The history of the colony of Massachusets-Bay, from the first settlement thereof in 1628. until its incorporation with the colony of Plimouth, province of Main, &c. by the Charter of King William and Queen Mary, in 1691. : [One line in Latin from Pliny] / By Mr. Hutchinson, lieutenant-governor of the Massachusets province.

CHAP. II. Historical Occurrences from the Restoration of King Charles the Second to the year 1686, when the Charter was vacated.

SINCE the year 1640 the people had been without any apprehensions of danger to their religious or civil privileges. They prudently acknowledged subjection to the parliament and afterwards to Cromwell, so far as was necessary to keep upon terms and avoid excep|tion, and no farther. The addresses to the parliament and Cromwell shew this to have been the case. After Cromwell's death, during the frequent changes in the supreme autho|rity in England, they seem to have taken part with none, but to have waited until some settlement was made which should have a prospect of stability.* 1.1 I have no where met with any marks of disrespect to the memory of the late King, and there is no room to suppose they were under disaffection to his son, and if they feared his restoration it was because they expected a change in religion, and that a persecution of all non-conformists would follow it.* 1.2 At

the election in May, they could have received no intelli|gence from England to enable them to make any certain judgment of affairs. Mr. Endicot was then chosen gover|nor and Mr. Bellingham deputy governor, both of them as fixed in their principles as any of their brethren. The business of this session of the general court went over and nothing passed relative to affairs in England. On the 27th of July Capt. Peirce, a noted shipmaster in the trade be|tween England and the colony, arrived and brought the news of the King's being proclaimed. If they received at the same time the King's declaration from Breda and de|pended that a royal promise would be, as it always ought to be, religiously complied with, they need not have been under great concern about their public affairs either in church or state. No advices were received from autho|rity, and the King was not proclaimed in the colony▪* 1.3 nor was any alteration made in the forms of their public acts and proceedings. There was a session of the general court in October and a motion was made for an address to the King, but it did not succeed. Mr. Norton, one of the ministers of Boston, was very earnest for it, but rumors came by the way of Barbados, that the government in England was in a very unsettled state, the body of the people dissatisfied, that the Scotch had demanded Monk to be delivered up to them, that Lord Fairfax was at the head of a great army, &c. and they had seen so many changes in the course of a few months that they thought it was not very certain that an address to the King would not fall into the hands of a committee of safety, council of state, or a junto with some other title. On the 30th of November a ship arrived from Bristol, which brought advices of the proceedings of parliamen••, and that all matters were fully settled. They were also informed by letters from Mr. Leveret their agent and others, that

petitions and complaints were preferred against the colony to the King in council, and to the parliament (a citation being posted upon the exchange in London) by Mason, Gorges and others. The governor and assistants met forthwith, called the general court to convene the 19th of December, a very loyal address to the King was presently agreed upon, and another to the two houses of parliament. Letters were sent by Sir Thomas Temple who was a con|stant friend to the colony, to Lord Manchester, Lord Say and Seal, and other persons of note, to pray them to inter|cede in behalf of the colony. A most gracious answer was given to the address, by the King's letter dated Feb. 15. 1660, which was the first public act or order concerning them after the restoration, except a few lines the 23d of January before from secretary Morice, to inclose an order for the apprehending two of the late King's judges, both letters its probable by the same ship, which arrived in May following.

BEFORE the receipt of this letter, the governor and council March 18th took public notice of a book pub|lished by Mr. Eliot not long before, intitled The Christian Commonwealth, &c. which they declare they find on pe|rusal full of seditious principles and notions in relation to all established governments in the christian world, especially against the government established in their native country. Upon consultation with the elders their censure was de|ferred until the general court met,

that Mr. Eliot might have the opportunity in the mean time of making a pub|lic recantation.

AT the next sessions in May Mr. Eliot gave into the court the following acknowledgment under his hand.

"UNDERSTANDING by an act of the honored council that there is offence taken at a book published in England by others, the copy whereof was sent over by myself about nine or ten years since, and that the further consideration thereof is commended to this honored general court now sitting at Boston. Upon perusal thereof I do judge my|self to have offended, and in way of satisfaction not only to the authority of this jurisdiction but also to any others

that shall take notice thereof. I do hereby acknowledge to this honored court that such expressions as do too mani|festly scandalize the government of England by King, Lords, and Commons as antichristian, and justify the late innova|tors, I do sincerely bear testimony against, and acknowledge it to be not only a lawful but eminent form of government.

2d. ALL form of civil government deduced from scrip|ture I acknowledge to be of God, and to be subjected to for conscience sake.—And whatsoever is in the whole epistle or book inconsistent herewith, I do at once most cordially disown.

John Eliot."

THE books were ordered by the court to be called in and this acknowledgment to be posted up in the principal towns in the colony. When the times change, men gene|rally suffer their opinions to change with them, so far at least as is necessary to avoid danger. Between the reigns of Henry the seventh and James the first, how many times did the whole body of the clergy of England change or shift their opinions in matters of greater importance?

A day of public thanksgiving was appointed by authori|ty, to acknowledge the favor of heaven in inclining the King graciously to accept and answer the address made to him.

THEY were notwithstanding under no small degree of fear, least the revolution of government in England should produce as great a change in the form of their govern|ment, both in church and state. They were alarmed from all quarters. Reports were spread that Virginia and the islands were forbid trading with them, that three frigates would soon be sent from England, and that a general go|vernor over all the colonies was to come in one of them.* 2.1

At the same sessions in May they passed the following vote.

FORASMUCH as the present condition of our affairs of the highest concernment, call for diligent and speedy use of the best means seriously to discuss and rightly to under|stand our liberty and duty, thereby to beget unity amongst ourselves, in the due observance of obedience and fidelity to the authority of England and our own just privileges. For the effecting whereof it is ordered that Mr. Simo•• Bradstreet, Mr. Samuel Symonds, Major-General Deniso••, Mr. Danforth, Major William Hawthorn, Capt. Thom•••• Savage, Capt. Edward Johnson, Capt. Eleazer Lusher, Mr. Mather, Mr. Norton, Mr. Corbett, and Mr. Mitchell,* 2.2 be and hereby are a committee, immediately after the dissolutio•• or adjournment of the court, to meet together in Boston on second day next at 12 of the clock, to consider and debate such matter or thing of public•• concernment touching our patent, laws, privileges, and duty to his Majesty, as they in their wisdom shall judge most expedient, and draw up the result of their apprehensions, and present the same to the next session for consideration and approbation, that so (if the will of God be) we may speak and act the same thing becoming prudent, honest, conscientious and faithful men.

* 2.3

AN answer was drawn up and accepted by the court at a session specially appointed to receive the same.* 2.4

IN the ship which arrived from London the 27th of July there came passengers Col. Whaley and Col. Goffe, two of the late King's judges. Col. Goffe brought testimo|nials from Mr. John Rowe and Mr. Seth Wood, two mini|sters of a church in Westminster. Col. Whaley had been a member of Mr. Thomas Goodwin's church. Goffe kept a journal or diary from the day he left Westminster, May 4. until the year 1667▪ which together with several other papers belonging to him I have in my possession. Almost the whole is in characters or short hand, not very difficult to decypher. The story of these persons has never yet been published to the world. It has never been known

in New-England. Their papers after their death were collected and have remained near an hundred years in a library in Boston. It must give some entertainment to the curious. They left London before the King was pro|claimed. It does not appear that they were among the most obnoxious of the judges, but as it was expected ven|geance would be taken of some of them, and a great many h••d fled, they did not think it safe to remain. They did not attempt to conceal their persons or characters when they arrived at Boston, but immediately went to the gover|nor Mr. Endicot, who received them very courteously. They were visited by the principal persons of the town, and among others they take notice of Col. Crown's coming to see them. He was a noted royalist. Although they did not disguise themselves, yet they chose to reside at Cam|bridge, a village about four miles distant from the town, where they went the first day they arrived. They went publickly to meetings on the Lord's days, and to occasional lectures, fasts, and thanksgivings, and were admitted to the sacrament, and attended private meetings for devotion, vi|sited many of the principal towns, and were frequently at Boston, and once when insulted there the person in|sulting them was bound to his good behavior. They appeared grave, serious and devout, and the rank they had sustained commanded respect. Whaley had been one of Cromwell's Lieut. Generals and Goffe a Major-General. It is not strange that they should meet with this favorable reception, nor was this reception any con|tempt of the authority in England. They were known to have been two of the King's judges, but King Charles the second was not proclaimed when the ship that brought them left London. They had the news of it in the channel. The reports afterwards by way of Barbados were that all the judges would be pardoned but seven. The act of indemnity was not brought over until the last of November. When it appeared that they were not ex|cepted, some of the principal persons in the government were alarmed, pity and compassion prevailed with others.

They had assurances from some that belonged to the general court that they would stand by them, but were advised by others to think of removing. The 22d of February the governor summoned a court of assistants to consult about securing them, but the court did not agree to it. Finding it unsafe to remain any longer they left Cambridge the 26th following and arrived at New-Haven the 7th of March. One Capt. Breedan who had seen them at Boston gave information thereof upon his arrival in England. A few days after their removal, an hue and cry, as they term it in their diary, was brought by the way of Barbados, and thereupon a warrant to secure them issued, the 8th of March, from the governor and assistants, which was sent to Springfield and the other towns in the western parts of the colony, but they were beyond the reach it.* 2.5

* 2.6THE proclaiming the King having been deferred until August 1661 the governor, upon intelligence from Eng|land of what was doing there to the prejudice of the colony,

did not think proper to delay it any longer, and called the general court together the 7th of August, when, after a great variety of forms for a proclamation had been pro|posed, the following was agreed to.

FORASMUCH as Charles the second is undoubted King of Great-Britain and all other his Majesty's territo|ries and dominions thereunto belonging, and hath been some time since lawfully proclaimed and crowned accor|dingly: We therefore do, as in duty we are bound, own and acknowledge him to be our Sovereign Lord and King, and do therefore hereby proclaim and declare his sacred Majesty Charles the second to be lawful King of Great-Britain, France and Ireland, and all other the territories thereunto belonging. God save the King.

AN order passed the court the same day and was posted up in Boston forbidding all disorderly behavior on the occasion, declaring that no person might expect indulgence for the breach of any law, and

in a particular manner that no man should presume to drink his Majesty's health,

* 2.7 which the order says

he hath in an especial manner forbid.

AN address to the King was likwise agreed to and ordered to be sent to England.

INTELLIGENCE arriving of further complaints against the colony, and orders being received from the King that persons should be sent over to make answer, the governor called the court together again the 31st of December, and Simon Bradstreet one of the magistrates, and John Norton one of the ministers of Boston church, were chosen agents for the colony, and instructions given them, the sum of which was to represent the colony as his Majesty's loyal and obedient subjects, to endeavour to take off all scandal and objections, and to understand his Majesty's ap|prehensions concerning them, to do nothing which might be prejudicial to the charter, and to keep the court advised of these transactions and all occurrences.* 2.8

THESE gentlemen engaged in the service with great reluctance, Mr. Norton particularly. A ship was stopped for them upon demurrage, and then discharged, and then stopped again. At length the committee appointed to do every thing necessary for their dispatch in the recess of the court, engaged

to make good all damages they might sustain by the detention of their persons in England or otherwise.

They departed the 10th of February.

* 2.9THEIR reception in England was much more favorable than was expected, their stay short, returning the next fall with the King's most g••••cious letter, some parts of which cheared the hearts of the country; and they then looked upon, and often afterwards recurred to them, as a confirma|tion of their charter privileges, and an amnesty of all past errors. The letter was ordered to be published, and in an order for a public thanksgiving particular notice is taken of

the return of their messengers and the continuance of the mercies of peace, liberties, and the gospel.

* 2.10

THERE were some things however in the King's ••ette•• hard to comply with; and although it was ordered to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 published yet it was with this caution, that

inasmuch 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the letter hath influence upon the churches as well as civil state, all manner of actings in relation thereto shall be suspended until the next general court, that so all persons concerned may have time and opportunity to consider of what is necessary to be done in order to his Majesty's pleasure therein.

The King expresly declares,

We will preserve and do hereby confirm the patent and charter heretofore granted unto them by our royal father of blessed memory, and they shall fully enjoy all the privileges and liberties granted to them in and by the same, and we will be ready to renew the same charter to them under our great seal of England whensoever they shall desire it.

His Majesty's gracious pardon to all his subjects was likewise declared for all treasons, &c. during the late troubles, except to such as stood attainted by act of parliament, if any such should have transported themselves thither; but then it was required that all their laws should be reviewed, and such as were contrary or derogatory to the King's authority and government should be annulled and repealed, that the oath of allegiance should be duly administred, that the administration of justice should be in the King's name, that freedom and liberty should be given to all such as desired to use the book of common prayer and perform their devotions in the manner esta|blished in England and that they might not undergo any

prejudice thereby, that all persons of good and honest lives and conversations should be admitted to the sacrament of the Lord's supper, according to the book of common prayer, and their children to baptism, that in the choice of governor and assistants the only consideration to be had should be of the wisdom virtue and integrity of the per|sons to be chosen, and not of any faction with reference to opinions and outward profession, that all freeholders of competent estates, not vicious, &c. though of different persuasions concerning church government, should have their votes in the election of all officers civil and military, and finally that this letter should be published, &c.

HOWEVER reasonable the several things required by the King appear to us at this day* 3.1 yet many of them were grievous to our ancestors. The agents met with the fate of most agents ever since.* 3.2 The favors they h••d obtained

were supposed to be no more than might well have been expected, and their merits were soon forgot; the evils which they had it not in their power to prevent were attributed to their neglect or unnecessary concessions. Mr. Bradstreet was a man of more phlegm and not so sensibly touched, but Mr. Norton was so affected that he grew melancholy. He died suddenly, very soon after his return (April 5. 1663.)* 3.3 The only thing done at this session in compliance with his Majesty's orders, besides making the letter publick, was the giving directions that all writs pro|cesses, &c. should be in his Majesty's name. A committee was afterwards appointed to consider what was proper to be done as to the other parts, who were to report the next session, and liberty was given to any of the reverend elders, to any freemen, and to any other the inhabitants to send in their thoughts, that so after serious consideration something might be agreed upon,

satisfactory and safe, con|ducing to the glory of God and the felicity of his people.

THE year 1662 was remarkable for a synod or general council of all the churches, held at Boston in the month of September, by order of the general court.

THE two questions referred to their decision, and con|cerning which the country was much divided in sentiment, were these,

1st. WHO are the subjects of Baptism?

2d. WHETHER according to the word of God there ought to be a consociation of churches, and what should be the manner of it?

THE result of this synod was printed by order of the general court, and is particularly mentioned by Doctor Mather, Mr. Neal and other writers.* 3.4

JOHN TOUTON a French doctor and inhabitant of Rochel in France, made application to the court in behalf of himself and other protestants expelled from their habi|tations on account of their religion, that they might have liberty to inhabit here, which was readily granted to them.

CAPTAIN Breedan who as we have before mentioned had been in England and had complained of the govern|ment for harbouring regicides, and had laid divers other

things to its charge to render it obnoxious, returned to New-England this year and behaved with great inso|lence in the face of the court, usurping authority and lay|ing his commands on them, but he soon found they had not lost their spirit. They committed him to prison for his contemptuous carriage, and afterwards fined him two hundred pounds, * 3.5 and ordered that he become bound in two hundred pounds with sureties, to be of good behavior, standing committed until sentence be performed. On the other hand Isaac Cole the constable of Woburn being charged with having refused to publish the King's letter, and Edward Converse one of the selectmen of that town, with having spoken disrespectfully of it, as tending to pope|ry, process was ordered against them and they were held to answer for a high misdemeanor, but the facts charged against them not being proved they were acquitted.

THE severe acts of parliament against nonconformists caused some of them again to think of a place of refuge. Several ministers came over, and more intended to follow, but New-England was threatned with a loss of their privi|leges, and if the threat had been executed they would not have been secure in these remote parts.* 3.6

THE inhabitants upon Connecticut river being increased to three townships, Springfield, Northampton, and Hadley,

at the Sessions of the general court in May 1662 they were made a county by the name of Hampshire.

* 3.7A letter was sent signed by the governor in the name of the general court, dated Oct. 20, 1663, to Doctor John Owen desiring him to come over and to accept the call or invitation which the first church in Boston had given him to become their teacher in the room of Mr. Norton, but he could not be prevailed upon.* 3.8

* 3.9IN 1664 the people of New-England were surprized with the appearance of a very large comet which conti|nued from the 17th of November until the 4th of Febru|ary following. At first it appeared in the east bearded▪ afterwards in the west with a tail. They were not alone in their opinion that comets were omens of great evils. So judicious a writer as Sleidan observes that a comet was seen all the month of August preceding the October when Zuinglius was slain; he adds that the Queen-Mother of France died about the same time. One had appeared just before Mr. Cotton's death. The death of their aged governor, and the troubles the colony met with the next year from the King's commissioners tended to confirm people in their opinion. The aurora borealis, and even eclipses, in former ages have been deemed prodigies and of ill omen.* 3.10

THE first prosecution I find upon record of any of the people called anabaptists was in the year 1665.* 3.11 William Turner, Thomas Gold, Edward Drinker, John George, and Thomas Osborne, were charged before the governor and other magistrates with

gathering themselves into a

pretended church state,* 3.12 in opposition to the order of the churches of Christ in the colony, and intermeddling with those holy appointments of the Lord Jesus which are pro|per only to office trust.

