-England to

plant his people in, and that it would be displeasing unto him that this work should be hindered and that such as had been well inclined, if not with their persons yet with their substance, to encourage it should desist and discourage it by insinuating that there was no possibility of subsistance there; and added that God would never have sent so many of his people thither if he had not seen the place sufficient to maintain them or intended to make it so. His Lordship answered that he could not deny great part of what was written, particularly the evidence of God's owning his people in the country of New-England, but alledged that it was a place appointed for a present refuge only, and a better place being now found out they ought all to re|move there.* 6.39

IT is certain that a great part of the colony was under great doubts as to their subsistance. All could not be traders. Much labor was necessary to the clearing a new country for pasture or tillage; after three or four years improve|ment of a piece of ground they found they had exhausted the goodness of the soil and were obliged to go upon new improvements. They never used such manure as would keep it in heart. The common practice of manuring with fish left the land in a worse state than it would have been in if they had used no manure at all, or than any other manure, even lime, would have left it. This caused many of them

to have an unfavorable opinion of the country and to de|spair of obtaining a livelihood in it, and great numbers had determined to remove. Some were persuaded to alter their resolution, but others persisted. A church had been gather|ed at Providence and news came that Mr. Sherwood the pastor with another minister had been sent home prisoners by Carter the deputy governor, and that the magistrates were inclined to persecution. This is not incredible even in the year 1641 when they could not have expected that these measures would be approved in England, for Virginia persisted in opposition to the parlia|ment many years after. Whilst some in New-England were discouraged by this advice others were the more con|firmed looking upon it their duty to go over and strengthen their brethren. Mr. Humfries had met with great losses by fire the year before and was detained in New-England by his private affairs for this year, but a company em|barked with Capt. William Peirce, who was of the first fleet which came over with the charter and a very noted commander. Upon their arrival at Providence they found the island in the possession of the Spaniards. They had shot in under the command of the fort before they disco|vered their danger, and in coming about Peirce was slain from the fort, but the vessel got clear and returned to New-England and the designs of the rest, of course, were at an end. The Lords and others concerned in this attempt to settle the Bahama Islands spent sixty thousand pounds ster|ling, which was entirely lost by the island's being taken.* 6.40

THE difficulties particular persons were under and the difference of sentiment upon private affairs had an influence upon the publick affairs. The election this year (1641) notwithstanding the great number of voters was determined in favour of Mr. Bellingham for governor, Mr. Winthrop being his competitor, by a majority of six votes only. Mr. Endicot was chosen deputy governor. It was disputed whether they had the majority, and it was some time, Mr. Hubbard says, long, before either of them were ad|mitted to their places. The choice seems not to have

been agreable to the general court, for the first order they made was to repeal a standing law for allowing one hundred pounds annually to the governor.

THE court this year expecting great revolutions were at hand in England sent over as their agents two of the ministers, Mr. Thomas Weld and Mr. Hugh Peters, * 6.41 and one of the representatives, Mr. William Hibbins, in order to establish the interest of the colony. Their particular instructions have not been preserved.

THIS year also the plantation at Springfield upon Connec|ticut river returned to the jurisdiction of the Massachusets. In the year 1636 as has been observed the towns or settle|ments on Connecticut river began. A more particular ac|count of the settlement of that colony will perhaps be ex|pected. The inhabitants of the towns of Roxbury, Dor|chester, Cambridge and Watertown in the Massachusets laid the foundation of the colony of Connecticut. Mr. William Pynchon being the principal person among those from Roxbury who had pitched upon a place higher up the river than the rest called by the Indians Agawam, he changed the name to Springfield.* 6.42 His mansion house was at a town of that name in England near to Chelmsford in Essex. Those from Dorchester pitched upon a place be|low called by the Indians Mattaneaug or Cushankamaug. Mr. Ludlow was the principal person who removed with them. Mr. Warham their minister and the whole church followed the next year. They called their settlement Windsor. The Cambridge people with Mr. Hooker and Mr. Stone their ministers, and Mr. Haynes who the year

before had been governor at their head, were seated next below at a place called Suckiang, which they changed into Hartford, the place of Mr. Stone's nativity in England. A few miles below there was another tract of interval land called by the Indians Pauquiang, which those of Hartford intended to have included in their settlement but a few of the Watertown people were too quick for them. They gave it the name of Weathersfield. The commission which they took fro•• the Massachusets was of a pretty extraor|dinary nature. The preamble to it acknowledges that the lands which they intended to take possession of were with|out the commonwealth and body of the Massachusets, and that certain noble personages in England by virtue of a patent challenged the jurisdiction there, but their minds not being known as to a form of government, and there being a necessity that some authority should be established they therefore appoint Roger Ludlow, Esq* 6.43 &c. with full power and authority to hear and determine in a judicial way all matters in difference between party and party, to inflict corporal punishment, imprisonment and fines, and to make and decree orders for the present as shall be ne|cessary for the plantation, relative to trading, planting, building, military discipline and defensive war if need re|quire, and to convene the inhabitants in general court if it shall be thought meet. The commission to continue no longer than one year, and to be recalled if a form of go|vernment could be agreed upon between the noble per|sonages, the inhabitants, and the commonwealth of the Massachusets, &c.

THERE would be no accounting for this stretch of power were it not for a principle at that time generally received, and which upon a question was determined some years after by the general court, some of the members

dissenting, that the oath of fidelity to the commonwealth was binding even though the person should no longer reside within the limits.

NOTWITHSTANDING this commission they soon after entered into an agreement or combination, by virtue of which they called themselves a body politick formed and established by mutual consent, and framed such laws and constitutions as they thought necessary; the most material point in which they differed from the Massachusets was the not making membership of their churches necessary to freedom in the civil government or to the holding any offices therein. Upon the petition of Mr. Pynchon and others to the court to receive them again an order passed asserting the court's right, and a commission was granted to Mr. Pynchon to hold courts there,* 6.44 from whose judg|ments an appeal lay to the court of assistants.* 6.45

THE settlers at Piscataqua about the same time sub|mitted themselves to the Massachusets government. The submission and agreement upon record is as follows:

"THE 14th of the 4th month, 1641.

WHEREAS some Lords, Knights, Gentlemen and others did purchase of Mr. Edward Hilton and some merchants of Bristol two patents, the one called Wecoha|met or Hilton's point, commonly called or known by the name of Dover or Northam, the other patent set forth by the name of the south part of the river Pascataquack, beginning at the sea side or near thereabouts and coming round the said land by the river side unto the falls of

Quamscot, as may more fully appear by the said grant. And whereas others also residing at present within the limits of both the said grants have of late and formerly complained of the want of some good government amongst them and desired some help in this particular from the jurisdiction of the Massachusets bay, whereby they may be ruled and ordered according unto God both in church and common weal, and for avoiding of such unsufferable disorders whereby God hath been much dishonoured amongst them, these gentlemen whose names are here 〈◊〉〈◊〉, George Willys, gent. Robert Saltonstall, gent. William Whiting, Edward Holioke, Thomas Makepeace, partners in the said patent, do in the behalf of the rest of the patentees dispose of the lands and jurisdiction of the premises as followeth; being willing to further such a good work have hereby for themselves and in the name of the rest of the patentees given up and set over all that power or jurisdiction of government of the said people dwelling or abiding within the limits of both the said patents unto the government of the Massachusets bay, by them to be ruled and ordered in all causes cri|minal and civil as inhabitants dwelling within the limits of Massachusets government, and to be subject to pay in church and commonwealth as the said inhabitants of Massachusets bay do and no other, and the freemen of the said two patents to enjoy the like liberties as other freemen do within the said Massachusets government, and that there shall be a court of justice kept within one of the two patents, which shall have the same power that the courts at Salem and Ipswich have. Provided always, and it is hereby declared that one of the said patents, that is to say, that on the south side of the river Piscataquack, and in the other patent one third part of the land with all improved land in the said patent to the Lords and gentlemen and owners shall be and re|main, unto them their heirs and assigns forever, as their proper right, as having true interest therein, saving the interest of jurisdiction to the Massachusets. And ••he

said patent of Wecohamet shall be divided as formerly is expressed by indifferent men equally chosen on both sides, whereby the plantation may be furthered and all oc|casion of difference avoided. And this honored court of the Massachusets doth hereby promise to be helpful to the maintenance of the right of the said patentees in both the patents all legal courses in any part of their jurisdiction.

Subscribed by the aforenamed gentlemen in the presence of the general court assembled the day aforewritten.

* 7.1

THE river of Newichewannock or Piscataqua is said to have been first discovered by Capt. Smith or some employ|ed by him in 1614 or 1615. DeMonts ten years before had been at Kennebeck and Saco and some leagues further westward along shore, but struck over from some part of Welles, by the description he gives of the coast, to Cape Ann, which he calls Cape Louis, and from thence to Cape Blanc, which must be Cape Cod. In the year 1623 seve|ral gentlemen merchants and others in the west of Eng|land belonging to Bristol, Exeter, Dorchester, Shrewsbury, Plimouth, &c. having obtained patents from the council of Plimouth for several parts of New-England, and being encouraged by the plantation of New-Plimouth and the reports of fishermen who had made voyages upon the coast, projected and attempted a fishery about Piscataqua, and sent over David Thompson, together with Edward Hilton and William Hilton, who had been fishmongers in London, and some others, with all necessaries for their purpose. The Hiltons set up their stages some distance above the mouth of the river, at a place since called Dover. Some others of the company about the same time seized on a place below at the mouth of the river called Little Harbour, where they built the first house. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. John Mason were of this company, and the place where this house was built with three or four thousand acres of land for a manor or lordship, by consent of the rest of the undertakers, was assigned to Capt. Mason, and the house took the name of Mason-hall.* 7.2

THESE settlements went on very slowly for seven years after, and in 1631 when Edward Colcott * 7.3 first came over there were but three houses in all that side of the country adjoining to Piscataqua river. There had been some expence besides about salt works. The affairs of the great council of Plimouth from first to last were carried on in a confused manner. There have been six or seven several grants of the lands between Merrimack and Ken|nebeck. Whether any of them besides those to Gorges and the Massachusets are at this day of any validity I will not determine.* 7.4 In 1629 Gorges and Mason are said to have taken a patent together for all the lands between the two rivers, and by mutual agreement and by a distinct patent all the lands from Piscataqua to Merrimack were assigned to Mason.* 7.5 Gorges seems to have laid no great stress upon his title, for in 1639 he obtained a patent under the great seal from King Charles the first. The Lords Say and Brooke, who were very general adventu|rers, they purchased the Bristol men's share which was two thirds of the first company's interest. Some persons of Shrewsbury held the other third. Capt. Wiggan was made the agent for the Shrewsbury men. In the year 1630 Captain Neale with three others came over to Piscataqua to superintend the affairs of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Mason, and the rest, but principally to discover a new country to which they gave the name of Laconia, and which in Gorges's history is very pompously described. Champlain many years before this had given his own name to Lake Iroquois, and the English, it may be, were informed by the Indians something of the geography of the country and of other lakes on the back of New-England, and no doubt the rumor was carried over to England. Neale spent three years in searching out his new country but could not find it and so returned. Nothing else memorable is

mentioned of Neale, except that he forbad Wiggan settling a point of land betwixt Dover and Exeter. Wig|gan went on and determined to defend his right by the sword. The other threatned as high, and from what might have happened, the disputed land took the name of Bloody Point, which it retains to this day. The Lords Say and Brooke also made Wiggan their agent for the term of seven years, during which time the interest was not greatly advanced, the whole being sold to him at the expiration of the term for six hundred pounds.

SOON after the year 1631 one Mr. Williams came over from England, sent also by Gorges and Mason to take care of their salt-works. Mr. Chadburne * 7.6 with several other planters and traders came over with him. These began the settlement of Strawberry bank (Portsmouth) and after Neale went away they are supposed either to have entered into an agrement and to have chosen Williams for their governor, who is said to have been a discreet sensible man and a gentleman, or else he was appointed by the company in England. There was a grant of a sum of money for building a parsonage house and a chapel, and for a glebe of 50 acres of land to be annexed, made by the inhabitants of Strawberry bank to Thomas Walford and Henry Sher|burn church wardens and their successors, &c. and this was signed by Francis Williams governor, Ambrose Gibbons assistant, and 18 Inhabitants, dated May 25. 1640. Wil|liams soon after removed to Barbados. The first who enterprized the settlement of Piscataqua had some religious as well as civil views, and a puritan minister Mr. Leveridge a worthy man came over with Capt. Wiggan in 1633, but not being supported he removed to the southward and was succeeded by Mr. Burdet, who has not left so good a character. Not contented with his sacred function he invaded the civil government and thrust out Capt. Wig|gan and assumed the place of governor himself.

IN the mean time the Lords and others concerned had prevailed upon several persons of good estates and who made profession of religion, to transplant themselves and families to Piscataqua, so as to be able to make inhabitants enough for a considerable township, and having no charter commission or power of government from the crown, they were under necessity of entring into a combination or agree|ment among themselves, which was in the following form:

WHEREAS sundry mischiefs and inconveniencies have befallen us and more and greater may in regard of want of civil government, his gracious Majesty having settled no order for us to our knowledge, we whose names are under written being inhabitantts upon the river Piscataqua have voluntarily agreed to combine ourselves into a body poli|tic, that we may the more comfortably enjoy the benefit of his Majesty's laws, and do hereby actually engage our selves to submit to his royal Majesty's laws, together with all such laws as shall be concluded by a major part of the freemen of our society, in case they be not repugnant to the laws of England, and administred in behalf of his Majesty. And this we have mutually promised and en|gaged to do and so to continue till his excellent Majesty shall give other orders concerning us. In witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands Octob. 22. in the 16th year of th•• reign of our sovereign Lord Charles by the grace of God King of Great-Britain, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c.

Signed by

• Thomas Larkham,
• Richard Waldron,
• William Waldron, with thirty eight more.

ABOUT the same time, viz. in 1638, Mr. Wheelwright the minister who had been banished from the Massachu|sets, with a number of persons who adhered to him, began a plantation on the south side of the great bay up Piscata|qua river, to which they gave the name of Exeter. They thought it necessary likewise to form themselves into a body politic, in order to enable them to carry on the affairs of their plantation. The instrument which they determined upon was of the following form:

WHEREAS it hath pleased the Lord to move the heart of our dread Sovereign Charles, &c. to grant licence and liberty to sundry of his subjects to plant themselves in the western parts of America: We his loyal subjects members of the church of Exeter, situate and lying upon the river Piscataqua, with other inhabitants there, con|sidering with ourselves the holy will of God and our own necessity, that we should not live without wholsome laws and civil government amongst us, of which we are altoge|ther destitute, do in the name of Christ and in the sight of God combine ourselves together to erect and set up among us such government as shall be to our best discern|ing agreable to the will of God, professing ourselves subject to our Sovereign Lord King Charles according to the liberty of the English colony of the Massachusets, and binding ourselves solemnly by the grace and help of Christ and in his name and fear to submit ourselves to all such christian laws as are established in the realm of England, to our best knowledge, and to all other such laws which shall upon good grounds be made and enacted among us according to God, that we may live quietly and peaceably together in all godliness and honesty. October 4. 1639, John Wheelwright, William Wentworth, George Walton,

with 32 more. Captain Underhill an enthusiast who obtained his assurance, as he expressed himself before the church of Boston, while he was taking a pipe of the good creature tobacco,* 7.7 and who was at the same time a very immoral man, and for adul|tery had been excommunicated, joined Mr. Wheel|wright's company and played his card so well that he ob|tained the place of governor over them, and also over the other company at Dover, they having quarrelled with Burdet the minister, who removed to York. There was a strong party against Underhill which caused great di|sturbance and confusion. At the same time they were as much divided in their ecclesiastical affairs. They at Do|ver had one Mr. Knolles for their minister, but Mr. Lark|ham

arriving there from Northam near Barnstable in England, many people were taken with him and determined to dismiss Knolles, but his party stood by him and he and his company excommunicated Larkham. He in return laid violent hands on Knolles. The magistrates took part some on one side and some on the other, but Larkham's party being weakest sent to Williams the governor below for assistance, who came up with a company of armed men, beset Knolles's house, where Underhill the governor then was, called him to account, set a fine upon him and some others who had been concerned in the riot, and obliged them to remove from the plantation. Knolles was a rigid antinomian, his practice was agreable to his principles. He was charged with being too familiar with some of his female domesticks and found it necessary to depart. Lark|ham a zealous churchman soon followed him for an offence of the same nature.* 7.8 Thus we see three distinct colonies and independant governments formed upon Piscataqua river.

DURING these transactions the Massachusets people were enquiring into the bounds of their patent. In 1639 they sent persons to find out the northernmost part of Merrimack river. A line to run east from three miles north of the head of the river will take in the whole of New-Hampshire.* 7.9 They determined therefore that it came within their jurisdiction, and from that time they allowed plantations to be settled, particularly at Hampton, as readily as in any other part of the colony, and exercised juris|diction over them, but they left those upon the river to their liberty, and it was their inability to preserve order among themselves which occasioned the application and submission which has already been mentioned. At their session in October the court passed the following order:

WHEREAS it appeareth that by the extent of the line according to our patent the river of Piscataquack is within the jurisdiction of the Massachusets, and conference being had at several times with the said people and some deputed by the general court for the settling and establish|ing of order in the administration of justice there; it is now ordered by the general court holden at Boston this 9th day of the 8th month 1641, and with the consent of the inhabitants of the said river, as followeth. Imprimis, That from henceforth the said people inhabiting there are and shall be accepted and reputed under the govern|ment of the Massachusets as the rest of the inhabitants within the said jurisdiction are. Also that they shall have the same order and way of administration of justice and way of keeping courts as is established at Ipswich and Salem.* 7.10 Also they shall be exempted from all publick charges other than those that shall arise for or from among themselves, or from any action or course that may be taken to procure their own good or benefit. Also they shall enjoy all such lawful liberties of fishing, plant|ing and felling timber as formerly they have enjoyed in the same river. Mr. Simon Broadstreet, Mr. Israel Stoughton, Mr. Samuel Simonds, Mr. William Tyng, Mr. Francis Williams, and Mr. Edward Hilton, or any four of them, whereof Mr. Broadstreet or Mr. Stoughton to be one, these shall have the same power that the quarter courts at Salem and Ipswich have. Also the inhabitants there are allowed to send two deputies from the whole river to the court at Boston. Also Mr. Broadstreet, Mr. Stoughton, and the rest of the com|missioners shall have power at the court at Piscataquack to appoint two or three to join with Mr. Williams and Mr. Hilton to govern the people as the magistrates do here till the next general court, or till the court take further order. It is further ordered, that until our com|missioners shall arrive at Piscataquack, those men who already have authority by the late combination to govern

the people there, shall continue in the same authority and power, to be determined at the coming of the said commissioners and not before.

Although nothing is said of Strawberry bank in the submission yet all the settlements seem to have concurred, and Williams the governor below was made one of the magistrates.

THE Massachusets by thus extending it's wing over the inhabitants of New-Hampshire nourished and cherished them for near 40 years, and to this must be attributed the growth and the present flourishing state of that colony. The principal inhabitants when the benefit was recent, in 1680 made a publick and grateful acknow|ledgment of it. Upon this construction of the charter the whole province of Main is taken into the Massachusets as well as New-Hampshire, but no application being made by the people there, nothing was done concerning them. Mr. Wheelwright and others who had been banished from the Massachusets soon after removed to the province of Main from New-Hampshire.

* 7.11MR. Winthrop was elected governor in 1642 and Mr. Endicot deputy governor, and Mr. Thomas Flint * 7.12 added to the assistants, together with Mr. Pynchon, who upon his removal to Springfield had been left out whilst the jurisdiction was doubtful.

THE college at Cambridge was this year put upon a more respectable footing ••han it had been. The governor, deputy governor and magistrates, and the ministers of the six next adjacent towns, with the president, were made a corporation for ordering and managing the affairs of the college, and nine young gentlemen * 7.13 at a publick commencement this

year received the degree of batchelor of arts. The Thesis with a particular account of the whole proceeding was published in England. I know of but two copies extant, and as my chief design is to preserve from oblivion every transaction which posterity may think of any im|portance, I shall give it a place in the appendix.

THERE was a general design this year among the In|dians against the English.* 7.14 Miantinomo the sachem of the Naragansets was supposed to be the author and chief promoter and to have drawn many other sachems to join with him. The Indians began to make use of fire-arms and had procured a great number, together with powder and shot from English traders in the eastern parts, as well as from the Dutch. A constant watch was ordered to be kept from sun-set to sun-rising, and a place of retreat to be provided in each plantation for the women and chil|dren and for the security of ammunition. Beacons were

erected and ordered to be fired upon an alarm, and all smiths were required to lay aside all other business until all the arms in the colony were put into good order, for which payment was promised by the government. Mr.* 7.15 John Leverett and Mr. Edward * 7.16 Hutchinson were sent to Miantinomo with articles of complaint and to require him to come himself or to send two of his chief counsellors to the governor in order to give satisfaction. Connecticut proposed to fall upon the Indians immediately, and offered if the Massachusets would send 120 men to Saybrook to join a proportionable number. But the Massachusets court doubted whether they had sufficient proofs of the designs of the Indians to justify a war. However the governor with the magistrates before the court met thought it ne|cessary to disarm the Indians within the colony, which they readily submitted to. Miantinomo came in person to the court and demanded that his accusers should be brought face to face, and if they failed in their proof that they should suffer the same punishment he would have deserved himself if he had been guilty, viz. death. His behaviour was grave and he gave his answers with great deliberation and seeming ingenuity. He would never speak but in the presence of two of his counsellors that they might be witnesses of every thing which passed. Two days were spent in treaty. He denied all he was charged with, and pretended the reports to his disadvantage were raised by Uncas sachem of the Mohegins or some of his people. He was willing to renew his former engagements that if any of the Indians, even the Nianticks, who he said were as his own flesh and blood, should do any wrong to the Eng|lish so as neither he nor they could satisfy without blood, he would deliver them up and leave them to mercy. The people of Connecticut put little confidence in him and could hardly be kept from falling upon him, but were at last prevailed upon by the Massachusets to desist for the present.* 7.17 The minds of men were filled with fear from

these rumours of a general conspiracy and every noise in the night was alarming. A poor man in a swamp at Wa|tertown* 7.18 hearing the howling of a kennel of Wolves and expecting to be devoured by them cried out for help, which occasioned a general alarm through all the towns near Boston.* 7.19 The Indians being thus prevented from surprizing the English remained quiet.* 7.20

THE House of Commons this year passed a memorable resolve in favor of the Massachusets colony, which was transmitted to the governor by the clerk of the house and ordered by the court to be entered upon the publick records that it might remain to posterity.

"VENERIS 10 MARCH 1642.

WHEREAS the plantations in New-England have by the blessing of the Almighty had good and prosperous success without any publick charge to this state* 8.1 and are now likely to prove very happy for the propagation of the gospel in those parts and very beneficial and

commodious to this kingdom and nation. The Com|mons now assembled in Parliament do for the better advancement of those plantations and the encouragement of the planters to proceed in their undertaking ordain that all merchandizing goods that by any person or persons whatsoever, merchant or other, shall be exported out of this kingdom of England into New-England to be spent, used or employed there, or being of the growth of that kingdom,* 8.2 shall be from thence imported hither, or shall be laden or put on board any ship or vessel for necessaries in passing to and fro, and all and every the owner or owners thereof shall be freed and discharged of and from paying and yielding any custom, subsidy, taxation, or other duty for the same, either inward or outward, either in this kingdom or New-England, or in any port, haven, creek, or other place whatsoever, until the House of Commons shall take further order therein to the contrary. And all and sin|gular customers, farmers and collectors of customs, subsidies and imposts, and other officers, ministers and subjects what|soever are hereby required and injoined that they and every of them, upon the shewing forth unto them this order, or a true copy thereof under the hand of the clerk of the House of Commons, without any other writ or war|rant whatsoever, do make full, whole and entire, and due allowance and clear discharge unto the said owners of the said goods and merchandize, their factors, servants and agents, according to the tenor and true meaning of this order.

H. ELSSING, Cler. Parl. D. Com.

IN the year 1642 letters came to Mr. Cotton of Boston, Mr. Hooker of Hartford, and Mr. Davenport of New-Haven, signed by several of the nobility, divers members of the house of commons, and some ministers, to call them or some of them, if all could not come, to assist in the assembly of divines at Westminster.* 8.3 Such of the magi|strates

and ministers as were near Boston met together, and most of them were of opinion that it was a call of God, but Mr. Hooker did not like the business, and thought it was not a sufficient call to go a thousand leagues to confer about matters of church government. Mr. Davenport thought otherwise, but his church having but one minister would not spare him. Mr. Cotton thought it a clear call and would have undertaken the voyage if others would have gone with him. Soon after, other letters were received which diverted them from any thoughts of proceeding.* 9.1 Mr. Hooker was about that time pre|paring

for the press a vindication of congregational churches, or rather framing a system or plan of church government, which he designed for the New-England churches, let the determination at Westminster be what it would. Had the churches of New-England appeared there by their representatives, or any of the principal di|vines appeared as members of the assembly greater excep|tion might have been taken to their building after a model of their own framing. Several persons who came from England in 1643 made a muster to set up presbyterian government under the authority of the assembly at West|minster, but a New-England assembly, the general court, soon put them to the rout.

THE governor and deputy governor for the last year were re-elected in 1643.* 9.2 Samuel Symonds * 9.3 and William Hibbins * 9.4 were added to the assistants. The colony had so increased that it was divided this year into four coun|ties or shires, Essex, Middlesex, Suffolk and Norfolk. * 9.5

A new sect, springing from the ashes of the antinomians, made great disturbance about this time. Samuel Gorton a citizen of London who came to Boston in 1636 was at the head of it. Mr. Cotton says* 9.6 his principles were the very dregs of familism. It is certain that he was artful enough to explain them in such manner that his judges in the Massachusets were divided in opinion whether they were heretical or not. He staid not long

in the Massachusets, but went to Plimouth and disturbing the church there he was whipped and required to find sureties for his good behavior, which not being able to do he removed, Mr. Winslow says was driven* 9.7 to Rhode-Island. There he treated the court with contempt, and by order of the governor, Mr. Coddington, was first im|prisoned and afterwards whipped. From Rhode-Island he went to Providence, where Roger Williams with his usual humanity, although he disliked his principles and behavior, gave him shelter. Here he found several of his own dis|position, fond of novelties in religion, and they first sat down at Patuxet near Providence, but some of the inha|bitants there applied to the Massachusets that they and their lands might be received into protection, and com|plained that Gorton and his company, under pretence of purchase from the Indians, were going about to deprive them of their estates, of which for several years they had been in the lawful possession. The governor and three of the assistants signed what was called a warrant or notifi|cation to all the people of Providence requiring them to submit to the jurisdiction of the Massachusets. This was dated in October 1642. Gorton sent a very contemptu|ous answer and told them they had no authority over the people of Providence. But either for the sake of being more out of the reach of the Massachusets, or from discord among themselves, Gorton and 11 more purchased of Miantinomo the Naraganset sachem* 9.8 a tract of land called Showamet and removed thither. The price they paid was 144 fathom of Wampum.* 9.9 Showamet was then claimed by Plimouth government as within their juris|diction. Two of the chief of the Indians who dwelt there and at Patuxet, and who were called Sachems, Pom|ham and Sacho••oco came to Boston with their interpreter to complain of Gorton and his company for taking their lands from them, and offered to subject themselves and their

country to the Massachusets, which by an instrument under their hands was accordingly done in the form following.

THIS writing is to testify that we Pomham sachem of Showamit and Sachonoco sachem of Patuxit have and by these presents do voluntarily and without any constraint or persuasion, but of our own free motion put our selves our subjects, lands and estates under the government and jurisdiction of the Massachusets, to be governed and pro|tected by them according to their just laws and orders so far as we shall be made capable of understanding them, and we do promise for ourselves and our subjects and all our posterity to be true and faithful to the government and aiding to the maintenance thereof to our best ability, and from time to time to give speedy notice of any conspiracy, attempt, or evil intention of any which we shall know or hear of against the same, and do promise to be willing from time to time to be instructed in the knowledge of the worship of God. In witness whereof we have here|unto put to our hands the 22d of the 4th month, 1643.

• the 〈☐〉〈☐〉 mark of Saconocho.
• the 〈☐〉〈☐〉 mark of Pomham.

MIANTINOMO was likewise sent for to Boston but did not make out his right to the Indian country to the satisfaction of the court. It does not appear that he relin|quished it, and Gorton says in his defence that Pomham and Sachonoco were the natural subjects of Miantinomo and influenced by the Massachusets to withdraw from him. He being the greatest and most powerful Sachem in New-England it is probable that these were dependants upon him or tributaries to him. Be that as it may, the Massachusets sent a message to Gorton and his company acquainting them that they were still within their jurisdiction by virtue of the submission of Pomham and Sachonoco, and requiring them to appear at the court at Boston to answer to com|plaints against them for injuries done to the Indians, &c. and promising them safe conduct, &c. This was dated the 12th of the 7th month 1643. They sent back by the messenger a verbal answer that they were out of the

Massachusets jurisdiction and would ackno••ledge subjection to none but the state and governm•••••• of Old England. Upon the receipt of their answer, vi••. on the 19th of the same month, another message was sent to acquaint them that the court had appointed commissioners* 9.10 to hear and determine the controversy upon the spot, and if they re|fused, to bring them to Boston by force. After some small resistance Gorton and several others were taken and carried to Boston and imprisoned.* 9.11 Being brought before the court the charge exhibited against them was in the following words:

UPON much examination and serious consideration of your writings with your answers about them we do charge you to be a blasphemous enemy of the true religion of

our Lord Jesus Christ and his holy ordinances and also of civil authority among the people of God, and par|ticularly in this jurisdiction.

THEIR writings were produced in evidence against them, and they explained them in such a manner that the governor Mr. Winthrop said he could agree with them in their answer though he could not in their writings, but Mr. Dudley stood up much moved and said he would never consent to it while he lived that they were one with them in those answers. The governor then asked Gorton what faith was; he answered in the words of the apostle that faith is the substance of things hoped for and the evidence of things not seen; the governor told him that was true but he could say more of faith than that. He desired to be excused, and Mr. Bradstreet prudently enough excepted to such questions unless he was free to speak to them, and thereupon they were dismissed and remanded to prison.* 10.1 Their sentences were cruel. Gorton ordered to be con|fined to Charlestown there to be kept at work and to wear such bolts and irons as might hinder his escape, and if he broke his confinement or by speech or writing pub|lished or maintained any of the blasphemous abominable heresies wherewith he had been charged by the general court, or should reproach or reprove the churches of our Lord Jesus Christ in these united colonies or the civil government, &c. that upon conviction thereof upon trial

by a jury he should suffer death.* 10.2 The rest were confined to different towns, one in a town, and upon the same condi|tions with Gorton; their cattle were seized and ordered to be sold and the charge of fetching them and the expence at|tending the trial and imprisonment to be paid out of the pro|ceeds, and the overplu•• to be reserved for their future main|tenance during their confinement.* 10.3 As all who have pub|lished

any thing concerning Gorton except Mr. Calender in his century sermon set him in an infamous light, it will

be but just to publish a letter which he wrote to Mr. Morton in 1669 vindicating himself from the charges against him in New England's memorial which was first printed in that year.* 10.4

THE dangers to which the colonies in New-England were exposed from domestic and foreign enemies first in|duced them to think of an alliance and confederacy for their mutual defence and safety. Those of Aquidnick or Rhode Island were willing enough to have joined with the rest but the Massachusets refused to admit commissioners from that colony ••o treat with the commissioners from the rest upon the terms of the agrement. The other four settled articles of confederation May 19, 1643. They have been published at large by Doctor Mather, Mr. Neale, &c. and are in substance as follows,—

THE united colonies of New-England, viz. Massachu|sets, Plimouth, Connecticut and New-Haven enter into a firm and perpetual league offensive and defensive.

EACH colony to retain a distinct and separate jurisdic|tion, no two colonies to join in one jurisdiction without the consent of the whole, and no other colony to be received into the confederacy without the like consent.

THE charge of all wars offensive or defensive to be borne in proportion to the male inhabitants between 16 and 60 years of age in each colony.

UPON notice from three magistrates of any colony of an invasion the rest shall immediately send aid, the Massachusets 100 and each of the other 45 men, and if a greater number be necessary the commissioners to meet and determine upon it.

TWO commissioners from each government, being church members, to meet annually the first monday in September, the first meeting to be held at Boston, then at Hartford, New-Haven and Plimouth, and so yearly in that order, saving that two meetings successively be held at Boston.

ALL matters wherein six shall agree to be binding upon the whole, and if there be a majority, but under six, the matter in question to be referred to the general court of each colony and not to be obligatory unless the whole agree to it.

A president for preserving order, to be chosen by the commissioners each year out of their number.

THE commissioners shall have power to establish laws or rules of a civil nature and of general concern for the con|duct of the inhabitants, viz. relative to their behavior to|wards the Indians, to fugitives from one colony to another, and the like.

NO colony to engage in war, except upon a sudden exi|gency, and in that case to be avoided as much as possible, without the consent of the whole.

IF a meeting be summoned upon any extraordinary oc|casion and the whole number of commissioners do not as|semble, any four who shall meet may determine upon a war when the case will not admit of delay, and send for the agreed proportion of men out of each jurisdiction, but not less than six shall determine the justice of the war, or have power to settle bills of charges or make levies for the same.

IF any colony break any article of the agrement or any ways injure another colony, the matter shall be considered and determined by the commissioners of the other colonies.

THESE articles were ratified by Massachusets, Connec|ticut and New-Haven, May 19, 1643. Plimouth com|missioners had not then full powers, but they acceded at the first meeting for business September 7th following.

THIS confederacy had been in agitation for several years. In 1638 articles were drawn up which were re|ferred until 1639. Mr. Haynes and Mr. Hooker from Connecticut tarried several weeks in the Massachusets sol|liciting it. They had reason to expect trouble from the Dutch who kept a trading house at Hartford, after that place was under the jurisdiction of Connecticut, and broils frequently happened there, and the Dutch at Manhadoes were ready to have taken advantage of the least breach or alienation between the colonies; but by reason of several obstructions from time to time nothing could be perfected until 1643, when commissioners came from all the several colonies to Boston whilst the general court was sitting, viz.

Mr. Haynes and Mr. Hopkins from Hartford, Mr. Eato•• and Mr. Grigson from New-Haven, besides Mr. Fenwick the governor of Saybrook fort, Mr. Winslow and Mr. Col|lier from Plimouth. The Massachusets appointed Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Dudley and Mr. Bradstreet of the magis|trates, Mr. Hawthorne, Mr. Gibbons and Mr. Tyng of the deputies.* 10.5

ABOUT this time much division and disturbance in the colony was occasioned by the French of Acadie and Nova Scotia.* 10.7 It is necessary to look back upon the state of those countries. After Argall dispossessed the French in 1613 they seem to have been neglected both by English and French until the grant to Sir William Alexander in 1621. That he made attempts and began settlements in Nova Scotia has always been allowed, the particular voyages we have no account of. It appears from Cham|plain * 10.8 that many French had joined with the English or Scotch and adhered to their interest. Among the rest La Tour was at Port Royal in 1630, where out of seventy Scots thirty had died the winter before from their bad accommodations. La Tour willing to be safe, let the title be in which it would English or French, procured from the French King a grant of the river St. John, and five leagues above and five below and ten leagues into the country; this was in 1627.* 10.9 At the same time he was connected with the Scotch and first obtained leave to improve lands and build within the territory, and then, about the year 1630, purchased Sir William Alexander's title. La Tour's title is said to have been confirmed to him under the great

seal of Scotland,* 10.10 and that he obtained also a grant of a baronettage of Nova Scotia. Penobscot and all the coun|try westward and southward was at this time in the posses|sion of the English.

In 1632 La Tour obtained from the French King a grant of the river and bay of St. Croix and islands and lands adjacent, twelve leagues upon the sea and twenty leagues into the land.* 10.11 By the treaty of St. Germains the same year Acadie was relinquished by the English and La Tour became dependant upon the French alone. In 1634 he obtained a grant of the Isle of Sables, another of ten leagues upon the sea and ten into the land at La Have, another of Port Royal the same extent, and the like at Menis with all adjacent islands included in each grant. Razilly had the general command, who appointed Monsieur D'Aulney de Charnisy his Lieutenant of that part of Acadie west of St. Croix, and La Tour of that east. In consequence of this division D'Aulney came as has been related and dispossessed the English at Penobscot in the year 1635. Razilly died soon after and D'Aulney and La Tour both claimed a general command of Acadie and made war upon one ano|ther. D'Aulney, by the French King's letter to him in 1638, was ordered to confine himself to the coast of the Etechemins which in all his writings he makes to be a part of Acadie. La Tour's principal fort was at St. John's. As their chief views were the trade with the natives, being so near together, there was a constant clashing of interest. In November 1641 La Tour sent Rochet, a protestant of Rochel, to Boston from St. John's with proposals for a free trade between the two colonies and desiring assistance against D'Aulney, but not having sufficient credentials the governor and council declined any treaty and he returned. The next year October 6, there came to Boston a shallop from La Tour with his Lieutenant and 14 men, with letters

full of complement, desiring aid to remove D'Aulney from Penobscot, and renewing the proposal of a free trade. They returned without any assurance of what was princi|pally desired, but some merchants of Boston sent a pinnace after them to trade with La Tour at the river St. John. They met with good encouragement and brought letters to the governor containing a large state of the controversy between D'Aulney and La Tour, but stopping at Pemaquid in their way home they found D'Aulney upon a visit there, who wrote to the governor and sent him a printed copy of an arrêt he had obtained from France against La Tour, and threatned that if any vessels came to La Tour he would make prize of them. The next summer (June 12) La Tour himself came to Boston in a ship with 140 persons aboard, the master and crew being protestants of Rochel. They took a pilot out of a Boston vessel at sea, and com|ing into the harbour saw a boat with Mr. Gibbon's lady and family who were going to his farm. One of the Frenchmen who had been entertained at the house knew her, and a boat being manned to invite her aboard, she fled to Governor's Island and the Frenchmen after her, where they found the governor and his family, who were all greatly surprized, as was the whole colony when they heard the news,* 10.12 for had it been an enemy he might not only have secured the governor's person but taken possession of the castle opposite to the island, there not being a single man at that time to defend the place.* 10.13 La Tour acquaint|ed the governor that this ship coming from France with supplies for his fort found it blocked up by D'Aulney his old enemy, and he was now come to Boston to pray aid to remove him. La Tour had cleared up his conduct so as to obtain a permission under the hands of the Vice Admiral and Grand Prior, &c. for this ship to bring supplies to him,

and in the permission he was stiled the King's Lt. General in Acadie. He produced also letters from the agent of the company in France advising him to look to himself and to guard against the designs of D'Aulney. The gover|nor called together such of the magistrates and deputies as were near the town and laid before them La Tour's request. They could not, consistent with the articles they had just agreed to with the other governments, grant aid without their advice, but they did not think it necessary to hinder any who were willing to be hired from aiding him which he took very thankfully, but some being dis|pleased with these concessions the governor called a second meeting where, upon a more full debate, the first opinion was adhered to.* 10.14 La Tour hired four ships of force and took 70 or 80 volunteers into his pay, with which assistance he was safely landed at his fort, and D'Aulney fled to Penob|scot where he ran his vessels ashore, and although the com|mander of the ships refused to attack him, yet some of the soldiers joined with La Tour's men in an assault upon some of D'Aulney's men who had intrenched themselves but were obliged to betake themselves to flight having three of their number slain. The ships returned in about two months without any loss. The governor excused the proceeding to D'Aulney as not having interested himself in the quarrel between them, but only permitted La Tour in his distress as the laws of christianity and humanity re|quired,

to hire ships and men for his money without any commission or authority derived from the government of the colony. D'Aulney went to France and being expec|ted to return the next summer 1644 with a great force, La Tour came again to Boston and went from thence to Mr. Endicot who was then governor and lived at Salem and who appointed a meeting of magistrates and ministers to consider his request. Most of the magistrates were of opinion that he ought to be relieved as a distressed neigh|bour, and in point of prudence to prevent so dangerous an enemy as D'Aulney from strengthening himself in their neighbourhood; but it was finally agreed that a letter should be wrote to D'Aulney to enquire the reason of his having granted commissions to take their people, and to demand satisfaction for the wrong he had done to them and their confederates, in taking Penobscot, and in making prize of their men and goods at the Isle of Sables, at the same time intimating that altho' these people who went the last year with La Tour had no commission yet if D'Aulney could make it appear they had done him any wrong (which they knew nothing of) satisfaction should be made, and they expected he should call in all his commissions and re|quired his answer by the bearer. They likewise acquaint|ed him that their merchants had entred into a trade with La Tour which they were resolved to support them in. La Tour being able to obtain nothing further returned to his fort.

SOME of the province of Maine going this summer (1644) from Saco to trade with La Tour or to get in their debts put in at Penobscot in their way and were detained prisoners a few days, but for the sake of Mr. Shurt of Pemaquid one of the company, who was well known to D'Aulney, they were released. La Tour afterwards pre|vailed upon Mr. Wanneston another of the company to attempt with about twenty of La Tour's men to take Penobscot, for they heard the fort was weakly manned and in want of victuals. They went first to a farm house of D'Aulney's about six miles from the fort. They burned

the house and killed the cattle, but Wanneston being killed at the door the rest of them came to Boston.

IN September letters were received from D'Aulney in|forming that his master the King of France understanding that the aid allowed to La Tour the last year by the Massachusets was procured by means of a commission which he shewed from the Vice-Admiral of France, had given in charge that they should not be molested but good corre|spondence should be kept with them and all the English, and that, assoon as he had settled some affairs, he intended to let them know what further commission he had, &c. Soon after, he sent a commissioner supposed to be a friar, but dressed in lay habit, with ten men to attend him, with credentials and a commission under the great seal of France, and copy of some late proceedings against La Tour who was proscribed as a rebel and traitor, having fled out of France against special order. The governor and magistrates urged much a reconciliation with La Tour, but to no purpose. La Tour pretended to be a Huguenot▪ or at least to think favorably of that religion, and this gave him a preference, in the esteem of the colony, to D'Aul|ney, but as D'Aulney seemed to be established in his au|thority, upon proposals being made by him of peace and friendship, the following articles were concluded upon, viz.

THE agreement between John Endicot, Esq governor of New-England and the rest of the magistrates there, and Monsieur Marie commissioner of Monsieur D'Aulney, Knt. governor and lieut. general for his Majesty the King of France in Acadie a province of New France, made and ratified at Boston in the Massachusets aforesaid, October 8. 1644.

THE Governor and all the rest of the magistrates do promise to Mr. Marie that they and all the rest of the English within the jurisdiction of the Massachusets shall observe and keep firm peace with Mons. D'Aulney &c. and all the French under his command in Acadie. And likewise the said M. Marie doth promise in the behalf of Mons. D'Aulney, that he and all his people shall

also keep firm peace with the governor and magistrates aforesaid, and with all the inhabitants of the jurisdiction of the Massachusets aforesaid, and that it shall be lawful for all men both the French and English to trade with each other, so that if any occasion of offence should happen neither part shall attempt any thing against the other in any hostile manner, until the wrong be first de|clared and complained of and due satisfaction not given. Provided always the governor and magistrates aforesaid be not bound to restrain their merchants from trading with their ships with any persons whether French or others wheresoever they dwell. Provided also that the full ratification and conclusion of this agreement be referred to the next meeting of the commissioners of the united colonies of New-England for the continuation or abroga|tion, and in the mean time to remain firm and inviolable.

THIS agreement freed the people from the fears they were under of ravages upon their small vessels and out plantations. La Tour was suffered to hire a vessel to carry a supply of provisions to his fort, which vessel he took under his convoy and returned home.* 11.1

MR. Endicot was this year (1644) chosen governor and Mr. Winthrop deputy governor. Mr. Pynchon who, living very remote at Springfield, had been left out of the number

of assistants was again restored.* 11.2 The general court shewed a prudent compliance with the powers prevailing in Eng|land and passed the following order.

WHEREAS the civil wars and dissentions in our native country, through the seditious words and carriages of many evil affected persons, cause divisions in many places of go|gernment in America, some professing themselves for the King and others for the parliament, not considering that the parliament themselves profess that they stand for the King and parliament against the malignant papists and delin|quents in that kingdom. It is therefore ordered that what person soever shall by word, writing, or action endea|vour to disturb our peace directly or indirectly by drawing a party under pretence that he is for the King of England and such as join with him against the parliament, shall be accounted as an offender of a high nature against this commonwealth, and to be proceeded with either capitally or otherwise according to the quality and degree of his offence. Provided always that this shall not be extended against any merchant strangers and shipmen that come hi|ther meerly for matter of trade or merchandize, albeit they should come from any of those parts that are in the hands of the King and such as adhere to him against the Parlia|ment, carrying themselves here quietly and free from railing or nourishing any faction, mutiny or sedition amongst us as aforesaid.

WE shall find the authority here acquiescing under every change of government in England. When we con|sider the dependance of a colony upon its mother country nothing less is ordinarily to be expected.* 11.3

THE Indians this year were at war among themselves. Miantinomo the great Sachem of Naraganset, not being able to unite them all against the English, shewed his resent|ment against Uncas Sachem of the Mohegins and the two petty Sachems, Pomham and Sachonoco, near Providence; but in an action between the Naragansets and Mohegins

Miantinomo was, unfortunately for him, taken prisoner. The court ordered ten men to serve as a garrison in the country of the two petty Sachems, and a strong palisadoed house to be built there.

THE commissioners of the united colonies interposed between the Naragansets and Mohegins, and by messengers recommended peace to both of them, offering as mediators and umpires to settle and determin•• their differences. Yoncho Sachem of Munhanset on Long-Island came to the commissioners at Hartford and desired that he and his people might be preserved from all injuries, professing himself a friend both to the English and Dutch, having been a tributary to the former ever since the Pequod war, and he and his people were received into protection.* 11.4 Cutshamach Sachem of the Massachusets in the neighbour|hood of Boston having subjected himself formerly to the English, Passaconaway and his sons from Merrimack now came voluntarily and desired that they also might be re|ceived upon the same articles. The Indians more and more acquiring the use of fire-arms the commissioners this year passed an act that no person within any of the united colonies should directly or indirectly sell 〈◊〉〈◊〉 kind of arms or ammunition to an Indian under penalty 〈◊〉〈◊〉 twenty for one, nor any smith or other person mend any gun or other weapon for an Indian under the like ••enalty.* 11.5 There was a proposal likewise made among the commis|sioners for an exclusive trade with the Indians, to be carried on by a company to consist of subscribers from 〈◊〉〈◊〉 several governments, each government to have a distinct committee to receive subscriptions, take in stock, &c. the whole to

be under the regulation of the commissioners. This proposal was recommended to the several general courts but never agreed to. The Massachusets was more consi|derable than all the other colonies together, and this alone was enough to have prevented them from approving of such a motion.* 11.6

* 11.7The next year 1645 a meeting extraordinary of the com|missioners was held at Boston, when it was thought necessary to send messengers to the Sachems of Naraganset and Mohe|gin to require their appearance at Boston and in the mean time to suspend the wars between the two nations. It seems to have been good policy not to have interposed in this quar|rel, but the English were afraid of the success of the Nara|gansets, who although they had by an accident lost their Sachem yet were much more numerous than the Mohegins, and had divers other stout Sachems, Pessicus, Canonicus, and others, to head their armies; and as the English had generally espoused the cause of the Mohegins it was feared that as|soon as they were subdued, if not in the course of the war, the Naragansets and their allies would fall upon the plan|tations of the English, against whom they were then in a peculiar manner enraged for the death of Miantinomo their Sachem; for after Uncas had taken him prisoner, being at a loss how to dispose of him, he carried him to Hartford and left him with the English there who kept him under a guard. Uncas applied to the commissioners for advice. They gave it as their opinion that Miantinomo ought to be put to death for having procured a Pequod to shoot Uncas, and for having been at the head of a conspiracy against the English, but they ordered Uncas to carry him out of their jurisdiction and to slay him without that torture and cru|elty usually practised by the Indians upon their prisoners. This sentence was executed accordingly, some of the English inhabitants accompanying the Indians to see it performed.

AT first the Naragansets gave kind words to the messen|gers from the English governments but they soon changed their tone and determined to have no peace without Un|cas's head. Mr. Williams from Providence gave notice to

the commissioners that the Naragansets would suddenly break out against the English. He himself had always been their favourite and they had settled a neutrality with the people of his colony. The commissioners drew up a declaration containing the foregoing with other facts, which they apprehended sufficient to justify them in making war against the Naragansets, and determined to raise 300 men* 11.8 with all convenient speed, and that 40 should be dis|patched immediately from the Massachusets without wait|ing for the assembling of the general court, which the governor consented to. The two commissioners from the Massachusets * 11.9 sent to the majors of Suffolk and Mid|lesex for their assistance in raising the 40 men, and at the same time, lest there should not be a voluntary inlistment, they sent warrants to the constables of the six nearest towns intimating the necessity, and requiring them to im|press the 40 men and a number of horses to be ready in two days, which was done accordingly. An attempt having been made for volunteers without success, the third day the whole number were impressed and sent away under Humphry Atherton their leader, with some horses and two of the Massachusets Indians for their guides, to wait at Mohegin for the Connecticut and New-Haven forces. The general court of the Massachusets met before the forces were out of the jurisdiction. The deputies took no exception to the impress of men upon an emergency although they had no voice in it, but thought it necessary that a commission from the whole court should be sent after the men, but the magistrates refused their consent, and the commissioners opposed the proceeding lest it should weaken their authority if any forces should be afterwards sent out by them. A commission was likewise given to Major Gibbons to be General of the forces of the united colonies for this expedition and instructions were given him, and vessels were preparing to transport provisions and other necessaries. The news of an army of English preparing

to march intimidated the Naragansets and brought them to submit to peace upon the terms proposed to them. Soon after the death of Miantinomo the Naragansets had sent a present of wampom to Mr. Winthrop desiring to keep peace with the English and to revenge their Sachem's death upon Uncas and the Mohegins. Mr. Win|throp refused to receive it upon those terms, but the mes|sengers desired they might leave it until they had further advised with their Sachems, which was allowed to be done. The commissioners being informed hereof thought it pro|per by messengers of their own to return the wampom. To return a belt received from the Indians is looked upon by them as the highest evidence of a refusal to comply with the proposals made at sending it. The messengers however departed from their instructions, for finding the Naragansets disposed to submit and that the Sachem and others were coming to Boston, they brought back the wam|pom, and wrote to the commander of the Connecticut forces and to the commander of the men sent from Massachusets, acquainting them with the prospect of peace, &c. This action offended the commissioners who did not intend the proceeding of the forces should be reta••ded.

PESSACUS with two other chief men of the Naragan|sets and Awasequan in behalf of the Nianticks, Janemo the Sachem being sick, within a few days after came to Boston with a large number of Indians in their train. The commissioners assured them, that however the treaty should end, they should receive no injury but shou••d stay and return in safety, and then reminded them of their form•••• treaty, by which they engaged not to enter into war with Uncas or any other Indians without first ac|quainting the English with the cause thereof, notwith|standing which they had this summer several times invaded Uncas and had slain, wounded and taken prisoners several of his people and done him much damage, and forced the English according to their engagements to send forces at different times to defend him; that when they were sent to b•• the Massachusets and had fair offer made, they

abused the messengers, threatned the colonies, and declared

let who will have begun the war we will continue it until we have Uncas his head.

THE Sachems at first charged Uncas with injuries, that he had taken a ransom for Miantinomo's life and then slew him, and they were loth to acknowledge any breach of covenant with the English. They offered to make peace with Uncas for a year or some short time, but this not being satisfactory, they desired to know what was expected from them. Whereupon the commissioners told them, that their breach of covenant was the cause of all the expence which the English had been at in preparing for war, and it was reasonable that they should reimburse it, but the com|missioners to shew their moderation demanded only 2000 fathoms of wampum (which was a sum far short of their charges) to be paid at different periods, and that they should restore to Uncas his captives and canoes, and make satisfaction for destroying his corn &c, keep perpetual peace with the English and all their allies and subjects, and give hostages for the performance of their engage|ments. These were hard terms and it was with great re|luctance that they finally submitted to them, but they knew that part of the English forces was gone into their country, and they were afraid that even whilst the treaty was de|pending hostilities would be begun, and finally the 30th of August 1645 they signed to the agreement as the com|missioners had prepared it, and left some of their number* 11.10 hostages as a security for the performance of it.* 11.11 The small English army which was ready to march was dis|banded,

and the 4th of September which had been ap|pointed for a fast was now ordered to be observed as a day of thanksgiving.* 11.12

ABOUT this time there was another struggle for power between the assistants or magistrates, and the deputies. The latter could not bear their votes should lose their effect by the non-concurrence of the former who were so much fewer in number; but, by the firmness of Mr. Winthrop, the assistants maintained their right at this time, and (March 25, 1644) the deputies, not being able to prevail, moved that the two houses might sit apart, and from that time votes were sent in a parliamentary way from one house to the other, and the consent of both was necessary to an act of the court. This continued a short time without any further provision, but finally the magistrates consented, that in appeals from the lower courts and all judicial proceedings, if the two houses differed the major vote of the whole should deter|mine. The deputies also looked with envy upon the powers exercised by the magistrates in the recess of the general court, and sent up a vote or bill to join some of their number with the magistrates, who should receive a commission from the court, but this was refused as an in|novation upon the charter. The house then desired the magistrates would suspend the exercise of their executive power until the next session. They answered that they must act as occasion required according to the trust reposed in them. The speaker told them they would not be obeyed. The court broke up in this temper. But, dis|turbances happening with the Indians, it was called together again in a short time, and the deputies voted that (salvojure) for the peace and safety of the colony the governor and

assistants should take order for the welfare of the people in all sudden cases which may happen within the juris|diction, until the next session of the court. By agreement, all the ministers were called in at the next session in order to give their opinion upon the point in difference. They determined that the governor, deputy governor, and assis|tants were invested with the magistratical power, (the nature and extent of this power is left in the dark,) and that they do not derive it from the people, who were only to design such persons as they thought fit for the exercise of those powers. Several other points were referred to the ministers at the same time, and all agreed to by both houses with some small amendment.* 11.13

THE controversy between the two houses at this time was occasioned by a difference in sentiment upon the iden|tity of a swine which was claimed by a poor woman as having strayed from her some years before, and her title being disputed by a person of more consequence, divided not the court only but the whole country. The identity of Martin Guerre was not more controverted in France. Pity and compassion for the poor woman prevailed with the common people against right. At last those magistrates who had been in favour of the other side, for the magistrates were divided too, Dudley on one side and Bellingham the other, persuaded the person who they supposed had a good title, and who had recovered below, to relinquish it, that the publick peace might be restored. * 11.14

MR. Dudley had the place of governor for 1645 and Mr. Winthrop deputy governor. Herbert Pelham, Esq* 11.15 who arrived not long before, was added to the assistants in the room of Mr. Stoughton who I suppose died this year. Mr. Pelham being a gentleman distinguished by

his family, estate, and the qualities of his mind, was also this first year of his arrival chosen commissioner for the united colonies, Mr. Winthrop being the other.

IN 1646 Mr. Winthrop was chosen governor and Mr. Dudley deputy governor,* 11.16 Mr. Endicot and Mr. Pelham commissioners.* 11.17

A great disturbance was caused in the colony this year by a number of persons of figure but of different senti|ments, both as to civil and ecclesiastical government, from the people in general. William Vassal, as we have observed, came over with the first patentees and was one of the assistants in 1630 but soon after returned to Eng|land, and in the year 1635 came back to New-England and settled at Scituate in the colony of New-Plimouth. He was a gentleman of a pleasant affable disposition but always opposite to the government both in the Massachusets and Plimouth. Scituate in Plimouth is contiguous to Hingham in the Massachusets, and Mr. Vassal had much influence in the latter colony as well as the former, and had laid a scheme for petitions of such as were non-free|men to the courts of both colonies, and upon the petitions being refused, to apply to the parliament, pretending they were subjected to an arbitrary power, extrajudicial pro|ceedings, &c. The two first of the Massachusets peti|tioners were Samuel Maverick and Robert Child. Mr. Maverick, being in the colony at the arrival of the charter, was made a freeman before the law confining freedom to such only as were members of churches was in force, but, being an episcopalian, had never been in any office. Child was a young gentleman just before come from Padua, where he studied physic, and as was reputed, had taken the de|gree of doctor. The principal things complained of by the petitioners were,

1st. THAT the fundamental laws of England were not owned by the colony as the basis of their government according to patent.

2d. THE denial of those civil privileges which the free|men of the jurisdiction enjoyed, to such as were not members of churches and did not take an oath of fidelity devised by the authority here* 11.18 altho' they were freeborn English|men of sober lives and conversation, &c.

3d. THAT they were debarred from christian privileges, viz. the Lord's supper for themselves, and baptism for their children, unless they were members of some of the particular churches in the country, though otherwise sober righteous and godly, and eminent for knowledge, not scandalous in life and conversation and members of churches in England.

AND they prayed that civil liberty and freedom might be forthwith granted to all truly English, and that all members of the church of England or Scotland, not scandalous, might be admitted to the privileges of the churches of New-England, or, if these civil and religious liberties were refused, that they might be freed from the heavy taxes imposed upon them, and from the impresses made of them or their children or servants into the war; and if they failed of redress there, they should be under a necessity of making application to England to the honorable houses of parliament, who they hoped would take their sad con|dition into consideration, provide able ministers for them, New-England having none such to spare, or else transport them to some other place, their estates being wasted, where they may live like christians, &c. But if their prayer should be granted they hoped to see the then contemned ordinances of God highly prized, the gospel then dark break forth as the sun, christian charity then frozen wax warm, jealousy of arbitrary government banished, strife and contention abated, and all business in church and state, which for many years had gone backward, successfully thriving, &c.

THE court and great part of the country were much offended at this petition. A declaration was drawn up and published by order of court in answer to the petition and in vindication of the government, a proceeding which at this day would not appear for the honor of the supreme authority. A parallel was attempted between the funda|mental laws of England and those of the colony, which in some parts of it is liable to exception. The petitioners were required to attend the court. They urged their right of petitioning. They were told they were not ac|cused of petitioning but of contemptuous and seditious ex|pressions, and were required to find sureties for their good behaviour, &c. A charge was drawn up against them in form, notwithstanding which, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was intimated to them that if they would ingen••ously acknowledge their offence they should be forgiven, but they refused and were fined some in larger some in ••esser sums, two or three of the magis|trates dissenting, Mr. Bellingham * 11.19 in particular desiring his dissent might be entred. The petitioners claimed an appeal to the commissioners for plantations in England, but it was not allowed. Some of them resolved to go home with a complaint. Their papers were seized and among them was found a petition to the right hon. the Earl of Warwick, &c. commissioners, from about five and twenty non freemen for themselves and many thousands more, in which they represent, that from the pulpits * 11.20 they had

been reproached and branded with the names of destroyers of churches and commonwealths, called Hamans, Judases, sons of Korah, &c. and the Lord intreated to confound them, and the people and magistrates stirred up against them by those who were too forward to step out of their callings, so that they had been sent for to the court and some of them committed for refusing to give two hundred pounds bond to stand to the sentence of the court, when all their crime was a petition to the court, and they had been pub|lickly used as malefactors, &c. They then proceed to pray.

1st. FOR settled churches in New-England according to the reformation of England.

2d. THAT the laws of England may be established, &c.

3d. THAT all English freeholders may enjoy such pri|vileges there, as in England and the other plantations.

4th. THAT a general governor, or some honorable commissioners may be appointed, &c.

5th. THAT the oath of allegiance may be taken by all, and other covenants which the parliament shall think most convenient—and add their prayer that their petition for which they had been punished may be considered, and that certain queries may be resolved as,

Whether the patent of the Massachusets was confirmed by parliament, and whether it was not necessary it should be.

Whether the court may forfeit their charter, &c.

Whether if treason be uttered in the pulpit or in the court and not questioned, the court do not consent, &c.

Whether it be not high treason as well in New-England as in Ireland, to endeavour to subvert the fundamental laws of England, to take away the liberties of the English nation, to say the Massachusets is a free state, &c.

Whether the oath of allegiance and the covenant be not binding there.

Whether all English inhabitants having lands are not freemen.

Whether the court hath power to confine in prison, banish, impose censures, impress persons and goods for an offensive war, &c.

Whether the ministers may publickly vilify the English nation, laws, &c. and not be questioned.

Whether the petitioners ought to be hindered from settling in a church way, according to the churches in England, &c.

MR. Winslow, * 11.21 who had been chosen agent for the colony to answer to Gorton's complaint, was now instructed to make defence against these petitioners, and by his pru|dent management and the credit and esteem he was in with many of the members of parliament and principal persons then in power, he prevented any prejudice to the colony from either of these applications.

IN 1647 and 1648 the same governor and deputy go|vernor were continued,* 11.22 and the first of these years Robert Bridges * 11.23 was added to the assistants.* 11.24 The number of males in each of the four colonies being carried in to the commissioners in the year 1647 in order to proportion the sum of £.1043 10s. 1d. expended for the general service, it appeared that the Massachusets part or proportion of the sum was £.670 3s. 4d. Plimouth's £.128 13s. 4d. Connecticut's £.140 2s. 5d. and New-Haven's £.104 11s.* 11.25

MR. Coddington and Mr. Partridge in behalf of the co|lony of Rhode Island presented a request to the commis|sioners at Plimouth in the year 1648 to be received into the confederacy with the other united colonies of New-England. The commissioners returned an answer as fol|lows.

Inasmuch as your present state and condition is full of confusion and danger, having much disturbance among yourselves and no security from the Indians, the commissioners desire therefore in several respects to afford both advice and help, but upon perusal of the ancient patent granted to New-Plimouth they find Rhode Island

upon which your plantations are settled to fall within their line and bounds, which the honorable committee of parliament do not think fit to straiten or infringe, nor may we. If therefore yourselves and the inhabitants of the most and most considerable part of them, upon a due consideration of Plimouth patent and right, acknowledge yourselves within that jurisdiction, we shall consider and advise how you may be accepted upon just terms * 11.26 and with tender respects to your convenience, and shall after af|ford you the same advice, protection and help which other plantations within the united colonies enjoy, which we hope in sundry respects may tend to your comfort and safety.

* 11.27

THE first instance I find of any person executed for witchcraft was in June 1648. Margaret Jones of Charles|town was indicted for a witch, found guilty and executed. She was charged with having such a malignant touch that if she laid her hands upon man, woman or child in anger they were seized presently with deafness, vomiting or other sickness or some violent pains. The husband of the woman after she was executed had taken his passage in a ship which lay in Charles river bound to Barbados well ballasted, but with 80 horses aboard, and being observed to rowl on a sudden as if she would have overset, an offi|cer was sent with a warrant to apprehend the man, and

after he was committed to prison the ship ceased her rowling, which it is said was never renewed afterwards.* 11.28 Such was the credulity and infatuation of that day. Happy would it have been if this had been the only instance of it. Shall we wonder at the New-England magistrates when we find such characters as Lord Chief Justice Hale, &c. soon after chargeable with as great delusion?

IN the beginning of 1649 * 11.29 (March 26) died Mr. Win|throp the father of the country in the 63d year of his age.* 11.30 His death caused a general grief through the colony. He spent his estate and his bodily strength in the publick service, altho' he was remarkable for his temperance, fru|gality and oeconomy. His vertues were many, his errors few, and yet he could not escape calumny and detraction, which would sometimes make too great an impression upon him. He was of a more catholic spirit than some of his brethren before he left England, but afterwards he grew more contracted and was disposed to lay too great stress upon indifferent matters. He first proposed leaving off the custom of drinking one to another, and then procured a law to prohibit it. He pursued with great vehemence Mr. Vane's adherents. He might have some political views mixed with this instance of his zeal. Some writers say that upon his death-bed when Mr. Dudley pressed him to sign an order of banishment of an heterodox person he refused, saying

he had done too much of that work already.

Mr. Endicot succeeded him in the place of gover|nor and Mr. Dudley took the place of deputy governor.

I fancy that about this time the scrupulosity of the good people of the colony was at the heighth. Soon after Mr. Winthrop's death Mr. Endicot, the most rigid of any of the magistrates, being governor, he joined with the other assistants in an association against long hair.* 11.31

IN every age indifferent things have been condem|ned as sinful, and placed among the greatest immoralities. The text against long hair in Corinthians, as contrary to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 custom in the apostle's day, ind••••ed our ancestors to think it criminal in all ages and all nations, and to look upon it as one of the barbarisms of the Indians. I have won|dered that the text in Leviticus,

Ye shall not round the corners of your heads,

was never brought against short hair. The rule in New-England was that none should wear their hair below their ears. In a clergyman it was said to be the greater offence; they were in an especial manner re|quired to go patentibus auribus. A few years before, tobacco was prohibited under a penalty, and the smoak of it in some manuscripts is compared to the smoak of the bot••omless pit. Some of the clergy fell into the practice of ••••o••king,

and tobacco by an act of government was set ••t liberty.