They confessed they had joined in a church society, that they had been rebaptized, and that one of them administred the Lord's supper. They were admonished and threatned that if they continued to meet and practice contrary to the order of the gospel the court would proceed against them according to their de|merits. They persevered notwithstanding, and were sen|tenced by the court to be disfranchised, if they were freemen, and if they still continued their practice to be committed to prison upon conviction before one magistrate, until the general court should take further order, and some time after they were imprisoned and banished. Niti|mur in vetitum was verified in this proceeding, as it usually is in the like cases. Severity made converts, and then it was thought adviseable to cease from further prosecutions.* 3.13

The baptists in England were distinguished at this time into three divisions.

Such as look upon all who had not been baptized after they came to adult age as little bet|ter than heathens, and will not join in prayer with the most eminent congregational ministers, if they were pro|videntially in a family together. Others are sober mode|rate men and manifest the power of godliness in their conversations, and these upon our occasional meetings we join hand in heart with, and call some of them out to pray with us, and we would not have this difference in judgment between us make the least breach in affection, for many of those we look upon to be eminent precious holy men. We have a third sort, but they are not many (and most of them at London) that take into fellowship those that are godly and desire to join with them, though they come not up to be baptized, and walk lovingly to|gether.

* 3.14 The first baptists in the Massachusets are represented by the writers of that day to have been of the same principles with those first described. Some of them were not so. I have seen a letter, dated not many years after this time, from Mr. Miles the baptist minister at Swanzey, to one of the congregational ministers at Boston, which breathes the true spirit of the gospel and urges christian concord, charity and love, although they did not agree in every point.

IN the year 1664 the line between the Massachusets and Plimouth was fully and amicably settled and ran, by a committee from each colony, their return being accepted by the general court of the Massachusets and ordered to be recorded, and there is no doubt the general court of Pli|mouth colony accepted it likewise.* 3.15

FROM the restoration until the vacating the charter the colony never stood well in England, the principal persons both in church and state were never without fear|ful expectations of being deprived of their privileges. The years 1664 and 1665 afforded them greater occasion for fears than they had met with at any time before.* 3.16 In the spring of 1664 intelligence was brought that several men of war were coming from England, and several gentlemen of distinction aboard them. Assoon as the general court met in May, they ordered the captain of the castle to give the speediest notice, upon sight of the ships, to the gover|nor and deputy governor, appointed a committee to repair on board to present the respects of the court to the gentle|men, and to acquaint them that it was the desire of the authority of the place, that strict orders should be given to the under officers and soldiers, in their coming ashore to refresh themselves, at no time to exceed a convenient num|ber, and those without arms, and to behave themselves orderly, and to give no offence to the people and laws of the place. This was no more than a prudent precaution, considering how strict the laws were against all immoralities,

the sense the magistrates had of their obligations to exe|cute them upon all offenders without distinction, the cer|tainty that the crews of men of war would offend, and the danger of tumults, quarrels and bloodshed when they should be brought to punishment. Preparation was likewise made for receiving and entertaining the gentlemen in the best manner.

A day of fasting and prayer * 3.17 was appointed to be ob|served throughout the jurisdiction, to implore the mercy of God to them under their many distractions and troubles according as they should stand in need. And apprehend|ing it to be of great concernment that the patent or char|ter should be kept safe and secret, they ordered the secretary to bring it into court and to deliver it, together with a duplicate, to four of the court,* 3.18 who were directed to dispose of them as might be most safe for the country.

THE ships arrived Saturday the 23d of July, with Col. Richard Nichols and George Cartwright, Esq* 3.19 who to|gether with Sir Robert Carr and Samuel Maverick, Esq had received a commission * 3.20 from the King for reducing the Dutch at the Manhados, visiting the colonies in New-England, hearing and determining all matters of complaint, and settling the peace and security of the cou••••ry, any three or two of them to be a quorum, Col. Nichols during his life being one. At their desire the governor ordered a meeting of the council on Tuesday the 26th. The commissioners laid their commission before the council with the King's letter of the 23d of April, and part of an

instruction referring to the reducing the Manhados, and proposed the raising such a number of men as the country could spare, to begin their March on the 20th of August, promising that if in the mean time they could prevail by treaty or any nearer assistance, they would stop the pro|gress of raising or marching the men.

THE council gave their answer that they would cause the general court to assemble the 3d of August and com|municate the proposal to them. The commissioners then acquainted the council that there were many more things to signify to them at their return from Manhados, and the council was desired in the mean time further to con|sider of his Majesty's letter to the colony, June 28, 1662, and to give a more satisfactory answer than formerly. The commissioners then proceeded to the Manhados.

THE court assembled at the time appointed. They first resolved

that they would bear faith and true alle|giance to his Majesty and adhere to their patent, so dearly obtained and so long enjoyed by undoubted right in the sight of God and men.

And then resolved to raise a number not exceeding two hundred men, at the charge of the colony, for his Majesty's service against the Dutch. The men were raised, but the place surrendering upon articles no orders were given for them to march.* 3.21 The court in the next place considered of his Majesty's letter of 1662, and repealed the law relating to the admission of freemen, and instead of it provided another that allowed English subjects, being freeholders, rateable to a certain value, certified by the minister of the place to be orthodox, and not vicious in their lives, to be made freemen, although not members of the church. The other parts of the letter were referred until the commissioners return.

THEY agreed upon an address to the King, setting forth the purchase of the soil from the council of Plimouth, the charter from King Charles the first, the great charge they had been at in transporting themselves and families, in purchasing lands of the natives and settling the colony, his Majesty's explicit confirmation of their privileges, &c. they then express their grief in having four persons sent over, one of them their known and professed enemy,* 3.22 with such extraordinary powers, by means whereof they were like to be subjected to the arbitrary power of strangers proceeding not by any established law but their own discretion, and being thus subjected to complaints, appeals, and the determinations of new judges, the govern|ment and administration would be made void and of no effect, and although they had but tasted of the words and actions of the gentlemen, yet they had enough to satisfy them that the powers given by the commission would be improved to the subver••ion of their all, that if things went on according to the present appearance they must either seek new dwellings or sink under intolerable burdens, the inhabitants would be driven to they knew not what ex|tremities, and a hopeful plantation ruined, that if any profit was expected by the King or by new rulers im|posed upon them they would be disappointed, the country being poor and but just affording subsistence, that if the people should be drove out of the country (for to a coali|tion they would never come) it would be hard to find another people that would stay long in it, that the body of the people was satisfied with the present government, that there was no government under heaven where there were no discontented persons, that there were but few among them, and fewer that had cause to be so. They appeal to God that they came not into this wilderness to seek great things for themselves, but for the sake of a quiet life. They profess their subjection to his Majesty and willingness to testify their dutiful affection in any righteous way, but it was a great unhappiness to be re|duced

to the hard case of having no other way of doing it but by destroying their own being which nature taught them to preserve, or yielding up their liberties far dearer to them than their lives, which if they had had any reason to expect, they would not have wandered from their father's houses to the ends of the earth, a royal donation from so great a Prince being the greatest security in hu|man affairs. They sent letters humbly to sue for favor to several of the nobility, and among others to the Lord Clarendon, from whom they had an unfavorable answer.* 3.23

THE Dutch being reduced Nichols remained at New-York, the other commissioners returned to Boston the 15th of February, and acquainted the governor and council that the next day they should go to Plimouth to deliver the King's letter to that government, and desired orders might be given to all the inhabitants to assemble together the next election day, to which it was answered that all were at their liberty, but the reason of such a motion they could not see into nor should they encourage it, not only on ac|count of the business of the season, but because the wives and children of a considerable part of the people, together with many aged persons, must be left exposed to the rage of the natives. To which Cartwright replied

that the motion was so reasonable that he that would not attend to it was a traitor.

This was rough usage and could have no good consequences. The commissioners sent letters in their own name about the country to invite the people to assemble.

HAVING dispatched their business at Plimouth,* 3.24 they went to the Naraganset country, and at Warwick held

their court, made enquiry into the titles of lands there, and made divers determinations which had no long effect, and came privately and separately to Boston the latter end

of April, and so prevented, designedly as was supposed, that respect which was intended to have been shewn them at their arrival. Mr. Endicot the governor died the 15th of March 1665. Mr. Bellingham the deputy governor with some of the magistrates assembled, as usual, the 2d of May, the day before the election, to prepare for the busi|ness of the next day. The commissioners desired to speak with them, which though at first they refused, being no court, yet when it was urged by the commissioners, it was submitted to. Five writings were delivered as part of their instructions. The first expressing

the great kind|ness of the King for the colony and his desire to advance a plantation which had given so good an example of sobriety and industry to all others.

THE second declaring

that the King was so far from any thought of abridging that he was very ready to enlarge all the concessions made by his royal father in the charter, or to make any alterations for the prosperity of the colony.

THE third

that the principal end of their journey was to remove all jealousies the King might have of the loyalty and affections of his good subjects towards him, or which they might have of his good opinion and confidence in them and his protection over them.

THE fourth

that by this means the designs of wicked and seditious persons would be disappointed, and a founda|tion laid for mutual confidence and satisfaction, the King would look upon his colony of the Massachusets within the same limits of affection, duty and obedience to his person and government as Kent or Yorkshire, and they again would have the same confidence of his care and protection as the others had, and all have great reason to acknowledge the good effects which by God's blessing would proceed from this commission.

These were given as from his Majesty.

THE fifth was a message of their own,

assuring the council in his Majesty's name that whatever had been granted by his royal predecessor or promised by himself should to the utmost be made good, and desiring they might have no just cause to represent to his Majesty any thing which might seem to come short of that just duty and allegiance which might merit his Majesty's favor.

They then acquainted the council with the favorable re|presentation they had made to his Majesty of the readiness of the colony to have assisted in the expedition against the Dutch, if it had been necessary.* 4.1

BEFORE there was an opportunity for an answer they acquainted the deputy governor and the rest with two other instructions, one

for publishing the letters which had been sent to the King with the answers to them,

the other

for laying before the commissioners a map or plan of the colony, that they might hear and determine all claims made by such as bordered upon it.

They also complained of slanderous reports about the country that they were come to raise a revenue of £.5000 a year for the King, to lay 12d. per acre annual rent on all improved lands, &c.

ASSOON as the election was over, viz. on the 4th of May, these matters were laid, by the governor, before the general court. The commissioners were immediately de|sired to communicate to the court the whole which his Majesty had given in command to declare to them, that so they might have their whole work before them, but they replied, that they would not observe that method, but when they had an answer to what they had given in they would then present them with more work. The refusal itself was not so displeasing as the terms and manner in which it was expressed and delivered.

THE 5th the court gave their answer in substance as follows, reserving liberty to enlarge afterwards if there should be cause, viz.

THAT they acknowledged with all humble thanks his Majesty's grace and favor in his letters and messages, and they would lay hold of every opportunity to shew their duty and loyalty to him.

THAT what relates to the Dutch being fully accom|plished no further answer could be expected, only an ac|knowledgment of the favorable representation which the commissioners had made of the conduct of the court.

AS to a map of the colony, it was preparing and they should soon have satisfaction therein.

THAT his Majes••y's letters had been laid before the court, and so had the papers received from the commissio|ners, and copies were spread about the country, and if the commissioners desired any further publication they would endeavour their satisfaction.

THAT they were willing to advise with the commis|sioners upon the best 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of putting a stop to all false ru|mors, and finally that their confidence of his Majesty's grace and favor and royal intentions to them, being further cherished by the commissioners, would undoubtedly draw from them more ample expressions and demonstrations of duty loyalty and good affection to his Majesty, according as by their patent they were bound.

TO this answer the commissioners replied,

THAT to the preface

they desired the court to im|prove the liberty reserved of enlarging, &c.

TO the first head

that the opportunity they seemed so willing to lay hold of was now brought to their hands.

TO the second

that nothing further was necessary.

TO the third

that many things of great moment could not be issued until a perfect map was had.

TO the fourth

that they would not aggravate any neglect, but they hoped the general court by practical as|sertions of duty would give his Majesty satisfaction upon the points contained in the letter of 1662, which had so long slept in some hands.

TO the fifth

they were fully persuaded the printing the results and conclusions which should be made on his Majesty's part, and the part of the colony, would silence all those false and malicious reports which they expected should be enquired into.

TO the conclusion

that altho' their patent laid them under peculiar obligation, yet it did not circumscribe all that duty and allegiance which was due to his Majesty from natural born subjects, and which they themselves in former papers had more fully expressed.

THE same day the commissioners communicated other parts of their instructions, viz.

THAT they should inform themselves of the state of the neighbouring Indian Princes, and enquire what treaties had been made between them and any of the King's sub|jects, and if there had been any failure on the part of any of his Majesty's subjects, the commissioners should take ef|fectual course that reparation and satisfaction be made for any injury sustained thereby, and use all ways and means to let those Princes and other Indians know of his Majesty's charge, &c.

THE commissioners informed the court of great com|plaints received from the Naraganset Indians, and desired to be advised how they should attain a true information that they might do justice and give the King a just account. &c.

THAT they should make due inquiry, what progress had been towards the foundation and maintenance of any college or schools for the education of youth and conver|sion of infidels, the King having taken abundant satisfaction in the accounts he had received of the designs of the colo|ny herein, which he hoped would draw a blessing upon all their other undertakings.

THAT they should not give too easy an ear to clamors or accusations against such as then were, or had been, in places of government, except from men of equal condition, and then they should proceed to examine and determine, according to the rules of justice, without respect of persons or opinions.

THAT they should not receive any complaints against a magistrate, except for something done against equity or against the charter, nor interrupt the course of justice be|tween party and party, except the proceedings should be expresly contrary to the rules prescribed by the charter, or the matter in difference arose from some expression or clause in some grant under the great seal. In those cases to examine and proceed according to justice.

UPON the subject of this instruction the commissioners acquainted the court

they had received ma••y complaints from the English of hard measure in several kinds▪ one more especially, which they offered to communicate, and dared not refuse to examine it, but had so much respect to the authority in the several colonies that they would leave it to the choice of the court whether it should be heard at Providence in Rhode Island, or at Boston, either at that time, or after the commissioners return from the eastward where they were going.

This referred to a criminal prosecution against one John Porter, jun. to whom they had granted a warrant of protection as it was termed.

THAT in due season they should inquire how far the particulars required by the King's letter of 1662 had been complied with,

as first,

THAT all persons take the oath of allegiance.

2d,

THAT all process, and administration of justice be performed in our name.

3d,

THAT such as desire to use the book of commo•• prayer, be permitted so to do without incurring any penal|ty, reproach, or disadvantage, it being very scandalous that any persons should be debarred the exercise of their reli|gion according to the laws and customs of England, by those who were indulged with the liberty of being of what profession or religion they pleased.

4th,

THAT persons of good and honest conversation might enjoy the privilege, of chusing and being chose in|to places of government and the like.

THE commissioners desired they might be enabled to give the King such information as should be fully satisfactory.

THE 8th of May they delivered three other writing•• ••s parts of their instructions, viz.

THAT they should duly inquire whether any person•• attainted of high treason now reside there, or have been entertained there and by whom, and what is become of them, and endeavour to cause them to be apprehended and sent to England.

THAT they should take care that such orders be established as that the act of navigation be punctually ob|served, it being of infinite co••cernment and what the hearts of the whole nation were set upon, but had been evaded, under pretence that acts made in the assembly there during the late rebellion, were in force notwithstanding the act of parliament, an assertion the King would not suffer to be made, but that all such acts of assembly should be re|pealed, taken off the files, and no more rem••••n upon record; and that they should cause justice to be done to Thomas Dean who had been denied it in a prosecution upon the act of parliament.

THE commissioners desired a book of the colony law•• that they might examine, &c. and that any laws contrary to this act might be declared null.

THAT they should inform themselves of the whole frame and constitution of government, civil and ecclesiasti|cal,

the yearly taxes and impositions, the shipping, the militia, horse and foot, fortified towns and forts, &c.

THEY desired some persons might be appointed to draw up an information of all those particulars to satisfy his Majesty's desires.

BEFORE the court gave answer to these papers they sent a message, May 9th, to the commissioners to acquaint them that the court apprehended their patent to be greatly infringed by the warrant granted to John Porter, upon which the commissioners desired a conference with a com|mittee, that the court might have better information, which was agreed to and held the 11th.