In England, perriwigs came into use soon after the restoration. In New-England, they were an eye-sore for thirty years after and did not generally obtain until about the time of the revolution, and, even then, the exam|ple

and authority of Dr. Owen, Dr. Bates, Mr. Alsop, Mr. ••ede and other non-conforming ministers in England, be|sides Spanhemius and other foreign protestant divines, who wore wigs, were necessary to remove all scruples concerning them. Beards were left off early in New-England and about the same time they were in Old. Leveret is the first governor who is painted without a beard. He laid it aside in Cromwell's court.

A dispute between the colonies of the Massachusets and Connecticut, which began several years before, was this year brought to an end. A duty * 12.1 had been laid by Connecticut upon all goods which were carried out of the river, for the maintaining Saybrook fort at the mouth of it. The Inhabitants of Springfield, being within the Massachusets province, refused to submit to the payment of this duty. Connecticut in 1646 laid the case before the commissioners of the united colonies, or rather those of Plimouth and New-Haven, the other two being parties, the consideration whereof was referred to the next meeting in 1647, when theMassachusets urged,

that Connecticut had no authority to lay a tax upon the inhabitants of another colony, that the fort was of no use to them, that a demand of this tax had hindered the union for several years, that the Massa|chusets first took possession of the river and planted there, and had been at great expence never expecting this tax, that the Massachusets people had as good right to lay the same tax for all goods imported from Connecticut to main|tain the fort at Boston.

The Connecticut commissioners urged

the practice of many places in Europe, that the fort was a security to the whole river, and that the reason of this case was the same as if Connecticut should be at any expence to make the river more navigable Springfield surely would not in that case refuse to pay any part of the charge.

The Massachusets denied

that the fort was a security against any vessel of force, and admitted that any expence which might make the river more useful to Springfield ought in proportion to be born by the inhabitants thereof.

The commissioners of Plimouth and New-Haven deter|mined that the tax should be paid until the next meeting, but they would then hear any further objections from the Massachusets against it. In 1648 among other things the Massachusets insisted upon Connecticut's producing their patent to shew their authority. Connecticut urged that the line had never been run by persons in behalf of the two governments to ascertain whether Springfield was within the Massachusets jurisdiction or not. The com|missioners at this meeting recommended the running the line and ordered that in the mean time the tax should con|tinue. The Massachusets represented that Mr. Fenwick was to have joined with them in running the line but failed them, and thereupon it was run at their own charge by which it appeared that Weronoke (Westfield) was within their patent and had been so adjudged by the commissioners; notwithstanding this they were ready to join with their brethren of Connecticut in another survey if they would be at the charge as the Massachusets had been before, and would also produce their patent as the Massachusets had produced their patent. Connecticut commissioners denied that Mr. Fenwick had promised to join in running the line, having only in general terms promised to endeavor to clear Springfield from being within the Massachusets patent, and alledged, that the running the line referred to was a year before this promise, and therefore proposed that the southerly extent of the Massachusets patent should be first agreed upon and settled, and then at a mutual charge the line be run by some skilful man chosen by each colony, &c. that as for their patent the Massachusets knew the original could not then be obtained but they were ready to produce an authentic copy, &c.

UPON this, the Massachusets commissioners to the dis|honor of the colony produced a law of their general court imposing a custom or duty upon the other colonies of the tenor following.

WHEREAS the commissioners for the united colonies have thought it but just and equal that Springfield a mem|ber of this jurisdiction should pay custom or contribution

to the erecting and maintaining of Seabrooke fort, being of no force against an enemy of any strength (before it was burnt * 12.2) in the commissioners own judgment expressed in their own order, which determination they have also continued by an order at their last meeting at Plimouth (though the said fort was then demolished by fire and the passage not secured) contrary to a clause provided on Spring|field behalf. And forasmuch as this jurisdiction hath ex|pended many thousand pounds in erecting and maintaining several forts, which others as well as ourselves have received the benefit of, and hath at present one principal fort or castle of good force against an enemy of considerable strength and well garrisoned and otherwise furnished with sufficient ammunition, besides several other forts and batteries whereby vessels and goods of all sorts are secured: It is therefore ordered by this court and the authority thereof, that all goods belonging or any way appertaining to any inhabitants of the jurisdiction of Plimouth, Con|necticut or New-Haven that shall be imported within the castle or exported from any part of the bay shall pay such custom as hereafter is expressed, viz. all skins of beaver, otter, moose, &c. two pence per skin, and all goods packed in hogsheads or otherwise ten shillings a ton, corn and meal two pence a bushel, biscuit six pence per hundred on pain of forfeiture,

&c. * 12.3

HAD the Massachusets laid a duty on goods from Con|necticut only they might have had at least a colour, perhaps more than a colour, to justify them, but to extend their resentment to the other two colonies for giving judgment against them, no excuse can be framed for it. It was a meer exertion of power, and a proof of their great superio|rity which enabled them, in effect, to depart from the union or combination whensoever they found it for their interest,

and if done by a single magistrate would have been pro|nounced tyrannical and oppressive: But in all ages and countries, by bodies or communities of men such deeds have been done as most of the individuals of which such communities consisted, acting separately, would have been ashamed of.

THE union or confederacy had rendered the colonies formidable to French and Dutch as well as to the natives, and a breach at this time would have given great advantage to the enemies of New-England; the commissioners of Plimouth and New-Haven therefore agreed upon a final result of the following tenor, viz.

That they were in hopes according to the advice given at Plimouth this con|troversy might have been happily issued, but they find that the Massachusets line had not been since run, nor was the place where it should begin agreed upon, that the original patent or an exemplification thereof is required from Connec|ticut, altho' Mr. Hopkins had offered to swear to the truth of a copy by him presented, and that the Massachusets had imposed a burthensome custom as a return or retaliation, not upon Connecticut only the party interested, but upon Plimouth and New-Haven, whose commissioners according to an article of the union and at the request of the Massa|chusets had impartially considered the matter in contro|versy and given their opinion therein; therefore the commissioners recommend it to the general court of the Massachusets, seriously to consider whether such proceed|ings agree with the law of love and the tenor and import of the articles of confederation, but in the mean time desire to be spared in all further agitations concerning Springfield.

* 12.4

THE confusions at this time in England were matter of concern and grief to many people in the colonies. There is no doubt that they concurred in sentiment in point of religion with the prevailing party in England, but I find scarce any marks of approbation of the tragical scene

of which this year they received intelligence. Mr. Eaton the worthy governor of New-Haven, in a letter to Mr. Winthrop in 1648, writes thus,

I thank you for your love and pains in that sad but weighty relation you have made concerning the state of England. The ten con|siderations you mention are very observable, and call for our compassion and prayers for them that seem not enough sensible of their own danger.

From Virginia Mr. Harrison, pastor of a congregational church,* 12.5 writes

that by their later letters they conceive the whole hea|vens are overshadowed, the Scots hang like a black cloud (45000 in number) upon the borders, the King fled from the army to the Isle of Wight, the agitators turned level|lers, intending to bring in a kind of parity among all conditions, none to have above 300, none under 10l. per annum, &c.

A controversy which had long subsisted between the colony of New-Haven and the Dutch at the Manhados was settled by the commissioners of the united colonies in 1650.* 12.6 The Dutch who had built a small trading house at Hudson's river, soon after the English began the settle|ment of New-Plimouth, courted a correspondence and friendship with them and, as a writer of that day observes,

gave them a mess of pottage for their birthright,

which they had craf••ily before deprived them of.* 12.7 They un|doubtedly had a design to have possessed themselves of Connecticut river and to have prevented the English from obtaining any footing there. Those of New-Plimouth had pitched upon a place for a house in 1632,* 12.8 when it was vacant, and in 1633 erected it although they were threat|ned

by a party of Dutch whom they then found there. Those from the Massachusets in the years 1635 and 1636 made their principal settlement upon that part of the river where the Dutch had their house,* 12.9 and for many years made no attempts to remove them, allowing them free liberty of trade with English and Indians. The Dutch also admitted any English to settle among them at the Manhadoes.* 12.10 When Mr. Eaton and his company sat down at New-Haven, the Dutch from the rapid increase of the English colonies were alarmed, and charged them with encroachments, although they themselves had no pretence to any certain boundary and would sometimes challenge the country from Cape Henlopen to Connecticut river, and at other times as far as Cape Cod. The English, re|gardless of this claim went on extending their settlements to Milford, Stamford, and other places, until they were within a few miles of Hudson's river. Whether the Dutch had any pretence of title or not, no doubt can be made that they would have extirpated the English if it had been in their power, but they were few in number. Once in|deed being possessed of a ship of some force they sent her to New-Haven and seized a Dutch vessel which ••ay in the harbour and carried her away, the English having no naval force nor fortifications on land to prevent it. At another time they set up the arms of the States at or near Stamford and threatned to do the like at New-Haven, and there were altercations for many years first between Kieft the first Dutch governor and afterwards Stuyvesant his successor, and Mr. Eaton the governor of New-Haven. The Dutch had always restrained the English, not settled among them, from trading with their Indians upon Hudson's river. In 1648 the commissioners passed an order prohibiting any French or Dutch or other foreigners trading with the Indians within the jurisdiction of the united colonies. This law if carried into execution must have put an end to the Dutch trade at Hartford. In 1650, while the

commissioners were sitting at Hartford, the Dutch governor (Stuyvesant) came thither in order to treat, and presented his proposals in writing, dated "New-Netherlands the 23d of September N. S." being the day they were delivered. He complained of the encroachments at Connecticut river as well as towards Hudson's river, of the reception of fugitives, of the law debarring them from trade with the Indians, and of the English for selling goods too cheap to the Indians and so spoiling the trade, &c. The com|missioners took notice, that his proposals were dated at New-Netherlands and refused to treat until he altered the name of the place where they were dated. He offered that if the English would forbear stiling the place Hart|ford he would forbear stiling it New-Netherlands, and date his proposals at Connecticut. They consented that he should date at Connecticut, but would not give up their own right to date at Hartford. After several days spent in messages from one to the other, the matters in difference were submitted to Mr. Bradstreet and Mr. Prince appoint|ed by the commissioners, and to Thomas Willet and George Baxter appointed by the Dutch governor. Their result was to be binding to both parties. The line which was settled ran northerly only 20 miles in length from the sea, and afterwards as the Dutch and New-Haven should agree, so not as to come within 10 miles of Hudson's river. This must be understood so far as New-Haven had jurisdiction.* 12.11

THE same governor and deputy governor were re|elected for the year 1650.* 12.12 A corporation in England constituted for propagating the gospel among the Indians began this year their correspondence with the commissioners of the united colonies, who were employed as agents for the corporation as long as the union of the colonies continued. One professed design of the colony charter was the gos|pelizing the natives. The long neglect of any attempts this way cannot be excused. The Indians themselves asked how it happened if christianity was of such importance that for six and twenty years together the English had said nothing to them about it. The answer by the English was that they repented they had not done it long ago, telling the Indians withal they were not willing to hear, &c. Some of the Indians who were taken as servants into English families attained to some acquaintance with the principles of religion, and seemed to have been affected with what they

had been taught concerning their existence after death and with the fears of the divine displeasure. John, the Saga|more of the Massachusets, would sometimes praise the Eng|lish and their God "much good men much good God" and when he was struck with death sent for Mr. Wilson and desired him to teach his son to know the God of the English after he was dead. Mention has also been made of Wequash the Pequod; but the first instance of an Indian who gave any hopes of becoming a real christian was that of Hiacoomes, in the year 1643, at Martha's-Vineyard.* 12.13 Under the instruction of Mr. Mayhew he was induced to forsake the Indian Pawaws to attend the English assemblies, and after some years became himself a preacher to his own people. It was in the year 1646 that the general court of the Massachusets passed the first act or order to encourage the carrying the gospel to the Indians, and it was then recom|mended to the elders to consider how it might best be done. On the 28th of October four persons, who are not named, made the first visit to the Indian wigwams. Wabun the Sachem * 12.14 had notice given him and many Indians were gathered together. None of the English were suffi|ciently skilled in the Indian language to make a prayer in it, and the meeting was opened with a prayer in English,

but one of the company in a discourse in the Indian tongue began with the moral law and a brief explication of it and the wrath and curse God the just portion of the breakers of this law, and then informed them of the com|ing of Christ into the world to recover mankind from sin and the punishment of it, his sufferings and death, resur|rection and ascension, and that he would come again at the end of the world to be the judge of all men. They then entred into a free conversation with the Indians and desired them, upon any point which they did not understand, to ask such questions as they thought proper, which was done accordingly, and it became the constant practice after a sermon for as many of the Indians as desired it to stand up and propose questions* 12.15 to the preacher. This meet|ing gave so much encouragement that on the 11th of No|vember they paid the Indians another visit at the same place and found a greater number than were present be|fore. Two other meetings were held the same fall, and a particular account was transmitted to England and published there with the title of

The day breaking if not the sun rising of the gospel with the Indians in New-England.

Mr. Winslow being in England sought to obtain sub|scriptions for encouraging the work. Mr. Eliot a minister in New-England at the same time applied himself with zeal equal to that of the missionaries of the Romish church;

but instead of adopting a favorite maxim of some of that church, that ignorance is the mother of devotion, he endea|voured to enlighten the understandings of theIndians, to draw them from their savage, barbarous, and wandering way of life, to civility, government and cohabitation, and it was a noted saying of his

that the Indians must be civilized as well as, if not in order to their being, christianized.

He obtained from the court the grant of a tract of land, to which he gave the Indian name of Noonanetum, (Rejoicing) drew as many families there as he could with design to make a fortified town, instructed them in their husbandry, and ex|cited them to industry and a prudent management of their affairs, caused some of them to learn such trades as were most necessary for them, so as that they compleatly built a house for publick worship 50 feet in length and 25 in breadth, which Mr. Wilson, in one of his letters, says

ap|peared like the workmanship of an English housewright.

Besides this settlement at Noonanerum he visited and preached to the Indians at Dorchester mills, Watertown, Concord, and as far as Pantucket falls on Merrimack river, to the Indians also in the colony of Plimouth, although Massasoiet or Ousamequin and his son discountenanced the bringing the gospel to their tribe. The Naraganset Sa|chem treated with contempt a message he sent to them, but the Nipnets desired some might be sent to teach them to pray to God. Besides Mr. Winslow, Mr. Pelham and others forwarded the collections in England, and July the 27th 1649 the parliament passed an act or ordi|nance for the advancement of this good work, the follow|in breviate whereof was printed.

"WHEREAS the commons of England assembled in parliament have received certain intelligence from divers godly ministers and others in New-England that divers of the heathen natives through the pious care of some godly English who preach the gospel to them in their own Indian language, not only of barbarous are become civil, but many of them forsake their accustomed charms and sorceries and other satanical delusions, do now call upon the name of the

Lord and give great testimony of the power of God draw|ing them from death and darkness to the life and light of the glorious gospel of Jesus Christ, which appeareth by their lamenting with tears their mispent lives, teaching their children what they are instructed themselves, being careful to place them in godly families and English schools, betaking themselves to one wife, putting away the rest, and by their constant prayers to almighty God morning and evening in their families, expressed in all appearance with much devotion and zeal of heart. All which con|sidered, we cannot but in behalf of the nation we represent rejoice and give glory to God for the beginning of so glorious a propagation of the gospel amongst those poor heathen which cannot be prosecuted with that expedition as is desired unless fit instruments be encouraged and main|tained to pursue it, schools and cloathing be provided, and many other necessaries. Be it therefore enacted by this present parliament that for the furthering so good a work there shall be a corporation in England consisting of six|teen, viz. a president,* 13.1 treasurer and fourteen assistants, and that William Steel, Esq Herbert Pelham, Esq James Sherley, Abraham Babington, Robert Houghton, Richard Hutchinson, George Dun, Robert Tomson, William Mullins, John Hodgson, Edward Parks, Edward Clud, Richard Lloyd,* 13.2 Thomas Aires, John Stone, and Edward Winslow, citizens of London, be the first sixteen persons, out of whom, the said sixteen persons or the greater num|ber of them shall chuse one of the said sixteen to be pre|sident, another to be treasurer.—They or any nine of them to appoint a common sea••. And be it enacted, that a gene|ral collection be made for the purposes aforesaid through all England and Wales; and that the ministers read this act and exhort the people to a chearful contribution to so pious a work.

Hen. Scobell, cleric. parlia.

LETTERS at the same time were published from the two universities nf Oxford and Cambridge, calling upon the ministers of England and Wales to stir up their congrega|tions to a liberal contribution for the promotion of so glo|rious an undertaking.

THE purport of the first letter to the commissioners from the corporation was to acquaint them with Mr. Winslow's determination to return to New-England, which would be greatly prejudicial to the work, and to intimate to them that he ought to be no sufferer by his continuance in Eng|land. The commissioners of the Massachusets proposed to make Mr. Winslow the agent for the united colonies, but as he had gone over in the service of the Massachusets only, the rest of the colonies declined the proposal, and all that could be obtained was a letter from the commissioners to the corporation approving of Mr. Winslow's stay in Eng|land, and desiring that one hundred pounds sterling might be paid him out of the collections, * 13.3 with a promise that if it was not approved of as a proper charge, it should be re|placed by the colonies.* 13.4

PROPOSALS had been made in the year 1648 to Mon|sieur D'Aillebout the governor of Canada for a free com|merce between the Massachusets and that colony. The

French professed to be greatly pleased, and a correspondence was kept up upon the subject until the year 1650, when the French governor sent an agent to Boston in order to

settle, not meerly trade, but a league or alliance defensive and offensive between the government of Canada and the colonies of Massachusets and Plimouth, but being informed

that all matters of that nature were left to the commis|sioners of the united colonies, he returned to Canada, and the next year two gentlemen were sent with letters to the commissioners, praying in behalf of the French of Canada, and of the christianized Indians in Accadie, the aid of the English against the Indians of the six nations, urging

that it was a just war, the Mohawks being breakers of the most solemn leagues, perfidious and cruel, that it was a holy war, the eastern Indians being persecuted and cruelly hand|led because of their professing the christian religion, that it was of common concern, the Mohawks disturbing and interrupting the trade both of English and French with other Indians.

They promised a due consideration and allowance for the expence of the war. If the English would not join in the war it was then desired that the French might have leave to inlist volunteers, and that they might be victualled for the service, and if that could not be obtained that at least the French might be allowed to pass through the colonies by water and land as occasion should require. Until these points were settled they

could not proceed upon the treaty of commerce. The commissioners having duly weighed the proposals returned an answer in substance as follows, viz.

THAT they were willing to admit that the French and eastern Indians might have just grounds to their own satis|faction for war against the Mohawks: That they looked upon all such Indians as received the yoke of Christ with another eye than upon others who worship the devil:* 13.5 That they desired by all just means to keep peace, if it may be, with all men even with these barbarians. That the Mohawks living at a distance from the sea have little intercourse with these parts, but in the war the English had with the Pequods 14 or 16 years before the Mohawks shewed a real respect and had offered no hostilities since. That the English engaged in no war before they had full and satisfying evidence that it was just, nor before peace upon just terms had been offered and refused. That the Mohawks, not being subject to them, nor in league with them, they could not require an account of their proceedings, and had no means of information what they had to say for themselves. That to make war with the Mohawks would expose the Indians who were neighbours to the English, some of whom professed christianity, &c. That although they were ready to perform all neighbourly offices of righteous|ness and peace to the French colony, yet they could neither permit volunteers to be taken up nor the French and eastern Indians to pass through the English jurisdiction to invade the Mohawks, lest they should expose not the Indians only but the smaller English plantations to danger. That the English were much dissatisfied with that mis|chievous trade the French and Dutch have had and still continue, by selling guns powder and shot to all the Indians, which rendered them insolent, &c. That if all other difficulties were removed yet they had no such short and convenient passage, either by land or water, as might be

had by Hudson's river to and beyond Aurania fort pos|sessed by the Dutch. That the commissioners conceived the French deputies might proceed to settle a trade; but if they thought proper to limit it under such restrictions a fitter season for these treaties must be attended, which the commissioners would readily improve whensoever it pre|sented.

THE college at Cambridge became more and more an object of attention, and in the year 1650 was made a body corporate by act of the general court, and received a charter under the seal of the colony.* 13.6

* 15.1MR. Endicot was chosen governor in the years 1651, 1652 and 1653, Mr. Dudley deputy governor.* 15.2

AT a sessions of the general court in October 1651 an act or order was passed impowering the town of Boston to chuse seven commissioners to be presented to the court of assistants,

and being authorized by them and sworn before them, or before the governor, they or any five of them, or any three together with one magistrate, might hear

and determine all civil actions not exceeding ten pounds in value, and all criminal actions where the penalty or fine should not exceed forty shillings, the parties being such as were inhabitants of Boston neck or Noddle's island, or such as did not belong to the jurisdiction; and the county court was not to take cognizance of any such actions. This law was made for one year for trial. I do not find that it was revived.* 15.3

THE committee for the state in England having im|parted their mind to Mr. Winslow the agent for the colo|ny respecting the government of the several jurisdictions in New-England, he acquainted Mr. Dudley therewith and that an answer was expected. In consequence of this advice the court at the sessions last mentioned agreed upon a petition to the parliament and another to Cromwell, then general of the parliaments forces in England, &c. The address and letters are preserved. By Mr. Winslow's let|ter it appears that it was expected that all processes in the colony should be in the name of the keepers of the liber|ties of England, or that there should be an acknowledg|ment of the powers then in being by a renewal of the patent. It is certain neither of the two ways proposed were com|plied with.

SIR Ferdinando Gorges had made attempts for many years to settle the province of Main, but to little purpose. He was a zealous royalist and neither he nor his descen|dants who were in the same interest could expect any favor from the parliament. The colony seems to have been de|serted by the proprietors, and in the year 1651 the people were in confusion and the authority of the government was at an end. In 1641 a charter had been granted by Sir Fer|dinando to Acamenticus (York) making it a corporation consisting of a mayor, eight aldermen and a recorder. His cousin Thomas Gorges was the first mayor. He lived about half a mile above what is called Trafton's ferry near Gorges point. The cellar of the house he dwelt in re|mains to this day. He went to England in 1643. The people of York say that he returned and died there. If

so it must have been before 1651 or some mention would have been made of him. The Massachusets who, as hath been observed, claimed the province of Main as within the bounds of their charter, took the opportunity of the con|fusions there and encouraged the disposition which pre|vailed in many of the inhabitants to submit to their juris|diction, and in 1651 they appointed Mr. Bradstre••t, Major Denison and Capt. Hawthorn to treat with the gentlemen of that province about the surrender thereof as in their best judgment and discretion should seem meet. The next year 1652 Mr. Bradstreet and others were sent commissio|ners to summon the Inhabitants of Kittery to come in and own their subjection to the Massachusets as of right belonging to them. The inhabitants accordingly assembled Nov. 16, and agreed to submit, and about forty inhabitants subscribed an instrument of submission. The like was done at Acamenticus the 22d of the same month, and soon after at Wells, Saco, and Cape Porpoise. To the inhabi|tants of all these plantations larger privileges were granted than to those of the other parts of the Massachusets go|vernment, for they were all freemen upon taking the oath, whereas every where else none could be made free unless he was a church member. The province was made a county by the name of Yorkshire. The towns from that time sent their deputies to the general court at Boston.* 15.4

THE trade of the province increasing, especially with the West-Indies where the bucaneers or pirates at this time were numerous, and part of the wealth which they took from the Spaniards as well as what was produced by the trade being brought to New-England in bullion, it was

thought necessary for preventing fraud in money to erect a mint for coining shillings, six-pences and three-pen••es, with no other impression at first than N E on the one side and XII. VI. or III. on the other, but in October 1651 the court ordered that all pieces of money should have a double ring with this inscription, MASSACHUSETS, and a tree in the center on one side, and NEW ENG|LAND and the year of our Lord on the other side.* 15.5 At the same sessions a committee or council of trade was

appointed after the example, as expressed in the order, of the parliament of Great-Britain, who were to meet at Boston or Charlestown to receive proposals for promoting trade, but nothing came from this attempt.* 15.6

IN October 1651 hostilities began between the English and Dutch in Europe.* 15.7 The Dutch colony at Manhados was in too feeble a state openly to annoy the English colo|nies their neighbours, and therefore desired to preserve peace in America. The English colonies carried on an advantageous trade with the Dutch, and were for that reason willing to continue friendship, and a correspondence was kept up between the subjects of the two nations. In an address from the general court to Cromwell they consider themselves as at liberty to continue in peace with the Dutch, and suppose their own act to be ne|cessary to bring them into a state of war, notwith|standing the two nations were at war in Europe.* 15.8 But in 1653 information was given by the Indians from several

quarters that the Dutch governor was privately solliciting them to a general confederacy in order totally to extirpate the English. The massacre at Amboyna was then but a late affair. A general alarm was spread through the co|lonies. An extraordinary meeting of the commissioners was called at Boston April 19,

to consider of several ru|mours and reports gathered from the Indians and others that the Dutch had plotted with the Indians and stirred them up to cut off the English.

The result of this first meeting was, that although the evidence was so strong as that some of the commissioners looked upon it to be full proof, yet they thought it most expedient the Dutch go|vernor should have opportunity of making answer; but before any message could be sent, letters were received from him denying all which the Indians or any others had charged him with, wondering the English would give credit to Indian testimonies, and offering to come or send, or to make answer to any deputies which might be sent thither. It was thought proper to send agents to him, viz. Francis Newman, an assistant of New-Haven, John Leveret (afterwards governor of the Massachusets) and William Davis, and in a letter sent by them from the com|missioners the governor was told

that he had made use of Indian testimonies against New-Haven in a case of land, that Keift his predecessor had done it in a case of life, and that the Dutch governor and council at Amboyna had made a bloody use of the Japoneses confession (though extorted by torture) against Captain Towerson and the English Christians there.

The commissioners demanded satisfaction for past injuries and security for the future. Whilst their agents were gone they determined what number of men should be raised if God should call them to war against the Dutch, viz. 500,* 15.9 and appointed Capt. Leveret the com|manding officer, unless the Massachusets should have some weighty objection against him. Notwithstanding the offers made by the Dutch governor in his letter he refused to submit to any examination into the affair by the agents or

commissioners, any further than a committee of his own council should concur with them. They took the testi|mony of divers Indians and others, and returned to Boston. But however strong proofs there were, the commissioners were divided in opinion, and a conference was had before the Massachusets general court and many of the elders. A state of the case was drawn by Mr. Eaton on the one side and another by Mr. Denison on the other, and the elders * 15.10 were desired to draw up their opinion, which was

That the proofs and presumptions of the execrable plot tending to the destruction of so many of the dear saints of God, imputed to the Dutch governor and the fiscal, were of such weight as to induce them to believe the reality of it, yet they were not so fully conclusive as to clear up a pre|sent proceeding to war before the world, and to bear up their hearts with that fulness of persuasion which was meet in commending the case to God in prayer and to the peo|ple in exhortations, and that it would be safest for the colonies to forbear the use of the sword; but advised to be in a posture of defence and readiness for action until the mind of God should be more clearly known, either for a settled peace or more manifest grounds of war.

The deputies by their vote expressed a concurrence in senti|ments with the elders. On the 26th of May letters were received from Hartford and New-Haven advising that the Dutch governor was endeavouring, by presents and other methods, to engage the Mohawks and the Indians between Hudson's river and Delaware to fall upon the English. A messenger arrived the same day from Manhados with a long letter from the Dutch governor, complaining of en|croachments and other grievances from the English, and exculpating himself in general terms from any plots or designs against them. The commissioners required fur|ther satisfaction and security from him. Mr. Norice,

teacher of the church at Salem,

in the name of many pensive hearts there,

presented their sense to the com|missioners in favor of a war, and the commissioners them|selves were all of the same mind, except Mr. Bradstreet, one of the Massachusets commissioners, Mr. Hawthorne the other joining with those of the three other colonies; but their proceedings were interrupted by a declaration sent in by the general court of the Massachusets,

that no determination of the commissioners, though they should all agree, should bind the general court to join in an offensive war which should appear to such general court to be unjust.

This declaration occasioned such alter••ations between the Massachusets general court and the commissioners of the three other colonies at the next meeting as threatned a dissolution of the confederacy, which seems, upon this occasion also, to have been prevented only by the inferiority of the rest to the Massachusets and their inability to stand alone. Where states in alliance are greatly disproportion|ed in strength and importance, power often prevails over right. The government of New-Haven were so sensible of their danger that they sent their agents to England to make a representation of it to Cromwell, who ordered three or four ships with a small number of forces for the reduction of the Dutch, and recommended to the Massa|chusets colony to afford their assistance. The ships were delayed and did not arrive at Boston until the latter end of May or beginning of June 1654. The governor called the assembly, which met the 9th of June, and immediately came into the following resolution:

The general court having received and perused a letter from his Highness the Lord Protector of the commonwealth of England, Scotland and Ireland, full of great and favorable respect to this colony, which they desire to keep in grateful remembrance and shall be ready at all times, wherein they may with safety to the liberty of their consciences, publick peace and welfare, to their utmost to attend to his Highness's pleasure. This court therefore de|clares, that though they understand that the colony is

not in such a capacity as may be apprehended to send forth such numbers of men as might vigorously assist in that undertaking, yet do freely consent and give liberty to his Highness's commissioners Major Robert Sedgewick* 15.11 and Capt. John Leveret, to raise within our jurisdiction the number of five hundred volunteers to assist them in their enterprize against the Dutch, provided the persons might be free from legal* 15.12 engagements.

The ships had a very long passage so that the news of the peace with the Dutch, which was signed the 5th of April, prevented their proceeding. This occasioned the commander in chief to turn his forces, together with those raised in the Massa|chusets, another way, and to dislodge the French from Penobscot, St. John's, &c. where they met with no great resistance. It cannot be supposed that this was done with|out instructions from Cromwell.* 15.13 It was a time of peace between the two nations, but the English had good right to the country, and the complaints of the French in Europe could not prevail upon Cromwell to give it up again.* 15.14 The peace with the Dutch,* 15.15 together with

the hopeful estab|lishment of government in England

occasioned a publick thanksgiving in the Massachusets (Sept. 20th) and an order

passed the last year prohibiting trade with the Dutch was repealed. Stuyvesant the Dutch governor, in these negotiations, conducted himself very artfully. New-Haven and Connecticut were the two colonies with which he was immediately engaged in controversy. He might have been a match for one if not both those colonies, but they were in alliance with the Massachusets. His all depended upon preserving the friendship of that colony. He there|fore kept up a constant correspondence with Mr. Winthrop, and although he would not concede to proposals for a joint trade with the six nations, yet he encouraged trade between the Massachusets and Manhados and, what was more, he as well as his predecessor Kieft made great pretences to religion. Kieft was a serious man. Plimouth fell in with Connec|ticut and New-Haven, and the Massachusets must have done so too if the Dutch had committed any hostilities. Stuyvesant restrained his own people, but at the same time secretly encouraged the Indians to fall upon the English. The Naragansets were numerous, the Maquas or six na|tions were more so. A gen••ral union of the Indians, which it was supposed he was endeavouring, must have been the ruin of the English colonies; and although it might be expected that when they had rid themselves of the English, the Dutch would be in danger of the same fate, yet this was the least and most remote danger of the two. They were constantly in fear of the English. Their right to any part of the country had never been allowed in England. They were often threatened by the colonists in America, as the Dutch governors mention in their letters. Kieft complains to Winthrop that 'some of the English had said publickly'

that their countrymen were fools to suffer the Dutch to live there in the center.

THE Massachusets complied with Cromwell's proposal to extirpate the Dutch notwithstanding their former scru|ples of the lawfulness of it. There must have been some other reasons, no doubt those I have mentioned, which caused them to be so backward in joining with the other colonies. They did not foresee what has since happened,

that the neighbourhood of the colonies of different nations would one time or other engage the powers in Europe in their respective defence and annoyance. Without this they had nothing to fear from either Dutch or French. They were ten times as numerous as both, and continually in|creasing in much greater proportion than either of the other, whose present or future interior force could cause no great apprehensions.

WHILST these disputes with the Dutch were depending the Naraganset Indians made attacks upon the Indians of Long-Island who were under the protection of the English. This together with the conspiracy which Ninigrate the Naraganset Sachem was supposed to be in with the Dutch governor, the commissioners of the English colonies (all but Mr. Bradstreet) thought to be a sufficient ground for making war against the Indians, and came to a resolution in 1653 that 250 men should be forthwith raised in the several colonies, but the Massachusets general court refused to raise their quota. The hostilities between the Indians continuing until 1654, and many upland Indians, as they were called, viz. Wa••panoags,* 15.16 Pocanoticko,* 15.17 &c. being collected together, the commissioners sent a messenger to Ninigrate, who soon returned with the following answer, which is here inserted to shew the authority the English assumed at that time over the Indians, and the sense they still retained of their independancy.

JONATHAN GILBERT returned 18 Sept. 1654, and brought Ninigrate's answer in the words following: Having acquainted him that the commissioners were met at Hartford and that they had perused the letter sent to the governor of the Massachusets, he answered he knew nothing of any such letter and made strange of it.

Concerning his invading the Long-Islanders he an|swered, Wherefore should he acquaint the commissioners when as the Long-Islanders began with him and had slain a Sachem's son and sixty others of his men, and therefore he will not make peace with the Long-Islan|ders,

but doth desire that the English will let him alone, and that the commissioners would not request him to go to Hartford for he hath done no hurt. What should he do there? If your governor's son was slain and several other men, would you ask counsel of another nation how and when to right yourselves? and added that he would neither go nor send to Hartford.

Concerning the upland Indians his answer was, That they were his friends and came to help him against the Long-Islanders, which had killed several of his men. Wherefore should he acquaint the commissioners with it, he did but right his own quarrel which the Long-I••••••nders began with him.

U••ON the receipt of this answer the commissioners agr••ed to raise forthwith 270 foot and 40 horse out of the several colonies and gave a commission to Major Simon Willard to command them, with instructions

to take as many of said forces as should be at the place of rendez|vous by the 13th of October and to march with them to Ninigrate and to require his compliance with the demands made upon him, and, if he refused, to compel him to it, and if it should be necessary to send immediately for the remainder of the forces and a greater number if necessary.

Willard marched with his men into the Naraganset country. Ninigrate with his men had secured themselves in a swamp where it was not thought adviseable to attack them, and the forces returned with no other success than the bring|ing off a number of the Pequods, who had been left with the Naragansets by the English ever since the Pequod war upon the promise of an annual payment for each head. The commander made it a part of his excuse that the instructions to him were equivocal. But the commissioners were offended at this proceeding and charged him with neglecting an opportunity of humbling the pride of Nini|grate, which since the return of the forces was greatly in|creased, and left him to consider what satisfaction was to be expected from him and those of his council who joined With him.* 15.18 It is to be observed that Major Willard was a

Massachusets man and although that colony had so far complied with the rest as to join in sending out the forces yet they still were desirous of avoiding an open war. This was the second time of their preventing a general war contrary to the minds of six of the commissioners of the other colonies.* 15.19

THE most remarkable occurrence in the colony in the year 1655 was the trial and condemnation of Mrs. Ann Hibbins for witchcraft.* 15.20 Her husband who died in the year 1654 was an agent for the colony in England, several years one of the assistants, and a merchant of note in the town of Boston, but losses in the latter part of his life had reduced his estate and increased the natural crabbedness of his wife's temper, which made her turbulent and quarrel|some, and brought her un••er church censures, and at length rendered her so odious to her neighbours as to cause some of them to accuse her of witchcraft. The jury brought her in guilty but the magistrates refused to accept the ver|dict, so the cause came to the general court where the po|pular clamour prevailed against her and the miserable old woman was condemned and executed. Search was made upon her body for tetts and in her chests and boxes for puppets, images, &c. but there is no record of any thing of that sort being found. Mr. Beach a minister in Jam••ica in a letter to Doctor Increase Mather in the year 1684 says,

You may remember what I have sometimes told you your famous Mr. Norton once said at his own table before Mr. Wilso•• the pastor, elder Penn and myself and wife, &c. who had the honor to be his guests. That one of your magistrates wives, as I remember, was hanged for a witch only for having more wit than her neighb••••••••••. It was his very expression, she having as he explain••d it unhap|pily guessed that two of her persecutors whom she saw talking in the street were talking of her, which proving true cost her her life, notwithstanding all he could do to the contrary, as he himself told us.

IT fared with her as it did with Joan of Arc in France. Some counted her a saint and some a witch, and some ob|served solemn marks of Providence set upon those who were very forward to condemn her, and to brand others upon the like ground with the like reproach.* 15.21 This was the second instance upon record of any person's being executed for witchcraft in New-England.* 15.22

ABOUT this time, however inconsistent it may seem with the professed ecclesiastical constitution and the freedom of every church, the general court in several instances interposed their authority. They laid a large fine upon the church at Malden for chusing a minister without the consent and approbation of the neighbouring churches and allowance of the magistrates, and soon after, viz. in 1653 they re|strained the north church in Boston from calling Mr. Powell to be their minister, who had the character of a well gifted tho' illiterate man, and went so far as to recommend to them Mr. Reyner who had been a minister at New-Plimouth.

IT was justly observed upon this occasion that let the experience of all reformed churches be consulted and it will appear that disorder and confusion in the church will not be avoided by all the determinations,

advice and counsel of synods or other messengers of churches, unless they be a little acuated by the civil au|thority: All men are naturally so wedded to their own apprehensions that, unless there be a coercive power to restrain, the order and rule of the gospel will not be at|tended.

* 15.23

MR. Endicot was governor in 1655 and was annually chosen until 1660, and Mr. Bellingham deputy governor each year.* 15.24 During this period the trade of the colony was in a flourishing state, free admission being allowed to all nations, and the vessels of the colony trading to and from France, Holland, and other parts of Europe, the importation of no commodities whatsoever being prohibited, or under any clog or restraint. Notwithstanding the great variety of sectaries in England there had been no divisions of any consequence in the Massachusets, but from 1637 to 1656 they enjoyed, in general, great quietness in their ecclesiastical affairs, discords in particular churches being healed and made up by a submission to the arbitrament of neighbouring churches, and sometimes the interposition of the civil power. The reputation not only of the consti|tution of the churches, but also of the New-England clergy had been for some time very great in England, and the opinions of Mr. Cotton, Hooker, Davenport, and others, are cited as authorities by many English divines. The persecution of the episcopalians by the prevailing powers in England was evidently from revenge for the persecu|tion they had suffered themselves, and from political con|siderations and the prevalence of a party, seeing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ther opinions and professions, however absurd, were tolerated but in New-England it must be confessed that bigotry and cruel zeal prevailed, and to that degree that no opi|nions but their own could be tolerated. They were sincere,

but mistaken in their principles and absurd as it is, it is too evident, they believed it to be for the glory of God to take away the lives of his creatures for maintaining tenets con|trary to what they professed themselves. This occasioned complaints against the colony to the parliament and to Cromwell, but without success.* 15.25

MR. Winslow the agent for the colony in England being dead, Mr. Leveret, one of Cromwell's commissioners in the expedition to Acadie, was appointed in his stead. Cromwell had been very desirous of drawing off the New Englanders to people Ireland after his successes there, and the inha|bitants of New-Haven had serious thoughts of removing, but did not carry their design into execution. Jamaica being conquered, Cromwell renewed his invitation to the colony of the Massachusets to remove and to go and peo|ple that island, and it appears by Mr. Leveret's letters and a letter from the general court to Cromwell that he had it much at heart.* 15.26 Cromwell foresaw that the West-India

planters would raise estates far superior to those of the inhabitants of the northern colonies, and though a meer

worldly consideration was not proper for him to urge, yet accompanied with the fulfilment of a divine promise, that God's people should be the head and not the tail, it was in character, and he ar••fully enough joined it with the other consideration. But all was insufficient to induce the people of New-England to quit a country where they could live tolerably, and were indulged with all the privileges they desired, and we have no account of many families having removed. A few accepted the invitation. Com|plaints were carried to Cromwell from Rhode-Island against the Massachusets by Clark, Holmes and others, but Mr. Leveret, who was a captain of horse under Cromwell

during some part of the war, had much of his favor, and though he could not prevent the Rhode-Islanders from being favorably received, for no sect could fail of an advo|cate in Cromwell's court, yet he prevented so much as an enquiry into the conduct of the Massachusets. Nay Crom|well applauded the colony for banishing the evil seducers which had risen up among them, of which Mr. Wheel|wright and Mrs. Hutchinson were the chief, and probably he had a view to them in particular. This same Mr. Wheel|wright had been several years in England and lived in the neighbourhood of Sir Henry Vane, who had been his pa|tron in New-England and now took great notice of him. Vane being disaffected to Cromwell it is not likely that Cromwell had any great esteem for Wheelwright, yet he sent for him by one of his guard,* 16.1 and after a very ortho|dox discourse, according to Mr. Wheelwright's apprehen|sions of orthodoxy, "and without shewing countenance to sectaries," * 16.2 he exhorted him to perseverance against his opposers, and assured him their notions would vanish into nothing. This meeting effectually engaged Mr. Wheel|wright in Cromwell's favor. Leveret's and Wheelwright's

letters compared confirm a distinguishing part of Crom|well's character. Besides the complaints from Rhode-Island, Rigby, Gorges, and Godfrey, who claimed lands by patents in the eastern parts of New-England, made com|plaints to Cromwell against the colony for usurpation, and there were others who envied the flourishing state of the colony, but by means of Mr. Leveret's discreet manage|ment and the favorable opinion Cromwell had conceived, all attempts to its prejudice were to no purpose.* 16.3 He did not shew like favor to the other colonies.

CROMWELL seems to have been the first who had a true sense of the importance of the colonies to their mo|ther country. The expedition to Hispaniola was by him well intended, though by his servants badly executed, and his plan for enlarging the national interest in America no doubt extended further than the conquest of that island. Let us take a view of the state of the colonies at that time. Barbados was then more populous than it is at present. That island and the Caribbees were under the same go|vernment. These with Virginia, Maryland and Bermudas refused to acknowledge the parliament whilst the King lived, and it occasioned some trouble to reduce them after his death. They were all the colonies, except New-Eng|land, which were settled when Cromwell took the govern|ment upon him. There were no less than three different governors over Virginia during his short rule, Digby, Ben|net and Matthews. Barbados surrendered to Sir George Ayscough, upon condition that the government should be by governor council and assembly, and Daniel Searl being appointed their governor continued until the restoration. It was a rash thing to resist the supreme authority in England and gave great offence. Until then, all the colonies had been indulged in a free open trade to and from all parts of the

world, unless the privileges granted to the East-India company made an exception, but Cromwell obtained an act or ordinance of the parliament prohibiting the plantations from receiving or exporting any European commodities, except in English built ships navigated by Englishmen, and all correspondence was forbidden with any nation or colony not subject to England, and no alien was allowed to set up a factory or carry on a trade in the plantations. Vir|ginia made heavy complaints, that they were not allowed to send off their produce to, nor to import necessaries from, any foreign countries, whilst England alone (they said) could not take off their produce, nor could they at that time be supplied from thence with all things necessary for them. But, however grievous this act might prove to the other colonies, it is certain that those of New-England, whether it was designed to extend there or not, suffered nothing by it. In a letter to Cromwell in 1654 * 16.4 the Mas|sachusets seem to be under fears least they should be de|prived of the privileges which had been indulged to them by his predecessors, and hope his Highness will be no less propitious and will not be displeased with them for asserting their just privileges, to the prejudice whereof some at|tempts had been made by the commanders of ships, espe|cially by some armed with commission, which though for fear of offending they had patiently endured, yet they thought it not safe to approve of such actings, &c. If this letter had respect to any attempts to regulate the trade, they were attempts which were soon given over and caused little or no interruption, and they were not only indulged in their trade to all parts, but that extra|ordinary privilege of having their goods imported into England free from all custom which other subjects were liable to pay, seems to have been continued until the restoration. No wonder if they were envied by the other colonies, and if the merchants in England were dissatisfied also with the continuance of the last mentioned extraor|dinary favor.

* 16.5IN the year 1656 began what has been generally and not improperly called the persecution of the Quakers.* 16.6 Two years before, an order had been made that every in|habitant who had in their custody any of the books of John Reeves and Lodowick Muggleton,

who pretend to be the two last witnesses and prophets of Jesus Christ,

which books were said to be full of blasphemies, should bring or send them in to the next magistrate within one month on pain of ten pounds for each book remaining in any person's hands after that time, but no person appeared openly professing the opinions of the quakers until July 1656, when Mary Fisher * 16.7 and Ann Austin arrived from Barbados. A few weeks after arrived in the ship Spe••d|well of London, Robert Lock master, nine more of their itinerants, whose names "after the flesh," the language they used to the officers sent to make enquiry, were William Brend, Thomas Thurston, Christopher Holder, John Copeland, Richard Smith, Mary Prince, Dorothy Waugh, Sarah Gibbons, and Mary Witherhead.* 16.8 On the 8th of September they were brought before the court of assistants and being examined and each of them questioned how they could make it appear that God sent them, after a pause they answered that they had the same call which Abraham had to go out of his country; to other questions they gave rude and contemptuous answers, which is the reason assigned for committing them to prison. A great number of their books which they had brought over with intent to scatter them about the country were seized and reserved

for the fire. Soon after this, as the governor was going from the publick worship on the Lord's day to his own house, several gentlemen accompanying him, Mary Prince called to him from a window of the prison, railing at and reviling him, saying Woe unto thee, thou art an oppressor; and denouncing the judgments of God upon him. Not content with this, she wrote a letter to the governor and magistrates filled with opprobrious stuff. The governor sent for her twice from the prison to his house and took much pains to persuade her to desist from such extrava|gancies. Two of the ministers were present, and with much moderation and tenderness endeavoured to convince her of her errors, to which she returned the grossest rail|ings, reproaching them as hirelings, deceivers of the people, Baal's priests, the seed of the serpent, of the brood of Ishmael and the like.

THE court passed sentence of banishment against them all, and required the master of the ship in which they came, to become bound with sureties to the value of five hun|dred pounds to carry them all away,* 16.9 and caused them to to be committed to prison until the ship should be ready to sail. At this time there was no special provision by law for the punishment of quakers; they came within a colony law against hereticks in general. At the next sessions of the general court, the 14th of October following, an act passed laying a penalty of one hundred pounds upon the master of any vessel who should bring a known quaker into any part of the colony, and requiring him to give security to carry them back again, that the quaker should be immediately sent to the house of correction and whip|ped twenty stripes, and afterwards kept to hard labor until transportation. They also laid a penalty of five pounds for importing and the like for dispersing quakers books, and severe penalties for defending their heretical opinions. And the next year an additional law was made by which all persons were subjected to the penalty of forty shillings for every hour's entertainment given to any

known quaker, and any quaker after the first conviction if a man, was to lose one ear, and the second time the other, a woman, each time to be severely whipped, and the third time man or woman to have their tongues bored through with a red hot iron, and every quaker, who should become such in the colony, were subjected to the like punishments. In May 1658 a penalty of ten shillings was laid on every person present at a quaker's meeting, and five pounds upon every one speaking at such meeting. Notwithstanding all this severity, the number of quakers, as might well have been expected, increasing rather than diminishing,* 16.10 in October following a further law was made for punishing with death all quakers who should return into the jurisdiction after banishment.* 16.11 That some provision was necessary against these people so far as they were disturbers of civil peace and order, every one will allow, but such sanguinary laws against particular doctrines or tenets in religion are not to be defended. The most that can be said for our ancestors is that they tried gentler means at first, which they found utterly ineffectual, and that they followed the example of the authorities in most other states and in most ages of the world, who with the like absurdity have supposed every person could and ought to think as they did, and with the like cruelty have punished such as appeared to differ from them. We may add that it was with reluc|tance that these unnatural laws were carrried into execu|tion,

as we shall see by a further account of proceedings. Nicholas Upshall was apprehended in October 1656, fined twenty pounds and banished for reproaching the magi|strates and speaking against the law made against quakers▪ and returning in 1659 was imprisoned.* 16.12 At the same court William Robinson, Marmaduke Stephenson, Mary Dyer and Nicholas Davis were brought to trial. The first gave no particular account of himself. Stephenson had made a publick disturbance in the congregation at Boston the 15th of June before. He acknowledged himself to be one of those the world called quakers, and declared that in the year 1656 at Shipton in Yorkshire as he was at plough he saw nothing but heard an audible voice saying,

I have ordained thee to be a prophet to the nations, &c.

Dyer declared that she came from Rhode-Island* 16.13 to visit the quakers▪ that she was of their religion which she affirmed was the truth, and that the light within her was the rule, &c.

Davis came from Barustable, he came into court with his hat on, confessed he had ••••rsaken the ordinances and resorted to the quakers. The jury found "that they were all quakers." Robinson was whipped 20 stripes for abusing the court, and they were all banished on pain of death.

Patience Scott a girl of about eleven years of age came I suppose from Providence, her friends lived there, and professing herself to be one of those whom the world in scorn calls quakers was committed to prison, and afterwards brought to court. The record stands thus.

The court duly considering the malice of Satan and his instruments by all means and ways to propagate error and disturb the truth, and bring in confusion among us, that Satan is put to his shifts to make use of such a child not being of the years of discretion, nor understanding the principles of religion, judge meet so far to slight her as a quaker as only to admonish

and instruct her according to her capacity and so discharge her, Capt. Hutchinson undertaking to send her home.

Strange such a child should be imprisoned! it would have been horrible if there had been any further severity.* 16.14

Robinson, Stephenson and Dyer at the next general court were brought upon trial, and

for their rebellion, sedition, and presumptuous obtruding themselves after ba|nishment upon pain of death,

were sentenced to die; the two first were executed the 27th of October.* 16.15 Dyer, upon the petition of William Dyer her son, was reprieved on condition that she departed the jurisdiction in 48 hours and if she returned to suffer the sentence. She was car|ried to the gallows and stood with a rope about her neck until the others were executed. She was so infatuated as afterwards to return and was executed June 1st 1660.* 16.16 The court thought it adviseable to publish a vindication of their proceedings; they urge the example of England in the provision made against jesuits, which might have some weight against a cha••ge brought from thence, but in every other part of their vindication, as may well be sup|posed from the nature of the thing, there is but the bare

shadow of reason. Christopher Holder who had found the way into the jurisdiction again, was at this court banish|ed upon pain of death. At the same court seven or eight persons were fined, some as high as ten pounds, for enter|taining quakers, and Edward Wharton for piloting them from one place to another was ordered to be whipped twenty stripes and bound to his good behavior. Divers others were then brought upon trial

for adhering to the cursed sect of quakers not disowning themselves to be such, refusing to give civil respect, leaving their families and relations and running from place to place vagabonds like,

and Daniel Gold was sentenced to be whipped thirty stripes, Robert Harper fifteen, and they with Alice Cour|land, Mary Scott and Hope Clifton banished upon pain of death, William Kingsmill whipped fifteen stripes, Margaret Smith, Mary Trask and Provided Southwick ten stripes each, and Hannah Phelps admonished.

THE compassion of the people was moved and many resorted to the prison by day and night, and upon a repre|sentation of the keeper a constant watch was kept round the prison to keep people off.* 16.17

JOSEPH NICHOLSON and Jane his wife were also tried and found quakers, as also Wendlock Christopherson, who declared in court that the scripture is not the word of God, and Mary Standley, and all sentenced to banishment, &c. as was soon after Benjamin Bellflower, but John Cham|berlain though he came with his hat on yet refusing di|rectly to answer, the jury found him,

much inclining to the cursed opinions of the quakers,

and he escaped with an admonition.

NICHOLSON and his wife returned and were appre|hended, but upon their petition had liberty with several others then in prison to go for England. Christopherson returned also and was sentenced to die. It is said he de|sired

the court to consider what they had gained by their 〈◊〉〈◊〉 proceedings.

For the last man (says he) that was put to death here are five come in his room, and if you have power to take my life from me God can raise up the same principle of life in ten of his servants and send them among you in my room that you may have tor|ment upon torment.

He was ordered to be executed the fifth day sevennight after the 14th of March 1660, afterwards reprieved till the 13th of June, but he was set at liberty upon his request to the court and went out of the jurisdiction.

BELLFLOWER afterwards in court renounced his ••••inions, as also William King (Kingsmill I suppose) the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 instances upon record. Chamberlain was afterwards apprehended again and found a quaker and committed to close prison, but no further sentence appears.

IN September 1660 William Ledea was tried and con|victed of being a quaker and sentenced to banishment, &c. but returning and being apprehended, the general court gave him liberty notwithstanding to go to England with Nicholson and others, but he refused to leave the country and was brought upon trial for returning into the jurisdiction after sentence of banishment, acknowledged himself to be the person but denied their authority, and told the court that

with the spirit they called the devil he worshipped God, that their ministers were deluders and they them|selves murderers,

He was told that he might have his life and be at liberty if he would. He answered I am willing to die, I speak the truth. The court took great pains to persuade him to leave the country but to no pur|pose. The jury brought him in guilty and he was sen|tenced to die and suffered accordingly March 14th 1660.

MARY WRIGHT of Oyster-bay was tried at the court in September 1660. She said she came to do the will of the Lord and to warn them to lay by their carnal wea|pons and laws against the people of God, told the court they thirsted for blood. The court asked her what she would have them do, she said

repent of your bloodshed * 16.18

and cruelty and shedding the blood of the innocent Wm. Robinson, Marmaduke Stephenson, and Mary Dyer.

She said her tears were her meat many days and nights before she gave up herself to this work of the Lord, but add|ed that if she had her liberty she would be gone quickly. Being found a quaker she was banished.

EDWARD WHARTON who had been whipped before, was now indicted for being a quaker, convicted and sen|tenced to imprisonment and afterwards to banishment. Judah Brown and Peter Pierson stood mute. They were sentenced to be whipped at the cart's tail in Boston, Rox|bury and Dedham.

JOHN SMITH of Salem for making disturbance at the ordination of Mr. Higginson, crying out

What you are going about to set up our God is pulling down,

was committed to prison by order of court.

PHILIP VERIN was also tried and imprisoned, Josias Southwick, first banished and returning, whipped at the cart's tail, and John Burstowe bound to his good behavior. These are all * 16.19 who were tried by the court of assistants or by the general court. Some at Salem, Hampton, Newbury and other places, for disorderly behavior, putting people in terror, coming into the congregations and calling to the minister in the time of publick worship, declaring their preaching, &c. to be an abomination to the Lord, and other breaches of the peace, were ordered to be whipped by the authority of the county courts or particular magi|strates. At Boston one George Wilson, and at Cambridge Elizabeth Horton went crying through the streets that the Lord was coming with fire and sword to plead with them. Thomas Newhouse went into the meeting-house at Boston with a couple of glass bottles and broke them before the congregation, and threatned

Thus will the Lord break you in pieces.

Another time M. Brewster came in with her face smeared and as black as a coal.

Deborah Wilson went through the streets of Salem naked as she came into the world,* 16.20 for which she was well whipped. For these and such like disturbances they might be deemed proper subjects either of a mad-house or house of correction, and it is to be lamented that any greater severities were made use of. After all that may be said against these measures, it evidently appears that they proceeded not from personal hatred and malice against such disordered persons, nor from any private sinister views, as is generally the case with unjust punishments inflicted in times of party rage and discord, whether civil or religious, but meerly from a false zeal and an erro|neous judgment. In support of their proceedings they brought several texts of the old testament.

Come out of her my people, &c.

If thy brother entice thee to serve other gods thou shalt surely put him to death,

and

for speaking lies in the name of the Lord his father shall thrust him through when he prophecieth,

and the example of Solomon who first laid Shimei under restraint and then for his breach put him to death, as also many passages of the new testament requiring subjection to ma|gistrates, &c. and thus from a zeal to defend the holy religion they professed, they went into measures directly opposite to its true spirit and the great design of publish|ing it to the world.

THAT I may finish what relates to the quakers it must be further observed that their friends in England sollicited and at length obtained an order from the King Sept. 9th 1661, requiring that a stop should be put to all capital or corporal punishment of those of his subjects called quakers, and that such as were obnoxious should be sent to England.

Whatever opinion they might have of the force of orders from the crown controuling the laws of the colony, they prudently complied with this instruction and suspended the execution of the laws against quakers, so far as respected corporal punishment, until further order. Indeed before the receipt of this letter, but probably when they were in expectation of it, all that were in prison were discharged and sent out of the colony. The laws were afterwards re|vived so far as respected vagabond quakers, whose punish|ment was limited to whipping, and, as a further favor, through three towns only. But there was little or no room for carrying the laws into execution, for after these first excursions they became in general an orderly people, submitting to the laws, except such as relate to the militia and the support of the ministry, and in their scruples as to those they have from time to time been indulged. At present, they are esteemed as being of good morals, friend|ly and benevolent in their disposition, and I hope will never meet with any further persecution on account of their peculiar tenets or customs. May the time never come again when the government shall think that by killing men for their religion they do God good service.* 16.21

FROM 1656 to 1660 I find but very few facts relative to the public affairs of the colony worth transmitting to posterity After the peace with the Dutch in Europe the trade between the English and Dutch colonies was revived, and Stuyvesant the Dutch governor in 1657 wrote to the

commissioners of the English colonies that the limits agreed and settled in 1650, both upon the main and upon Long-Island, were ratified and confirmed by the States General of the United Provinces, and desired that, the confirmation of the Lord Protector being ready, time and place might be appointed for the exchange. The commissioners in their answer let him know, that they had ever conformed to that settlement although he had not, but they said nothing of the Protector's confirmation. It does not appear that ever they sought for it. Towards the end of this period, the changes in England were so frequent, that it was pru|dence in the colonies to take as little notice of them as might be until there appeared a prospect of a lasting estab|lishment. An express acknowledgment of Richard Crom|well was expected from the Massachusets, but they declined it. An original letter from him to the governor recom|mending the case of Mr. Sewall a minister, is all that ap|pears upon the records relative to him.* 16.22

THE rapid increase of the Massachusets colony, toge|ther with the figure which many of the first settlers made in England before their removal, and the correspondence which they maintained with their friends of great dis|tinction there many years after, eclipsed the colony of New-Plimouth,* 16.23 whose growth and progress would other|wise have been thought considerable. The southern part

of the colony in general, being of a light sandy soil, would have been incapable of supporting its inhabitants were it not for the large bodies of salt meadow, the hay of which serves for fodder for their cattle in the winter, and the dung from it, being an excellent manure, produces good crops of grain with little labor in the summer, light land being easily tilled. The northern parts bordering upon the Massachusets afford many good farms, particularly the town of Bridgewater, which hath been famous for the quality of the land and for good husbandry. They were few at first and but little additions were made after the Massachusets was planted, except from their natural in|crease, and yet before the year 1643, besides the town of Plimouth, they had settled Duxbury, Scituate, Taunton, Rehoboth, Sandwich, Barnstable, Yarmouth, and Eastham. Upon the death of Mr. Carver their first governor soon after their arrival, they chose in his stead Mr. Bradford, being a grave discreet man. They were so well satisfied with his administration that they continued to chuse him annu|ally until his death in 1657, except two years when they chose Mr. Winslow, and one year Mr. Prince.

THEIR ecclesiastical affairs were for divers years in dis|couraging circumstances. They had expectations that Mr. Robinson their pastor, whom they had left with one half his church in Holland, would follow them, but his death in 1624 put an end to their hopes. They were unsuc|cessful in their attempts to settle a minister, the principles of one and the manners of another were exceptionable, and having several brethren among themselves well gifted, they chose to continue without a minister for some time rather than to settle one who was not exemplary in his life, or who differed from them in points of doctrine or church government. But in 1643 they had a set of pious learned ministers,* 16.24 one of which, Mr. Chauncey, some

years after, was chosen to the presidentship of the college in the Massachusets and removed to Cambridge.

THEY had many local laws. In criminal cases they took the Massachusets for their pattern, but in civil mat|ters they professed to take the common law for their rule more than was practiced in the Massachusets.

AN exemplary piece of justice is recorded to their honor in the year 1638, when they caused three English|men to be executed for the murder of an Indian near Providence.

PLIMOUTH colony adjoining to the Massachusets, some short disputes subsisted between them concerning bounds. In order to settle the controversy commissioners were appointed in the year 1640, viz. John Endicot and Israel Stoughton for the Massachusets, and William Brad|ford and Edward Winslow for Plimouth. It was not then effected. An observation had been taken by Nathanael Woodward in the year 1638 upon part of Charles river 41 degrees 59 minutes north latitude, the river still run|ning southward, the persons employed not being able to proceed farther for want of provisions. In 1642 the nor|thern bounds of the Massachusets were ascertained by the same Woodward with Solomon Saffery,* 16.25 and a station fixed which has since been allowed to be the Massachusets corner 3 miles south of Charles river, and from this corner the lines between the Massachusets and the governments of Plimouth▪ Rhode-Island, and Connecticut have been run and confirmed by acts of the several governments.* 16.26

Notes

• * 1.1

  About 43 degrees North.
• * 1.2

  A little Southward of Cape Cod. He gave the name also to Martha's Vineyard.
• * 1.3

  This I suppose is what Josselyn, and no other author, calls the first colony of New-Plimouth, for he says it was began in 1602▪ and near Narraganset bay.
• * 1.4

  He did not go into the Massachusets bay, but struck over from some part of the Eastern shore to Cape Ann, and so to Cape Cod, and sailed further southward.

  Champ.
• * 1.5

  The following persons were sent over to begin the colony, George Popham, president, Rawleigh Gilbert, admiral, Edward Harlow, master of the ordnance, Robert Davies, serjeant-major, Ellis Best, marshal, — Seaman, secretary, James Davies, commander of the fort, Gome Carew, searcher, and about one hundred com|monalty.
• * 1.6

  Quis porro, praeter periculum horridi & ignoti maris, Asiâ aut Africà aut Italiâ relictâ, Germaniam peteret informem terris, asperam caelo, tristem cultu aspectu{que} nisi si patria sit. Tac. de mor. Germ.
• * 1.7

  Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. Mason spent twenty thousand pounds each, in attempts for settlement, and each of them thought it adviseable to give over their designs and sit down with the loss.
• * 1.8

  Whether Britain would have had any colonies in America at this day if religion had not been the grand inducement, is doubtful. One hundred and twenty years had passed from the discovery of the northern continent by the Cabots, without any success|ful attempt. After repeated attempts had failed it seems less probable that any should undertake in such an affair, than it would have been if no attempt had been made.
• * 1.9

  Sir Walter Rawleigh had raised the same of Guiana about this time.
• * 1.10

  In 1629 they obtained a patent from the Council of Plimouth.
• * 1.11

  It was this plantation which gave occasion to the author of Hu|dibras to make merry with New-England in general, for hanging a bed-rid weaver instead of a useful cobler. The Plimouth peo|ple, their neighbours, allowed that there was some foundation for the story. Several had been concerned in a theft. The Indians insisted that the ringleader should be put to death. They hanged one who was less culpable and not like to live, in his stead. Others say they deceived the Indians and hanged up one who died of sickness or famine a little while before.

  Hubbard.
• * 1.12

  Robert Gorges conveyed his title to Sir William Brierton, who afterwards became an adventurer in the Massachusets corporation. He acquainted the company that he did not intend to contest with them, but desired a proportionable quantity of land might be assigned for the accommodation of his people and servants. They gave him a very respectful answer, but declined acknow|ledging his title by any capitulation. They promised him land sufficient for the encouragement of his design, but he must take it as one of the company, &c. Mass. Records, Feb. 10. 1629. When the new charter in 1691 was preparing, one Mr. Levet, as heir at law to Sir William, laid in a claim to the lands con|tained in this grant, but it met with no countenance from the committee of Council.

  M.S.
• * 1.13

  He lived until about 1680, and died at Beverly in the county of Essex. He is always spoken of as a person of worth. The supe|rior condition of the persons who came over with the charter, cast a shade upon him, and he lived in obscurity. There are several of his descendants remaining. Some of distinction in the colony of Connecticut. Governor's island in Boston harbour, was called Conant's island.
• * 1.14

  At the end of the first book of records of deeds for the county of Suffolk, is the copy of a letter from the company in England to Capt. John Endicott, dated Gravesend, 27th April, 1629, in the close of which is thus written.