THE commissioners asserted that they were to be justi|fied by their commission in what they did, and that the charter was not infringed. The committee urged

that the general court had full power and authority to make laws and provide for the execution of them; they were very ready to give an account to his Majesty of all their proceedings whensoever he required it, ••ut it would be an insuperable burden, if the colony must be brought upon a level, and stand with every criminal upon whom sentence had been passed, at the bar of another tribunal which their charter knew nothing of.

The commissioners being asked

whether they proposed a jury should pass upon these and the like cases? they replied no, theirs was a commission of oyer and terminer. Whether they would admit of new evidence? yea.

The committee then further urged

That they esteemed it their greatest unhappiness to be held to give up their privileges by charter, and the rights of Englishmen, or else be accounted among such as denied his Majesty's authority.

The commissioners nevertheless insisted upon their own authority, and required a submission to it. The court then proceeded to give answer to the other instructions which had been communicated.

TO that which relates to the Indians, called the 5th instruction, they say

that they have been too long ac|quainte•• with the falsehood of the Naraganset and other Indians to wonder that they should complain of injuries

when they themselves were the aggressors; that all matter•• relating to the Indians had been managed by the com|missioners of the united colonies, and their records might be examined.

TO the next or sixth instruction,

That there is a small college at Cambridge, from which they might say without boasting more than an hundred able preachers, physicians, and other useful persons had issued; for the particulars of the foundation and benefactions they referred to the president and fellows; that the country was well provided with schools, that there was also at Cambridge a small fabrick of brick for the use of the Indians, built by the corporation in England, in which there were then eight Indian scholars, one of which had been admitted into college, that there were six towns of Indians in the juris|diction professing the christian religion, that they had schools to teach the youth to read and write, and persons appointed to instruct them in civility and religion, who had orders to wait upon the commissioners and shew them the towns and manner of life of the Indians, if it should be desired.

TO the proposition upon the 7th and 8th instructions, by which an offer is made of the choice of a place for hearing and determining complaints, they say

that hear|ing and determining appeals from their judgments is in|consistent with their charter; nevertheless as they desired to be doers of truth and righteousness, and not to shun the light, if the commissioners would be pleased to impart the complaints that had been brought against the govern|ment, they hoped to be able to give such answer as should satisfy his Majesty that their actions had been consonant to reason and equity, and not such as evil minded men had represented them.

TO the ninth touching his Majesty's letter of June 1662, they say

that they had endeavoured formerly to satisfy his Majesty's expectations, &c. and now further say, touching the oath of allegiance, that in August last the court by a publick declaration expressed their resolution,

God assisting, to bear faith and true allegiance to his Ma|jesty, and to adhere to their patent the duties and privi|leges thereof, that many now in authority and also many of the common people had taken the oath of allegiance be|fore they left their native country, and they had ordered that the oath in the form prescribed by the colony law should be taken by all freemen and all other housholders.

* 4.2

AND touching civil liberties they observed the quali|fications mentioned in his Majesty's letter * 4.3 orderly evi|denced to them * 4.4 as appear'd by their late law and practice thereupon.

AND as to ecclesiastical privileges they had commended to the ministry and people here the word of the Lord for their rule.

TO the next or tenth instruction.

That they knew of no persons attainted of high treason who had arrived here, except Mr. Whaley and Mr. Gosse, and they before the act of parliament, and they departed this jurisdiction the February following, and a proclamation against them coming soon after by way of Barbados, the court sent two gentlemen, Mr. Kellond and Mr. Kirke, after them to Con|necticut and New-Haven to apprehend them.

TO the eleventh instruction they say,

The act for trade had been for some years observed here, that they had been misrepresented to his Majesty, the act not having in any instances that they knew of been greatly violated, and such laws as appeared to be against it were repealed, and that justice had been done in the case of Thomas Dean, as they would find upon enquiry.

TO the twelfth,

For the form of their constitution they refer to their patent, the annual ordinary charges of

government were about £.1200, for their ecclesiastical constitution they had none imposed by civil authority, all that was enjoined by that, was attendance on publick wor|ship on Lord's days and other occasional days. The people who maintained, also chose their mininsters, whose admini|strations were known and they hoped consonant to the word of God, and if any deviated in such case they made use of a synod and the civil authority. The militia consisted of about four thousand foot and four hundred horse, more might be in the lists, but aged and infirm were excused. They had a fort or keep at the entrance of Boston harbour with five or six guns, two batteries in the harbour, and one at Charlestown. The number of their ships and vessels as follows, about eighty from 20 to 40 tons, about forty from 40 to 100 tons, and about a dozen ships above 100 tons.

THESE papers were delivered to the commissioners on the 16th of May, and on the 18th they made their reply.

THEY were sorry to find by the court's answer to the 7th and 8th instruction that they put more value upon their own conceptions, than the wisdom of the King in interpret|ing the charter. The commissioners would reduce all the discourses upon this head to one question. Do you ac|knowledge his Majesty's commission wherein we are nomi|nated commissioners, to be of full force to all the pur|poses therein contained?

TO their answer to the 9th instruction the commissioners reply,

That the court had been so far from endeavouring to give his Majesty satisfaction, by observing what he re|quired, that they had even complained of his Majesty for enjoining them, and for the commission given to enquire whether they had observed them or not, that they pro|fessed highly to prize the King's favor, and yet in the same paper refuse to do what the King required, viz. that all who came into the colony should take the oath of allegiance, making provisoes not expressed in their charter, and so curtailing the oath. That the end of the first planters coming over, as the court expressed in their ad|dress

1660, was liberty of conscience, and yet it was denied to those for whom the King required it. That they had tentered the King's qualifications for freemen, by suffering none to be made such who were not church members, unless they paid ten shillings to a single rate, which not one church member in a hundred did pay, and although they commend the word of the Lord to the ministry and people for their rule, yet it was with a proviso that they have the approbation of the court. The commissioners supposed the King and his council and the church of Eng|land understood the word of God as well as the Massachu|sets corporation. They feared these answers would highly offend the King, and advised to an ingenuous and free consent to what he desired.

ON the 19th of May, the court by a message to the commissioners desired to be excused from a direct answer to the question

whether they acknowledged his Majesty's commission,

&c. and chose rather to plead his Majesty charter and his special charge to the commissioners not to disturb them in the enjoyment of it; they were ready to give such an account of their proceedings as that the commissioners might be able to represent their per|sons and actions to his Majesty.

THE commissioners by a message on the 20th, insisted on a direct answer to their question, and on the 22d, the court declared, that it was enough for them to give their sense of the powers granted to them by charter, and that it was beyond their line to determine the power, intent or purpose of his Majesty's commission.

ON the 23d the commissioners informed the court, that since they had been pleased to send them a more dubious answer than the former, that they might discharge their duty to his Majesty they intended to sit to-morrow morn|ing at the house of Capt. Thomas Breading as his Ma|jesty's commissioners, to hear and determine the cause of Mr. Thomas Dean and others, against the governor and company and Joshua Scottow merchant, defendants, and that they thought proper to give this notice and expected

that they would appear by their attorney to answer to the complaint. They sent at the same time a summons to Joshua Scottow. The court thereupon drew up a decla|ration, which they sent to the commissioners, but they not ••••ceding from their purpose, when the time appointed for their meeting was come, the court ordered the declaration to be published by sound of trumpet, in the following words:

"WHEREAS in the debate and conference had be|tween this court and Col. Richard Nichols, Sir Robert Carr knight, George Cartwright and Samuel Maverick esquires, his Majesty's honorable commissioners, we have pleaded only the maintenance of his Majesty's authority in the government of the people of this colony according to the rules and prescriptions of his charter under the gre•••• seal of England, the full and peaceable enjoyment whereof his Majesty hath given good assurance of to all his loyal subjects of this place, giving special charge to the above|named gentlemen not to disturb us therein, yet accounting it our duty to God and his Majesty, by all lawful ways and ••eans, to give full satisfaction unto his Majesty touching all such cases and complaints against us as in his wisdom and prudence he shall see reason to take cognizance of; we have sundry times in our conferences both by word and writing tendered unto the abovesaid gentlemen our readiness to present unto them a full and clear account of the grounds of our proceedings in any case, matter, or complaint that themselves shall see meet to inquire into, whereby they may be enabled to represent the matter truly to his Majesty, his Majesty's letters to this colony of April 23d 1664 expressly declaring this to be his principal end in sending hither the abovesaid gentlemen in such a capacity, and that for such pious and good intentions as is therein more particularly declared, and not in the least to infringe our charter or any the privileges thereof.

"ALL this notwithstanding, the abovesaid gentlemen not resting satisfied with these our tenders and proposals made unto them, (wherein we have endeavoured to answer his Majesty's just expectation) contrary to the express

charge of his Majesty unto them, they have by warrant under three of their hands given protection to John Porter jun'r, an high offender against God, his Majesty's authority▪ laws, and the peace of his good subjects here (who break|ing prison made his escape out of the hands of justice) and that before any signification to the government of thi•• place of any complaint made against them, their sentence▪ or proceedings against the said Porter, and requiring all officers, as well military as civil, to be observant to them ••••••rein. And although this court have expressed their sense of this act, in conjunction with some other of their proposals, to be an infringement of our privileges granted us by his Majesty's royal charter, yet ••hey have not with|drawn their protection of the said Porter, but have pro|ceeded to summon as well the governor and company of this his Majesty's colony, as also particular persons, to ap|pear before them to answer to the complaint of Thoma•• Dean and others for injustice done unto them. The submission unto which proceedings of theirs being, as we apprehend, inconsistent with the maintenance of the laws and authority here, so long enjoyed and orderly established under the warrant of his Majesty's royal charter, the up|holding whereof being absolutely necessary for the peace and well being of his Majesty's good subjects here—This court doth therefore in his Majesty's name, and by his authority to us committed, by his royal charter, declare to all the people of this colony, that in observance of their duty to God and to his Majesty, and to the trust committed unto us by his Majesty's good subjects in this colony, we cannot consent unto or give our approbation of the pro|ceedings of the abovesaid gentlemen, neither can it consist with our allegiance that we owe to his Majesty, to coun|tenance any who shall in so high a manner go across to his Majesty's direct charge, or shall be their abettors or consentors thereunto.

God save the King.

By the court, Edward Rawson, secr'y."

AFTER the publishing of this declaration the commis|sioners sent the following writing to the court.

Gentlemen,

WE thought when we received our commission and in|structions that the King and his council knew what was granted to you in your charter, and what right his Majesty had to give us such commission and commands. And we thought the King, his Chancellor, * 6.1 and his Secretary, had sufficiently convinced you that this commission did not in|fringe your charter. But since you will needs misconstrue all these letters and endeavours, and that you will make use of that authority which he hath given you to oppose that sovereignty which he hath over you, we shall no lose more of our labours upon you, but refer it to his Ma|jesty's wisdom who is of power enough to make himself to be obeyed in all his dominions, and do assure you that we shall not represent your denying his commission in any other words than yourselves have expressed it in your seve|ral papers under your secretary's hands. But for the bet|ter manifestation of the transactions between us and for the satisfaction of all concerned in these parts, we desire that you will cause his Majesty's commission to us, his Majesty's letters of June 28th 1662, of April 23d 1664, of February 25th 1664, by Mr. Secretary Morrice and all those papers we have given into the court, and your's also may be print|ed and published.

May 24, 1665.

• Richard Nichols,
• Geo. Cartwright,
• Robert Carr,
• Sam. Maverick▪

To the general court of his Majesty's colony of the Massachusets."

THE commissioners, at the same time, laid before the court proposals for amendments or alterations of the laws to the number of twenty six.

THE court, the same day, acquainted the commissioners that they should be ready, by writing or conference, when|ever the commissioners pleased, to lay before them the grounds and reasons of their claim and exercise of juris|diction in the eastern country, that so his Majesty might be satisfied of the true state of the controversy, and that as

his Majesty had directed his commissioners to examine in|to the proceedings in the case of Thomas Dean and cause justice to be done, the court had summoned the said Dean before them, at nine of the clock the next day, to make out the truth of his complaint to his Majesty, and the commis|sioners were desired to be present that they might under|stand the grounds of the said complaint and that justice may be done.

THE commissioners replied the 26th, "that they could not have imagined that the court after interruption of the authority committed by his Majesty to the commissioners would have assumed to themselves the hearing of the same case wherein the governor and company are impleaded, it being unheard of and contrary to all the laws of christen|dom that the same persons should be judges and parties, and declared it contrary to his Majesty's will and pleasure that the cause should be examined by any other person•• than themselves.

THE commissioners broke off from any further con|ference and all, except Colonel Nichols, went to New-Hampshire and the province of Main, where they appoint|ed justices of the peace and exercised divers acts of govern|ment, and then returned to Boston. The court declared that their proceedings at the eastward tended to the dis|turbance of the publick peace, and desired a conference with them concerning their doings there, but received such an answer from Sir Robert Carr as determined them to put a stop to all further treaty. He told them, amongst other things, that the King's pardon to them for all their deed•• during the late rebellion was conditional, and depended upon their future good behavior, and threatened the lea|ders or contrivers of their measures with the punishment which so many concerned in the rebellion had met with in England. They had no better success at Connecticut than in the Massachusets colony. At Plimouth and Rhode-Island they met with less opposition. They sat as a court at Providence and Warwick in the colony of Rhode-Island, and spent divers months in the

colony examining into purchases and titles of lands 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••he Indians, hearing the complaints of Gorton and his company against the Massachusets, enquiring into the pro|ceedings of the executive powers of that colony, and re|ceiving all complaints which discontented persons were ready to offer.

COL. NICHOLS, by his discreet behavior, gained the esteem of the people, and afterwards, whilst he was gover|••or of New-York, kept up a friendly correspondence with the governor and company of the Massachusets. Carr and Cartwright were men very unfit for such a trust, and by their violent proceedings rendered themselves odious. Maverick seems to have been appointed only to increase the number and to be subservient to the others. He had lived in the colony from its beginning. He was alway•• in opposition to the authority. Upon the restoration h•• went home to complain to the King, was two or three years solliciting that commissioners might be appointed; at length the measures against the Dutch at New-York being agreed upon, the conduct of that affair and this ex|traordinary power was committed to the same persons. He was in the colony again in 1667 with a message from Col. Nichols, which is the last account given of him. Sir Robert Carr went first to Delaware and soon after home to England, and died at Bristol June 1st 1667, the day after he landed.* 6.2 Cartwright in his passage was taken by the Dutch, stripped and very ill used. He had taken the minutes of all their proceedings, and went home th•• most enraged; but the enemy took all his papers from him and he never could recover them. The principal per|sons in the colony were afraid of further proceedings. Captain Gookins one of the assistants writes to his friend in 1666,

In all probability a new cloud is gathering and a new storm preparing for us, which we expect every day.

THE government of the colony I imagine will not be thought culpable for refusing entirely to submit to the absolute authority of the commissioners, which must have

superseded their charter, and if this authority had bee•• once admitted they would have found it very difficult ever after to have ejected it. Some part of their conduct may appear extraordinary; particularly their refusing to make the oath of allegiance necessary, unless with restriction•• and limitations, and to cause all proceedings at law to be more expressly in his Majesty's name and by his authority. From some original manuscripts, which discover the senti|ments of some persons of influence amongst them upon the nature of civil subjection, their conduct in this and some former instances may be pretty well accounted for.

THEY distinguished civil subjection into necessary and voluntary. From actual residence within any government necessarily arose subjection, or an obligation to submit to the laws and authority thereof. But birth was no necessary cause of subjection. The subjects of any prince or state had a natural right to remove to any other state, or to an|other quarter of the world, unless the state was weakned and exposed by such remove, and even in that case, if they were deprived of the right of all mankind, liberty of con|science, it would justify a separation, and upon their re|moval their subjection determined and ceased. The country to which they themselves had removed was claimed and possessed by independent princes, whose right to the lord|ship and sovereignty thereof had been acknowledged by the Kings of England.* 6.3 They therefore looked upon themselves obliged and accordingly, as appeared by their records, actually had purchased * 6.4 for valuable considera|tions, not only the soil, but the dominion, the lordship, and sovereignty of those princes, and without such pur|chase,

in the sight of God and men, they had no right 〈◊〉〈◊〉 title to what they possessed. The King indeed, in imita|tion of other Princes of Europe who laid claim to coun|tries meerly from the discovery of them, had granted this country to certain of his subjects, and the first planter•• thought it proper to purchase the title of such grantees, to prevent molestation from them or from other states, and they had also received a charter of incorporation from 〈◊〉〈◊〉 King, containing a mutual compact, from whence arose a new kind of subjection, to which they were held and from which they would never depart.