  I finde Mr. Oldham's graunt from Mr. Gorge, is to him and John Dorrell, for all the lands within Mattachusett bay betwene Charls river and Abousett river, containing in length by a straight line 5 miles up the said Charls river into the maine land, north west from the border of the said bay, including all creeks and poynts by the way; and 3 miles in length from the mouth of the aforesaid river of Abousett up into the maine land, upon a straight line south west▪ including all creeks and ponds, and all the land in breadth and length betwene the foresaid rivers, with all prerogatives, royal mines excepted. The rent reserved is 12d. on every 100 acres of land that shall be used. William Blackston, clerk, and William Jeffrys, gent. authorised to put John Oldham in possession. Hav|ing a sight of their graunt this I found, tho' I hold it voyde in law, yet his claime being to this you may in your discresion prevent him by causing some to take possession of the chief part thereof.
• * 1.15

  The particular hill which caused the name of Mount, is in the farm of John Quincy, Esq late one of the council for the province.
• * 1.16

  Some of the principal of the liberal speakers in parliament being committed to the tower, others to other prisons, this took away all hope of reformation of church government from many not affect|ing episcopal jurisdiction, nor the usual practice of the common prayers of the church, thereof there were several sorts, though not agreeing among themselves, yet all of like dislike of those parti|culars. Some of the discreter sort to avoid what they found them|selves subject to, made use of their friends to procure from the council for the affairs of New England to settle a colony within their limits.—In a very short time numbers of people of all sorts flocked thither in heaps, that at last it was especially ordered by the King's command, that none should be suffered to go without license; so that what I long before prophesied when I could hard|ly get any for money to reside there, was now brought to pass. Ferd. Gorges Hist. of New-England.
• * 1.17

  His instructions were dated London, May 30. 1628, and signed by John Venn, Matthew Cradock, George Harwood, John Humphry, Richard Perry, George Hewson, Samuel Aldersey. Thomas Ste|vens, Joseph Caxon, Thomas Webb, Increase Nowell, Hugh Peters, John White, and Abraham Palmer. His first letters from Naum|keak were dated Sept. 13. 1628.
• * 1.18

  Mr. Endicot sent three brethren, Ralph, Richard and William Sprague, to explore the country westward. Between Mistick and Charles rivers they find a body of Indians settled, called Abergi|nians, and one English house thatched and possessed by Thomas Walford, a smith. The Indian name of the neck was Mishawun▪ now Charlestown. These first travellers, with the consent of the Indians, took up their abode there. Some of their posterity re|main there and in other parts of the colony to this day.
• * 1.19

  Mr. Bright, one of these ministers, is said by Hubbard to have been a conformist. He went soon after his arrival to Charlestown, and tarried about a year in the country. Mr. Smith seems to have been of the separation in England, which occasioned the caution used with him. He was a little while at Nantasket, and went from thence to Plimouth, where he was their minister several years.
• * 1.20

  Mr. Hubbard in his M.S. history remarks upon this occasion.

  It is certainly known that the old non-conformists and good old puritans of Queen Elizabeth's and King James's time, did in ma|ny things not symbolize with the separatists, the one endeavour|ing only a reformation of some corruptions retained or crept into the church (as they thought) either before or after its reformed state; the other not content therewith stood as stiffly to maintain a necessity of disannulling their former church state, as that like a vessel once infected with leprosy▪ it must be broken in pieces to be new cast.—It is affirmed that Mr. Hildersham advised Mr. Higginson and other ministers looking this way, to agree up|on their form of church government before they came away from England, which counsel if it had been attended might have prevented some inconvenience that hath since fallen out, or at least have saved some of the succeeding ministers from the impu|tation of departing from their first principles▪ because they were not publickly declared in the beginning of things.

  M.S. Hist.
• * 1.21

  They applied to the company, upon their arrival in England, for recompence for the damages they had sustained, and the matter was referred to Samuel Vassall, William Vassall, Simon Whet|comb and William Pynchon, chosen by the complainants, and John White, John Davenport, Isaac Johnson, and John Win|throp, chosen by the company. The letters which the Browns had sent over to their private friends, were stopped by the com|pany in England, and opened and publickly read, to prevent any prejudice to the plantation. Mass. Rec. It does not appear by the records how the dispute was finally issued.

  IT is a principle that every religion which is persecuted become•• itself persecuting; for assoon as by some accidental turn it arise•• from persecution, it attacks the religion which persecuted it, &c.
• * 1.22

  I have endeavoured to obtain as particular account as can be now had of the character and circumstances of the principal undertakers.

  Mr. Winthrop, the governor was of Groton in Suffolk, descended from reputable ancestors. One of them, Adam Winthrop, is said to have been an eminent lawyer, and also a great favourer of the gospel in the reign of Henry the eighth. Mr. Winthrop was a justice of peace at the age of eighteen, and very early in life was exemplary for his polite as well as grave and christian deportment. He had an estate of six or seven hundred pounds a year, which he turned into money, and embarked his all to promote the settle|ment of New-England. It is a very full evidence of the esteem he was in, that when many gentlemen o•• character, som•• of them of noble alliance, were concerned in the same undertaking with him, he by a general voice was placed at their head. He was eleven times chosen governor, and spent his whole estate in the publick service, the stipend being small and his hospitality great, and his bayliff unfaithful. His son and grandson were successively governors of Connecticut colony. His great grandson John Win|throp, Esq died in London about 12 or 14 years ago. He was known there by the name of Governor Winthrop, a Fellow of the Royal Society, and one volume of the Philosophical Transactions is dedicated to him. And his posterity have been ever since re|spected and honoured both in Connecticut and in the Massachu|sets. Mr. Winthrop was about forty-three years of age when he removed.

  Mr. Dudley's father, Capt. Roger Dudley, lost his life in the service of his country, leaving no other son. Mr. Dudley early in life engaged in the same service. In 1597 he raised a company of volunteers, received a captaincy from Queen Elizabeth, went over to France, and was at the siege of Amiens under Henry the fourth. After his return to Engl••nd he married a gentlewoman of good family and estate, and settled near Northampton, in the neighbour|hood of Mr. Dod, Hilders••am, and other celebrated puritan mini|sters, was a devout attendant upon their ministry, and (although he had been an officer) became a sober non-conformist. Lord Say and Seal recommended him to the Earl of Northampton. The Earl when he came to his estate found it encumbered and entangled: but putting his affairs under the care of Mr. Dudley, he by his prudent management very happily extricated them. After which, leaving the service of the Earl he removed to Boston, where he became acquainted with Mr. Cotton. He was soon desired to return to the Earl's family, where he continued until he came to New-England. He was far advanced in life for such an under|taking, being fifty-four years of age. He was chosen into the magistracy every year of his life afterwards, four years governor, and often deputy governor. He married a second time in his old age, and had a new set of children; and it is very remarkable, tha t he was a captain in 1597, and in 1764 two of his grand children are living, viz. one elderly lady at New-London, in Con|necticut colony, the widow of John Winthrop, Esq great grand|son of the first governor, and another at Newbury in the Massa|chusets, Mrs. Atkins.

  Mr. Humfrey was early engaged. He was one of the six original patentees from the council of Plimouth. He was prevented from coming over with the charter. He married the Lady Susan, daughter to the Earl of Lincoln, and brought her with their children to New-England in 1632, and was immediately chosen an assistant. He settled at Saugus, now Lynn, about 12 miles from Boston. Ebenezer Burrill, Esq late of the council, lived on part of his farm. Upon an invitation from Lord Say, he intended in the year 1640 to have removed to the Bahama islands; but the island of Providence being taken by the Spaniards, he gave over that design. Soon after, having met with great losses by fire, and his estate being much impaired, he sold his plantation at Saugus to Lady Moody and returned to England.

  Sir Richard Saltonstall was the first name•• associate to the six original patentees. Although he remained but a s••ort time in New-England, yet his heart was set upon promoting the colony. He sent over two of his sons, one of which was chosen into the ma|gistracy and continued in it, except while he was absent in Eng|land, until after the year 1680. Sir Richard was son or grand|son of Sir Richard Saltonstall, Lord Mayor of London in 1597. He lived many years after his return to England. I have seen his name among the commissioners for the trial of Lilburn, or some other offender against the state. By a will made in 1658, he gave a legacy to the college in New-England. His great grand|son, Gurdon Saltonstall, was many years governor of Connecticut, and some of his posterity in that colony and the Massachusets are in esteem and honour to this day. Sir John Foche, a city knight in King William's reign, married his great grand daughter.

  Mr. Johnson, in a will uncancelled and which remains on the Massa|chusets files, executed April 28, in the 5th of King Charles the first, calls himself of Clipsham in the county of Rutland, son of Abraham Johnson, Esq and grandson of Robert Johnson. Doctor Chaderton was his mother's father. He had much the largest estate of any of the undertakers. It lay in Rutland, Northampton|shire and Lincolnshire. He values his interest, at that time, in the New-England adventure at six hundred pounds. He had no children. After providing for his lady he gave a great number of legacies to his friends, and to pious and charitable uses; his lands he gave to his father and brethren. To Mr. Cotton, from whom, to the praise of God's grace, he acknowledges to have received much help and comfort in his spiritual estate, he gave thirty pounds and a gown cloth. The advowson and right of patronage of the parish church of Clipsham, he gave to Mr. Dud|ley and Mr. Cotton. He limited his funeral charges to £. 250. As providence ordered it, a small part of that sum sufficed. His heart was set on the New-England concern, and he ordered his executors to carry on his share or part in it. He made another will before his death, and appointed John Hampden, Esq one of his executors with Winthrop and Dudley. Upon his death bed he is said to have rejoiced that he had lived to see a church of Christ gathered in America, and professed that he thought his life better spent than in any other way. He was buried, at his own request, in part of the ground upon Trimontain or Boston, which he had chosen for his lot, the square between School-street and Queen-street. He may be said to have been the idol of the people, for they ordered their bodies as they died to be buried round him, and this was the reason of approp••iating for a place of burial what is now called the old bur••ing-place, adjoining to King's chapel. He married the Lady Arabella, another daughter of the Earl of Lincoln.

  Mr. Endicot, the next named, was among the most zealous under|takers and the most rigid in principles, as will appear in the course of the history. This disposition distinguished him more than his other mental accomplishments or his outward condition in life. I have seen a letter from the Secretary of State in King Charles the second's time, wherein is this expression,

  The King would take it well if the people would leave out Mr. Endicot from the place of governor.

  Some of his posterity remain at or near Salem.

  Mr. Nowell was nephew to Alexander Nowell, Dean of St. Paul's in Queen Elizabeth's reign, or else the Dean was his great uncle. He was a ruling elder, some time, of the church at Charlestown; but that place and a place in the civil order were thought in that day not well to consist, and therefore he quitted it, chusing the places of assistant and secretary.

  Mr. William Vassall, as well as his brother Samuel Vassall, were gentlemen of good circumstances in England, but do not seem to have been fully of the same sentiment in matters of religion with the planters in general; and altho' William came over with the first company, yet he soon went back to England. He returned a few years after to New-England, and settled at Scituate in Pli|mouth colony, not because they were reputed more rigid than the Massachusets people. When Jamaica was taken by Cromwell he laid the foundation of several fine estates there, enjoyed by his posterity to the present time.

  Mr. Pynchon was a gentleman of learning as well as religion. He laid the foundation of Roxbury, but soon removed to Connecticut river, was the father of the town of Springfield, where his family hath flourished ever since.

  Edward Rossiter was of a good family in the West of England. He died the first year. His son lived afterwards at Combe. His grandson Edward Rossiter in the year 1682 was deacon of Mr. Joseph Alleine's church in Taunton. He says in a letter, dated March. 28. 1682, that his grand father a pious gentleman of good estate left England for the sake of religion.

  Thomas Sharp and John Revell made but a short stay in New-England.

  Mr. Eaton was an East country merchant. His father was a mini|ster in Coventry. He did not come to New-England until 1637. And then settled New-Haven colony of which he was governor all his life after, His correspondence both with the governor of the Massachusets and with the Dutch governor of Manhadoes, or New-York, discover a good understanding and virtuous mind.

  Mr. Coddington was of Lincolnshire, zealous to a great degree, was afterwads the father of Rhode Island colony where his zeal abated and he promoted a general toleration. He was many years their governor and would gladly have joined in confederacy with the other colonies▪ but different sentiments upon religion prevented.

  Mr. 〈…〉〈…〉 of Emanuel College Cambridge, from whence he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the family of the Earl of Lincoln as his steward, and a••••••••wards he lived in the same capacity with the Countess of Warwick. He married one of Mr. Dudley's daughters, and after her death a sister of Sir George Downing. He lived to be the Nestor of New-England, was born the beginning of the century in 1603 and wanted but three or four years of compleating it. I suppose Sir Simon Bradstreet and Dudley Bradstreet of the king|dom of Ireland are descended from him.

  Mr. Venn commonly called Colonel Venn was in the design from the beginning, and intended to have removed, but never did. Upon the change of affairs in England he made a figure there, being one of the members for the city in the long parliament, and among the most active in the opposition to the court, and was one of the King's judges.

  Mr. Cradock was more forward in advancing out of his substance than any other, being generally the highest in all subscriptions. He was an eminent merchant in London and continued divers years to carry on a trade in the colony by his servants, but he ne|ver came over. His son or grandson Samuel Cradock was a dis|senting minister at Wickambrook in 1690. George Cradock, Esq now in public posts in the colony is descended from him.

  I can give no account of the other assistants.

  Sir William Brereton was one of the company and seems to have been preparing to come over, but he found employment also in the long parliament and in the army, was at the head of the forces which reduced Chester. Several others as Mr. Blackhouse, Mr. Whichcote, Captain Waller, Mr. Pocock, Mr. Harwood, and other persons of note were of the company and great promoters of the plantation. Lincolnshire contributed greatly, and more of our principal families derive their origin from thence than from any part of England, unless the city of London be an exception. The Countess of Warwick was a benefactor. In 1634 the general court voted

  that there should be letters of thankfulness signed by the court and sent to the Countess of Warwick, Mr. Paynter, Mr. Wood, and others that have been benefactors to this planta|tion.

  The Earl of Warwick her son was a patron of the colony and was very able as well as willing to do kind offices to it as long as he lived. Some of the ministers were of families of distinction. Mr. Bulkley from Bedfordshire of an honorable family there. Samuel Whiting who was minister of Lynn married a daughter of Oliver St. John. She came with him to New-England. John Shearman minister of Watertown married a grand daughter of Earl Rivers. Her father Mr. Laume was a gentleman of 1400 l. a year. She was alive in 1697, the mother of 20 children.
• * 1.23

  Samuel Sharp came over afterwards and lived at Salem, but was never restored to the magistracy.

  Mass. Rec.
• * 1.24

  Masconom••o the Sagamore of Cape-Ann came on bo••rd the next morning after the governor's arrival to bid him welcome.

  Hub.
• * 1.25

  The whole number sent over was 180. This was a heavy loss.
• * 1.26

  Said to be called so from respect to Mr. Cotton, minister of Boston in England, who they expected to follow them.
• * 1.27

  One Master Blakestone a minister went from Boston, having lived there 9 or 10 years, because he would not join with the church. He lives near Master Williams, but is far from his opinion.

  Lechford.
• * 1.28

  They arrived at Nantasket the 30th of May from Plimouth in England.
• * 1.29

  He did not come over until 1631. Mr. Weld was his colleague.
• * 1.30

  Wood.
• * 1.31

  First called Newtown, since Cambridge.
• * 1.32

  Mr. Dudley says they laid aside all thought of a fort, because up|on any invasion when they should retire to it, they must necessa|rily lose their houses. Letter to C••untess of Lincoln. There was the same objection to a fortified town, if the inhabitants of other towns and villages should retire to it.
• * 1.33

  It was the year 1633 before they knew they should be able to raise English grain, if we may credit Johnson.

  This year a small glean of rye was brought to the court as the first fruits of English grain at which this poor people greatly rejoiced to see the land would bear it.

  Iohnson 1633.
• * 1.34

  The following paragraph in a letter to Mr. Cotton from Mr. Coddington, London June 4, 1632, shews with what zeal he had embarked in this undertaking.

  I am I thank God in bodily health yet not enjoying that freedom of spirit, being withheld from that place which my soul desireth and my heart earnestly worketh after, neither I think shall I see it till towards the next spring, my wife being with child and all her friends unwilling she should go in that condition.
• * 1.35

  None may now be a freeman of that company unless he be a church member among them. None have voice in elections of go|vernor, deputy and assistants, none are to be magistrates, officers or ••••rymen grand or petit but freemen. The ministers give their votes in all elections of magistrates. Now the most of the persons at New England are not admitted of their church and therefore are not freemen, and when they come to be tried there, be it for life or limb, name or estate, or whatsoever, they must be tried and judged too by those of the church who are in a sort their adver|saries. How equal that hath been or may be some by experience do know others may judge.

  Leehford.
• * 1.36

  The minister was to certify that the candidates for freedom were of orthodox principles and of good lives and conversations.
• * 1.37

  This however was mean diet and distasteful to Europeans in ge|neral.

  The want of English grain, wheat, barley and rye proved a sore affliction to some stomachs who could no•• live upon Indian bread and water, yet were they compelled to it.

  Iohns••n.
• * 1.38

  Hubbard. This year, and this only, the assistants chosen are not named in the colony records.
• * 1.39

  There was an alarm in 1631 at Saugus or Lynn. Lieut Walker 〈◊〉〈◊〉 upon the watch, was shot through his cloaths by two arrows, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by an immediate discharge of a culverin it was supposed the 〈…〉〈…〉 withdrew.

  Io••ns••n. &c.
• * 1.40

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.41

  ••n part of what is now Bristol.
• * 1.42

  The Tarrateen or Eastern Indians who had a spight against the Indians of Agawam, and had attacked them and drove them from their settlement, intended mischief against the English also, as appears by the following account preserved among the papers of Mr. Cobbett the minister of Agawam or Ipswich:

  At the first planting of Ipswich, as a credible man informed me, namely Quartermaster Perkins, the Tarrateens or Easterly In|dians had a design to have cut them off at the first, when they had but between 20 and 30 men old and young belonging to the place, and at that instant most of them gone into the bay about their occasions not hearing of any intimations thereof. It was thus. One Robin a friendly Indian came to this John Perkins then a young man, living then in a little hut upon his father's island on this side of Jeoffry's neck and told him, on such a Thursday morning early there would come four Indians to draw him to go down the hill to the water side to truck with them, which if he did he and all near him would be cut off, for there were 40 birchin canoes would lie out of sight at the brow of the hill full of arm'd Indians for that purpose. Of this he forthwith acquainted Mr. John Winthrop, who then lived there in a house near the water, who advised him, if such Indians came, to carry it ruggedly towards them and threaten to shoot them if they would not be gone, and when their backs were turned to strike up a drum he had with him besides his two muskets and then discharge them that so 6 or 8 young men who were in the marshes hard by a mowing, keeping their guns ready charged by them might take the alarm, and the Indians would perceive their plot was discovered and haste away to sea again, which accordingly was so acted and took like effect, for he told me he presently after discerned 40 such canoes shove off from under the hill and make as fast as they could to sea.
• * 1.43

  1632.
• * 1.44

  Morton wrote the following letter to one Jeffries in New England. "My very good gossip. If I should commend my self to you, you would reply with this proverb, propria laus sordet in ore, but to leave impertinent salutes and really proceed, you shall hereby un|derstand that altho' when I was first sent to England to make complaint against Ananias and the brethren I effected the business but superficially (through the brevity of time) I have at this time taken deliberation and brought the matter to a better pass, and it is brought about that the King hath taken the matter into his own hands. The Massachusets patent by an order of council was brought in view, the privileges therein granted well scanned, and at the council board in presence of Sir R. Saltonstall and the rest it was declared for manifold abuses therein discovered to be void. The King hath re-assumed the whole business into his own hands and given order for a general governor for the whole territory to be sent over. The commission is passed the privy seal, I saw it, and the same was sent to my Lord Keeper to have it pass the great seal, and I now stay to return with the governor, by whom all complainants shall have relief. So that now Jonas being set a|shore may safely cry repent ye cruel schismaticks repent there are yet but 40 days. If Jove vouchsafe to thunder, the charter and the kingdom of the separatists will fall asunder.—My lord of Canterbury with my lord privy seal having caused all Mr. Cra|dock's letters to be viewed and his apology for the brethren par|ticularly heard, protested against him and Mr. Humfries that they were a couple of imposturous knaves, so that for all their great friends they departed the council chamber in our view with a pair of cold shoulders. I have staid long yet have not lost my labour. The brethren have found themselves frustrated and I shall see my desire upon mine enemies.—Of these things I thought good by so convenient a messenger to give you notice lest you should think I died in obscurity, as the brethren vainly intended I should. As for Ratcliffe he was comforted by their lordships with the cropping of Mr. Winthrop's ears, which shews what opinion is held amongst them of king Winthrop with all his in|ventions and his Amsterdam and fantastical ordinances, his preach|ings, marriages and other abusive ceremonies which exemplify his detestation of the church of England and contempt of his Ma|jesty's authority and wholsome laws. I rest your loving friend, May 1. 1634.

  Thomas Morton."

  Morton came to New-England again in 1643 when this letter and a book he had wrote full of invectives were produced against him. He was truly called the accuser of the brethren. The court fined him 100 l. He was poor and unable to pay it Nothing but his age saved him from the whipping post. He went to Acamenticus and there died a year or two after.
• * 1.45

  Hubbard.
• * 1.46

  1633.
• * 1.47

  Hubbard.
• * 1.48

  Mr. Cotton's removal was hastened by letters missive which were out against him to convent him before the high commission court for nonconformity. His friends advised him to keep close until he had an opportunity of embarking.

  Ms. letter Sam. Whiting.
• * 1.49

  In the year 1633 the small pox made terrible havock among the Indians of Massachusets. Whether or no their food and irregu|lar diet furnishes greater quantities of the morbifick matter than in more temperate persons I leave to physicians. They were de|stitute of every thing proper for comfort and relief and died in greater proportion than is known among the English. John Sagamore of Winesimet and James of Lynn with almost all their people died of the distemper. All writers agree that, a few year•• before the English came to New-Plimouth, a mortal contagious di|stemper swept away great numbers of Indians, so that some tribes were in a manner extinct, the Massachusets particularly are said by some to have been reduced from thirty thousand to three hundred fighting men. The small pox proving since so fatal to Indians caused some to suppose that to have been the distemper, but the Indians themselves always gave a very different account, and by their description it was a pestilential putrid fever. In one of the voyages collected by Purchase it is said to have been the plague, and that some of the Indians which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 shewed the scars of the boil. An instance of mortality among the Indians of Nan|tucket in the year 1763 strengthens the probability of their ac|count of the distemper itself and of the amazing effects of it.

  In the beginning of October there were belonging to the island of Nantucket about 320 Indians of every age and sex in 90 families. A fever then began among them, and before the end of January between 260 and 270 persons had been seized with it, of which number 6 men and 9 women only recovered, and but 15 families and about 85 souls remained, 15 of which had wintered in the straits of Belleisle and escaped the distemper. A physician of note supposed this morta••••ty to be occasioned by a dearth among the Indians the two preceding years, so that they had but little corn or any other farinaceous food, and this year had been some months with|out, which caused them to fall upon their pompions, squoshes, &c. before they were ripe, and this food brought their blood into a putrid and broken state. It is remarkable that the English inhabi|tants were free from the distemper, and not one person died of it. The infection was supposed by some to be taken from an Irish brigantine, but Mr. Timothy Folger, a sensible gentleman of the island, from whom I received the foregoing account, assured me there was no room to suppose so, or that it came from abroad.

  Our ancestors supposed an immediate interposition of providence in the great mortality among the Indians to make room for the settlement of the English. I am not inclined to credulity, but should not we go into the contrary extreme if we were to take no notice of the extinction of this people in all parts of the continent: In some the English have made use of means the most likely to have prevented it, but all to no purpose. Notwithstanding their frequent rup|tures with the English, very few comparatively have perished by wars. They waste, they moulder away, and as Charlevoix says of the Indians of Canada, they disappear.
• * 1.50

  1634.
• * 1.51

  Mass. Records.
• * 1.52

  Hubbard.
• * 1.53

  Hubbard.
• * 1.54

  Many of the m••••••tia refused to train with the mangled defaced colours. This scruple afterwards prevailed and the cross was left out of the colours and generally condemned as unlawful.
• * 1.55

  The inhabitants have a veneration for a spring which runs from the hill into the river above the great bridge. The sight of this spring caused him t•• stop hi•• canoe and land there.
• * 1.56

  Mr. Calender in his century sermon at Rhode Island questions Mr. Williams's ever professing himself a baptist, but Mr. Hubbard says he was rebaptized at Providence by one Holman, and that Mr. Williams in return baptized him and ten more, but after|wards renounced this baptism not being able to derive the autho|rity of it from the apostles but through the ministers of the church of England whom he judged to be antichristian. He refused communion with all christians of every profession and conceived that God would raise up new apostles and expected to be one him|himself, but afterwards changed from these principles and would preach and pray with all that would hear him without any dis|tinction. In the year 1677 he published a defence of some fun|damental doctrines of christianity against the quakers. In 1643 he went to England and by the interest of Sir Henry Vane obtained from the Earl of Warwick a charter of incorporation of Provi|dence plantation in Narraghanset bay. He see••s to have been well respected in England. He brought a let••••r to the governor of Massachusets bay of which the following is copy.

  To the right worshipful the governor and assistants and the rest of our worthy friends in the plantation of Massachusets bay.

  Our much honour'd friends,

  TAKING notice some of us of long time of Mr. Roger Williams his good affections and conscience and of his sufferings by our com|mon enemy and oppressors of God's people the prelates, ••s al••o of his great industry and travels in hi•• ••rinted Indian labours in your parts (the like whereof we have no•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 extant from any part of America) and in which respect it hath pleased both houses of par|liament to grant unto him and friends with him a free and absolute charter of civil government for those parts of his abode, and withal sorrowfully resenting that amongst good men (our friends) driven to the ends of the world, exercised with the trials of a wilderness, and who mutually give good testimony each of the other (as we observe you do of him and he abundantly of you) there should be such a distance. We thought it fit upon divers considerations to profess our great desires of both your utmost endeavours of nearer closing and of ready expressing those good affections (which we perceive you bear each to other) in the actual performance of all friendly offices. The rather because of those bad neighbours you are likely to find too too near you in Virginia▪ and the unfriendly visits from the West of England and from Ireland. That how|soever it may please the Most High to shake our foundations, yet the report of your peaceable and prosperous plantations may be some refreshings to Your true and faithful friends

  • Co•• Holland
  • John Blackistow
  • Isaac Pennington
  • Miles Corbett
  • Oliver St. John
  • Gilbert Pickering
  • Robert Harley
  • John Gurdon
  • Northumberland
  • P. Wharton
  • Tho. Barrington
  • William Masham

  This letter produced a profession of readiness to all offices of christian love and mutual correspondence, but unless he could be brought to lay down his dangerous principles of separation they saw no reason why to concede to him o•• any so perswaded free liberty of ingress and egress, lest the people should be drawn away with such erroneous opinions. He died in 1682, forty eight years after his banishment.
• * 2.1

  He might have torn his books of accounts as Scipio Africanus did and given the ungrateful populace this answer. A colony, now in a flourishing estate, has been led out and settled under my direc|tion. My own substance is consumed. Spend no more time in harangues but give thanks to God.
• * 3.1

  Mr. Winthrop about this time received a letter from the Earl of Warwick congratulating the success of the plantation and offer|ing his assistance in their proceedings. Hubbard.
• * 3.2

  Mr. Maverick the minister of Dorchester died the 3d of February 1635, aged about 60.

  Hubb.

  In the spring of 1634 they first turned their thoughts to fortifying the harbour of Boston. Mr. Winthrop the governor and 8 or 10 of the principal men went down to what is now called castle island in a boat the day being warm and pleasant, the winter as they supposed breaking up, but they wer•• surprized by a north-wester and the cold so great as to freeze all up so as that for a day and a night they could not get off the island, and were forced to lodge upon the ground and in heaps to prevent freezing.

  Iohnson.
• * 3.3

  1635.
• * 3.4

  See the Appendix.
• * 3.5

  Mr. Ludlow aiming at the governor's place the year before and being disappointed had protested against the choice, which so offended the freemen that this year they left him out of the magistracy. He removed soon after to Connecticut.
• * 3.6

  In the year 1633. These were John Oldham before-mentioned, Samuel Hall and others.

  Hubb.
• * 3.7

  The commissioners of the united colonies in a declaration against the Dutch in 1653 say that

  Mr. Winslow, one of the com|missioners for Plimouth, discovered the fresh river when the Dutch had neither trading house nor any pretence to a foot of land there.
• * 3.8

  Hubbard.
• * 3.9

  It was the general sense of the inhabitants that they were all mutu|ally bound to one another by the oath of a freeman as well as the original compact, ••o as not to be at liberty to separate without the consent of the whole.
• * 3.10

  Hubbard.
• * 3.11

  I suppose the chief country of the Pequods to be at or near the mouth of the river at Stonington, towards New-London, which is situated at the mouth of what was properly Pequod river. The chief Sachem was called Tatobam, a very stout fellow. Tato|bam hated the English, and was ever moving the other Indians to join with him against them.

  Wins. ans. to Gorton.
• * 3.12

  They were reduced to great extremity the first winter, their pro|visions being detained at the river's mouth by the severity of the weather the stream being frozen all the way. Some scattered down towards the mouth of the river, others ventured through the woods back to the bay, one or two of whom perished. A few only remained to look after the cattle many of which were lost▪

  Hubbard.

  Several authors and Douglass among the rest suppose this settlement to have been began by the more rigid brethren who separated from the rest. I question whether they had any grounds for their supposition. The peculiar tenets of Mr. Vane and Mrs. Hutchin|son did not prevail until 1636. Mr. Hooker opposed them.

  A copy of Mr. Vane's expressions at Roxbury I desire to see and re|ceive by the next messenger.—I have heard my brother Eliot is come about to this opinion, I have writ to him about it. I would fai•• come to a bandy where I might be a little rude in the busi|ness, for I do as verily believe it to be false as I do believe any ar|ticle of my faith to be true.

  Hooker to Shepard.
• * 3.13

  How can we account for it that they should imagine they had a right to settle colonies and establish what form of government they pleased? Ten years after, it might well enough be supposed, but this was several years before the confusions in England began.
• * 3.14

  Hubbard.
• * 3.15

  In 1609 Henry Hudson an Englishman, from some misunderstand|ing between the East-India company and him, engaged in the Dutch service. On his return from the streights and bay which bear his name he made the first discovery of Hudson's river and went up as far as Aurania (Albany) or near to it. The Dutch a few years after built a small house or fort there for the sake of trade, pretending no title to the country. It has been observed that the English who came to New-Plimouth intended in 1620 to have settled there. Neglected by the English court the Dutch began a settlement soon after. It has been sometimes urged that the line of the Massachusets charter which extends to the South-Sea or until it meets the settlements of some other christian prince or state, was so expressed from a particular regard to this Dutch settlement, and that a line to extend to the Spanish settlements was too extravagant to have been intended, but the Dutch were never allowed by the English to have any title to the country, and at the time of granting the charter there were only a few stragglers there. Cromwell and the parliament before him con|sidered them as intruders and blamed the English colonies that they had not extirpated them. The geography of this part of America was less understood than it is at present. A line to the Spanish settlements was imagined to be much shorter than it really was. Some of Champlain's people in the beginning of the last century, who had been but a few days on a march from Quebeck, returned with great joy supposing that from the top of a high mountain they had discovered the South Sea.
• * 5.1

  Gorges—Hubbard.
• * 5.2

  Mention is made by Hubbard of a storm Aug. 15, 1635, which by his description was more violent than any that has ever hap|pened since. Many houses were blown down and many more uncovered, the Indian corn every where beat down to the ground so as not to rise again: The tide rose twenty feet perpendicular. At Naraganset the Indians were obliged to betake themselves to the trees and yet many of them were drowned, the tide of flood returning before the usual time for it.
• * 5.3

  1636.
• * 5.4

  A small house which he lived in at the side of the hill above Queen-street he gave to Mr. Cotton, who made an addition to it after Mr. Vane went away, and lived and died there.
• * 5.5

  In case the deputy should be chose governor as was expected.
• * 5.6

  Mass. records—Hubbard.
• * 5.7

  Answer to Bailey.
• * 5.8

  Mr. William Hutchinson was discharged from assisting at the par|ticular courts at the request of the church.

  Mass. Rec. Dec. 1636.
• * 5.9

  Hubbard.
• * 5.10

  The Naraganset sachem and Uncas sachem of the Moheges sent to the English and offered their service to join with them against the Pequods. Winslow's ans. to Gorton.
• * 5.11

  MS Journal.
• * 5.12

  Mass. Records.
• * 5.13

  1637.
• * 5.14

  Mr. Wilson the minister in his zeal gat up upon the bough of a tree (it was hot weather and the election like that of parliament men for the counties in England was carried on in the field) and there made a speech, advising the people to look to their charter and to consider the present work of the day, which was designed for the chusing the governor, deputy governor and the rest of the assistants for the government of the commonwealth. His speech was well received by the people who presently called out election, election, which turned the scale.

  MS life of I. Wilson.
• * 5.15

  Hubbard—Mass. Records.
• * 5.16

  Hubbard.
• * 5.17

  The military companies elected their officers, otherwise the court would undoubtedly have appointed other serjeants.
• * 5.18

  Mass. Records.
• * 5.19

  Mr. Cotton was so dissatisfied with this law that he says he in|tended to have removed out of the jurisdiction to Quinnypiack, since called New-Haven, but finding the law was not improved to exclude such persons as he feared it would be, he altered his mind.