THIS was what they called voluntary civil subjection arising meerly from compact, and from thence it followed, th••t whatsoever could be brought into question relative to their subjection must be determined by their charter. The compact between the King and the city of London, as con|tained in it's charter, was not the constituting caus•• of sub|jection in the inhabitants there, because they were resident, and from thence necessary subjection remained, but when residence the sole grounds of this necessary subjection ceases, then it become voluntary and depends upon compact alone. By this compact they acknowledged they were so bound, that they were not at liberty to subject themselves to, or to seek protection from any other prince, they were to pay a fifth part of all silver and gold mines, they were to make no laws repugnant to the laws of England; &c. but on the other hand they were to be governed by laws made by themselves, and by officers elected by themselves, &c. But however pleasing these principles were in speculation, or whatever foundation they may have in nature, yet they could not continue to practice upon them, nor would they bear the test when adopted by English subjects. In a short time, as we shall see hereafter, they were content fully to comply with the oath of allegiance without qualifying it, and to give up other points which they had before insisted upon, and their posterity, who claim by birthright as well as charter the peculiar privileges of Englishmen, and who enjoy the protection, are very sensible that they likewise owe

the allegiance of English subjects, which by a general rule of law is not considered as local, but perpetual and unalienable.* 6.5

THE King's letter to New-Plimouth dated April 10, 1666, highly approving their behavior, may be seen in the appendix. Mr. Maverick, who had been one of the com|missioners, delivered to the governor a writing of the same date, said to be copy of a letter to the Massachusets from the King,* 6.6 wherein he requires five persons to be sent to England to answer for the conduct of the colony, and that Mr. Bellingham and Mr. Hawthorne be two of the number. A special court was called by the governor, September 11th, to consider of this letter, and those of the elders who were in town were desired to be present to give their advice. A letter was agreed upon to Mr. Secre|tary Morrice, wherein the court seem willing to doubt of the genuineness of the King's letter, and excuse themselves from sending any persons over, supposing the ablest among them could not declare their cause more fully than it had been already done.* 6.7

I WILL finish what relates to these commissioners with a short account of a prosecution commenced by one of them against Arthur Mason a constable.

THE commissioners with other gentlemen meeting sometimes at a publick house called the Ship * 6.8 tavern, the constable expected to find them there upon a Saturday evening, which would have been a breach of law, but be|fore he came, they had adjourned to Mr. Kellond's a merchant, who lived opposite to the tavern. Another con|stable, who had been at the tavern before, had been beaten by them. Mason who had more courage and zeal, went into the company with his staff, and told them he was glad to see them there, for if he had found them on the other side the street he would have carried them all away, and ad|ded, that he wondered they should be so uncivil as to beat a constable and abuse authority. Sir Robert Carr said it was he that beat him and that he would do it again. Ma|son replied, that he thought his Majesty's commissioners would not have beaten his Majesty's officers, and that it was well for them that he was not the constable who found them there, for he would have carried them before autho|rity. Sir Robert asked if he dare meddle with the King's commissioners. Yes▪ says Mason, and if the King himself had been there I would have carried him away; upon which Maverick cried out, treason! Mason, thou shalt be hanged within a twelvemonth. Sir Robert Carr spake to Sir Thomas Temple and some others of the company, to take notice of what passed, and the next day Maverick sent a note to Mr. Bellingham the governor, charging Mason with high treason for the words spoken, and requiring the governor to secure him. The governor appointed a time for Maverick to come to his house and to oblige himself to prosecute the constable at the next court of assistants, but Maverick, instead of appearing, thought proper only to send another note, promising to appear against the constable and charge him home, and therefore required his person should be secured. The governor thought it adviseable to cause Mason to recognize, as principal, in five hundred pounds, with two sufficient sureties in two hun|dred

and fifty each, for his appearance; but the day before the court, Maverick sent another note to the governor, desiring to withdraw his charge, being

satisfied that altho' the words were rash and inconsiderate, yet there was no premeditated design in Mason to offer any injury to the King or his government.

The governor returned for an|swer,

the affair was of too high a nature for him to inter|pose in, Mason being bound over to answer.

Upon his appearance a bill was laid before the grand jury, wherein he was charged with maliciously and treasonably uttering the treasonable words mentioned. According to the li|berty taken by grand juries at that day, they only found "that the words charged were spoken," and Mason being brought upon trial and the words fully proved, the court of assistants suspended judgment, and referred the cause to the next general court, where it was resolved, that although the words were rash, insolent, and highly offen|sive, yet, as his accusers and witnesses all cleared him from any overt act, or evil intended against the King, the court did not see cause to adjudge him a capital offender, but sentenced him to be admonished in solemn manner by the governor.* 6.9 However trivial this anecdote may appear, yet there are circumstances which throw some light upon the character of the commissioners, as well as that of the governor and the judiciary and ministerial powers of the government at that time.

THE commissioners had prevailed on some of the in|habitants of the towns in New-Hampshire* 6.10 to sign a petition and complaint to his Majesty of the wrongs they had sustained from the Massachusets, "who had usurped the government over them," but the inhabitants of Dover in town meeting, and Portsmouth and Exeter by writings under the hands of the town officers, declared their dissent, and all the towns desired to be considered as part of the Massa|chusets colony, as they had been for many years before.* 6.11

Three persons * 6.12 were also appointed to repair to the province of Main, to settle the peace of the town•• there, by bringing them to an orderly submission, which was not immediately effected.* 6.13

I HAVE endeavoured impartially to relate the pro|ceedings between the commissioners and the colony. On the one hand, I think it appears that the government had not sufficient excuse for not complying more fully with what the King required of them by his letter in 1662. Mr. Norton their agent, who knew the resolutions of the King and his ministers, saw the necessity of it. Thi•• would probably have prevented such a commission from issuing. On the other hand, it cannot be denied that the commission was a stretch of power, superseding in many respects the authority and powers granted by the charter, and there appears in the conduct of the general court, upon this occasion, not an obstinate perverse spirit, but a modest steady adherence to what they imagined, at least, to be their just rights and privileges.* 6.14 At the same time they endea|voured not only by repeated humble addresses, and pro|fessions

of loyalty, to appease his Majesty, but they pur|chased a ship-load of masts (the freight whereof cost them sixteen hundred pounds sterling) and presented to the King, which he graciously accepted, and the fleet in the West-Indies being in want of provisions, a subscription and contribution was recommended through the colony, for bringing in provisions to be sent to the fleet for his Ma|jesty's service.* 6.15 It appears by the record that several towns had liberally subscribed, and it was recommended to the rest not to fall short of what had been done by those who had gone before them, but I find no record of the whole amount. About two hundred and fifty of the in|habitants of St. Christophers, which had been taken by the French, arriving in the spring of 1666, and more being daily expected, provision was made by the court for the relief and support of such as were in necessity. Upon the news of the great fire in London a collection was made through the colony for the relief of sufferers. The a|mount of it cannot be ascertained. I have a letter from Mr. Seaman and other dissenting ministers in London, to Mr. Syms and Mr. Shephard ministers of Charlestown, advising the receipt of £.105 sterling collected in that church. If others contributed in proportion, a large sum must have been raised.

THERE had been a press for printing at Cambridge for near twenty years. The court appointed two persons * 6.16 in October 1662 licencers of the press, and prohibited the publishing any books or papers which should not be super|vised by them, and in 1668 the supervisors having allowed of the printing "Thomas a Kempis de imitatione Christi,"

the court interposed,

it being wrote by a popish minister, and containing some things less safe to be infused among the people,

and therefore they commended to the licen|cers a more full revisal, and ordered the press to stop in the mean time. In a constitution less popular this would have been thought too great an abridgment of the sub|ject's liberty.

* 6.17FROM 1666 to 1670 Mr. Bellingham was annually chosen governor, and Mr. Willoughby deputy governor. Nova Scotia and the rest of Acadie which had been rescued from the French by Cromwell, were restored by the treaty of Breda. The French made little progress in settling this country. The only inconvenience the Massachusets complained of, until after the revolution, was the encou|ragement given to the Indians to make their inroads upon the frontiers. Sir Thomas Temple who, with others, had a grant of the country first from Cromwell, and after|wards from King Charles, thought he had reason to com|plain, and the King's order was repeated to him to give up his forts to the French, some pretence being made for not complying with the first order.

AFTER forty years, the greatest part of our first emi|grants had finished their pilgrimage, and were arrived at the place of their everlasting abode. Some of them lamented their being born too soon to see New-England in it's most flourishing state. This will be the case with their posterity for many g••••erations yet to come. Mr. Wilson the first minister of Boston church died August 7th 1667, in the 79th year of his age. He left an amiable character, and is represented by his contemporaries as one of the most humble, pious and benevolent men of the age. He was son of Doctor Wilson a prebend of St. Paul's, Rochester and Windsor, and rector of Cliff, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. He married a daughter of Lady Mans••ield, and a near kinswoman of Sir William Bird. It was with much difficulty that he persuaded her to go to New-Eng|land. After having spent one winter there without her, he returned to England to fetch her. His life has been

published by Dr. Mather. I have it in manuscript by ano|ther hand. In both are related many instances to shew hsi prophetick spirit. We may very well remark upon those sort of prophecies, Qui bene conjiciet, hunc vatem. Richard Mather a learned grave divine and minister of Dorchester died the 22d of April 1669, aged 73. Charles Chauncy batchelor of divinity, the venerable learned president of the college, died the 19th of February 1671, in his 80th year.* 6.18

Besides these, we are not to omit Jonathan Mitchell the minister of Cambridge, who died the 9th of July 1668, in his 43d year, and is always spoken of as one of the most learned men and best preachers in his day. Mr. Daven|port, who had been minister of New-Haven from the first settlement of that colony, removed to Boston about the year 1667, to the great grief of his people, and against the mind of many of the principal persons of the church in Boston, which caused them, some time after, to separate from their brethren, and to form a new society ever since known by the name of the south church.* 7.1 He died of the palsie March 16th 1670, in the 73d year of his age.* 7.2

MR. Gorges's claim to the province of Main, supported by the acts of the commissioners, had encouraged the peo|ple to withdraw from their subjection to the Massachusets, but the province, according to some accounts, was in the utmost confusion, and in 1668 some of the principal per|sons applied to the general court of the Massachusets to reassume the jurisdiction over them. The court always thought it the part of good governors, as well as of good judges, to amplify their jurisdiction, and from a sense of their duty to God and the King published a declaration,

requiring the inhabitants of the county of York to yield obedience to the laws of the colony, and to chuse officers within the several towns as they had done before the late interruption. As this proceeding was made one of the grounds of complaint against the colony, a more particular account of it may not be improper.

THE declaration of the court was of the form following.

WHEREAS this colony of the Massachusets in ob|servance of the trust to them committed by his Majesty's royal charter, with the full and free consent and submission of the inhabitants of the county of York, for sundry years did exercise government over the people of that county, and whereas about three years now past, some interruption hath been made to the peace of that place and order there established, by the imposition of some who pretending to serve his Majesty's interest with unjust aspersions and reflections upon this government here established by his royal charter, have unwarrantably drawn the inhabitants of that county to submission unto officers that have no royal warranty, thereby infringing the liberty of our charter and depriving the people now settled of their just privileges, the effect whereof doth now appear to be, not only a disservice to his Majesty, but also the reducing a people that were found under an orderly establishment to a confused anarchy: The premises being duly considered, this court doth judge meet, as in duty they stand bound to God and his Ma|jesty, to declare their resolution again to exert their power of jurisdiction over the inhabitants of the said county of York, and do hereby accordingly, in his Ma|jesty's name, require all and every of the inhabitants there settled, to yield obedience to the laws of this colony as they have been orderly published, and to all such officer•• as shall be there legally established by authority of his Majesty's royal charter and the order of our commis|sioners, whom this court hath nominated and impowered to settle all affairs necessary for the government of the people there, and to keep a court this present summer

the first Tuesday in July, at York town, as hath bee•• formerly accustomed, and for that end we have com|manded our secretary to issue out warrants to the inha|bitants there in their respective towns to meet to chuse jurors, both grand and petit, constables and other officer•• for the service of that county as the law requireth, the said warrant to be directed unto Nathanael Masterson, who is by this court appointed marshal of that court as formerly, and by him the said warrants are to be de|livered to the several constables to be accordingly exe|cuted, a due observance whereof, with an orderly return to be made to the court to be held as aforesaid, is hereby required of all persons respectively concerned as they will answer the contrary at their peril.

By the court, Edward Rawson, secr'y."

THE commissioners appointed were Major General Leveret, Mr. Edward Tyng,* 7.3 Capt. Waldron,* 7.4 and Capt. Pike.* 7.5 They made re••urn to the general court who gave them thanks for their good services, allowed and approved of what they had done, and ordered their proceedings to be entered upon their records as followeth.

UPON receipt of this courts commission which is recorded in the last session▪ we presently appointed Peter Wyer clerk of the writs, and hearing Masterson, appoint|ed by the court, was imprisoned, we appointed another marshal, by warrant under our hands, but the former marshal being set at liberty the other did not act. The court being by law to be kept in York the first Tuesday of July 1668, being the 7th day of the month, we re|paired to York upon Monday the 6th day. Mr. Jocelin and several others stiled justices of the peace, coming nigh to the ordinary where we were before the door, after salutes passed, they told us they desired to speak with us in the morning. To their desires we complied and gave them a meeting, where we acquainted them

we were ready to hear what they had to say, but not as sent to treat with them about what we had to do by virtue of the general court's commission. They acquainted us that they had lately received, in a pacque•• from Col. Nichols, his letter to the governor and magi|strates of the Massachusets colony, which they desired us to read, and first their commission, the which we read, and having read them, we told them that those concerned the general court and had been under their consideration, all but the letter from Col. Nichols, and that they had sent their declaration into the county, so that we had nothing to say, only that we did not un|derstand that the commissioners had power to make any such temporary settlement, his Majesty having before him the case, for that the Massachusets had in obedience sent their reasons why they did not deliver up the go|vernment of that country to Mr. Gorges, which was according to his Majesty's command. Then Mr. Jocelin told us there was not above five or six of a town for us; to which we replied, we should see by the returns made to the court's warrants and appearances, and further told them we must attend our commission, in prosecution whereof we should attend his Majesty's and the coun••ry's service, not our own, and if we met with opposition we should advise what to do. Many other things passed, but with mutual respect. They said they must at|tend their commission. We parted and repaired to the meeting-house, and there opened the court by read|ing our commission publicly and declaring to the people wherefore we came, whereto there was great silence and attention. Then by the marshal we called for the town returns to be brought in for the election of associates,* 8.1 and returns were made from five towns, the other two being hindred (as they said) by the justices, yet in one of them above half the electors sent in their votes.

Whilst the court was busy in opening, sorting and telling the votes, the justices came, and without doors, by some instrument, made proclamation that all should attend to hear his Majesty's commands, upon which orders were given to the marshal, and accordingly he made procla|mation, that if any had any command from his Majesty, they coming and shewing it to the court, the court was open and ready to hear the same. Thereupon these gentlemen came in and manifested their desire that what they had shewn to us in private might be read in court to the people; to whom we replied, that the court was in the midst of their business in opening the returns of the county from the several towns of election, and so soon as that was over, and after dinner, they should have their desire granted; so they left us, and we proceeded to see who were chosen associates, had the returns of the jurymen and their names entred, both the grand jury and that of trials, also of the consta|bles, but did not swear any one, but adjourned the court and went to dinner; in which time we heard that the gentlemen were going to the meeting-house to sit as an assembly, they having before issued out their warrants for the towns to send their deputies, whereupon we sent to speak with them after dinner. They r••turned they would, provided we would not proceed any further till we spake with them. We sent them word we did en|gage it. They sent us word they would meet with us at the meeting-house, and presently after their marshal and Nathaniel Phillips went up and down, an•• at all public places published a paper or writing, whom meet|ing upon their return, it was demanded what, and upon what authority, they had published to the people to make a disturbance, they answered, they published what they had in the King's name; they were demanded to shew their order or authority; they answered, that was for their security; so refusing to shew it they were com|mitted to the marshal. Then we went to court, where we found the house full and the gentlemen to have taken

up our seats, so room being made, we went up to them and told them we expected other things than that they would have put such an affront upon the court, nor should motions hinder us from prosecuting our commis|sion; we could keep the court elsewhere. Some of the people began to speak, but we commanded silence, and the officer was commanded by us to clear the court, where|upon Mr. Jocelin spake to some nigh him to depart; so they coming from their seat we came to private discourse▪ and they insisted to have their commission and the King's mandamus of 1666 to be read; we told them we would perform what we had promised when the court was set, so we repaired to our seat, and they being set by us desired that their commission might be read, which was done, and the grounds of it expressed to be from the people's petitioning, who were told that they could best give answer thereto, but said nothing; then that part of the mandamus of 1666 which they desired might be read, was read. After which they desired that Colonel Nichols's letter to the governor and magistrates of the Massachusets might be read, but that not being of con|cernment to them there, save only for information of the justices of what had passed from him to the governor and magistrates to whom it was directed, it was refused; some short account being publicly given, that that which had been read, for the matter, having been before under the consideration of the general court, they had the de|claration of their intendments, in prosecution whereof we were commissionated to keep court and settle the country, which work we had begun and, God willing▪ would prosecute, to perform the trust committed to us, and have declared to the people that we were not insen|sible how that at the time of the interruption of the go|vernment, in the year 1665, by such of the gentlemen of the King's commissioners as were then upon the place▪ they had manifested their displeasure by telling the peo|ple that the Massachusets were traitors, rebels, and diso|bedient to his Majesty, the reward whereof, within one

year, they said, should be retributed, yet we told them▪ that through the good hand of God and the King's favor the Massachusets were an authority to assert their right of government there, by virtue of the royal charter derived to them from his Majesty's royal predecessors, and that we did not doubt but that the Massachusets colony's actings for the forwarding his Majesty's service, would outspeak others words, where there was nothing but words for themselves or against us. Which done, the gentlemen left us, and we proceeded to the work of the court, to impannel the grand jury, gave them their oaths and charge, and then the associates present we called to take their oaths, one of them, viz. Mr. Roger Plaisted, ex|pressed publicly that he was sent by the town he lived in, accordingly he had applied himself to the major-general more privately, to know how we reassumed the government, and how they were to submit to it, which he now mentioned in public that he might render him|self faithful to them that sent him; to which he was answered in public as he had been in private, that we reassumed the government by virtue of the charter, and that they were to have the like privileges with ourselves in the other counties. We had also from Scarborough a paper presented, which we herewith present to the court. Then having sworn the constables present, im|pannelled the jury for trials, sworn them, and committed what actions were entred and prosecuted to them, in which time the gentlemen sent to desire that at our leisure time they might speak with us; they were sent for and presented us with a paper. After we had re|ceived it, we attended to settle the business of the mili|tary officers and trained bands, and commissionated for York, Job Alcock lieutenant, Arthur Bragdon ensign, for Wells John Littlefield lieutenant, Francis Littlefield jun. ensign, for Scarborough Andrew Augur lieutenant, for Falmouth George Ingerfield lieutenant, for Kittery Charles Frost captain, Roger Plaisted lieutenant, John Gaffingsley ensign, for Saco Bryan Pendleton major, and he

to settle Black-point. Mr. Knight of Wells, the morning before we came away, being Thursday the 9th of July came and took his oath in court to serve as an associate. The court made an order for a county court to be held the 15th of September there at York, and for that end continued the commission to Capt, Waldron, Capt. Pike, and others, for the better strenghening the authority upon the place, as by their commission may appear. The associates that are now in place are Major Pendleton, Mr. Francis Cotterell, Mr. Knight of Wells, Mr. Rayne•• of York, Mr. Roger Plaisted of Kittery. Which is hum|bly submitted to the honorable general court as the return of your servants

The 23d of October 1668.

• John Leveret
• Edward Tyng
• Richard Waldron."

THIS proceeding of the Massachusets was reported and published by Jocelyn * 8.2 in a more unfavorable light, and

as an act of greater force and violence. Indeed, he do•••• not pretend that there was any opposition made by the in|habitants, but only by the particular persons appointed by the commissioners to govern there, and it always appeared to be the desire of a great part of the people to live under the government of the Massachusets.

THE people of New Hampshire had continued in a quiet and orderly state ever since the year 1641. There was no person who had any pretence to the powers of government. Mason having only a grant of the soil from the council of Plimouth, but Sir Ferdinando Gorges received a royal char|ter, granting the same royalties, privileges and franchises as are of right or ought to be enjoyed by the bishop of Dur|ham, in the county palatine of Durham, with power to con|stitute a deputy governor, a chancellor, a treasurer, a marshal, a judge of admiralty, officers of admiralty for ordering ma|ritime affairs, master of ordnance, a secretary, &c. and by repeatedly nominating some such officers and attempting to establish a form of government consisting of different per|sons from those appointed by the Massachusets, there were always two different parties and interests kept alive in that province. New-Hampshire had been so long united to the Massachusets that the people of both colonies were of one heart and mind in civil and religious affairs. The town of Portsmouth shewed an instance of their great re|gard to the public interest, and in 1669 made a collection, as it is termed in the instrument presented to the general court, more probably a subscription, of sixty pounds per annum, for the term of seven years, for the use of Har|vard college, to be paid into the hands of the overseers,

and they say they hoped to make it more.* 8.3 The colony about this time made a greater figure than it ever did at any other time. The report made by the commissioners to the King had produced no further troubles from Eng|land. The plague, the fire of London, the discontents among the people of England, caused by their jealousies of a design to subvert the constitution there, may well e|nough be supposed to have been the cause of a respite in favor of the people here. The Massachusets governed without opposition the province of New-Hampshire and province of Main, and were beginning settlements even further eastward. The French were removed from their neighbourhood on the one side, and the Dutch and Swedes on the other. Their trade was as extensive as they could wish. No custom-house was established. The acts of parliament of the 12th and 15th of King Charles the second, for regulating the plantation trade, were in force, but the governor, whose business it was to carry them into execution, was annually to be elected by the people, whose interest it was that they should not be observed. Some of the magistrates and principal merchants grew very rich,* 8.4 and a spirit of industry and oeconomy prevailed through the colony. But a change of affairs came on soon after.

MR. Bellingham continued governor in 1671 and 1672.* 8.5* 8.6 Mr. Leveret was chosen deputy governor both those years, and in 1673 he succeeded Mr. Bellingham in the place of

governor, when Mr. Samuel Symonds was chosen deputy governor.

THE strict union, which had been from the be|ginning between the civil and ecclesiastical parts of the constitution, was about this time in danger of being broke, or greatly weakned. After Mr. Wilson's death, the first church in Boston invited Mr. Davenport, the minister of New-Haven, to succeed him. He was then about 70, had gone into the wilderness with persons closely attached to him, and remained with them about 30 years, and they were extremely averse to his leaving them; and besides, he was at the head of a party more strict and rigid than the body of the people of the country, for he had always opposed the admitting to baptism the children of any who were not in full communion with one or other of the churches. It is not strange that there should have been a party of Boston church which opposed his settlement. The two parties in this church, the first in rank (although the church of Salem was the oldest) in the country, pro|duced two parties, not in the other churches only, but in the state also. A considerable part of the church, both for number and estate, formed themselves, as has been ob|served, into a separate society. Seventeen ministers* 8.7 bore a public testimony against the proceedings of the three elders* 8.8 of the first church in Boston, viz. against Mr. Davenport

for leaving his church at New-Haven, contrary to his pro|fessed principles, and against all of them for communicating parcels only of letters from the church of New-Haven to the church in Boston, by which artifice the church was deceived, and made to believe the church of New-Haven consented to his dismission, when if the whole had been read, it would have appeared they did not. This testimo|ny was sent to the elders the day before a public fast. An answer was given, in which the elders deny that the letters concealed would have been evidence of the refusal of the church of New-Haven to consent to Mr. Daven|port's leaving them and settling at Boston, the church was only unwilling to make his dismission their immediate act. Neither the church of New-Haven nor the elders of the church of Boston can be wholly justified. There does not seem to have been that fairness and simplic t in their proceedings which the gospel requires. The first church refused the invitation of the new society to join with other churches in ordaining their officers, &c. The mi|nisters and members of churches in the colony were en|gaged, some on one side and some on the other, and the contentions were sharp;* 8.9 at length the house of deputies espoused the cause of the first church, and having at their session in May 1670 appointed a committee to enquire into the prevailing evils which had procured or been the cause of the displeasure of God against the land, they reported, among other causes, these that follow, viz.

Declension from the primitive foundation work, inno|vation in doctrine and worship, opinion and practice, an invasion of the rights, liberties and privileges of churches, an usurpation of a lordly and prelatical power over God's heritage, a subversion of gospel order, and all this with a dangerous tendency to the utter devasta|tion of these churches, turning the pleasant gardens of Christ into a wilderness, and the inevitable and total extirpation of the principles and pillars of the congre|gational way; these are the leaven, the corrupting gan|grene, the infecting spreading plague, the provoking image of jealousy set up before the Lord, the accursed thing which hath provoked divine wrath, and doth fur|ther threaten destruction.

They then take notice of the late transaction of churches and elders in constituting the third church in Boston, as irregular, illegal, and disorderly.* 8.10

SEVERAL of the ministers at the next session of the general court presented a petition or address, acknow|ledging the great goodness of God in favoring the land for so long a time with a godly and able magistracy, and desiring that it might also be remembered that the people were led forth into this wilderness not only

by the hands of Moses, but also of Aaron, viz. that reverend ministry which had transported the ark of the covenant, the pre|sence of God in his ordinances settled in gospel order.

This being premised they solemnly professed that they still adhered to the safe and sober principles of the congrega|tional way, in opposition to separation, morellian or anar|chical confusion and licentious toleration. This profession they made, to vindicate their integrity and innocency from the unjust charge of innovation and loud cry of apostacy laid upon the generality of the ministry, heightened by the

reports of the committee chosen by the house of deputies in their last session, and the votes of the major part of the house. They go on and say, that

this charge evidently appears to be the transports of a party, by instancing the business of the third church, and so designing to hinder the consummation of that work of God, in the peaceable settlement thereof in actual and full communion with other churches, and by misrepresenting that weighty and wor|thy transaction, before inquiry had been made into the state of the case. These things were matters of great grievance, inasmuch as an antiministerial spirit had thereby been strengthened and emboldened, the hearts and hands of those who labored in the ministry weakened, the spirits of many being filled with groundless jealousies and suspicions against the ministrations of the elders. They made this humble representation in hopes of redress, either by being called upon publicly to vindicate themselves, or by the court's moving for a general convention of churches by their elders and messengers, for the decision of questions and accommodation of differences, or by such other means and measures as to the wisdom of the court should seem meet.

* 8.11

THE court took this address into their immediate con|sideration, and having first asserted their own authority, and that the acts of the court were not liable to question by any, and that free debates were the indubitable right of the court, they then acknowledged, that in an hour of temp|tation such acts may pass in one court as may, according to principles of religion, prudence and state interest, be re|viewed, and upon mature deliberation be rectified in another; and in the case then under consideration the court thought it their duty to declare, that several expressions in the votes referred to in the petition appeared exceptionable; and, that the court might remove all just grounds of grievance in

the hearts of the reverend elders, and that their ministry might not be made ineffectual by that antiministerial spirit that too much ran through the country, it was ordered that all papers referring to the case should be accounted useless, and not be improved against the reverend elders, as having been the cause of God's displeasure against the country; and whereas many had taken upon them to publish the secrets of the court in that case, the court further dec••ared, that they knew no just cause of those scandalizing reflections indefinitely cast upon magistrates, elders and churches, either in reference to the new church in Boston or otherwise, and therefore, until they were further informed, they judged them to be innocent, calum|niated and misrepresented. The court then profess, that they will adhere to the primitive ends of their coming over, and retain the sober principles of the congrega|tional way and the practice of their churches,

in their purest and most athletick constitution.

* 8.12

I HAVE been more particular in relating this transaction, because it gives us a pretty good idea of the connection be|tween the civil and ecclesiastical power, the churches, not|withstanding their claim to independency, being liable to controul as oft as their proceedings were disapproved by the civil magistrate, and on the other hand, the ma|gistrates, who were annually elected, being sometimes liable to be displaced by the influence of the clergy in elections, when their proceedings were supposed to bear hard upon the liberties of the churches, for the clergy still retained a great proportion of the weight they had at the begin|ning. Indeed parishes were multiplied in the colony, many of them small, and in new settlements. The stipends to the ministers were lessened, and soon after this time some of them complained, as many curates do in England, "that they prophecied in sackcloth." Notwithstanding

this, as long as the charter continued, their influence in the affairs of government continued, as we shall have fur|ther occasion to observe.

THE war with the Indians, commonly called Philip's war, endangered the very being of the colony, and it was a question with some, whether the Indians would not prevail to a total extirpation of the English inhabitants. At the first arrival of the English, the Indians were treat|ed with kindness, to obtain their friendship and favor; but they having no acquaintance with fire-arms, the Eng|lish grew by degrees less apprehensive of danger, finding by means of corslets or armour that they were not much exposed to danger from bows and arrows of so simple con|struction as those of the Indians. The quarrels which the Indians had always been engaged in amongst them|selves were a further security to the English, who on the one hand endeavoured to restrain them from an open war with one another, and on the other to keep up so much contention as to prevent a combination, and to make an appeal to the English, as umpires, necessary from time to time. The English, before their arrival, had such ideas of the Sachems, that at the first meetings respect was shewn them, in some proportion to what would have been required by the Prince of a petty state in Europe; but the base sordid minds of the best of them, and the little authority they had over their own subjects soon rendered them contemptible. At New-Plimouth, the governor in the first treaty with Massasoiet, in 1620, acquainted him that King James considered him as his good friend and ally. This was too great an honor for Massasoiet, he was con|tent to acknowledge the King to be his sovereign. The next year the governor caused the petty sachems to sign an instrument, in which they owned themselves to be subject to King James.* 8.13 Subjects, was a word of which

they had no precise idea. For near forty * 8.14 years togethe••▪ they were under no great concern, or of no long continu|ance, in that colony from the neighbouring Indians, Massa|soiet or Ousamequin always courting the friendship of the English. After his death * 8.15 and the death of his eldest son Wamsutta or Alexander, Metacom or Philip * 8.16 his second son a man of great spirit, by his behavior raised suspicions of a design against the English, but appearing before the court in Plimouth in 1662 he expressed his desire to con|tinue in friendship, and promised that he and his successors would always remain faithful subjects to the Kings of England, and that he would never alienate his lands, and

never make war with any other Indians without the privity and allowance of the government of New-Plimouth.* 8.17 The Indians within the Massachusets bounds were not un|der one general Sachem, but divided into smaller cantons. These, one after another, were brought to acknowledge their subjection to the Massachusets government, particu|larly in 1643, when danger was apprehended from the Naragansets, five Sachems subjected themselves by the same instrument.* 8.18 Besides rules and orders which they were encouraged to make for their own government, for any offence against the English they were punished by the English laws, and so likewise for any capital or heinous of|fence among themselves. The case of a squaw convicted of adultery was referred to the elders, for advice whether she should die or not. They were merciful to her and she escaped with a smart whipping. Notwithstanding the laws to restrain all persons from selling guns or ammuni|tion to the Indians, they were generally furnished with both, and were become good marksmen.

IN 1670 the Pokanoket or Philip's Indians were agai•• suspected, by their frequent assembling together, by fixing up their guns, grinding their hatchets, and other prepara|tions, and by insults offered to the English in different

places, to be meditating a general war. The government of Plimouth, in March, sent messengers to them to inquire into the reason of this behavior, and at the same time wrote to the Massachusets, acquainting them therewith. The governor and magistrates, always averse to an open breach, immediately dispatched their own messengers* 8.19 to Taunton, to prevent a war if possible, which Plimouth had intimated that they should be obliged to begin, if they could not otherwise bring the Indians to reason. They met at Taunton the 13th of April, where the governor* 8.20 and two other of Plimouth gentlemen* 8.21 met with them, and whilst they were in conference and examining wit|nesses concerning the behavior of the Indians, the gover|nor received a message from Philip, signifying that he was at three mile river, and that he desired the governor to come thither to speak with him. The governor returned answer* 8.22 that he was at Taunton ready for a treaty, and expected Philip to come to him, promising security. Philip refused to move until two of the governor's messengers* 8.23 offered to remain as hostages, and then he declined coming into the town, and resolved to go on as far as the mill, with all his men in arms, desiring the governor to come to him there. This return was made to the governor, with further intelligence that Philip was on the march with all his men in arms, and soon after he appeared at the mill, placing centinels round a hill near to it, but sent no mes|sage into the town. Some within the town were for attacking him, but the Massachusets commissioners were afraid of the event and would not consent to it. All agreed that the governor should not condescend to go out to him. At length the Massachusets commissioners offered to go out and try to persuade him to come in. At first he was unwilling, and his counsellors declared he should not go, but finally he consented, provided his men might go

with him, they to be on one side of the meeting-house and the English on the other. Philip denied that he had any further purpose in bringing his men together and arming them, than to defend himself from any attacks which might be made by the Naraganset Indians, some of whom had been engaged in quarrels with some of his people; but upon enquiry it appeared, that he was on better terms with the Naragansets than ever before, and plentiful evidence being produced of his preparations both of ammunition and provisions, and of parties of his men being destined for the attack of Taunton, Seaconk, and other places, he was confounded and made a full con|fession. Such improvement was made of it by the com|missioners that they required of him satisfaction for past damages and security against future injuries. The first was not long insisted on, but with respect to the latter, he was prevailed on to deliver up what English arms he then had with him, being about 70 guns, and to promise to send in the remainder in a few days. A writing was also drawn up, which he consented to sign, acknowledging his past breach of faith, and promising future fidelity.* 8.24

THE loss of so many guns must have been grievous to Philip at a time when he only waited a good opportunity of falling upon the English. His submitting to the

acknowledgment in writing was of no consequence. The Indians, in general, will promise any thing required of them to remove an impending danger, or to procure an imme|diate benefit, and they regard such promises not a minute longer than it is for their advantage to do it. When Philip was at liberty he thought no more of his engagements, the guns were not brought in, and he himself refused to come to Plimouth, when required. Many strange Indians resorted to him. On the 23d of August Mr. Morton secretary, in the name of the court of Plimouth, wrote to the Massachusets governor, to be communicated to the council, acquainting him that they had summoned Philip to appear on the 13th of September, that if he did not do it they had determined on the 20th to send out forces to reduce him to reason, unless better reason should sea|sonably appear to them, by the Massachusets advice, to prevent it, that it was a common cause, and they should well accept of assistance, but it was plainly intimated that if aid should be refused they would engage alone. Philip happened to come to Boston, with his counsellors, the same day the letter was received, and represented his case so favorably to the governor and council, that, in their answer to Plimouth, they urged that government to refer the difference between Philip and them to commissioners from the Massachusets and Connecticut.* 8.25 Plimouth de|clined this proposal and insisted on Philip's appearance at the time proposed,* 8.26 but finally the Massachusets declaring

that there did not appear sufficient grounds for commenc|ing hostilities, Plimouth consented to give Philip further time until the 26th, promised him safe conduct, and de|sired commissioners from Massachusets and Connecticut to be present and give advice. Whilst Philip was at Boston

he engaged that he would not enter into a quarrel with Plimouth until he had first addressed himself to the Massa|chusets for advice and approbation.