  Ans. to Bailey.
• * 5.20

  Hubbard.
• * 5.21

  Hubbard.
• * 5.22

  The Earl of Warwick obtained a grant of the sea coast from Nara|ganset river to the south-west 40 leagues to keep the breadth to the south sea. This he assigned in 1631 to Lord Say and Seal, Lord Brook, Lord Rich, Charles Fiennes, Sir Nathaniel Rich, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Richard Knightly, John Pym, John Hamp|den, John Humfrey, and Herbert Pelham, Esq These with their associates are the noblemen and gentlemen often mentioned in private letters to be expected over every year, and Mr. Fenwick kept possession and would not suffer settlements until affairs in England had taken such a turn that persons of their character had no occasion for an asylum.
• * 5.23

  I do not find this order in the records. It is mentioned by Mr. Hubbard who was then on the spot.
• * 5.24

  After all that has been said to the disadvantage of Mr. Vane's character it ought to be remembred to his honor that notwith|standing standing the slights put upon him by the colony, he shewed a truly christian spirit of forgiveness, for when in the year 1644 an attachment was made of the effects of alderman Berkley of London, in the Massachusets colony, at the suit of the lady La Tour and judgment given for £. 2000 sterling and no appeal admitted, a heavy complaint was made against the government and they were threatned with the loss of their privileges, Sir H. Vane stood their friend and by his great interest with the parliament appeased their resentment and laid the storm which was gathering and hung over them

  MS letter.

  The author of the life and death of Sir Henry Vane printed in 1662 says—

  That it was suggested by the bishops to the then King concerning him, that the heir of a considerable family about his Majesty was grown into dislike of the discipline and ceremonies of the church of England, and that his Majesty might do well to take some course about him. On this the then bishop of London took him to task, who seemed to handle him gently in the conference but concluded harshly enough against him in the close. In fine, seeing himself on all ••ands in an evil case he resolved for New-England. In order to this, striking in with some non-conformists which intended that way, his honorable birth, long hair, and other circumstances of his person rendered his fellow travellers jealous of him as a spy to betray their liberty rather than any way like to advantage their design. But he that they thought at first sight to have too little of Christ for their company did soon after appear to have too much for them. For he had not been long in New-England but he ripened into more knowledge and experience of Christ than the churches there could bear the testimony of. Even New-England could not bear all his words though there was no King's court or King's chapel. Then he returns for Old England.

  The following letter was wrote by a person of quality to a near relation of Sir Henry Vane about a week after his execution.

  Madam,

  If I do later than others give you an account of the share I have in the loss of your generous kinsman it is because I would not rudely disturb the motions of so just a sorrow; but I hope that you are assured I have so real a concern in all that relates to you that it was not necessary by an early haste to send you an information of it. I have, Madam, whilst I own a love to my country a deep interest in the publick loss which so many worthy persons lament. The world is robbed of an unparallelled example of virtue and piety. His great abilities made his enemies persuade themselves that all the revolutions in the last age were wrought by his influence, as if the world was moved only by his engine. In him they lodged all the dying hopes of the party. There was no opportunity that he did not improve for the advantage of his country. And when he was in his last and much deplored state he strove to make the people in love with that freedom they had so foolishly and lavishly thrown away.—He was great in all his actions but to me he seemed greatest in his sufferings, when his enemies seemed to fear that he alone should be able to acquaint them with a change of fortune. In his lowest condition you have seen him the terror of a great prince strengthened by many potent confederates and armies. You have seen him live in high estimation and honor and certainly he died with it.—Men arrive at honors by several ways. The martyrs, tho' they wanted the glittering crowns the princes of those ages dispensed, have rich ones in every just man's esteem.—Virtue tho' unfortunate thines in spite of all its enemies, nor is it in any power to deface those lasting monuments your friend hath raised of his in every heart that either knew him or held any intelligence with his fame. But Madam I trespass too long upon your patience. This is a subject I am apt to dwell on because I can never say enough of it. I shall now only desire you to make use of that fortitude and virtue that raised your friend above the power and malice of his enemies, and do not by an immoderate sorrow destroy that which was so dear to him, yourself, but live the lively representation of his virtue, the exercise of which hath made you always the admiration of

  The 21st June 1662. Life of Sir H. Vane.

  Your humble servant, &c."
• * 6.1

  Hubbard—Johnson.
• * 6.2

  This spiritual court did not pronounce particular persons to be hereticks, but it determined what was heresy and made the way plain for the secular power to proceed.
• * 6.3

  Hubbard.
• * 6.4

  Mass. Records.
• * 6.5

  Mr. Cotton in a letter to Mr. Stone at Hartford says,

  Mrs. Hutchinson of whom you speak though she publickly revoked the errors, yet affirming her judgment was never otherwise, though her expressions were contrary, she was excommunicated by the whole church, n••m. con. Some other of the members that joined with her were gone away before, &c.
• * 6.6

  Canonicus chief Sachem of Naraganset and Niantick sold the Island to William Coddington and his associates March 29. 1637.

  MS.
• * 6.7

  Hubbard.
• * 6.8

  For the falshood of her declaration she was excommunicated. Some writers mention the manner of her death as being a remark|able judgment of God for her heresies. Her partizans charged the guilt of the murder upon the colony. Mr. Weld says she was delivered of as many unformed foetus's at a birth as she main|tained errors, and that another actress was delivered of a monster, and that all the women were seized with a violent vomiting and purging, stories as credible as that of the Flanders Countess, who is said to have had as many children at a birth as there are days in the year.

  The author of a little tract published in 1676 under the title of A Glass for the People of New-England, by S. G. It seems by the language and the malevolent spirit to be Samuel Gorton, says,

  The next piece of wickedness I am to mind you of is your barba|rous action committed against Mrs. Ann Hutchinson whom you first imprisoned then banished, and so exposed her to that desolate condition that she fell into the hands of the Indians who mur|dered her and her family except one child, and after that made a notorious lie on the destroyed woman, which Samuel Clark priest of London, taking the lie out of his brother Weld's short story, must needs put into his book called God's judgments against heresy—The woman before mentioned having been by the priests and pro|fessors pumped and sifted to get something against her, laying their snares to entrap her, and taking their opportunity when her husband and friends, as it was said, were absent, examined and banished her.—So she goes by water with many others who per|ceived they must go to pot next, and providentially fell in with Rhode-Island, where they made a cave or caves and in them lived until the cold winter was past, in which time it was known to the professors where they were and that they had bought the island of the Indians. And the professors began to stir and endeavour to bring the island within the compass of their patent; so the poor molested woman it is like let in fear and thought she would go far enough from their reach, so going southward to seek a place to settle upon, where she and her family might live in quietness, fell upon a piece of land that was in controversy between the Dutch and the Natives, and the Natives being in a heat came upon them and were the executioners of what the New-England priests, ma|gistrates and church members were the occasion through their wicked and cruel proceedings in forcing them to flee from their rage and fury.—So, reader, thou mayst see the rage and envy of this professing generation, for they imprisoned and banished this tenderly bred woman in or towards winter and what with fears and tossings to and fro the woman miscarried, upon which they grounded their abominable untruth. Many witnesses might be produced to prove this and to disprove their abominable fre|quently told slander and also printed by priests and New Eng|land professors and their confederates here in England.
• * 6.9

  A great number of the principal inhabitants, most of them being disarmed and deprived of their civil privileges, removed. Mr. Coddington and Dummer had been assistants, Mr. Hutchinson, Aspinwall and Coggeshall representatives, Rains••ord, Sanford, Savage, Eliot, Easton, Bendall, Denison were all persons of di|stinction. About 60 were disarmed in Boston besides.
• * 6.10

  Hubbard.
• * 6.11

  He died in 1680. His son, grandson and great grandson have been of the council for the province.
• * 6.12

  Mr. Dudley died with a copy of verses in his pocket wrote with his own hand The following two lines made part of it:

  Let men of God in court and churches watch O'er such as do a toleration hatch.

  This was the prevailing doctrine many years, and until their eyes were opened by a fresh persecution coming upon themselves from King James. This made his declaration for a general liberty of conscience welcome, and they thanked the King for allowing to them what they before thought themselves bound in conscience to deny to others.
• * 6.13

  Boston 26, Charlestown 12, Roxbury 10, Dorchester 13, Wey|mouth 5, Hingham 6, Medford 3, Newbury 8, Ipswich 17, Salem 18, Saugus (Lyn) 16, Watertown 14, Newtown 19. Marblehead 3.
• * 6.14

  Patrick had served in Holland in the Prince of Orange's guard and was sent for to instruct the people of the colony in military discipline. In order to his being made a freeman he was ad|mitted a member of the church at Watertown, but the strict man|ners of the New-England men did not agree with a Dutch soldier. He soon removed to the Dutch at New Netherland. He was shot dead by a Dutchman at Stamford in 1643.

  Hubbard.
• * 6.15

  Connecticut river.
• * 6.16

  MS letter.
• * 6.17

  A manuscript journal says that Underhill upon his man's lameness resolved that he and his company would go to Mistick, reading God's mind by that providence, and that Mason unwilling to part conformed, but Hubbard says they were both of a mind for the other reasons mentioned. Underhill was one of the forwardest of the Boston enthusiasts.
• * 6.18

  Wequash became a christian and an apostle among his own peo|ple travelling up and down to make converts, and when he died gave his soul to Christ and his only child to the English, hoping it would know mo••e of Christ than its poor father ever did.

  Mr. Shepard's letter to London.
• * 6.19

  This may be the conjecture of the journalist.
• * 6.20

  Mr. Hubbard says near Fairfield or Stratford.
• * 6.21

  MS. original letters and papers.
• * 6.22

  Mr. Hopkins had been a Turkey merchant in London of good credit and esteem, but of puritan principles, and for the sake of an undisturbed enjoyment of the worship of God agreeable to those principles came to New-England. He married Mr. Eaton's daughter in law. When Mr. Eaton removed to New-Haven Mr. Hopkins went to Hartford, the chief town of Connecticut, and was chosen their governor several years, at length returned to England and was chosen member of parliament, was warden of the fleet, a commissioner of the navy and of the admiralty. He had notwithstanding thoughts of returning to New-England, having an affection for the country, but death put an end to those thoughts. He died at London in March 1657. He left a legacy to Harvard College, which was unpaid until 1710, when it was received by virtue of a decree in chancery.
• * 6.23

  Connecticut charter was brought over by Mr. Winthrop in 1662 but New-Haven refused to submit to it. At a general meeting at New-Haven, 4th Nov. 1662▪ Mr. Davenport being present insisted 1. That the colony of New-Haven was not within the patent. 2. That it was not lawful to join, and they unanimously con|cluded to stand to their own combination. Goffe's Iournal. But in 1665, upon commissioners coming over to enquire into the state of the colonies they wisely changed their resolution, and of a colony became a county, and so have remained ever since.
• * 6.24

  The heads of the combination or agreement were these, viz. That none shall be admitted to any office in the government civil or military, or have a voice in any election, except he be a mem|ber of one of the churches in New-England.

  That all the freemen, without summons, shall yearly meet the last fourth day in May and vote in the election of governor, deputy governor, magistrates and other officers, such as cannot attend in person may vote by proxy or send their votes sealed.

  That there be a general court consisting of governor, deputy gover|nor and magistrates, and two deputies for each plantation where there is a church and freemen orderly admitted, every member of the court to have a voice, and all determinations to be by the major vote of the magistrates and the major vote of the deputies. This court to sit the last fourth day of May in every year of course, and on other occasions to be summoned by the governor, or in his absence by the deputy governor, or in the absence of both by two magistrates. To declare publish and establish the laws of God the supreme legislator, and to make and repeal orders for smaller matters not particularly determined in scripture, accord|ing to the general rules of righteousness. To order all affairs of war and peace and all matters relative to the defending or forti|fying the country. To receive and deter••ine all appeals civil or criminal from any inferior courts, in which they are to proceed according to scripture light and laws and orders agreeing therewith.

  That there be a court of magistrates to meet or be held twice every year to determine all weighty causes civil or criminal, above those limited to plantation courts, and to receive and try all appeals from plantation courts. In this court when the voices are equal, the governor, or in his absence the deputy governor, shall have a casting voice.

  That there be a court in each plantation in which there shall be one or more magistrates, the freemen to chuse two three or four de|puties to assist the magistrate for the trial of civil causes not ex|ceeding twenty pounds, and criminal the penalty not exceeding stocks, whipping, or five pounds fine.

  Their laws and judicial proceedings varied in very few circumstances from the Massachusets, one indeed was a material one, that they had no jury neither in civil nor criminal cases. All matters of fact as well as law were determined by the court.

  Mr. Davenport the minister who came over with Mr. Eaton had been a preacher of great note in Colman-street London, and for his non|compliance in ecclesiastical matters absconded and came over pri|vately. Many of his principal hearers accompanied him and formed a church at New-Haven. Another company came from Kent, Suffolk, and Surry in England, among whom was Mr. William Leet then a young man, after Mr. Eaton's death governor, and after the colonies were united some time governor of Connecticut. These with Mr. Whitfield their minister chose a place about 16 miles East of New-Haven, since called Guilford. Another company removed from Hartford with Mr. Peter Prudden for their minister, and settled a little West from New-Haven and called the place Milford. Brainford on the East and Stamford near forty miles West of New-Haven were both settled by people who removed from Weathers|field on account of disturbances in the church there. These towns together with a plantation upon the East end of Long-Island called Southold, are said to have been all that were concerned in the combination which was first formed. The colony chose their leader Mr. Eaton for their first governor and continued him every year until he died, which was 14 years after the foundation. Their chief view was trade, and to be better accommodated they built on small house-lots near the sea, and fairer and more com|modious, houses than those in the other colonies. They built vessels for foreign voyages, and set up trading houses upon lands which they purchased at Delaware bay for the sake of beaver, but were unsuccessful and their stocks sunk very fast, and in five or si•• years they were much exhausted. Unwilling to give over, they exerted themselves, as a last effort, in building a ship for the trade to England, in which they put their whole stock of money, plate and all the proper goods they could procure, to make a more va|luable adventure. In her went passenger Mr. Grigson one of the magistrates, in order to sollicit a patent, and 8 or 10 more consi|derable persons who, to use Mr. Cotton's expression, all went to heaven by water, the ship never being heard of after her sailing. The loss of this ship entirely broke them up as traders, and they turn|ed to husbandry for their support. The manner of their settlement upon small lots was inconvenient for husbandmen, and the soil was not the best, so that they were much discouraged and several projections were made for their removal in a body. They made further purchases of large tracts of land at Delaware bay, but were obstructed and discouraged by opposition from the Dutch. They had offers from Ireland after the wars were over, and were in treaty for the purchase of lands there for a small distinct province by themselves, and when Jamaica was conquered by Cromwell proposals were made to them to remove there in a body, but as the first generation went off and the second came on with the attachment natural to the place of their birth and education, they became more reconciled to their situation, and although they have never been remarkable for foreign commerce the first intention of the settlement, yet their improvements in husbandry have been equal to any of their neighbours. The ancient colony of New-Haven is at this day a principal part of the colony of Connecticut, on many accounts respectable, and to be placed with those of the first rank.
• * 6.25

  1638.
• * 6.26

  Appendix.
• * 6.27

  Mr. Hubbard says judgment was given, &c. but the government themselves in some of their declarations in King Charles the second's time say that the process 〈◊〉〈◊〉 never compleated.—Judgment was entred against so many as appeared, and they which did not ap|pear were outlawed.
• * 6.28

  The records of the session take no notice of it.

  Appendix.
• * 6.29

  For being the occasion of it by giving up the charter.
• * 6.30

  Johnson—Hubbard.
• * 6.31

  The first master of the college was Nathanael Eaton, who was a good scholar, but had not the other qualities requisite for the instruction and government of youth He was charged with ava|rice in witholding necessary or convenient commons, and with cruelty in beating his usher with a cudgel whilst two of his ser|vants held him out by the legs and arms. His conduct having been enquired into by the court in 1639▪ he was thereupon displa|ced, fined 100 marks and ordered to pay thirty pounds to Mr. Briscoe whom he had cruelly beat. After the sentence of the court he was excommunicated from the church at Cambridge. He com|plained that the church had enquired into his case before and fully understood it and passed no censure upon him, but when they knew the opinion of the court they conformed to that. He went to Virginia. After the restoration he was in England, con|formed and had a living, and is said to have revenged himself on all nonconformists, being greatly instrumental in their persecutions. He was educated under Dr. Ames in Holland, and known to Mr. Hooker whilst there, who says he did not approve of his spirit and feared the issue of his being received here, &c. He was succeeded by Mr. Henry Dunstar well esteemed for his learning, piety and spirit of government.
• * 6.32

  1639.
• * 6.33

  1640.
• * 6.34

  Mr. Neale supposes this to be impossible, but the number is not great for so many ships. If we allow half of them for transport|ing goods, and 140 souls to each of the other it will make the number. Many of the ships were large in the first fleet especially.
• * 6.35

  A modest computation then made of the whole charge of transpor|tation of the persons, their goods, the stock of cattle, provisions until they could support themselves, necessaries for building, artillery, arms and ammunition, amounts to £. 192,000 sterling. Johnson. A dear purchase if they had paid nothing before to the council of Plimouth, and nothing afterwards to the Sachems of the coun|try. Well might they complain when their titles to their lands were called in question by Sir Edmond Andros; their labor in clearing and improving them was of more value than the lands after they were improved, and this other expence might be out of the question.
• * 6.36

  1641.
• * 6.37

  Mr. Richard Salstonstall about this time and I suppose upon this occasion made a vow to God that he would not leave the country whilst the ordinances of God continued there in purity. Some years after his wife was in a bad state of health and it was thought she might have relief by physicians in England. He ap|plied to Mr. Cotton, not to absolve him, but to satisfy his doubt|ing conscience. Mr. Cotton convinced him that the marriage vow was the most binding.

  Manuscript, I. Cotton.
• * 6.38

  It is observable that all the colonies before the reign of King Charles the second, Maryland excepted, settled a model of government for themselves. Virginia had been many years distracted under the government of presidents and governors, with councils in whose nomination or removal the people had no voice until in the year 1620 a house of burgesses broke out in the colony, the King nor the grand council at home not having given any powers or directions for it.—The governor and assistants of the Massachusets at first intended to rule the people, and as we have observed ob|tained their consent for it, but this lasted two or three years only, and although there is no colour for it in the charter, yet a house of deputies appeared suddenly in 1634 to the surprize of the ma|gistrates and the disappointment of their schemes for power.—Connecticut soon after followed the plan of the Massachusets.—New Haven although the people had the highest reverence for their leaders and for near 30 years in judicial proceeding submitted to the magistracy (it must however be remembred that it was annu|ally elected) without a jury, yet in matters of legislation the peo|ple from the beginning would have their share by their represen|tatives.—New Hampshire combined together under the same form with Massachusets.—Lord Say tempts the principal men of the Massachusets to make them and their heirs nobles and absolute governors of a new colony, but under this plan they could find no people to follow them.—Barbados and the leward islands began in 1625, struggled under governors and councils and contending proprietors for about 20 years. Numbers suffered death by the arbitrary sentences of courts martial or other acts of violence as one side or the other happened to prevail. At length in 1645 the first assembly was called and no reason given but this, viz. that by the grant to the Earl of Carlisl•• the inhabitants were to enjoy all the liberties, privileges and franchises of English subjects, and therefore, as it is also expresly mentioned in the grant, could not legally be bound or charged by any act without their own consent. This grant in 1627 was made by Charles the first, a Prince not the most tender of the sub|jects liberties. After the restoration there is no instance of a colo|ny settled without a representative of the people, nor any attempt to deprive the colonies of this privilege, except in the arbitary reign of King James the second. The colonies which are to be settled in the new acquired countries have the fullest assurance by his Majesty's proclamation that the same form of government shall be established there. Perhaps the same establishment in Canada and the full privileges of British subjects conferred upon the French inhabitants there might be the means of firmly at|taching them to the British interest, and civil liberty tend also to deliver them by degrees from their religious slavery. The inha|bitants of Acadie or Nova Scotia lived above forty years after the reduction of Port Royal under the government of their priests. No form of civil government was established and they had no more affection for England than for Russia. The military authority served as a watch to prevent confederacies or combi|nations. The people indeed chose more or less deputies from each canton or division, but their only business seems to have been to receive orders from the governor and to present petitions to him from the people. Temporal offences unless enormous and all civil controversies were ordinarily adjudged and determined by their spiritual fathers. I asked some of the most sensible of the Acadians what punishment the priests could inflict to answer the ends of government. They answered me by another question. What can be a greater punishment than the forfeiture of our sal|vation? In no part of the romish church the blind persuasion of the power of the priest to save or damn was ever more firmly riveted, and although these Acadians have for eight years past been scattered through the English colonies yet I never could hear of one apostate or so much as a wavering person among them all, and if the Canadians are treated in the same manner they will probably remain under the same infatuation.
• * 6.39

  Hubbard.
• * 6.40

  Hubbard.
• * 6.41

  Weld nor Peters never returned to New-England. The first as appears by some of his letters had a living at Gatesend in the Bishoprick of Durham. He went to Ireland with Lord Forbes, but came back to England and was ejected in King Charles the second's reign. The latter by busying himself too much with politicks came to a tragical end, which he would have been in no danger of if he had returned to his church again. His wife, whom he married in New-England, was supported after his death by a collection of 30 l. a year until 1671.

  Ms. letter.
• * 6.42

  At first they called the new settlements by the names of the towns they had left in the bay.
• * 6.43

  The others were William Pynchon, Esq John Steele, William Swaine, Henry Smith, William Phelpes, William Westwood, and Andrew Warner.

  Mr. Ludlow in a letter from Hartford, 1st of the 8th Month 1638, to the Massachusets general court observes they had desired that Connecticut would forbear exercising jurisdiction at Agawam.
• * 6.44

  Mass. Records.
• * 6.45

  George Fenwick, Esq a worthy pious gentleman and of a good family and estate came from England with design to take possession of the lands upon Connecticut river for the Lords Say and Brook, &c. The lands between Connecticut river and the Naraganset country, sixty miles in length and breadth, were assigned by the council of Plimouth in 1635 to the Marquiss of Hamilton. The Lords Say, &c. had a patent from the Earl of Warwick including all that part of New-England in America from Naraganset river forty leagues upon a strait line near the sea shore towards the southwest, west and by south or west, as the coast lies towards Virginia, and all lands within the breadth aforesaid, from the western ocean to the south sea, so that the two grants or claims interfered. The Connecticut people purchased the title of the Lords of Mr. Fenwick December 5. 1644. The thoughts of re|moving were then at an end, and Fenwick joined with the colony and was chosen an assistant. The colony went on exercising the powers of government until the restoration, when they applied by Mr. Winthrop their agent to King Charles II. in 1661 for a charter, which was granted in 1662, with as ample privileges as they could desire. Mr. Winthrop had been many years an assis|tant in the Massachusets. He was sensible of the defects in the charter, and besides, this colony being in America at the time of granting the charter, the powers granted them would naturally be better adapted to their circumstances. Mr. Winthrop, it is said, presented the King with a ring which had been given by Charles the first to his grandfather, and that the King was much pleased with it. When they were finding fault with the Massa|chusets they notwithstanding established another government much of the same form and the same sort of people. Rhode-Island about the same time obtained the like charter. Certain powers as|sumed by the Massachusets not mentioned in their charter, by these new charters are expresly granted to the two colonies. Had these applications been delayed two or three years longer they would hardly have succeeded. Plimouth which had as much reason to expect such a favor never could obtain it. They kept solliciting one time after another and were amused with general promises of favor until they were comprehended in a commission to Sir Edmund Andros, which put an end to their expectations.—Mr. afterwards Colonel Fenwick above-mentioned by his last will proved in Sussex in England April 27. 1657, gave five hundred pounds to the public use of the country of New-England, if his loving friend Mr. Ed|ward Hopkins should think fit, and to be employed as he should order and direct. Mr. Hopkins died a day or two before Colonel Fenwick, and by his will left at least 2000l. to be employed for breeding youth at the grammar school and university in New-England. The question was whether the 500l. mentioned in Mr. Fenwick's will be not recoverable from the executrix of the said will. This was proposed to Serjeant Maynard. Ans. The disposition to the charitable use being with condition of Mr. Hop|kins's approvement, and Mr. Hopkins dying before the testator, is impossible, and the charitable use becomes absolute and ought now to be performed. John Maynard. I never heard that any part of this legacy was recovered. Mr. Hopkins's or part of it was decreed by Lord Chancellor Cowper as we have before observed, and the college estate in Hopkinton was purchased therewith. MS letters.
• * 7.1

  Mass. Records.
• * 7.2

  The Chimney and part of the stone wall were standing in the year 1680.

  Hub.
• * 7.3

  He was afterwards chose by some of the planters above Dover their head or governor.

  Hubbard.
• * 7.4

  Benighton's patent upon Saco river was early and divers persons hold under it.
• * 7.5

  Hubbard.
• * 7.6

  Mr. Chadburne had the direction of the artificers who built what was called the great house at Strawberry bank. His posterity are settled on the other side the river in the province of Main.
• * 7.7

  Hubbard, &c.
• * 7.8

  I have taken the principal facts relative to the settlement of Pisca|taqua from Hubbard's and other original antient manuscripts
• * 7.9

  The bounds in the charter being three miles south of Charles river and all and every part thereof, and three miles north of Merri|mack and all and every part thereof, and all lands within the limits aforesaid in latitude and breadth, and in length and longitude, &c. they supposed they had a right to stretch their line east from the head of Merrimack to the ocean.
• * 7.10

  Parts of the Massachusets nearest to Piscataqua.
• * 7.11

  1642.
• * 7.12

  Mr. Flint was a gentleman of a fair estate in England which he laid out in forwarding the plantation, arriving in New England about the year 1635. Johnson. A large tract of land which he owned in Concord still retains the name of Flint's farm.
• * 7.13

  Most of them soon after went over to England, and before 1651 (as appears by a letter from Mr. Samuel Mather who received a degree the next year, and was a celebrated preacher in Dublin) made some figure there. Benjamin Woodbridge, the first-born of Harvard-College, was successor to Doctor Twisse at Newberry▪ and though inclined to presbyterianism, to use Mr. Mather's words, not malignantly affected. George Downing went into the army and was scoutmaster general of the English army in Scotland. He was afterwards in great favor with Cromwell, who sent him am|bassador to the States, and upon the restoration he turned with the times and was sent or kept by the King in the same employ, had the merit of betraying, securing and sending over several of the regicides (he had been captain under one of them Col. Okey) was knighted and in favor at court and died in 1684. His cha|racter runs low with the best historians in England; it was much lower with his countrymen in New-England, and it became a proverbial expression to say of a false man who betrayed his trust that he was an arrant George Downing. Oliver Cromwell when he sent him agent or ambassador to the States in his letter of cre|dence says

  George Downing is a person of eminent quality, and after a long trial of his fidelity, probity and diligence in several and various negotiations, well approved and valued by us. Him we have thought sitting to send to your Lordships dignified with the character of our agent,

  &c. (Milton's letters.) In his latter days he is said to have been very friendly to New-England and when the colony was upon the worst terms with King Charles the second. An article of news from England in 1671 says

  Sir George Down|ing is in the tower, it is said because he returned from Holland where he was sent ambassador before his time: As it is reported he had no small abuse offered him there. They printed the ser|mons he preached in Oliver's time and drew three pictures of him. 1. Preaching in a tub, over it was wrote This I was. 2. A trea|cherous courtier, over it This I am. 3. Hanging on a gibbet, and over it This I shall be.

  Prints of that sort were not so common in England in that day as they have been the last twenty years.

  Downing was sent to make up the quarrel with the Dutch, but coming home in too great haste and fear, is now in the prison where his master lay that he betrayed.

  Ms. letter Lond. March 4. 1671-2. By his master no doubt Okey is intended. His son was one of the Tellers in the Exchequer in 1680. Sir George died in 1684. He was brother-in-law to governor Bradstreet and kept up a correspondence with him.

  John Bulkley (son of Peter Bulkley minster of Concord who was of a very reputable family and had been esteemed for his learning and piety in England) was a settled minister at Fordham in Essex, and after his ejectment in 1662 practised physic in London.

  Henry Saltonstall who I suppose was a grandson of Sir Richard Sal|tonstall was a doctor of physic and a fellow of new college Oxford.

  Nathanael Brewster was a settled minister in Norfolk and of good report.

  Samuel Bellingham received the degree of doctor of physic at Leyden. Two others of the class, William Hubbard and John Wilson were ministers settled in New England and in high esteem there. Seve|ral of the succeeding classes went over to England soon after their taking their batchelors degree. John Allen whose friends lived in Suffolk. William Ames who was son of doctor Ames settled at Wrentham. Jeremiah Holland who first settled near London but soon after removed into Northamptonshire where he had a living of between two and three hundre•• pounds a year. Jacob Ward who had a fellowship in Maudlin college Oxford. John Birden and Abra|ham Walver who were both preachers in the counties where their friends lived; and Sampson Eyton who I suppose left Harvard college before he had his degree, was made a fellow in one of the universities in England. Leonard Hoar went to Cambridge and took the degree of doctor in physic. Mr. Mather writes very pressing for others to come over to England where they might be assured of encouragement and preferment.
• * 7.14

  Intelligence was given by some of the Indians themselves, and let|ters were dispatched from New Haven and Connecticut to give advice. Under pretence of trade in small companies at the Eng|lish houses while some secured the arms the others were to perpe|trate the massacre, the time appointed for which was immediately after the harvest should be over.

  An Indian of Providence attempted a rape upon an English wo|man the wife of Nicholas Wood of Dorchester and was protected by Miantinomo. This if true is a rare instance.
• * 7.15

  Afterwards governor.
• * 7.16

  Son of the famous Mrs. Hutchinson.
• * 7.17

  Records of united colonies.
• * 7.18

  Sept. 19th 1642.
• * 7.19

  Hubbard.
• * 7.20

  One Darbyfield an Irishman with some others travelled this year to the white hills supposed to be the highest in these parts of Ame|rica. They reported that they had been to the top where is a plain of 60 feet square▪ that on the west side is a very steep preci|piece and all the country round about appeared like a level much beneath them. The glistering appearance of the rocks as they came near them caused an expectation of something valuable but they found nothing. Hubbard.

  The growth of the several parts of the colony at different periods will be thought by some worth observing. In 1642 a tax of £.800 was apportioned as follows: Hingham £.20 Weymouth £.14. Braintree £.14. Dorchester £.58-10s. Roxbury £.50. Boston £.120. Dedham £.20. Concord £.25. Watertown £.55. Cambridge £.67-10s. Charlestown £.60. Salem £.75. Lynn £.45. Ipswich £.82. Newbury £.30. Salisbury £.12.10s. Hampton £.5. Rowley £.15. Sudbury £.15. Medford £.10. Glocester £.6-10s.
• * 8.1

  I transcribe this part of the order with pleasure. The merit of our ancestors, many of whom were personally known to the prin|cipal members of parliament, was fresh in their remembrance. Length of time has not lessened the merit. Consequences so advan|tageous to the nation have followed it that in reason it ought to strike stronger now than it did then.
• * 8.2

  Inaccurately for those colonies.
• * 8.3

  I have the original papers which accompanied these letters. The following is an exact copy.

  "THE expression of the desires of those honorable and wor|thy personages of both houses of parlament who call and wish the presence of Mr. Cotton, Mr. Hooker and Mr. Davenport to come ovar with all possible speed, all or any of them, if all cannot. The condityon whearein the state of things in this kingdom doth now stand wee suppose you have from the relations of others, wheareby you cannot but understand how greate need there is of the healp of prayer and improvement of all good meanes from all parts for the seatlinge and composeing the affaires of the church. Wee therefore present unto you our earnest desires of you all. To shewe whearein or howe many wayes you may be useful would easely bee done by us and fownd by you weare you present with us. In all likelyhood you will finde opportunity enough to draw forth all that healpefullness that God shall affoard by you. And wee doubt not these advantages will be sutch as will fully answer all inconveniencies your sealves, churches or plantations may sustaine in this your voyage and short absence from them. Onely the sooner you come the bettar.

  • Warwick W. Say & Seale
  • Ph. Wharton Mandeville
  • Rob. Brooke
  • Nath. Fiennes
  • Gilb^t Gerrard
  • Tho: Barrington
  • Richard Browne
  • Henry Martin
  • Oliver Cromwell
  • A. Haselrig
  • Wm. Masham
  • Mart. Lumley
  • Nath. Barnardiston
  • Ar. Goodwin
  • Wm. Stricland
  • Henry Darley
  • Valentine Walton
  • Will^m Cawleys
  • John Gurdon
  • John Blakiston
  • Godfrey Rossevile
  • H. Ruthin
  • Ro. Cooke
  • Sam. Lake
  • John Francklyn
  • Tho: Hoyle
  • Cor: Holland
  • Anth. Stapley
  • Humfrey Salway
  • William Hay
  • J. Wastill
  • Gilbert Pickering
  • Ol. St. John
  • Isaac Pennington
  • Miles Corbett
  • Alex. Bence
  • Wm. Spurstowe
• * 9.1

  Hubbard.
• * 9.2

  1643.
• * 9.3

  Mr. Symonds was a gentleman of an ancient family and good estate in England. He came from Yeldham in Essex. (Hubbard.)
• * 9.4

  Mr. Hibbins was a principal merchant in the colony, but soon after met with great losses in his trade. I know of none of their descendants of the same names in New-England.
• * 9.5

  ESSEX cont^d.

  • Salem
  • Linn
  • Enon (Wenham)
  • Ipswich
  • Rowley
  • Newbury
  • Glocester
  • Chochichawick

  MIDDLSEX.

  • Charlestown
  • Cambridge
  • Watertown
  • Sudbury
  • Concord
  • Woburn
  • Medford
  • Linn Village

  SUFFOLK.

  • Boston
  • Roxbury
  • Dorchester
  • Dedham
  • Braintree
  • Weymouth
  • Hingham
  • Nantasket (Hull)

  NORFOLK.

  • Salisbury
  • Hampton
  • Haverhill
  • Exeter
  • Dover
  • Strawberry-Bank (Portsmouth)
• * 9.6

  Bloody Tenet washed, &c. p. 5 & 8.
• * 9.7

  Answer to Gorton.
• * 9.8

  Pumham a petty Sachem who lived upon the lands joined in the Sale but alledged that he had no consideration for it.

  Winslow.
• * 9.9

  A fathom of wampum was one string of Indian beads six feet or a fathom in length which was valued at 5s. 8d. sterling.
• * 9.10

  The commissioners were Capt. George Cooke, Lieut. Hump. Atherton and Edward Johnson, who had also military commissions and 40 men to attend them. Cooke was afterwards a Colonel in the wars in Ireland.

  Iohnson.
• * 9.11

  If we may give credit to Gorton's account Mr. Ward a minister came to the prison window and called to him one of the prisoners who had been his neighbour in Essex in England and desired him, if he had done or said any thing he could with good conscience renounce, that he would recant and probably the court would be merciful, and added that this would be no disparagement, for the reverend Mr. Cotton ordinarily preacheth that publickly one year that the next year he publickly repents of before the congre|gation, &c. Mr. Winslow in his answer will not allow this to be true. This Mr. Ward was author of The Simple Cobler of Agawam and several other witty performances. The ruling passion would frequently shew itself in instances which would have been liable to some exception in those days of great gravity, if his principles had not been orthodox and his general behavior seri|ous and guarded. Many of his witty facetious terms are handed down to posterity. A letter of his I find among Mr. Cotton's papers discovers something of his cast of mind.

  Salutem in Xto nostro. Reverend and dear friend,

  I was yesterday convented before the bishop, I mean to his court, and am adjourned to the next term. I see such giants turn their backs that I dare not trust my own weak heart. I expect measure hard enough and must furnish apace with proportionable armour. I lacke a friend to help buckle it on. I know none but Christ himself in all our coast fitt to help me, and my acquain|tance with him is hardly enough to hope for that assistance my weak spirit will want and the assaults of tentation call for. I pray therefore forget me not and believe for me also if there be such a piece of neighbourhood among Christans. And so bles|sing God with my whole heart for my knowledge of you and immerited interest in you, and thanking you entirely for that faithful love I have found from you in many expressions of the best nature, I commit you to the unchangeable love of God our Father in his son Jesus Christ in whom I hope to rest for ever.

  Stondon Mercy, Dec. 13. 1631.

  Your's in all truth of heart, Nath^l Warde."
• * 10.1

  Gorton.
• * 10.2

  Gorton says they cast a lot for their lives putting it to the major vote of the court whether they should live or die, and that God in his providence ordered it by a majority of two votes only in favor of their lives.
• * 10.3

  After being confined one winter they were banished the juris|diction and from the lands purchased of the Indians upon pain of death. Gorton soon after went to England and obtained an order from the governor in chief, the lord high admiral and com|missioners appointed by the parliament for the English plantations in America, directed to the governor and assistants of the Massa|chusets and to all other governors and other inhabitants of New-England and all others whom it may concern, requiring them to suffer Gorton and the rest quietly to enjoy their lands in Naraganset bay and to land at any port in New-England in their way thither, &c. This order was sent to the governor by Randall Holden one of Gorton's adherents, who with others arrived at Boston 13th Sept. 1646. Having desired leave to land, the go|vernor Mr. Winthrop answered that he could not give them leave by his own authority, as it would dispense with an order of the general court, but the council being to meet in two or three days he would impart the order and intimated that he should not trouble himself about them in the mean time. The council were not all of a mind, but the majority agreed to suffer them to pass quietly for the present, and that when the court met, further con|sideration should be had of their possessing the land they claimed. The court thought proper to send Mr. Edward Winslow to Eng|land in order to give satisfaction to the commissioners for planta|tions. He carried with him a remonstrance and petition against Gorton and in vindication of the colony, asserted their right by charter finally to determine all causes without admitting of ap|peals to England, and alledged that the lands lay in Plimouth colony and produced an act of the commissioners of the four co|lonies, of which Plimouth was one, impowering the Massachusets to proceed as they thought proper. The commissioners for plan|tations in their answer say

  they intended not to encourage any appeals from their justice, which it might be very inconvenient to admit, nor to restrain the bounds of their jurisdiction to a nar|rower compass, but they supposed the Naraganset bay (the thing in question) was without the bounds of their patent, but as they had received advertisement that the place was within the patent of New-Plimouth, and the ground of their proceedings was a joint authority from the four governments of Massachusets, Pli|mouth, Connecticut and New-Haven, if these things should be proved it would much alter the state of the question, but at that distance these points could not be settled and must be left to be determined upon the place if there should be occasion, for there the boundaries would be best known, and if it should appear that the said tract was within any of the New-England patents they should leave the same and the inhabitants thereof to the jurisdic|tion of that government under which they fell; nevertheless in|asmuch as the petitioners had transplanted their families thither and settled at great charge they commend it to the government within whose jurisdiction they shall appear to be, not only not to remove them from the plantations but also to encourage them with protection and assistance and in all fit ways whilst they should demean themselves peaceably, &c.

  Hubbard.

  Gorton came again to Boston in the spring of 1648. The court upon his arrival ordered that he should be apprehended, but producing a letter from the Earl of Warwick desiring that he might have li|berty to return home, the court recalled the order and gave him a week's liberty to provide for his departure.

  After this time the Gortonists considered how to make their peace, and making their application in sober language they remained unmolested and quietly enjoyed their possessions at Showamet, to which in honor to their patron and benefactor they gave the name of Warwick which it retains to this day, and the posterity of several of them are persons of reputation and esteem in that colony

  Gorton published an account of his sufferings. Mr. Winslow the agent for the Massachusets answered him. In 1665 he preferred his petition to the commissioners sent over by King Charles the second for recompence for the wrongs done him by the Massachu|sets, alledging that besides his other sufferings he and his friends had 80 head of cattle taken and sold. The Massachusets in their answer charge him with heretical tenets both in religion and civil government and with an unjust possession of the Indian lands in the vicinity of the colonies for the sake of disturbing their peace, and add that the goods which they seized did not amount to the charge of their prosecution, but they do 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sufficiently vindicate their seizing their persons or goods without the limits of their jurisdiction, and conclude with hoping that his Majesty will excuse any circumstantial error in their proceeding, &c.
• * 10.4

  Appendix.
• * 10.5

  This union subsisted, with some alterations, until the year 1686, when all the charters were in effect vacated by a commission from King James the 2d. For many years, commissioners met annually in September and occasionally at other times. In the latter part of the union the meetings were triennial. A special and princi|pal part of their business after the first years was the care of gos|pelizing the Indians. The society established by the parliament for propagating the gospel in New-England among the Indians, of which we shall hereafter take further notice, made the com|missioners their correspondents and agents for dispensing the charitable donations, and after the grant of a new charter by King Charles the second the same powers and trust were continued. A particular account of all their proceedings in this capacity is preserved in their records. This confederacy was acknowledged and countenanced by the authority in England from its beginning until the restoration, and in letters from King Charles the second notice is taken of it without any exception to the establishment.

  July 23, 1643, a vessel of about 100 tons belonging to the Earl of Warwick arrived at Boston from Trinidada in order to transport passengers to people the island, but none could be prevailed upon to remove. One Chaddock son to the governor of Bermudas was commander of this ship. He was a loose profligate man and had a crew like himself. Five or six of them were blown up by two barrels of powder taking fire in the pinnace where they were, near the castle. Some time after strange sights were seen about the castle and at governor's island, in form like a man casting out flame and sparks of fire, and a voice was heard in several parts of the harbour crying boy boy come away come away, of all which divers sober persons were eye and ear witnesses, and these sights and noises were supposed to have a special reference to the place where the pinnace was blown up One of the men it was said had been acquainted with the black art.

  From manuscripts and printed accounts I could collect as many pro|digies in one part of the country and another at different times as would fill a small volume. Guns fired in the air, great quantities of clay cast up in form of bullets out of the earth, and the like, but I shall take no notice of any other than this, which is related by one of the best historians with great seriousness, as if he had no doubt of the truth of it. This turn of mind was not peculiar at this time to the people of New-England. It was prevalent in England. If the New-Englanders exceeded, the new scenes they had just entred upon, may in some measure account for it. They had an ocean a thousand leagues in extent between them and all the de|lights of life which they had once enjoyed. On their backs they had a wilderness without limits. Assoon as it was dark their ears were filled with the roaring of wolves and other savage beasts, or which was much worse the yells of savage men. Where there was any gloom upon the mind such a scene must tend to increase it.
• * 10.6

  Hubbard.
• * 10.7

  1644.
• * 10.8

  p. 283.
• * 10.9

  This appears from a list of the several grants made to La Tour communicated to governor Pownall by Monsieur D'Entremont a very antient French inhabitant of Acadie descended from La Tour, and who was removed to Boston in 1756, and died in a few Years after.
• * 10.10

  Hubbard. It is probable the case was not just as represented. King Charles in 1625 confirmed Alexander's grant under whom La Tour settled.
• * 10.11

  The French commissaries speak of this grant as made to Razilly.
• * 10.12

  The town was so surprized that they were all immediately in arms and three shallops filled with armed men were sent to guard the governor home.
• * 10.13

  This occasioned new regulations for the better security of the place. The castle was rebuilt in 1644 at the charge of the six neighbouring towns.

  Iohnson.
• * 10.14

  Some of the magistrates, deputies and elders were much grieved at this proceeding. A remonstrance to the governor was drawn up and signed by Mr. Saltonstall, Mr. Bradstreet, and Mr. Sy|monds of the magistrates, and Mr. Nath. Ward, Ezekiel Rogers, Nathanael Rogers and John Norton of the elders, wherein they condemn the proceeding as impolitic and unjust, and set forth

  that they should expose their trade to the ravages of D'Aulney and perhaps the whole colony to the resentment of the French King, who would not be imposed upon by the distinction of per|mitting and commanding force to assist La Tour; that they had no sufficient evidence of the justice of his cause▪ and in causa dubiâ bellum non est suscipiendum, that La Tour was a papist attended by priests, friars, &c. and that they were in the case of Jehoshaphat who joined with Ahab an idolater, which act was expressly con|demned in scripture,

  Manuscript letters and original papers▪
• * 11.1

  The agreement made with D'Aulney was afterwards ratified by the commissioners of the united colonies, but he proved a very trouble|some neighbour notwithstanding. In 1645 he made prize of a vessel belonging to the merchants of Boston going to La Tour with provisions and sent the men home, after he had stripped them of their cloaths and kept them ten days upon an island, in a small old boat without either compass to steer by or gun to de|fend themselves. The governor and council dispatched away a vessel with letters to expostulate with him upon this action, com|plaining of it as a breach of the articles and requiring satisfaction, but he wrote back in very high and lofty language and threatned them with the effects of his master's displeasure. They replied to D'Aulney that they were not afraid of any thing he could do to them, and as for his master they knew he was a mighty prince, but they hoped he was just as well as mighty, and that he would not fall upon them without hearing their cause, and if he should do it they had a God in whom to trust when all other help failed. With this ship D'Aulney made an attempt the same year upon La Tour's fort while he was absent, having left only 50 men in it, but his lady bravely defended it, and D'Aulney returned disappointed, and charged the Massachusets with breach of cove|nant in entertaining La Tour and ••ending home his lady. They excused themselves in a letter by replying that La Tour had hired three London ships which lay in the harbour. To this letter D'Aul|ney refused at first to return any answer, and refused to suffer the messenger, Capt. Allen, to come within his sort, but at length wrote in a high strain demanding satisfaction for his mill which had been burnt, and threatning revenge. When the commis|sioners met in September they agreed to send Capt. Bridges to him with the articles of peace ratified by them, and demanding a rati|fication from him under his own hand. D'Aulney entertained their messenger with courtesy and all the state he could, but re|fused to sign the articles until the differences between them were composed, and wrote back that he perceived their drift was to gain time, whereas if their messengers had been furnished with power to have treated with him and concluded about their diffe|rences he doubted not all might have been composed, for he stood more upon his hon••r than his interest, and he would sit still until the spring expecting their answer. The general court, upon con|sidering this answer, resolved to send the deputy governor Mr. Dud|ley, Major Denison and Capt. Hawthorn with full powers to treat and determine, and wrote to D'Aulney acquainting him with their resolution, and that they had agreed to the place he desired, ••iz. Penobscot or Pentagoet, and referred the time to him, pro|vided it should be in the month of September. This was opposed by some as too great a condescension, and they would have had him come to the English settlement at Pemaquid, but his commission of lieutenant-general for the King of France was thought by othe••s to carry so much dignity with it that it would be no dis|honor to the colony to go to his own house; but it seems he was too good a husband to put himself to the expence of entertaining the messengers, and wrote in answer that he perceived they were now in earnest and desired peace, as he did also for his part, and that he thought himself highly honored by their vote to send so many of their principal men to him, but desired he might spare them the labor and he would send two or three of his to Boston in Au|gust following (1646) to hear and determine, &c. On the 20th of September Messirs. Marie, Lewis, and D'Aulney's secretary ar|rived at Boston in a small pinnace, and it being Lord's day two officers were sent to receive them at the water side and to conduct them to their lodgings without any noise, and after the public worship was over the governor sent Major Gibbons with other gentlemen and a guard of musketeers to attend them to his house where they were entertained. The next morning they began upon business, and every day dined in public, and were conducted morning and evening to and from the place of treaty with great ceremony. Great injuries were alledged on both sides and after several days spent an amnesty was agreed upon. One Capt. Crom|well had taken in the West Indies a rich sedan made for the Vice Roy of Mexico which he gave to Mr. Winthrop: This was sent as a present to D'Aulney, and well accepted by his commissioners, the treaty renewed, and all matters amicably settled. In the mean time D'Aulney effectually answer'd his main purpose, for by his high language he kept the colony from assisting La Tour, took his fort from him with ten thousand pounds sterling in furs and other merchandize, ordnance stores, plate, jewels, &c. to the great loss of the Massachusets merchants, to one only of whom (Major Gibbons) La Tour was indebted £. 2500 which was whol|ly lost. La Tour went to Newfoundland where he hoped to be aided by Sir David Kirk, but was disappointed, and came from thence to Boston where he prevailed upon some merchants to send him with four or five hundred pounds sterling in goods to trade with the Indians in the bay of fundy. He dismissed the English who were sent in the vessel and never thought proper to return himself or render any account of his consignments. D'Aulney died before the year 1652 and La Tour married his widow, and repossessed himself in whole or in part of his former estate in Nova Scotia, and in 1691 a daughter of D'Aulney and a canoness at St. Omers dying, made her brothers and sisters La Tours her general legatees. Under them, and by force of divers confirmations of for|mer grants made by Lewis the 14th, between the peace of Rys|wick and that of Utrecht, D'Entremont aforementioned claimed a great part of the province of Nova Scotia and of the country of Acadie. Of part of those in Nova Scotia he was possessed when all the French inhabitants were removed by order of admiral Boscawen and general Lawrence.
• * 11.2

  Feb. 26, 1644, the country's ammunition, for greater security having been sent to Roxbury to be lodged in the house of the sur|veyor-general J. Johnson, the house took fire by accident at noon day and was soon blown up, there being 17 barrels of powder in it, but no other damage was done. Every one was ready to make their observations, one was pretty obvious, viz. that there had not been due care taken to pay for the powder.

  Hubbard.
• * 11.3

  Capt. Daniel Gookins who came to New-England from Virginia was made free the 29th of the 3d month 1644. He was after|wards an assistant and major-general of the colony, a zealous active man but rigid in his principles in church and state beyond most of those who came first from England. I find a person of his name in Purchase among the principal persons in Virginia.
• * 11.4

  By an act of the commissioners this year Southampton upon Long Island was annexed to the jurisdiction of Connecticut, and Martha's Vineyard to the jurisdiction of the Massachusets.
• * 11.5

  Some of the people of Rhode Island applied to the commissioners this year that their colony might be united to some one of the other colonies. The commissioners approved of the proposal provided the major part of the inhabitants should join in the ap|plication and recommended to Massachusets or Plimouth in such case to receive them.
• * 11.6

  Records of united colonies.
• * 11.7

  1645.
• * 11.8

  Massachusets 190, Plimouth 40, Connecticut 40, New-Haven 30.
• * 11.9

  Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Pelham.
• * 11.10

  Pessacus's child and a child of his brother and two other children of persons of note. They attempted to substitute three or four children of the meanest of the people but were discovered. Rec. &c.
• * 11.11

  They tried every way to avoid complying with the agreement. Soon after they r••ported that the Mohawks had sent their advice to them to pay no peag, they would discharge them from the fine. When this would not do they laid a scheme for carrying off a number of English children in order to redeem their own, but they were afraid to execute it.

  Benedict Arnold's letter to Gov. Winthrop May 29. 1646.
• * 11.12

  Uncas the Sachem of the Mohegins was hated and envied by the Naragansets for his attachment to the English and the distinguish|ing favors shewn him in return. In 1638 having entertained some of the Pequods after the war with them and fearing he had given offence, he came to the governor at Boston and brought a present which was at first refused, but afterwards, the governor being satisfied that he had no designs against the English, it was accepted and he promised to submit to such orders as he should receive from the English concerning the Pequods, and also con|cerning the Naragansets and his behavior towards them, and concluded his speech with these words:

  This heart (laying his hand upon his breast) is not mine but your's. Command me any difficult service and I will do it; I have no men but they are all your's. I will never believe any Indian against the English any more.

  He was dismissed with a present, went home joyful, carry|ing a letter of protection for himself and men through the English plantations, and never was engaged in hostilities against any of the colonies although he survived Philip's war and died a very old man after the year 1680.

  The Naragansets failed in the payment of the wampum, and in 1646 messengers were sent to them from the commissioners, but Pessacus their chief Sachem not attending, in 1647 the message was repeated, and he then pretended sickness and ••ent Ninigrate, a Sachem of the Nianticks, to act in his behalf, and told the messenger that it was true he had not kept his cove|nant, but added that he entred into it for fear of the army which he saw, and that he was told that if he did not set his hand to such and such things the army should go against the Naragansets. When Ninigrate appeared, he asked how the Naragansets became indebted to the English in so large a sum, and being told that it was for the expence the Naragansets had put them to by their breach of covenant, he then pleaded poverty, but the commissioners in|sisting on the demand he sent some of his people back to procure what he could, but brought 200 fathom only. They gave him leave to go home and allowed him further time. The whole was not paid until 1650, when Capt. Atherton with twenty men was sent to demand the arrears, which was then about 300 fathoms. Pessacus put him off some time with dilatory answers, not suffering him to come into his presence. In the mean while his people were gathering together, but the Captain carrying his twenty soldiers to the door of the wigwam, entred himself with hi•• pistol in his hand, leaving his men without, and seizing Pessacus by the hair of his head drew him from the midst of a great number of his attendants, threatning that if one of them offered to stir he would dispatch him. Pessacus presently paid down what was demanded and the English returned in safety. Ninigrate after this began to stir up new troubles from the Nian|ticks, but upon sending Capt. Davis with a troop of horse into the Indian country he was struck with a panick and would not be seen by the English until he had assurance of his life, and then he readily complied with their demands, and they and the other Indians continued quiet many years, until by familiar intercourse and the use of fire-arms they became more emboldened, and en|gaged in the war in 1675 which issued in their total destruction, Records of united colonies.
• * 11.13

  Mass. Rec.
• * 11.14

  MS.
• * 11.15

  Mr. Pelham was of the same family with his Grace the Duke of Newcastle. He tarried but a few years in New-England. It appears by letters from England that in 1650 he lived upon his estate in the country there. He was intrusted by the colony in their affairs in England relative to an encouragement for propa|gating the gospel among the Indians and was a great promoter of that work.
• * 11.16

  1646.
• * 11.17

  The commissioners hitherto had been chosen by the assembly, but they being general officers the freemen challenged a right of chusing them, and the rather because some of the deputies had some times been chosen, which was not agreeable to the com|missioners of the other governments nor to the freemen them|selves.
• * 11.18

  A motion was made in the court in the year 1645 that all freemen should be required to take the national covenant in conformity to the practice in England, but it was thought convenient to refer the consideration of this motion. MS. I do not find it to have been reassumed.
• * 11.19

  Mr. Winthrop who was then deputy governor was active in the prosecution of the petitioners, and the party in favor of them had so much interest as to obtain a vote to require him to answer in publick to the complaints against him. Doctor Mather says, he was most irregularly called forth to an ignominious hearing be|fore a vast assembly to which "with a sagacious humility" he con|sented, although he shewed how he might have refused it. The result of the hearing was that he was honorably acquit••ed, &c.
• * 11.20

  This refers to a sermon preached by Mr. Cotton on a fast day, an extract from which is published in the Magnalia, B. III. P. 29. wherein he denounces the judgments of God upon such of his hearers as were then going to England with evil intentions against the country, which judgments the author observes they did not escape. One of the pe|titioners hath observed on the other side that Mr. Winslow's horse died in his journey to Boston in order to take passage to London, &c. It may be of service to the world to record signal instances of divine judgments upon heinous offenders against religion and morality. When party spirit or bigotry prevails common accidents are often construed extraordinary interpositions of Providence.
• * 11.21

  Mr. Peters and Mr. Weld were dismissed from the agency and de|sired to return home, but both of them chose to remain in England.
• * 11.22

  1647.
• * 11.23

  All I find of Bridges is

  that he was in inhabitant of Lyn▪ a ma|gistrate of able parts and forward to improve them for the glory of God and the good of his people.

  Iohns••n.
• * 11.24

  1648.
• * 11.25

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 unit. col.
• * 11.26

  Plimouth would have been soon swallowed up in Rhode-Island from the great superiority of the latter. Besides, the principles of the people of the two colonies were so different that a junction must have rendered both miserable.
• * 11.27

  An epidemical sickness passed thro' the continent in the year 1647. English, French, Dutch and Indians were seized with it. It began with a cold accompanied with a light fever. Such as bled or used cooling drinks generally died; those who used cordials and strengthening things generally recovered. It extended to the West Indies. In Barbados and St. Christophers each, five or six thou|sand died. It was accompanied there with a great drought which caused an extreme scarcity of all kinds and occasioned a demand for New-England produce greater than had ever been known before. Hubbard. A general disorder of this kind has at several different periods since prevailed and passed through the con|tinent, and in some instances about the same time it has extended as far as Europe.
• * 11.28

  Hubbard.
• * 11.29

  Mr. Thomas Shepard minister of Cambridge died the 25th of August 1649. He was of Emanuel College Cambridge.
• * 11.30

  1649.
• * 11.31

  "Forasmuch as the wearing of long hair after the manner of Ruffians and barbarous Indians has begun to invade New-England contrary to the rule of God's word, which s••ys it is a shame for a man to wear long hair, as also the commendable custom generally of all the godly of our nation until within this few years.

  We the magistrates who have subscribed this paper (for the shewing of our own innocency in this behalf) do declare and manifest our dislike and detestation against the wearing of such long hair, as against a thing uncivil and unmanly, whereby men doe deforme themselves, and offend sober and modest men, and doe corrupt good manners. We doe therefore earnestly entreat all the elders of this jurisdiction (as often as they shall see cause) to manifest their zeal against it in their publike administrations, and to take care that the members of their respective churches be not defiled therewith, that so such as shall prove obstinate and will not re|forme themselves may have God and man to witness against them.

  The third month 10th day 1649. (Harvard College Records.)

  • Jo. Endicott governor
  • Tho. Dudley dep. gov.
  • Rich. Bellingham
  • Richard Saltonstall
  • Increase Nowell
  • William Hibbins
  • Thomas Flint
  • Rob. Bridges
  • Simon Bradstreet."
• * 12.1

  2d. per bushel on corn and 10s. per Ct. on beaver.
• * 12.2

  In the midst of winter 1647 the fort took fire no body knew by what means, and all the buildings and goods were destroyed, the damage being a thousand pounds or more. Capt. Mason the commander with his wife and child narrowly escaping with their lives.

  Hubbard.
• * 12.3

  Records of united colonies.
• * 12.4

  Records of united colonies.

  Its probable the fort at Saybrooke was soon after slighted and the garrison discontinued, as we meet with no further controversy concerning it. The Massachusets law was suspended in 1650.
• * 12.5

  This was a church founded by ministers sent from Massa|chusets. Mr. Harrison came the latter end of 1648 to Boston. He and Mr. Durand the elder were both required to depart the country by Sir William Berkley the governor of Virginia, who was a persecutor of this small church consisting of 118 persons only. Harrison went to England and was made a doctor. The church is supposed to have been dissolved or scattered as there never was any further account of it.

  Hubbard.
• * 12.6

  1650.
• * 12.7

  Idem.
• * 12.8

  Mr. Winslow's manuscript letter to governor Winthrop Sept. 1633.
• * 12.9

  Hartford.
• * 12.10

  Mr. Willet, Baxter, and divers other families.
• * 12.11

  Accordingly we find that the Massachusets in the year 1659 so understood it, and made a grant of land opposite to fort Aurania (Albany) upon Hudson's river, and a number of the principal merchants in the colony were enterprizing a settlement and a trade with the Indians, which probably was laid aside upon the change of affairs in England. The country itself a few years after was recovered from the Dutch and granted to the Duke of York, too powerful a proprietor to contend with about bounds. As this settlement is the only piece of evidence of any certain boundary to the New Netherlands while in possession of the Dutch it is difficult to assign any sufficient reason why the colony of New York should extend further upon the colonies of Connecticut or Massachusets than this agreement would carry it. When the Massachusets charter was granted the Dutch had no possessions at any distance from Hudson's river. Any grants or patents of vast tracts or manors made by the Dutch without possession or im|provement seem to be void both in law and equity, and would have been as good if they had extended 200 miles from the river as when they extended 20. Notwithstanding this settlement, after the English were possessed of New-Netherlands, Connecticut was disturbed in their possessions and finally obliged to give up their claim to Long Island, and to submit to a line of about 20 miles distant from Hudson's river, giving an equivalent for their settled towns upon the sound, the jurisdiction as well as property where|of they retained, which Douglass says, but without any authority, did not originally belong to Connecticut. The line between the Massachusets and New-York still remains controverted.
• * 12.12

  Mr. Willoughby a gentleman from England, Capt. Wiggins who lived in New-Hampshire, and Edward Gibbons were this year added to the assistants. Wm. Hawthorn the first speaker upon record. Edward Gibbons was one of Mr. Wollaston's plantation and a very gay young gentleman when the Massachusets people first came to Salem and happened to be there at Mr. Higginson's and Mr. Skelton's ordination and forming the church. He was so much affected with the solemnity of the proceeding that he desired to be received into their number. They had not sufficient know|ledge of him but encouraged him in his good intentions and he afterwards joined to the church in Boston.

  Mather.
• * 12.13

  Martha's Vineyard and Nantucket were not included in either of the four New-England governments. The Earl of Stirling laid claim to all the Island's between Cape Cod and Hudson's river. James Forett agent for his lordship on the 10th of October 1641 grants to Thomas Mayhew of Watertown and Thomas Mayhew his son Nantucket and two small islands adjacent, and the 23d day of the same month Martha's Vineyard and Elizabeth islands, and agreeable to the opinion of that day, of which we have given so many instances, grants the same powers of government which the Massachusets people enjoyed by their charter. Mr. Mayhew was called the governor of the islands. The Duke of York after his second grant in 1673 included them in his commission to his governors of New-York. The grants of the soil of these islands could not vacate the right of the Indian Sachems and proprietors, and I suppose most of the present inhabitants and proprietors de|rive their titles from Indian grants posterior to the grant to Lord Stirling or to that made by his agent to Mr. Mayhew and his son.
• * 12.14

  I take it of those who were afterwards called Natick Indians.
• * 12.15

  In Col. Goffe's journal one of King Char••es's judges who attend|ed an Indian lecture in 1660, after 13 or 14 years instruction, he takes notice of the following questions.

  1st. In your text are these words, save yourselves from this untoward generation, in other scriptures it stands we can do nothing of our|selves how can this be reconciled?

  2d. You say the word is the sword of the spirit by which their hearts were pricked. How shall I take and use the sword of the spirit to prick my heart?

  3d. What was the sin of Judas, or how did he sin in betraying Christ seeing it was what God had appointed?

  4th. The answer to these converts was repent and be baptized &c. but ye do not suffer us to be baptized, therefore I fear none of the Indians sins are forgiven and my heart is weary with that fear, for it's said in Matthew, Whose sins ye bind on earth are bound in heaven.
• * 13.1

  William Steel, Esq was the first president and continued until the restoration.
• * 13.2

  I suppose this should be Richard Floyd who was chosen treasurer then or soon after. Those in Italicks had been in New-England. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sherley was a great fri••nd to Plimouth colony.
• * 13.3

  I cannot find that either of the colonies have ever advanced any considerable sums for this service.
• * 13.4

  Great opposition was made to the collection in England, and the conversion of the Indians was represented as a meer pretence to draw money from men of pious minds. It went on so slowly that an attempt was made to raise a sum out of the army. Hugh Peters was one of the collectors, but the corporation wrote to the com|missioners that he not only refused to pay a penny himself but discouraged others because, as they supposed, he had no hand in laying the plan. However, such favorable accounts were from time to time published of the success of the mission that when King Charles came in the corporation was possessed of six or seven hundred pounds per annum, which was in danger of being all lost, being derived from the establishment of the parliament, but by the interest of some good men, of whom the celebrated Robert Boyle was one, a new charter was obtained, by which the estate was secured. Mr. Boyle was chosen and continued many years the governor, and the commissioners of the united colonies were the correspondents in New-England until the charter was vacated. After that commissioners were specially appointed by the corporation, consisting of the principal gentlemen of the civil order and of the clergyin New-England, and vacancies by death or otherwise have from time to time been filled up until the present time. Perhaps no fund of this nature has ever been more faith|fully applied to the purposes for which it was raised. If we com|pare the requisites to determine any one to be a convert in Mr. Eliot's esteem with those of the popish missionaries it is not strange that their number hath exceeded his. Before the converts in New-England were admitted to the ordinances they were examined by some of the magistrates as well as ministers The confessions of many of them as taken from their own mouths were sent to Eng|land and printed and there approved of: And although the mission began in 1646 it was the year 1651 before the first church was gathered, viz. at Natick. Whereas with the Romish priests the repetition of a Pater Noster or Ave Maria or perhaps the telling over a few beads, made them fit subjects of baptism. Mr. Eliot, as has been observed, always insisted upon their being civilized and becoming men at the same time they became christians. This was naturam expellere, and it was with great reluctance they for|sook any of their savage customs. The French Coureurs de Bois and others married among the Indians and became savages them|selves and the priests went into their country and dwelt among them, suffered them to retain their old customs and conformed to them themselves. However, the number of Indians in New-England which have from time to time made profession of Christianity is far from inconsiderable. In 1660 there were ten Indian towns of such as were called Praying Indians. (Goffe's journal) Mr. Eliot mentions a visitation he made in 1670. He went down to the Indians at Makt••pos, I suppose what we now call Mashpee, where Richard Bourne, a godly man, on the 17th of August was ordained pastor to an Indian church which was gathered upon that day, and the Indians and such of their children as were present were baptized. From thence he passed over to the Vineyard, where many were received into the church, men and women, and they and their children baptized, the sacrament of the Lord's supper was administred in the Indian church, and many of the English church desiring to join with them, it was celebrated in both languages. Two teaching and two ruling elders were ordained, and a foundation was laid for two churches more. The teacher of the praying Indians at Nantucket came to the Vineyard and made report that there were about ninety fa|milies that prayed unto God in that island, and advice was given that some of the most godly among them should join to the church at the Vineyard, and after some experience of their orderly walk, should issue forth into church state among themselves and have officers ordained. The Indians were very desirous of having Mr. Mayhew for their pastor but he declined it, conceiving that he could serve them better in the capacity he was in of advising and instructing in the management of their church affairs, and was willing to die in the service of Jesus Christ. Advice was given for the settling of schools and that all who neglected sending their children should be liable to censure. Mr. Eliot then takes notice of the state of the Indians in the Bay. Natick was the chief town where most of the Indian rulers dwelt, and where their courts were held. There were two teachers John and Anthony, and betwixt forty and fifty communicants, and sundry more proposed to join to the church. Punkapog (now Stoughton) was the second town where the Sachems of the blood, as they term the chief royal line, had their residence and rights, which (in other parts) as Mr. Eliot says, were mostly alienated to the English towns. I suppose the Indians of Naponset or Milton before this time had removed and were settled with those of Punkapog beyond or about the blue hills. Their chief ruler and teacher was Ahauton. A family or two of his descendants remain to this day.