THE mediators met at Plimouth, and matters seemed to be accommodated, Philip signed to such articles as it was thought reasonable he should do, and were as follows.

"WE Philip and my council, and my subjects, do acknow|ledge ourselves subject to his Majesty the King of England and the government of New-Plimouth, and to their laws.

"2dly. I am willing and do promise to pay unto the government of Plimouth one hundred pounds in such things as I have, but I would intreat the favor that I might have three years to pay it in, forasmuch as I cannot do it at present.

"3dly. I do promise to send unto the governor, or whom he shall appoint, five wolves heads, if I can get them, or as many as I can procure, until they come to five wolves yearly.

"4thly. If any difference fall between the English and myself and people, then I do promise to repair to the governor of Plimouth to rectify the difference amongst us.

"5thly. I do promise not to make war with any but with the governor's approbation of Plimouth.

"6thly. I promise not to dispose of any of the lands that I have at present but by the approbation of the governor of Plimouth.

"FOR the true performance of the premises. I the said Sachem Philip of Pawkamauket, do hereby bind myself and such of my council as are present, ourselves, our heirs, our successors, faithfully. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our hands the day and year above written.* 8.27

IN the presence of the court and divers of the gentlemen of the Massachusets and Connecticut.

The mark P of Philip the Sachem of Pawkamauket The mark 〈☐〉〈☐〉 of Uncompan The mark 〈☐〉〈☐〉 of Wotokom The mark 〈☐〉〈☐〉 of Samkana.

THE English have been charged by some writers with acts of injustice to the Indians, which have provoked them and occasioned the frequent wars. There have been many instances of abuses offered to particular persons among the Indians by evil minded Englishmen, and the inhabitants of some parts of the province which have suf|fered most by Indian cruelties, may have been under too strong prejudices, and by this means offenders, when brought upon trial, may have been acquitted by too fa|vorable juries. We are too apt to consider the Indians as a race of beings by nature inferior to us, and born to servitude. Philip was a man of a high spirit, and could not bear to see the English of New-Plimouth extending their settlements over the dominions of his ancestors; and although his father had, at one time or other, conveyed to them all that they were possessed of, yet he had sense enough to distinguish a free voluntary covenant from one made under a sort of duresse, and he could never rest until he brought on the war which ended in his de|struction. The eastern wars have been caused by the attachment of those Indians to the French, who have taken all opportunities of exciting them to hostilities against the English.

FROM 1671 to 1674* 8.28 we meet with no transaction of moment relative to the Indians,* 8.29 but it is affirmed that Philip was all this time using measures to engage the

Indians in all parts of New-England to unite against the English. The Indians about Hadley confessed such a plot. The Naragansets had engaged to bring four thousand men. This could not be done immediately. The English were upon the watch. Some fire-arms had been taken from the Indians. To provide sufficient arms, ammunition and provisions, whilst under suspicion, was a work of time. They did not expect to be prepared be|fore the spring of 1676, but Philip precipitated his own nation and his allies into a war before they were prepared. This was evident from the distraction of the Indians in all parts of New-England, upon the first news of the distur|bance

from Philip. They were amazed, not knowing which way to turn, sometimes ready to declare for the English, as they had been used to do in the former con|tests with Philip, at other times inclining to join with Philip, as first or last most of them did. The war was hurried on by a piece of revenge, which Philip caused to be taken upon John Sausaman a praying Indian. He had been bred up in the profession of the christian religion, was some time at the college, and afterwards employed as a schoolmaster at Natick, but upon some misdemeanor fled to Philip, who made him his secretary and chief counsellor and confident. After remaining some years with Philip, Mr. Eliot the Indian evangelist, who had been his spiritual father, prevailed with him to return to the christian Indians at Natick, where he manifested public repentance for his apostacy and became a preacher, and conformed more to the English manners than any other Indian. In the year 1674 Sausaman upon some occasion went to Namasket (Middleborough) where he fell into company with some of Philip's Indians, and with Philip himself. There, he discovered by several circumstances that the Indians were plotting against the English. He informed the governor what he had discovered, and told him that if he should be known to be the informer it would cost him his life. It was not long after, that Sausa|man was met by three or four Indians upon a frozen pond, they knocked him down and put him under the ice, leav|ing his gun and hat upon the ice to make the world be|lieve that he accidentally fell in and was drowned. When the body was found and taken up the wounds appeared upon his head. An Indian happened to be upon an hill at a distance, and saw the murder committed. He con|cealed it for some time, but at length discovered it. The murderers were apprehended, tried upon the Indian's tes|timony and other circumstances, convicted and executed, two of them denying the fact to the last, the third, when he came to die, confessing he was a spectator of the mur|der committed by the other two. This trial was at Pli|mouth

in June 1675.* 8.30 Philip, enraged to see the imme|diate actors brought to punishment by the English laws, and expecting that it would be his own turn next, being conscious that the murderers were employed by him, took no pains to exculpate himself, but gathered what strangers he could, and together with his own men, marched them up and down the country in arms. The English of Plimouth ordered a military watch in every town, but took no other notice of the Indians behavior, hoping, that when Philip saw no measures were used for apprehending him, the threatned storm would blow over, as it had done several times before. But the Indians coming into him from seve|ral quarters, gave him fresh courage and he behaved with insolence, first threatning the English at Swansey, then killing some of their cattle and at length rifling their houses.* 8.31 An English man was so provoked, that he fired upon an Indian and wounded him.* 8.32 June 24th in the morning, one of the inhabitants of Rehoboth was fired up|on by a party of Indians, and the hilt of his sword shot off.* 8.33 The same day in the afternoon, being a fast, as Swanzey people were coming from public worship, the

Indians attacked them, killed one and wounded others, and killed two men who were going for a surgeon, beset a house in another part of the town and there murdered six more. The Massachusets, before this, had determined to raise 100 men for the assistance of Plimouth, but, before they marched, it was thought best to send messengers to Philip at Mount Hope* 8.34 to divert him from his design if possible, but the messengers, seeing some of the Swanzey men lying murdered in the road, did not think it safe to go any further, and returned as fast as they could with this intelligence to Boston. On the 26th, a foot company under Capt. Henchman, and a troop under Capt. Prentice marched from Boston towards Mount Hope, and were overtaken by another company of 110 volunteers under Capt. Mosely,* 8.35 and all arrived at Swanzey the 28th, where they found Plimouth forces under Capt. Cudworth. They made the minister's house, (Mr. Miles* 8.36) near the bridge, their head quarters. About a dozen of the troop went immediately over the bridge where they were fired upon from out of the bushes, one killed and one wounded. This action drew the body of the English forces after the enemy, whom theypur sued a mile or two until they took to a swamp, killing about half a dozen of them. Philip thought it best to qui•• ••is station at Mount Hope. A day or two after, Major Savage * 8.37 being arrived with more forces

from Boston and a general command, marched into the In|dian towns * 8.38 which they found deserted, with marks of great haste. They discovered Philip's wigwam amongst the rest. They met with none of the enemy. The next day they returned to their head quarters at Swanzey. It is not my design to enter into every minute circum|stance of the war.* 8.39 The Massachusets government sent Capt. Hutchinson as their commissioner to treat with the Naragansets.* 8.40 It was thought convenient to do it sword

in hand, therefore all the forces marched into the Nara|ganset country. Connecticut afterwards sent two gentle|men in behalf of that government, and, on the 15th of July, they came to an agreement with the Naraganset In|dians, who favoured Philip in their hearts, and waited only a convenient opportunity to declare openly for him, but whilst the army was in their country were obliged to sub|mit to the terms imposed upon them.* 8.41

ASSOON as the treaty was finished, the forces left the Naraganset country and came to Taunton, the 17th in the evening. Hearing that Philip was in a swamp at Po|casset, the Massachusets and Plimouth forces joined, and arrived at the swamp the 18th, which they resolutely entred. They found about one hundred wigwams empty. The enemy had deserted them and retired deeper into the swamp. The English followed, but in disorder, which was inevitable, penetrating a thick swamp. They found they were in danger one from another, every man firing at every bush he saw shake. Night coming on, it was ne|cessary to retreat. They lost fifteen men. How many

they killed of the enemy is uncertain. It was an unsuc|cessful attempt, and the more unfortunate because, as they were afterwards informed, Philip was in such distress that if they had followed him half an hour longer he would have surrendered himself and his men, which would have put an end to the war.* 9.1 This disappointment encouraged the Indians in other parts of New-England to follow Philip's example, and begin their hostilities against the English. Some few had begun before. The Nipnet or Nipmuck Indians had killed four or five people at Men|don in the Massachusets colony, the 14th of July. The governor and council, in hopes of reclaiming the Nipnets, sent Capt. Hutchinson with 20 horsemen to Quabaog (Brookfield) near which place there was to be a great ren|dezvous of those Indians. The inhabitants of Quabaog

had been deluded with the promise of a treaty, at a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 agreed upon, the 2d of August. Some of the principal of them accompanied Capt. Hutchinson thither. Not finding the Indians there, they rode forward four or five miles, towards the Nipnets chief town. When they came to a place called Meminimisset, a narrow passage between a steep hill and a thick swamp, they were ambushed by two or three hundred Indians, who shot down eight of the company, and mortally wounded three more, Capt. Hut|chinson * 9.2 being one of the number. The rest escaped through a by path to Quabaog. The Indians flocked into the town, but the inhabitants, being alarmed, had all ga|thered together in the principal house. They had the mortification to see all their dwelling houses, about twenty, with their barns and outhouses burnt. The house where they had assembled was then surrounded, and a variety of attempts m••de to set fire to it. At length the Indians filled a cart with hemp and other combustible matter, which they kindled, and, whilst they were thrusting it toward•• the house, a violent shower of rain fell suddenly and extinguished the fire.* 9.3 August 4th, Major Willard, who had been sent after some other Indians westward, hear•• of the distress of Brookfield, when he was about 4

or 5 miles from Lancaster, which caused him, with 48 men, to alter his course, and the same night he reached Brookfield, after 30 miles march; and though the Indian scouts dis|covered him and fired their alarm guns, yet the main body, from their high joy, always accompanied with a hor|rid noise, heard nothing of them. Willard joined the besieged,* 9.4 and the Indians immediately poured in all the shot they could, but without execution, and then quitted the siege and destroyed all the horses and cattle they could find and withdrew to their dens. They were not pursued, being much superior in numbers. The English were not yet used to fighting. A party likewise were sent from Springfield to the relief of Brookfield. Finding it effected, they returned, meeting none of the enemy. Philip and his people continued in the swamp at Pocasset until the last of July. After several skirmishes with Captain Church and other parties, they escaped from the swamp, notwithstanding the Massachusets forces kept their guards round it, and went away to the westward, without being very closely pursued, the reason of which, Mr. Hubbard says, it is better to suspend than too critically to enquire into. The 5th of August, Philip with about forty men, besides women and children, joined the Nipmuck Indians in a swamp ten or twelve miles from Brookfield.* 9.5 The

Indians upon Connecticut river near Hadley, Hatfield and Deerfield, began their hostilities about the same time, as also those at Penicook and other places upon Merrimack river, so that, before the end of August the whole Massa|chusets colony was in the utmost terror. Philip having left Plimouth, and the Naragansets not having engaged, that colony was less affected. There were several skir|mishes about Hatfield, viz. at Sugarloaf-hill, at Deerfield and Squakeag, (Northfield) the latter end of August and beginning of September, in which the English, upon the whole, were losers. September the 1st, Hadley was at|tacked upon a fast day, while the people were at church, which broke up the service and obliged them to spend the day in a very different exercise.* 9.6 The commanders in that part of the country, not being able to do much service by sending out parties, determined to garrison the towns, and to collect a magazine of provisions at Hadley. There being about 3000 bushels of corn at Deerfield in stacks, Capt. Lothrop with 80 men was sent to guard it down in carts, and were set upon by seven or eight hundred Indians, and all the English but seven or eight were cut off. Capt. Lothrop and his men fought bravely, but in the Indian manner, betaking themselves to trees, which in so great a

disproportion of numbers, must be inevitable destruction▪ for many of the lesser party must be unguarded and ex|posed. Capt. Moseley, who was quartered at Deerfield, came out with his company too late to rescue Lothrop, but, keeping his men together in a body, fought the whole number of Indians for several hours with the loss of two men only, until Major Treat with about 160 Mohegi•• Indians came to his aid and put the enemy to flight. This was a heavy stroke to the county of Essex, to which most of Capt. Lothrop's company, being young men, be|longed. A body of Indians, who had a fort about a mile from Springfield, had hitherto professed great friendship to the English, but Philip's Indians prevailed with them to join in a plot for the destruction of the town, and to receive in the night three hundred of those Indians into the fort. It was discovered the night before by Top, a Windsor Indian, which, altho' it saved the lives of many of the Inhabitants, yet was no security for their dwellings, thirty odd houses, besides barns, &c. being burnt before forces came from Westfield, Hadley, and other parts, to repel the Indians.* 9.7 The 19th of October, they came with

all the force and fury they could raise upon Hatfield, but were repulsed, the Connecticut and Massachusets forces being, by good providence, at hand so as to prevent any great loss. This discouraged them from continuing any longer in that part of the country, and they withdrew to the Naragansets, their general rendezvous. Some strag|glers remained until the end of November, and a few

lurked in the swamps all winter, doing now and then some mischief, enough to keep the inhabitants upon constant watch and guard. In November a party was sent out under Capt. Henchman to Hassanimisco (Grafton) Men|don, and the towns thereabout. They returned without any remarkable exploit.