  Hassunimesut or as it is now pronounced Hassanemisco were the In|dians next in order of dignity and antiquity, from thence came some of the chief friends to praying to God. They lay upon Nichmug river, and were strict observers of the sabbath, and were judged by all travellers especially such who had occasion to lodge among them to be sincere in their religious professions. They had two teachers Annuweekin and Tuppukkoowelin characterized found and godly men. I suppose those who are called Grafton Indians about 8 or 10 families are all the remains of Hassanemisco.

  Ogguonikongquamesut was the next praying town which bordered upon Marlborough. The English meeting house being placed within the line of the Indian town, caused great disputes and dis|couragements. Solomon judged to be a serious and sound chris|tian was their teacher. I suppose they are all dispersed if not extinct.

  Nashope was the next. Tahattawans was called a Sachem of the blood, a faithful zealous christian was their ruler. Their minister John Thomas, a godly understanding christian, was their teacher. Their town lay in that part of the country where the Maquas or Mohawks hunted, and had been much molested and for a time was deserted, but in 1670 the Indians returned and dwelt there but are now extinct.

  Wamesut was another praying town upon Merrimack river where Concord river falls into it▪ Their Sachem was Nomphon a man of a noble spirit. This place ha•• 〈…〉〈…〉 much molested by the Mohawks that the year before they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with a body of northern Indians and some of Punkapog in an expedition against them which proved unsuccessful. George was their teacher. They were not in general much noted for their esteem for religion.

  Pantucket, at the falls in Merrimack river, was the place of another set of praying Indians. The Pennicook Indians had come down the river and built a fort at Pantucket and were great opposers and obstinately refused to pray to God, but being concerned in the expedition against the Mohawks they were most of them cut off, and since that time the Pantucket Indians were, at least seve|ral of them, become praying Indians, and Jethro was sent to preach Christ to them.

  Magunhukquok where Simon was teacher on the west of Natick, and Quanatusset which was under the care of the Hassanamisco teachers are the two other towns men••ioned. By this account of Mr. Eliot we see the state of the christianized Indians in 1670. The greatest body of Indians, viz. Massasoiets or Woosamequins, and after|wards his son Philip's or Metacom's subjects were ever averse to christianity, so were the Naragansets. These two nations engag|ing in war against the English in 1675 had drawn off some of the Indians of the praying towns to join with them and occasioned fears and jealousies of all the rest, which caused a great discou|ragement, but the war being at an end in 1676 and the two other nations the Wamponoags and Naragansets, the great enemies of christianity, being wholly extirpated the Indians which remained in the Massachusets and Plimouth have in general ever since pro|fessed to be christians. In 1687 as appears by a letter of Dr. In|crease Mather to Dr. Leusden at Utrecht, there were four Indian assemblies in Massachusets besides the principal church at Natick. In Plimouth besides the principal church at Mashapee there were five assemblies in that vicinity, and a large congregation at Saco|net. There were also six different societies, probably but small, with an Indian teacher to each between the last mentioned and Cape Cod, all under the care of Mr. Treat minister of Eastham, one church at Nantucket, and three at Martha's Vineyard. There were in all six assemblies formed into a church state, having officers and the ordinances duly administred, and sixteen assemblies which met together for the worship of God. It does not appear that the number of christians have since decreased by the return of the Indians to paganism, The Indians themselves are wasted and their tribes or nations every where in Massachusets and Plimouth extinct, except at Mashapee, Martha's Vineyard, and Nantucket. At Mashapee and near it are about 80 families, at the Vineyard about 80, and at Nantucket where the last year were 90 families there are now but 15 remaining. There is besides a town of In|dians in the western part of the province called Houssatonick Indians, who removed about 30 years ago from Hudson's river, who have a settled English minister or missionary supported by the corporation, perhaps 70 or 80 families generally reside there. They waste away as all other Indians have done, and there would have been a more sensible diminution of their numbers if they had not from time to time received additions from abroad of other nations, or of such of their own nation as did not at first incline to remove with them. These with a few families at Natick and Grafton, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a family or two together scattered here and there about th•• province, are all the Indians at present within the province of Massachusets-Bay.
• * 13.5

  But such Indians have generally been taught to treat the English as heretics with greater cruelty, and it has been made more meri|torious to extirpate them than if they had been infidels or the worst of idolaters.
• * 13.6

  Under this charter the college was governed until the year 1685▪ when the colony charter was vacated, saving that in 1673 by an order of the general court some addition was made to the num|ber of the corporation. Mr. Dudley (who was a son of the college) when he received a commission for President of the colony altered the title of the President of the college for that of Rector, but no attempts were made to take away the estate or stock of the college or to impose officers disagreeable to the country in general, but the government continued, in name at least, under the former corporation, who were Increase Mather rector, John Sherman, Nehemiah Hubbard, John Cotton, John Leveret and William Brattle as fellows (the two last were tutors also) and John Richards treasurer. When Mr. Mather the rector went to England in 1688, in his minutes of an intended petition to the King, he says, that when the civil government was changed the college was under the inspection of these persons and he supposed it continued so, except that Mr. Sherman was dead, in whose room he prayed Mr. Samuel Sewall might be appointed, and that the King would confirm the government in their hands; but although these were in name the governors they were not always so in fact. I find the following original order dated December the 9th. 1686.

  WHEREAS the monies and other estate belonging to Harvard-college in Cambridge has been by us committed to the care and management of John Richards, Esq for the benefit of the said college, it is ordered that the produce thereof shall for this year 1686 be disposed of as followeth.

  1st, There shall be allowed to the present rector of the college▪ as some acknowledgment of the services which he has done for that society, the remainder of the income not disposed underneath.

  2d. The present tutors, Mr. John Leveret and Mr. William Brattle▪ shall for this year, beginning the last commencement, be allow|ed each of them £.40, beside what shall be due to them from their several pupils.

  3d. The scholars of the house (for this year) shall be Sir Gibbs, Rogers, Mitchel and Dudley, who shall be allowed each of them at least £.5. Sir Gibbs's pension to be paid out of Mr. Webb's legacy, and Rogers's out of Capt. Keyn's legacy.

  4th. Major Richards shall be allowed for his care in improving the college stock after the proportion of 1 l. for 100 l.

  • J. Dudley
  • William Stoughton.

  The president of the colony, and afterwards the governor, assumed the whole authority when they thought fit. The rights of Mag|dalen college Oxford invaded, justly might alarm the whole nation, but Harvard college was too inconsiderable, had the proceedings been ever so arbitrary and oppressive, to occasion any great notice. Mr. Mather the rector went to England in 1688. No person was appointed in his stead. Sir E. Andros the governor wrote to Mr. Samuel Lee the minister of Bristol in New-Plimouth colony, to desire him to officiate at the commencement, but not receiving an answer in proper season (it seems the letter was delayed) Mr. William Hubbard was appointed and offi|ciated accordingly. In 1692 upon the arrival of the province charter, although by a clause in the charter with a special view to the college, it was provided that no grants, &c. to any towns, colleges, schools of learning, &c. should be preju|diced through defect of form, &c. but should remain in force as at the time of vacating the colony charter, yet the president and many others with him were desirous of a new charter with ad|ditional powers and priviledges. An act of the general court passed for that purpose in 1692, incorporating the college on a larger foundation than the former charter. Among other things the college was enabled to confer such degrees as are conferred by the universities in Europe, whereas under the former charter no higher degrees had been given than those of batchelors and masters of arts. This privilege was exercised in one instance only, a diploma for a doctorate, under the college seal, being presented to Mr. Mather the president. Before the expiration of three years the act of incorporation was disallowed. Those who interested themselves for the college were resolved upon further attempts; another provincial act passed in 1697 with some variations, which before 1700 was likewise disapproved, for at a session of the court that year a vote passed the council and house of representatives approving the form of a charter which they were willing the college should accept from the King, and I make no doubt the agents were instructed to endeavour to obtain a charter in such form. By this charter the corporation was to consist of a presi|dent, vice-president and fifteen fellows. It may not be unaccep|table to some to have their names preserved. Increase Mather president, Samuel Willard vice-president, James Allen, Michael Wigglesworth, Samuel Torrey, Nehemiah Hobart, Peter Thacher, Samuel Angier, John Danforth, Cotton Mather, Nehemiah Walter, Henry Gibbs, John White, Jonathan Pierpoint, and Benjamin Wadsworth, together with the two senior tutors resident at college were the first corporation named in the charter. The college was impowered to hold real estate to the amount of three thousand pounds per annum. The governor and the council were made the visitors. This application proved as ineffectual as the former. Th•• true reason of the several failures appears from a letter of Mr. Blaithwait to the president, dated 1st June 1704, which says

  that the only obstruction to the passing the charter was Sir Henry Ashurst's refusing to allow of a clause for a visitation by the King or his governor.

  A letter from Lord Bellamont to Mr. Stoughton upon this subject deserves notice.

  "New-York, 31st May 98.

  Sir, I received a letter from the reverend president of Harvard college by Mr. White fellow of the said college, together with a copy of an act of the assembly for incorporating the college. And I am of opinion that his Majesty will not give his royal approbation to that act as it stands worded, because it differs very materially from the terms of incorporation proposed by their excellencies the Lords Justices of England, viz. that the King and his gover|nors should be the visitors, whereas the act of assembly vests the power of visitation of that college as well in the council as gover|nor, which his Majesty may probably think derogatory to his prerogative. And I am apprehensive also that those noble Lords who under the title of Lords Justices of England lately exercised the royal authority will confirm his Majesty that it will be a dimi|nution to the prerogative of the crown to make the council co|ordinate in the power of visitation with the King's governor.—For my own part I have a very great respect for the King's pre|rogative▪ but I could wish a way were found to secure the statutes or privileges of Harvard college against the capricious humour of future governors, who out of prejudice to the way of worship used there, or for some sinister ends, may be vexatious to the college. There is great difference between the exercise of the prerogative in England and in these remote parts of his Majesty's dominion▪ There, the subject, whenever that exercise is abused, has the King, the fountain of justice, near at hand to recur to for redress. In these provinces, governors, I fear by what I have discovered since my being in America, are made bold and pre|sumptuous in breaking the laws and governing arbitrarily, out of conceit that their being so far from under the eye of the govern|ment of England will be a sure cause of impunity to them. Therefore upon the whole matter I must in judgment and con|science declare for a qualification of the power of a governor in the case of the visitation of Harvard college, but what that qua|lification should be I must leave to his Majesty's wisdom and goodness to determine.

  To the Honorable W^m. Stoughton, Esq &c.

  I am, Sir, your most humble s••••••ant, BELLAMONT."

  During these attempts, until advice of the respective acts being dis|allowed, the college was governed conformable to them. While no acts were in force, temporary orders passed the general court from time to time, impowering such persons to act as a corporation as were therein named. But in 1707, all prospect of a new foun|dation being gone, it was thought proper to resort to the old, and the charter of 1650 hath been conformed to ever since. The several heads of the college from its first establishment to this day have been as follows. Mr. Eaton appointed in 1638 continued until 1640, when Mr. Henry Dunstar was appointed, who was succeeded by Mr. Charles Chauncy in 1654, who continued until 1671. Doctor Leonard Hoar succeeded Mr. Chauncy. Douglass says Mr. Hoar was a doctor of physick from Cambridge in Old England. He was educated at Cambridge in New-England, and took his batchelor's degree in 1650, went over to England in November 1653, was made a doctor at Cambridge, and returned not long before he was elected July 30, 1672. The students were too much indulged in their prejudices against him and he was obliged to resign March 15, 1674-5. His wife was daughter to Lord Lisle. Mr. Urian Oakes, minister of Cambridge, was his successor, and continued from April 7, 1675, until his death in 1681. Mr. Mather was chosen by the corporation and confirmed by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and moderated at the masters dispu|tations and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the degrees at the commencement in 1681, but his church in Boston being unwilling to part with him, on April 20th 1682 Mr. John Rogers was chosen and confirmed, but died in 1684, being suddenly seized the morning of commence|ment, July 1st, and dying the next day. Mr. William Hubbard of Ipswich moderated at the publick exercises. Mr. Mather suc|ceeded Mr. Rogers, and continued at the head of the college until Sept. 6, 1701. Mr. Samuel Willard, by order of court, officiated several years as vice-president, no president being ap|pointed instead of Mr. Mather, until Mr. John Leveret was by the governor, at the head of the overseers, declared president January 14, 1707, and the college was put under his care,

  agre|able to the choice of the fellows of the house, approbation of the overseers, and votes of the council and assembly in their last pre|ceding session, the governor directing him to govern that house and the scholars there with duty and allegiance to our Sovereign Lady the Queen and obedience to her Majesty's laws.

  Mr. Leveret continued in the presidentship until his death in 1724. Mr. Ben|jamin Wadsworth, a minister of one of the churches in Boston, succeeded him. He died in 1737, and was succeeded by Mr. Holyoke, who continues in the presidentship at this time.
• * 15.1

  1651. 1652. 1653.
• * 15.2

  In 1652 John Glover and Daniel Gookin were chosen assistants.
• * 15.3

  Not only the town of Boston but every town in the old colony were to many purposes a corporate body; they might sue and be sued, might chuse their own officers for managing what was called the prudential affairs of the town, and the selectmen were judges of the breach of the by-laws of the town, the penalty of which could not exceed twenty shillings. Under the new charter the selectmen have no judiciary power. They still are said to manage the prudential affairs. What is intended by the word prudential when thus appropriated is not very easy to determine. Be it what it may, all other town affairs are determined in a general town meeting of all the inhabitants. The inconveniency that must arise from such a constitution, where a town consists of a thousand or fifteen hundred voters, are too many to be enu|merated, and too obvious to need it. There was a disposition fifty years ago in most of the principal inhabitants of Boston to be made a corporation. A plan was formed in order to be laid be|fore the general court of the province, which by the charter is impowered to make corporations. When the heads of it were presented at a town-meeting a demagogue called out

  It is a whelp now, it will be a lion by and by, knock it in the head. Mr. moderator put the question.

  The people were prepared and it was rejected by a great majority. Some of the best men in the town, despairing of doing any service, would never be present in a town-meeting afterwards.
• * 15.4

  This regulation of the province of Main, although the major part of the inhabitants were brought to consent to it, yet it appears by the records which are still preserved in the registry of the county of York, that great opposition was made to it by some of the principal persons, and the government of the Massachusets was severely re|proached by them for using violent compulsory means in order to reduce the province. They con••inued united to the Massachusets until 1665, when by King Charles's commissioners they were separated for a short time, as will hereafter be observed.
• * 15.5

  The first money being struck in 1652 the same date was continued upon all that was struck for 30 years after, and although there are a great variety of dies it cannot now be determined in what years the pieces were coined. No other colony ever presumed to coin any metal into money. It must be considered that at this time there was no King in Israel. No notice was taken of it by the parliament nor by Cromwell, and having been thus indulged, there was a tacit allowance of it afterwards even by King Charles the 2d. for more than 20 years, and although it was made one of the charges against the colony when the charter was called in ques|tion, yet no great stress was laid upon it. It appeared to have been so beneficial, that during Sir Edmund Andross's administration endeavours were used to obtain leave for continuing it, and the objections against it seem not to have proceeded from its being an encroachment upon the prerogative, for the motion was re|ferred to the master of the mint and the report against it was up|on meer prudential considerations. It is certain that great care was taken to preserve the purity of the coin. I don't find, not|withstanding, that it obtained a currency any where, otherwise than as bullion, except in the New-England colonies. A very large sum was coined. The mint master John Hull raised a large for|tune from it. He was to coin the money, of the just allay of the then new sterling English money, and for all charges which should attend melting refining and coining he was to be allow|ed to take fifteen pence out of every twenty shillings. The court were afterwards sensible that this was too advantageous a contract, and Mr. Hull was offered a sum of money by the court to release them from it but he refused to do it. He left a large personal estate and one of the best real estates in the country. Samuel Sewall who married his only daughter, received with her as was commonly reported, thirty thousand pounds in New-England shillings.

  He was the son of a poor woman but dutiful to and tender of his mother, which Mr. Wilson his minister observing pronounced that God would bless him, and altho' he was then poor yet he should raise a great estate

  (Magnalia)
• * 15.6

  Massa. Records.

  One Hugh Parsons of Springfield was tried in 1652 for witchcraft and found guilty by the jury. The magistrates refused to consent to the verdict and the case, as the law provided, came to the general court who determined that he was not legally guilty of witchcraft.

  Mr. Cotton the celebrated minister of the church of Boston and the patriarch of New-England died Dec. 23d 1652, in the 68th year of his age. Mr. Hubbard gives this character of him.

  His ex|cellent learning and profound judgment, eminent gravity, christian candor and sweet temper of spirit, whereby he could very placidly bear those who differed from him in their appre|hensions, made him most desired whilst he was amongst them, and the more lamented when he was removed from hence. So equal a contention between learning and meekness, magnani|mity and humility is seldom seen in any one person.

  Upon his death-bed he ordered his son to burn all his papers relative to the religious disputes began in the time of Sir Henry Vane's year. He had bundled them all up with an intention to do it himself, but death prevented his going into his study for that purpose. His son, loth to destroy what appeared to him valuable, made a case of conscience to Mr. Norton whether he was bound to comply. Mr. Norton determined against the papers. (MS. Letters.) Mr. Cotton's life was published by his successor Mr. Norton, and afterwards by his grandson Doctor Cotton Mather.
• * 15.7

  1653.
• * 15.8

  Appendix.
• * 15.9

  Massachusets 333, Plimouth 60, Connecticut 65, New-Haven 42.
• * 15.10

  The elders continued to be consulted in every affair of importance as long as the charter continued The share they had in temporal affairs added to the weight they had acquired from their spiritual employments, and they were in high esteem.
• * 15.11

  Sedgewick had been of the artillery company in London, after|wards lived at Charlestown in New-England, and was the first military officer there and in great repute. I suppose he died in England. There were several persons descended from him living in England a few years ago.
• * 15.12

  By legal engagements must be intended appenticeship and other servitude as well as processes from courts, &c.
• * 15.13

  The report in New-England was, that Sedgewick had only verbal instructions from some of Oliver's sea commanders, and that this was the reason the country was so easily given up at the treaty of Breda.

  Hubbard.
• * 15.14

  Mr. Dudley deputy governor died July 31st 1653, in the 77th year of his age, greatly lamented, being a principal founder of the colony, and having recommended himself by great firmness and fidelity in the discharge of his trust, having never been out of the magistracy and generally either governor or deputy governor. He was zealous beyond measure against all sorts of hereticks. At the next election for 1654 Mr. Endicot was chosen deputy governor in Mr. Dudley's stead, Mr. Bellingham being chosen governor.
• * 15.15

  1654.
• * 15.16

  Afterwards called Philip's Indians.
• * 15.17

  Afterwards called Philip's Indians.
• * 15.18

  Records of united colonies.
• * 15.19

  Mr. Edward Winslow who had been sever••l years governor of Plimouth colony died May 8, 1655, on board the fleet which was sent against Hispaniola. He was sent to England agent for the Massachusets. He attained to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••av••••r as to be made one of Cromwell's grand commissioners in ••he expedition. He was a gentleman of the best family of any of the Plimouth planters, his father Edward Winslow, Esq being a person of some figure at Draughtwich in Worcestershire. An elegy occasioned by his death has much of the spirit of Thomas Saffin's epitaph, which I remember to have read in Ste••••ey church yard.

  The eighth of May west from 'S〈…〉〈…〉ola's shore God took from us our grand co••••issioner, Winslow by name, a man in chiefest trust, Whose life was sweet and conversation just, Whose parts and wisdom most men's did excell, An honour to his place as all can tell.
• * 15.20

  1655.
• * 15.21

  Hubbard.
• * 15.22

  She was not executed until June 1656. She disposed of her estate by will executed May 27. 1656, and a codici•• June 16. She ap|pointed several of the principal gen••••emen overseers and hoped they would shew her so much respect as to see her decently in|terred. There was no forfeiture of goods for felony.
• * 15.23

  Hubbard.
• * 15.24

  Richard Russell and Thomas Danforth were chosen assistants in 1659, the former of Charlestown. His son, grandson, and two of his great grandsons have been since of the council. The latter was of Cambridge and had a great share in managing the public affairs in the most difficult times. He left no male children.
• * 15.25

  In 1655 a distemper went through the plantations in New England like to that in 1647. It was so epidemical that few were able to visit their friends at any distance to perform the last offices to them. It was attended with a faint cough. Mr. Nathaniel Rogers minister of Ipswich died of it July 2d. He was son of Mr. John Rogers a celebrated puritan preacher at Dedham in England, de|scen••ed from the protomartyr in Queen Mary's reign.

  Hubbard.
• * 15.26

  At my presenting your letter of the first of December 56 to his highness he was pleased to enquire of New-England's condition, and what news as to the business of Jamaica, to which I gave an|swer according to the advice ••eceived. By his resent thereof to|gether with what I had from him the 18th of November, he mani|festeth a very strong desire in him for some leading and consider|able company of New-England men to go thither; for at that time he was pleased to express, that he did apprehend the people of New-England had as clear a call to transport themselves from thence to Jamaica as they had from England to New-England in order to their bettering their outward condition, God having pro|mised his people should be the head and not the tail, besides that design hath it's tendency to the overthrow of the man of sin, and withal was pleased to add, that though the ••eople had been sickly yet it was said to be a climacterical year, that others had been to view the place, as Mevis people who upon liking were gone down, and Christophers people were upon motion, and he hoped by what intelligence he had from Capt. Gookin that some con|siderable numbers would go from New-England. His highness was pleased to hear me in what I objected. As to the bettering our outward condition, though we had not any among us that had to boast, as some particulars in other plantations, of raising themselves to great estates, yet take the body of the people and all things considered, they lived more comfortably like English|men than any of the rest of the plantations; to which his highness replied, that they were more industrious, what then would they be in a better country; to which I added that there were more in New-England produced to bespeak us a commonwealth than in all the English plantations besides, the which his highness granted. I objecting the contrariety of spirits, principles, manners, and cus|toms of the people of New-England to them that were at the island or in any other plantations that could remove thither, so not like to cement, his highness replied that were there consider|able persons that would remove from thence, they should have the government in their hands and be strengthened with the authority of England, who might be capable of giving check to the ill and vicious manners of all. Whilst his highness was pleased to entertain me with these discourses, an honorable gen|tleman of his council came in who hearing his highness upon New-England was pleased to express himself concerning New-England's rigidness and persecution, to which his highness was pleased to answer very much in the favor of them, that they acted like wise men, and God had broken the designs of evil instruments, bearing witness with them against evil seducers which had risen up among them, mentioning one or two; to which that honor|able gentleman replied, the miscarriage of particular persons proved not God's bearing witness against the body of them that withdrew and departed from them for their rigidness; to which, with their favor, I replied, that if Rhode Island and those parts were intended that then God had born witness against them in general as well as against particulars, which would appear by that looseness and profaneness they were left to, so that they had not only declined christian religion but moral observations, to which the honorable gentleman was pleased to wave the credit thereof, and express that if it were so he thought his highness ought to animadvert upon one and the other. Much more passed in dis|course and his highness broke off with this that he would not impose any particular injunction upon me.

  Extract from J. Leveret's letter to governor Endicot▪ London 20 Dec. 1656.

  The Courts letter to Oliver Cromwell.

  SIR,

  WE received by Capt. Gookin your highness's proposals for the re|moval of some of our's to the island of Jamaica, which by our or|der were communicated to the people of this jurisdiction in com|pliance with your highness's good and pious intentions of plant|ing the place with such as through the blessing of God may hope|fully promote a design so religious. But if by the intelligence from thence of the mortality of the English there, the motion here answereth not expectation, may it please your highness not to impute it to us as declining your service, much less as disaccepting your favour and endeavours of promoting what may conduce to our welfare, wherein we have always found your highness ready upon all occasions to testify the same, and in particular by your gracious acceptance of our last by Capt. Leveret, by whom we found ourselves necessitated to make our addresses to your high|ness that by your just favour we might be supported, without which we have cause to fear we cannot be secure from the cla|mours and calumnies of some whose endeavours may be to render us obnoxious to your displeasure.—We account it our duty to our utmost power to advance your highness's service, and if all other opportunities shall be wanting yet never to cease to present our requests to him that is able abundan••ly to recompence all your labours of love to his, to preserve your Highness, long to con|tinue you a happy instrument to carry on his work, overthrow the enemies of his truth, and to enlarge the kingdom of his dear son in whom we are

  Boston in New-England, the 24th October 1656.

  Your highness's most obliged servants,

  • Jo. Endicot▪ gov.
  • Rich. Bellingham, dep. gov.
  • Edward Rawson, secr.

  In the name and with the consent of the general court."
• * 16.1

  I have lately been at London about five weeks. My Lord Pro|tector was pleased to send one of his guard for me, with whom I had discourse in private about the space of an hour. All his speeches seemed to me very orthodox and gracious, no way favor|ing sectaries. He spake very experimentally to my apprehension of the work of God's grace, and knowing what opposition I met withal from some whom I shall not name, exhorted me to perseve|rance in these very words as I remember, 'Mr. Wheelwright stand fast in the Lord and you shall see that these notions will vanish into nothing,' or to that effect. Many men, especially the sectaries, ex|claim against him with open mouths, but I hope he is a gracious man. I saw the lord mayor and sheriff with their officers carry sundry of the fifth monarchy men to prison, as Mr. Can, Mr. Day with others who used to meet together in Colman street to preach and pray against the Lord Protector and the present power, &c.

  Mr. Wheelwright's letter to the church at Hampton, Ap. 20. 1658.
• * 16.2

  All that do not think as we do in religion are sectaries. There would be some difficulty in determining who upon this occasion were referred to as sectaries, if the fifth monarchy men had not been mentioned presently after.
• * 16.3

  Although his highness and divers of the council are very cor|dial friends to New-England, yet there are not wanting those who wait an opportunity of complaints coming against you to usher in something else, the great privileges belonging to New-England being matter of envy, as of some in other plantations so of divers in England who trade to those places.

  Leveret's letter to Endicot.
• * 16.4

  Appendix.
• * 16.5

  1656. to 1660.
• * 16.6

  This sect made its first appearance in England in the year 1652. They soon spread themselves into America.
• * 16.7

  Mary Fisher travelled as far as Adrianople and coming near the grand vizier's camp she procured a man to inform him that there was an English woman had something to declare from the great God to the great Turk. She was introduced and delivered her message, &c. New-England judged, by G. Bishop. She fared better among the Turks than among christians.
• * 16.8

  Mr. Neale says they came from Rhode Island. I take this account from the records of the superior court. See a letter from the pre|sident &c. of Rhode Island in the appendix, shewing the sense they had of the quakers at that time.
• * 16.9

  I cannot find what law they had for this.
• * 16.10

  This is the ordinary consequence of pity and compassion for the sufferers. And although it has been observed that persecution tends to frighten men from coming into a country, yet it was a characteristick of this sect at the beginning of it to court persecu|tion and to submit to death with an infatuation equal to that of some roman catholic priests carrying their religion into China or Tartary.
• * 16.11

  Great opposition was made to this law, the magistrates were the most zealous and in general for it, but it was rejected at first by the deputies, afterwards upon reconsideration concurred by 12 against 11 with an amendment that the trial should be by a spe|cial jury. Capt. Edward Hutchinson and Capt. Thomas Clark, two of the court, desired leave to enter their dissent against this law.

  New-England judged.
• * 16.12

  Nicholas Upshall was a member of Boston church, a very old man. When he was banished he went first to Plimouth, where people were forbad entertaining him, but some that were more com|passionate prevailed upon the authority to suffer him to ••arry un|til the spring.

  New-England judged.
• * 16.13

  Her husband or son William Dyre was secretary of that colony.
• * 16.14

  Bishop says that they cut off the right ear of Holder, Copeland, and Rous in the prison, and that Catharine Scott the mother of Patience Scott reproving them for a deed of darkness, they whip|ped her ten stripes, tho' they allowed her to be otherwise of blameless conversation and well bred, being a minister's daughter in England.

  New-England judged.
• * 16.15

  Mr. Winthrop the governor of Connecticut labored to prevent their execution, and Col. Temple went to the court and told them

  that if according to their declaration they desired their lives ab|sent rather than their deaths present, he would carry them away and provide for them at his own charge, and if any of them should return he would fetch them away again.

  This motion was well liked by all the magistrates except two or three, and they proposed it to the deputies the next day, but those two or three magis|trates with the deputies prevailed to have execution done.

  New-England judged.
• * 16.16

  Being asked what she had to say why sentence should not be exe|cuted. She answered that she denied their law, came to bear witness against it, and could not chuse but come and do as for|merly. This is the same Mary Dyer who in the year 1637 was banished for her familistical tenets.
• * 16.17

  The pillory served for a pulpit to George Fox. He preached to the populace and made so many converts that they delivered him in a tumultuous manner, and set a clergyman who had been in|strumental in Fox's punishment upon the same pillory.

  Volt. letters.
• * 16.18

  New-England judged.
• * 16.19

  George Bishop mentions several who suffered corporal punishment by order of particular magistrates or the county courts, of whom I find no notice any where else.

  New-England judged.
• * 16.20

  One of the sect apologizing for this behavior said,

  If the Lord did stir up any of his daughters to be a sign of the nakedness of others, he believed it to be a great cross to a modest woman's spirit, but the Lord must be obeyed.

  Another quoted the com|mand in Isaiah, cap. 20. R. Williams. One Faubord of Grindle|ton carried his enthusiasm still higher, and was sacrificing his son in imitation of Abraham, but the neighbours hearing the lad cry, broke open the house and happily prevented it.
• * 16.21

  The author of the account of the European settlements in North-America, who is very erroneous in some historical facts which concern the Massachusets colony, but has many judicious obser|vations which run through his whole performance, says upon the subject of the New-England persecutions,

  Such is the man|ner of proceeding of religious parties towards each other, and in this respect the New-England people are not worse than the rest of mankind, nor was their severity any just matter of reflection upon that mode of religion which they profess. No religion whatsoever, true or false, can excuse its own members or accuse those of any other upon the score of persecution.

  Vol. II. p. 185. It is a doctrine of Calvin, In haereticos gladio vindicandum est, and the death of Servetus is generally laid to his charge.
• * 16.22

  Sir Thomas Temple came first to New-England in 1657, having with others obtained from Oliver a grant of lands in Acadie or Nova Scotia, of which he was made governor. He was recom|mended by Nathaniel Fiennes son to Lord Say. Mr. Fiennes calls him his near kinsman.
• * 16.23

  Mr. William Bradford who had been many years governor of Plimouth colony died the 9th May 1657. He was in great esteem. Having taken notice of Mr. Winslow's elegy, for the fame reason we cannot well omit three or four of the first lines of Mr. Bradford's.

  "The ninth of May about nine of the clock, A precious one God out of Plimouth took; Governor Bradford then expir'd his breath, Was call'd away by force of cruel death," &c.

  These will be sufficient for a specimen of New-England poetry in that age.
• * 16.24

  Mr. Hubbard gives the list of their names. Charles Chauncey, Ralph Partridge, William Hooke, Nicholas Street▪ John Lothrop, John Mayo, Edward Bulkley, William Leveridge, Richard Blin|man, John Miller, and Marmaduke Matthews.
• * 16.25

  Douglass says they were two obscure sailors who assisted in the survey, but they are called in the record two able mathematicians.
• * 16.26

  There has been a pretence started or revived of late years that the Massachusets had extended the southerly part of Charles river to a brook too small to be accounted a branch of it, but such pretences after so many years acquiescence can have little weight, especially if it be considered that what is now a small brook, after the coun|try has been opened and cleared of wood for an hundred years, may probably have been a navigable stream for canoes and boats at the time of fixing the station.