THE Naragansets,* 9.8 contrary to their engagements, had received and comforted Philip's Indians and others, the enemies of the English. It was not doubted that some of

that nation had mixed with the others in their hostilities. If they should all openly engage in the spring there would be no resisting them; scattered in every part of the coun|try, all the forces the English could raise would not be a match for them. One company of soldiers after another had wasted away in the year past. There was no great room to hope for better success in the year to come. The commissioners of the united colonies therefore agreed to raise one thousand men, and to march in the winter into the Naraganset country. The Massachusets were to raise 527, the other two colonies the remainder. Mr. Winslow* 9.9 the

governor of Plimouth was pitched upon for the general. The 8th of December, the Massachusets forces marched from Boston, and were soon after joined by Plimouth men. Connecticut men joined them, the 18th, at Pettyquamscot. The evening and night were stormy and the men had no covering. At break of day, the 19th, they marched through the snow fourteen or fifteen miles, until one o'clock after|noon, when they came to the edge of the swamp where the enemy lay. They had met with an Indian who was disgusted with the rest, and offered himself as a pilot. The Indians knew of the armament coming against them, and had fortified themselves with all the art and strength they were capable of. The English fell in suddenly and unex|pectedly upon this seat of the enemy, and neither drew up in any order of battle, nor consulted where or how to assault. Some Indians appearing at the edge of the swamp, they that were in the front of the army, in the march, fired upon them. The Indians returned the fire and fled. The whole army entred the swamp, following the Indians to their fortress, which was upon a piece of upland in the midst of the swamp, pallisadoed all round, and within a hedge of near a rod thick. At one corner only, was a gap the length of one log, where the breastwork was not above four or five feet high, but they had placed a block|house over against this passage. At this passage, and no where else, the English must enter. As it pleased God to order it, they fell in upon that part of the fort where the passage was. The captains entred at the head of their companies. The two first, Johnson and Davenport, were shot dead at the entrance, as were many of their men. Four other captains, Gardner, Gallop, Siely, and Marshall, also lost their lives. Assoon as the forces were entred, they attacked the Indians in their places of shelter, who fought desperately, and beat the English out of the fort; but after two or three hours, the advantage of the English was such that they began to fire the wigwams, which were five or six hundred, and in many of them the Indian wo|men and children perished, the men which were left alive

fled into a cedar swamp at some small distance, withou•• any necessaries of life, or any shelter from the cold and storms, except the boughs of trees. The day being near spent, the English thought it high time to retire to their quarters, 15 or 16 miles distant, carrying dead as well as wounded men with them. Many of the wounded men perished, by being exposed to this long march in a cold night, who might otherwise have been saved. The num|ber of killed and wounded amounted to 170.* 9.10 Some of the enemy confessed they lost 700 fighting men that day, besides 300 more who died of their wounds and the hard|ships to which they were exposed. The number of old men women and children which perished by the fire, cold▪ and famine, they could not tell.* 9.11 The Indians took possession of the fort the next day.* 9.12 The English made no further attack.* 9.13 They were scant of provisions, the

weather being extreme cold delayed the vessels which had it on board. Some weeks were spent doing nothing, ex|cept that some proposals of peace were made on both sides, which came to nothing. February the 5th the army re|turned to Boston. There was a remarkable thaw in January, which melted the snow and opened the earth, so that the Indians could come at the ground-nuts, which seems to have been all their provisions, some from among

themselves reporting that corn was sold for two shillings 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pin••. They took this opportunity to leave the Nara|g••n••et country. A general junction of the I••dians was thereu••on expected, and every part of the English colo|nies was in terror. The 10th of February several hun|dred of the enemy assaulted Lancaster, burnt the houses

and killed and captivated 40 persons, the minister's wife and children among the rest, he himself (Mr. Rowlandson) being absent. Mischief was done about the same time at Marlborough, Sudbury and Chelmsford. The 21st they fell upon Medfield, where there were two or three hun|dred soldiers, and yet they burned half the town down

and killed eighteen of the inhabitants. The 25th they burned seven or eight houses at Weymouth. This seems to be their nearest approach to Boston, between fifteen and twenty miles distant, at least they did no mischief nearer.* 10.1

MARCH was a troublesome month, the Indians attacking North-Hampton and Springfield upon Con|necticut river, Groton Sudbury and Marlborough in the Massachusets, Warwick and Providence in Rhode-Island colony, burning their ••••uses and barns, and destroy|ing the cattle, and many of the inhabitants. They killed also eleven persons of one family in Plimouth, (Mr. Clark's) and on the 26th of March Capt. Pierce of Scituate in that colony, with 50 English, and 20 Indians of Cape Cod, being drawn into an ambushment by a small number of the enemy, found themselves surrounded by a great body of Indians, who killed every Englishman and great part of

the friend Indians.* 10.2 The 28th of the month, they burned 40 houses, besides barns, at Rehoboth. Where Philip spent the winter was never certainly known. Some con|jectured that he went to the Mohawks, others that he went to Canada, which his friends said was his intention in the fall. He knew the premium set upon his head, disguised and concealed himself, so that we hear but little of him until he was killed.* 10.3 His affairs were now at the highest flow, and those of the English never at so low an ebb. But presently after, a sudden turn came on. The beginning of April, the Connecticut men under George Denison of Stonington, with some friend Indians, killed and took prisoners forty four of the enemy, and before the end of the month, the same commander, with sixty six volunteers English, and one hundred and twelve Pequod Indians, took and slew seventy six more of the enemy, without the loss of one man in either of these exploits. Between these two successful actions, happened a very unfortunate one for the Massachusets. April 20th, news came to Boston of the loss of Capt. Wadsworth and 50 of his men, going to relieve Sudbury attacked by the enemy. In May and June, the enemy appeared in various parts of the colonies, but their vigor abated, their distresses, for want of provisions and ammunition, increased, and at the same time the Mohawks fell upon them and killed 50 of them. It was commonly said, that Philip fell upon a party of Mohawks and killed them, and reported that they were killed by the English, expecting by this means to engage that nation in the war, but one that was left for dead revived and escaped to his countrymen, and in|formed that, not the English, but Philip and his Indians had been the murderers, which brought that revenge upon the guilty, which, without this discovery, would

have been taken of those who were innocent. The beginning of July, the Connecticut forces met with a party of Indians in the Naraganset country, pursued them into a swamp, and killed and took 80 of them, without any loss, except one or two friend Indians, and in their march back 60 more of the enemy fell into their hands.* 10.4 The Massachusets and Plimouth men, in several parts of the country, were likewise very successful from time to time, killing and taking small parties of Indians scattered about the country, and no commander was more fortunate than Captain, afterwards Colonel Church, of Plimouth colony. He has published an account of his exploits. But Philip was the object. Upon his life or death war or peace depended. News was brought, that, after a year's absence, he had returned to Mount-Hope, his old quarters, and that great numbers of Indians were flocking to him, with intent to fall upon the neighbouring towns. The Massa|chusets and Plimouth, both, ordered their forces after Philip. The former returned to Boston, having missed Philip, but they killed and took 150 of the enemy, who were now so reduced that they were continually coming in and surrendering themselves upon promise of mercy. Two hundred in one week came in to Plimouth. Philip fled from one swamp to another, divers times very nar|rowly escaping, losing one chief counsellor after another; his uncle and sister, and at last his wife and son were taken prisoners. Being reduced to this miserable condition, he was killed the 12th of August, as he was flying from a party under Capt. Church, out of a swamp near Mount-Hope. One of his own men, whom he had offended, and who had deserted to the English, shot him through the

heart. Instead of his scalp, he cut off his right hand, which had a remarkable scar, well known to the English, and it produced a handsome penny, many having the cu|riosity to see it. This was a finishing stroke, the parties of Indians that remained being drove from one hole or swamp to another, so that before winter they were all killed, captivated, or forced to surrender themselves, ex|cept some few, who were supposed to have fled to the French, and others, to nations of foreign Indians. The cruelties which had been exercised upon the English were urged in excuse for the treatment which the Indians re|ceived, who were made prisoners or surrendered themselves. In all the promises of mercy, those, who had been principal actors in any murders of the English, were excepted, and none had any promise made of any thing more than their lives. A great many, therefore, of the chiefs were executed at Boston and Plimouth, and most of the rest were sold, and shipped off for slaves to Bermudas and other parts. Every person, almost, in the two colonies, had lost a relation or near friend, and the people in gene|ral were exasperated;* 10.5 but all does not sufficiently excuse this great severity.

THE same time that Philip began his hostilities in Plimouth colony, the Tarenteens, or Eastern Indians, were insulting the English settled in New-Hampshire and the province of M••in. They began with robbing the English, as they passed in their boats and canoes, and plun|dering their houses of liquors, ammunition, and such move|ables as they could easily carry off. In September (1675)

they came to the house of one Wakely, an old man, in Casco bay, and murdered him, his wife, and four children and grand-children, and carried four more of his grand-children away captives. They then fell upon Saco, and killed thirteen men, and burned the houses, killed six men and a woman at Black-point (Scarborough) and burned 20 houses. They next fell upon Kittery, and killed two men. Mr. Plaisted, lieutenant of the town, with 20 English, went out to bury the dead, and was set upon by the Indians. He fought bravely, with seven of his men (the rest flying) until he and his son, and one more, were killed. The other four escaped to the garrison. They then came to|wards Piscataqua, making spoil upon the inhabitants on the branches of that river, viz. at Oyster-river, Salmon-falls, Dover, Exeter, &c. burning their houses and barns, and a mill belonging to Mr. Hutchinson, a merchant in Boston, and killing more or less of the people in every place, to the number of about fifty, in the whole. The govern|ment's hands were full, from the attempts of Philip and his accomplices, and, during the summer, nothing more was done, than to commit the care of the eastern plantations to the chief officers of the respective regiments, to defend them against the enemy; but in the fall, forces were drawn from the other counties, in order to have marched into the eastern country, but were prevented by the severity of the weather, which sat in sooner than usual. The Indians in those parts at the sa••e time sued for peace, and there was a good prospect of its being settled; but the endea|vours of Major Waldron to effect it were next year frus|trated. However, during the winter, and the next spring, and the greatest part of the summer, those plantations were at rest.

THE accounts which were transmitted to England of the distresses of the colony, during the war, although they might excite compassion in the breasts of some, yet they were improved, by others, to render the colony more ob|noxious. A fine country, it was said, was in danger of being lost to England, by the penuriou••••ess of those who

were at the head of affairs, in not raising monies for the defence of it, and by their obstinacy in refusing to apply to the King for relief. This appears as well by other letters, as by one from Lord Anglesey to Mr. Leveret,* 10.6

between whom there was a friendly correspondence kept up. In Cromwell's court Mr. Leveret had been, perhaps, upon a level with Mr. Annesly.* 11.1 There seems to have been no ground for the charge; neither men nor money were wanting for the service. An application to England, for men, was unnecessary, and I meet with no papers which in|timate that there was any thought of it in any persons in the colony. Fighting made soldiers. Assoon as the in|habitants had a little experience of the Indian way of fighting, they became a match for them. An addition to their numbers they did not want. Be that as it may, this is certain, that as the colony was at first settled, so it was now preserved from ruin without any charge to the mo|ther country. Nay, as far as I can judge from the mate|rials I have, the collections made in the colony, after the fire of London, for the relief of the sufferers there, and, upon other occasions, for the relief of divers of the plan|tations, with other public donations, from the first settle|ment until the charter was vacated, will not fall much, if any thing, short of the whole sum that was bestowed upon the colony, from abroad, during that time.

IN the heighth of the distress of the war, and whilst the authority of the colony was contending with the natives for the possession of the soil, complaints were

making in England, which struck at the powers of government, and an enquiry was set on foot, which was continued from time to time, until it finally issued in a quo warranto, and judgment thereupon against the charter. In the summer of 1676,* 11.2 Edward Randolph was sent to the Massachusets with his Majesty's letter of March 10th, 1675-6, and copies of the petitions and complaints of Mason and Gorges.* 11.3 The King commanded that agents should be sent over, to appear before him in six months after the receipt of the letter, fully instructed and im|powered to answer. The governor summoned a special court, to meet the 9th of August. The elders which were then in town were desired to attend, and to consi|der of this question proposed to them by the court, viz.

WHETHER the most expedient manner of making answer to the complaints of Mr. Gorges and Mr. Mason, about the extent of our patent line, be, by sending agents or attornies to answer the same, or to answer by wri|ting only?

THEY soon agreed upon the following answer.—

It seems unto us the most expedient way of making an|swer unto the complaints of Mr. Gorges and Mr. Mason, about the extent of our patent line, to do it by appoint|ment of agents, to appear and make answer for us, by way of information at this time, and in this case, pro|vided they be with utmost care and caution qualified as to their instructions, by and according to which they may negotiate that affair, with safety unto the country, and with all duty and loyalty unto his Majesty, in the pre|servation of our patent liberties.

The reasons for their opinion were subjoined. The court determined

according to this advice. William Stoughton* 11.4 and Peter Bulkley * 11.5 were chosen for the purpose. Soon after their arrival in England, a hearing was had before the Lords of the committee of the council, upon the principal points of their agency, the claims of Gorges and Mason, in both which they were unsuccessful. The province of Main was confirmed to Gorges and his heirs, both as to soil and government. To put an end to all future disputes, as well as to gratify many of the inha|bitants of that province, John Usher was employed by the Massachusets to purchase the right and interest of Gorges's heirs, which he did for twelve hundred pounds sterling, and assigned it over to the governor and company. This, instead of conciliating matters, gave fur|ther offence to the crown.* 11.6 With respect to Mason's claim, it was determined, that the Massachusets had a right to three miles north of Merrimack river, to follow the course of the river, so far as it extended, and that the expressions in the charter do not war••rant the over-reach|ing those bounds by imaginary lines or bounds.* 11.7

THE controversy between the Massachusets and Mr. Mason having subsisted so many years, it may not be amiss to set his claim or pretence in its true light. A copy of a grant, made by the council of Plimouth to Capt. John Mason, of all the lands between Naumkeak and Merri|mack, dated March 9th, 1621, is the first, in order of time, that has been produced. This grant was said to be only sealed, unwitnessed, no seisin endorsed, nor possession ever given with the grant, and no entry upon any record.

ANOTHER copy of a grant, August 10th 1622, of all the lands from Merrimack to Sagadehoc, which, it was said, did not appear to have been signed, sealed, or wit|nessed, by any order of the council.

ANOTHER grant, or copy of a grant, of part of the same lands, viz. all between the rivers Merrimack and Piscata|qua, to Captain John Mason alone, dated Nov. 7, 1629.

ANOTHER grant in 1635, April 22d, of all the lands between Naumkeag and Piscataqua river.* 11.8

IN all this confusion of grants, or copies of grants, the greatest stress is laid upon that of November 7th, 1629. It is a strange thing, that the council of Plimouth, unless all those grants, prior to the Massachusets grant, had been either deemed imperfect and invalid from the beginning, or else resigned and thrown up, should grant the same lands to the Massachusets, Mason and Gorges both being members, and the most active members of the council. I•• is not easy to account for a grant of all the lands be|tween Merrimack and Piscataqua to Mason in 1629, when three miles between those two rivers had been granted the year before to the Massachusets. The grants which were made, or pretended to be made, in 1635, were the efforts of a number of the members of the council, to secure some part of the dying interest to themselves and posterity, in which they all failed.* 11.9

SIR William Jones, the attorney general, gave his opinion upon the whole case, which was transmitted to the Massachusets, and is as follows.

"THE case of the governor and company of Massachusets Bay, in New-England, in America.

"3d Nov. 14 Jac. The whole tract of New-England was granted to 40 persons, Lords and others, by the name of the council of New-England, established at Plimouth, whereby power is given them to set out lands and heredi|taments to adventurers and planters, as should, by a com|mission of survey, and distribution executed, be named.

"19 Mar. 1628. The said council grant the Massachu|sets colony to Roswell and others.

"4 Mar. 4 Car. I. The grant to Roswell, &c. was, by letters patents, confirmed to the said proprietors and others, their associates, who were then incorporated, with power of government granted to them, and of making laws, not repugnant to the laws of England.

"The company, in pursuance of this grant of the council of Plimouth and charter from the King, transport themselves and make a settlement upon the said lands, distributing the same, from time to time, freely to adven|turers and planters, without any rent reserved to the company; yet so that, where the said lands were possessed by the natives, the planters did also purchase from them.

"May 1637. It is enacted by the laws of the place, That any person, who had, by himself, his grantees or assigns, before the law about inheritance 14 Octo. 1652, possessed and occupied, as his or their proper right in fee simple, any houses or lands there, and should so continue without disturbance, lett, suits, or denial, legally made by having the claims of any person thereto entred with the recorder of the county and such claim prosecuted to effect within 5 years next after the 20th of that present May 1657, every such proprietor, their heirs and assigns, shall forever hereafter enjoy the same, without any lawful lett, s••it, disturbance, or denial, by any other claim of any persons or persons whatsoever, any law or custom to the contrary notwithstanding.

"No claims made of the lands in question, within the time limited.

"IN 1635 the Patent of 30 Nov. 14 Jac. surrendered.

"Mr. Mason's title.

"2 Mar. 1621. Mr. Mason, by grant from the council at Plimouth, under their common seal, to his ancestor John Mason, claims some ten towns within the Massachusets bounds of their patent, to be called Mariana, to hold to him and his heirs, in fee and common socage, &c. subject to the exceptions in the grant to the grand council, yield|ing a fifth part of all oar found to his Majesty, and another fifth part to the council, with a letter of attorney to the chief officer there, for the time being, for delivery of possession and seisin to the grantee Mason, or his attorney▪

"Note, the grant only sealed with the council seal, unwitnessed, no seisin endorsed, nor possession ever given with the grant.

"10 Aug. 1622. The said council grant, aliene, sell, and confirm to Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. John Mason, their heirs and assigns, all the lands lying between the rivers Merrimack and Sagadehoc.

"Note as in the grant of 1621.

"7 Nov. 1629. The said council grant part of the pre|mises to Capt. John Mason, single, and his heirs, extending between the rivers of Merrimack and Piscataqua.

"Note as above.

"1631. The same council did again grant a small parcel of the premises granted to Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. John Mason, unto the said Sir Ferdinando and Capt. Mason, with about six or seven others, their asso|ciates, lying on both sides the river Piscataqua, upon which lands some settlements were made, and some part thereof divided between the said grantees and adventurers after 1631.* 12.1

"April 1635. Capt. John Mason obtains a new grant from the said great council, of all the lands from Naum|keag river to Piscataqua river, by the name of New Hamp|shire, at which time all that part of the lands, so granted, which are now contained within the bounds of the Massa|chusets, were actually distributed to and planted by the inhabitants of that colony, by virtue of their grant from the said council.

"THE whole matter in difference was referred to the two Lord Chief Justices, by his Majesty in council.

"THEY, after a solemn hearing of counsel on both sides, reported unto his Majesty:

"THAT as to the right of the soil of the province of New-Hampshire and Main, they could give no opinion, not having proper parties before them, it appearing, that not the Massachusets, but the ter-tenants, had the right of soil and whole benefit thereof, and yet were not summon|ed to defend their titles.

"AS to Mr. Mason's right of government within the soil he claimed, their Lordships, and indeed his own coun|sel, agreed he had none,* 12.2 the great council of Plimouth, under whom he claimed, having no power to transfer government to any.

"AS to the bounds of the Massachusets colony, their Lordships have, by their said report, excluded thereout the four towns of Dover, Portsmouth, Exeter and Hampton, parcel of Mr. Mason's claim,

but determined the remain|der of his claim to be within their bounds.

Which report was confirmed by his Majesty in council.

"1st Query. Whether Mr. Mason's grants, being only under the council of Plimouth's seal, unwitnessed, and without any entry or record of them any where, without seizin endorsed, and no possession having ever gone along

with them, be valid in law to oust about 50 year's pos|session, a title under the government of the Massachusets, and a purchase from the natives?

"I think it not good according to the law of England, and New-England having no particular law of their own (to my knowledge) which differs from the law of England, as to the manner of passing lands, I do not see how any of these grants can be good.

"OR admitting they be good in law,

"2d Quer. Whether Mr. Mason be not stopped by the law of the place, as above, having not made his claim thereto within the time prescribed?

"IF Mr. Mason's estate do lie within the jurisdiction of the assembly which made this law, and that this assem|bly were rightly constituted according to the powers given by charter, I think Mr. Mason was bound by this law, which I look upon to be a reasonable law, and agreeing in reason with the law of England.

"And if Mr. Mason have right thereto,

"3d Quer. Whether ought not that right to be tried on the place, ten of the towns claimed by him remaining within the Massachusets by the chief justices report?

"I think his right ought to be tried upon the place, for so much thereof as lies within the Massachusets jurisdiction, liable to such appeal as the charter allows, if it allows any.

"4th Quer. Or, if triable here, by what court can it properly be so, whether in one of the four courts at Westminster, or upon a special commission, and how, in your judgment, whether by jury or otherwise?

"It cannot properly be tried here by any of the four courts, but according to the law of the place, if it lye within any jurisdiction, and if within none, the King may erect courts, to proceed according to the law of England, unless altered by the legislative power of the place.* 12.3

18 Sept. 1679.

W. JONES."

A commission was issued by the crown for the govern|ment of New-Hampshire.* 12.4 The Massachusets thereupon forbore any further exercise of jurisdiction. The towns of Salisbury, Amesbury and Haverhill, by their original grants from the Massachusets colony, extending more than three miles from Merrimack, the Massachusets continued to exercise jurisdiction over the whole of those towns, although, according to the determination, part of them lay without the patent.

BESIDES this controversy about bounds, the agents had other complaints to answer. Randolph, who, the people of New-England said,

went up and down seeking to de|vour them,

returned to England, and represented the colony as refusing any obedience to the acts for regulating the trade of the plantations. A ship, belonging to Mr. Usher, put the owner ashore at some English port, and went over to Holland. Mr. Stoughton writes (1st Dec. 1677)

Randolph upon this news was full of business, being employed, as he said, by my Lord treasurer, to make enquiry about it, in order to further proceedings, but now we have intelligence as if that vessel were again put into Plimouth, and had not been in Holland. If she either make her market here, or pay her duties before she go elsewhere, it may help to allay matters. The country's not taking notice of these acts of navigation to observe them, hath been the most unhappy neglect that we could have fallen into, for, more and more every day,

we find it most certain, that without a fair compliance in that matter, there can be nothing expected but a total breach, and all the storms of displeasure that may be.

THE Quakers also renewed their complaints against the colony. In the distress of the colony by the Indian war, among other sins, which were the cause of it, the toleration shewn to quakers was thought to be one; the court therefore made a law

That every person found at a quaker's meeting should be apprehended, ex officio, by the constable, and, by warrant from a magistrate or commissioner, shall be committed to the house of cor|rection, and there have the discipline of the house ap|plied to them, and be kept to work, with bread and water, for three days, and then released, or else shall pay five pounds in money, as a fine to the country, for such offence, and all constables neglecting their duty, in not faithfully executing this order, shall incur the penalty of five pounds, upon conviction, one third whereof to the informer.

I know of nothing which can be urged, in any wise tending to excuse the severity of this law, unless it be human infirmity, and the many instances in history of persons of every religion being fully persuaded that the indulgence of any other was a toleration of im|piety, and brought down the judgments of heaven, and therefore justified persecution.* 12.5 This law lost the colony many friends.

SEVERAL addresses were made to the King, from the general court, whilst the agents were in England, and the court made several laws to remove some of the exceptions which were taken in England, particularly an act to punish high treason with death; another requiring all persons above 16 years of age to take the oaths of allegiance, on pain of fine and imprisonment;

the governor, deputy governor and magistrates having first taken the same, without any reservation, in the words sent to them by his Majesty's order.

* 12.6 The King's arms were ordered to be

carved and put up in the court-house. But it was a more difficult thing to conform to the acts of trade They ac|knowledge in their letter to the agents they had not done it. They

apprehended them to be an invasion of the rights, liberties and properties of the subjects of his Majesty in the colony, they not being represented in parliament, and according to the usual sayings of the learned in the law, the laws of England were bounded within the four seas, and did not reach America; how|ever, as his Majesty had signified his pleasure that those acts should be observed in the Massachusets, they had made provision, by a law of the colony, that they should be strictly attended from time to time, although it great|ly discouraged trade, and was a great damage to his Majesty's plantation.

The passing this law plainlyshews the wrong sense they had of the relation they stood in to England.* 12.7 The people of Ireland, about the same time, were under the same mistake. Perhaps they had not greater colour for an exemption from English acts of parliament than a colony of natural born subjects, depart|ing the kingdom with the leave of their prince. Particu|lar persons in Ireland did penance for advancing and ad|hering to these principles. The whole colony of the Massachusets suffered the loss of their charter, this being

one great article of charge against it. I am glad I have this instance of Ireland, and that so sensible a gentleman as Mr. Molineux, the friend of Mr. Locke, engaged in the cause; for it may serve as some excuse for our ancestors, that they were not alone in their mistaken apprehensions of the nature of their subjection. No prejudice can be caused, by this mistake, against their posterity. They have indeed as high notions of English liberties as their ancestors had, and, as a British colony, they humbly hope for all that tenderness and indulgence from a British par|liament which the Roman Senate, while Rome remained free, shewed to Roman colonies, but they are sensible that they are colonists, and therefore subject to the controul of the parent state.

MR. Leveret continued governor, by annual election, from his being first chosen in 1673, until his death, March 16th 1678. The weighty affairs of the war, and the agency, during his administration, conducted with pru|dence and steadiness, caused him to be greatly respected.* 12.8 He was succeeded by Simon Bradstreet (May 1679) who was one of the first assistants, and had continued to be annually chosen an assistant fifty years together, being about seventy six years of age when he first entered upon the office of governor. A few months before, upon the death of Mr. Symonds, Mr. Bradstreet succeeded him as deputy governor. Upon Mr. Bradstreet's being chosen governor, Thomas Danforth came into the deputy gover|nor's place, and they were continued in their respective places, from year to year, until the dissolution of the government.

WHILST the agents were in England, days of fasting and prayer, some by the court, some by the whole people, were repeatedly appointed by authority, to implore the divine blessing upon their endeavours for obtaining favor with the King, and the continuance of charter privileges, and November 21st 1678 was observed as a fast by all the churches in the three colonies. A council or synod of the churches in the colony of Massachusets being con|vened by order of court in May 1679, these two questions were referred for their consideration and answer.

QUEST. 1st. What are the reasons that have provoked the Lord to bring his judgments upon New-England?

QUEST. 2d. What is to be done that so those evils may be removed?

I do not censure the authority of the colony for their great anxiety on this occasion, or for using every proper measure to obtain the smiles of heaven, as well as the favor of their earthly sovereign, and only remark, that we have no evidence of any extraordinary degeneracy.* 12.9 At this time Great-Britain, Scotland especially, was suffering under a prince inimical to civil and religious liberty, New-England therefore, without a miraculous interposi|tion, must have expected to share the same judgments, and perhaps had not greater reason to make the two in|quiries than either of the two kingdoms.

THE complaint of Gorges and Mason, and the uncer|tainty of the event, restrained the general court from any attempt to hold possession of the country eastward of Main. Upon the exchange of Surinam for New-York, that country, and the islands and countries contained in the former grant to the Duke of York, were granted anew, and Major Andros, governor under the Duke, erected

a fort, and established a custom-house at Pemaquid, part of the territory between Kenebeck and St. Croix. Whilst the Dutch were in possession of New-York, this territory had been neglected, and the inhabitants being without any powers of government, the Massachusets (in 1672) had sent their commissioners, who appointed and held courts, and established civil and military officers from Pemaquid to Georges, the sea-coast being well inhabited, and the fishery in a flourishing state, but upon the Duke's taking possession, by his governor, they laid aside their pretences to jurisdiction.

THE agents were detained in England until the fall of 1679. They thought themselves not at liberty to return without the King's express leave. The po••ish plot prevented an attention to plantation affairs, and i•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thought too great a hardship to detain them any longer. Upon their repeated application they were dismissed, and arrived at Boston, December 23d. They had obtained nothing but time, a further opportunity for the colony to comply with the requisitions made by the crown. Assurances seem to have been given by the agents that other persons should be sent over to supply their places, and although, upon their return, no mark of disapprobation of their conduct was shewn by the general court, but a vote passed thanking them for their pains, yet many were dissatisfied, especially with Mr. Stoughton, who they thought to have been too compliant.* 12.10 They brought with them the King's letter of July 24, 1679, containing the follow|ing requisitions.

1. THAT agents be sent over in six months, fully in|structed to answer and transact what was undetermined at that time.

2. THAT freedom and liberty of conscience be given to such persons as desire to serve God in the way of the church of England, so as not to be thereby made ob|noxious, or discountenanced from their sharing in the go|vernment, much less that they, or any other his Majesty's subjects (not being papists) who do not agree in the con|gregational way, be by law subjected to fines or for|feitures, or other incapacities.

3. THAT no other distinction be observed in making of freemen, than that they be men of competent estates, rateable at 10s. according to the rules of the place, and that such, in their turns, be capable of the magistracy, and all laws made void that obstruct the same.

4. THAT the ancient number of eighteen assistants be henceforth observed, as by charter.* 12.11

5. THAT all persons coming to any privilege, trust or office, take the oath of allegiance.

6. THAT all military commissions, as well as the pro|ceedings of justice, run in his Majesty's name.

7. THAT all laws repugnant to, and inconsistent with, the laws of England for trade, be abolished.

8. WHILE Mr. Gorges's complaint was before the council, the agents, without his Majesty's permission, who was some time in treaty for the same, bought Mr. Gorges's interest in the province of Main, for 1200 l. His Majesty had heard of some effects, of a severe hand upon his sub|jects there, and therefore required an assignment of the said province, on repayment of the said 1200 l.

9. THAT, as for that part of New-Hampshire province three miles north of Merrimack river, granted to Mr.

Mason, the government whereof remained vested in his Majesty, designing to settle the same to the satisfaction of his subjects there, the Massachusets recall all com|missions granted by them for governing there.

A compliance with the first of these instructions was delayed. The reasons assigned were, the danger of the seas (Connecticut agent having been taken by the Alge|rines) and the heavy debt of the colony,* 12.12 which made it almost incapable of the expence.

AS to the second and third, they had no laws to restrain the inhabitants from chusing church of England men into the magistracy, or other office, that law, confining the privi|lege to church members, being long since repealed, and all protestants of 10s. rateable estate were capable of being made freemen.

THE fourth, they complied with at the next election, in 1680.

AND also with the fifth sixth and seventh, in manner as has been mentioned.

THEY justified their purchase of the province of Main, at the desire of the inhabitants, and in favor to them; and denied their having ever used any acts of severity, and were silent as to the re-conveying it.

THE 9th and last they had complied with, as we have just mentioned.

THE first commission for the government of New-Hampshire, was to Mr. Cutt, as president of the province. The following letter was voted, by the new assembly, at their first meeting, and sent to the governor of the Massachusets, to be communicated to the assembly there.

PORTSMOUTH, in the province of New-Hampshire, "March 25th 1680.

Much honored—

THE late turn of providence made amongst us by the all-ordering hand, hath given occasion for this present ap|plication, wherein we crave leave, as we are in duty bound, first thankfully to acknowledge your great care of us, and

kindness towards us, while we dwelt under your shadow, owning ourselves deeply obliged, that you were pleased, upon our earnest request and supplication, to take us under your government, and ruled us well, while we so remained, so that we cannot give the least counte|nance to those reflections that have been cast upon you, as if you had dealt injuriously with us. Secondly, that no dissatisfaction with your government, but meerly our submission to divine providence, to his Majesty's com|mands, to whom we owe allegiance, without any seeking of our own, or desires of change, was the only cause of our complying with that present separation from you that we are now under, but should have heartily re|joiced, if it had seemed good to the Lord and his Ma|jesty to have settled us in the same capacity as formerly. Thirdly, and withal we hold ourselves bound to signify, that it is our most unfeigned desire, that such a mutual correspondence betwixt us may be settled, as may tend to the glory of God, the honor of his Majesty, whose subjects we all are, and the promoting the common in|terest, and defence against the common enemy, that thereby our hands may be strengthened, being of our|selves weak, and few in number, and that if there be opportunity to be any ways serviceable unto you, we may shew how ready we are thankfully to embrace the same. Thus wishing the presence of God to be with you in all administrations, and craving the benefit of your prayers and endeavours for a blessing upon the heads and hearts of us who are separated from our brethren, we subscribe

JOHN CUTT, President, at the consent of the council and general assembly.

Directed to the honorable governor and council of the Massachusets-Bay, to be communicated to the general court in Boston.

* 13.1THIS letter was read in general court May 22d 1680, and ordered to be recorded.

THE province of Main continued to be protected by the Massachusets. After the purchase from Gorges the major part of the court were of opinion that it should be sold again to the highest bidder towards reimbursing the expence of defending it, which they computed at eight thousand pounds, and a committee was appointed for this purpose, but this vote was reconsidered. However there was a necessity of a different administration from what there had been formerly. Whilst the province was sup|posed to be included in the bounds of the Massachusets charter, the towns were represented in the general court, and it was to all intents and purposes considered as a county, but the determination of 1667 had confined the Massa|chusets to three miles north or north east of Merrimack river. The colony must consider it self therefore in the place of Gorges invested with the powers granted to him by charter or patent. Accordingly, they appointed their deputy governor Thomas Danforth, president of the pro|vince of Main, to govern under the Massachusets, the lords proprietaries, and to be accountable to them, and thither he repaired towards the end of 1679 together with Mr. Nowell, &c. and there appointed officers, held courts, and made provision for administring government in the form prescribed by the patent to Sir Ferdinando Gorges.* 13.2

RANDOLPH kept a continual watch upon the colony, and went divers times to England with complaints, and re|turned with fresh orders and powers.* 13.3 In 1676 he brought over the complaint of Mason and Gorges. In 1678

he came over, with power from the commissioners of the customs, as an inspector and to make seizures and bring in|formations for breaches of the acts of trade, but he was generally if not always condemned in costs, and it appears by a representation, he afterwards made to the commis|sioners, that he had been a great sufferer. He brought with him also a commission to divers persons, himself at the head of them, to administer an oath to the governor faithfully to execute the duty required by the act of trade.* 13.4 The governor, Mr. Leveret, did not take the oath in con|sequence of that commission. Randolph was in England again in 1679 * 13.5 and returned the latter part of the same year.

THE governor at the first session after the receipt of new orders from the King, took the oath, which was ad|ministred by the deputy governor in open court, not a•• one of the commissioners. Randolph went home agai•• the next winter to renew his complaints, and upon his re|turn to Boston,* 13.6 in 1681, brought with him a commission from the crown for collector and surveyor and searcher of the customs in New-England. * 13.7 He laid his commission before the general court and desired he might be aided in the execution of his office with their countenance and au••ho|rity,

but no notice being taken of his application he set up an advertisement in the town house to acquaint all persons concerned that an office was erected, &c. This, he said, was taken down by the marshal by order of the general court or some of the members, he therefore in a letter to the governor demands the final resolution of the court, whether they will admit the said patent to be in force or not, that he might know how to govern himself. There is no record of any resolution of the court herein. During these distresses of the colony there were two parties sub|sisting in the government, both of them agreed in the importance of the charter privileges, but differing in opi|nion upon the extent of them, and upon the proper mea|sures to preserve them. The governor, Mr. Bradstreet, was at the head of the moderate party. Randolph in all his letters takes notice of it. The governor's son in a letter from New-London, April 1681, writes

As to what you say about the change some people expect this election, so far as it concerns yourself it may be an advantage. Better the ruin, if it must be so, under other hands than yours. Time will make it appear who have been the faithful and wise conservators of New-England's liberties, and that the adored saviours of our interests, many of them, have consulted very ill the interest espoused by them.

Mr. Stoughton, Mr. Dudley, and William Brown of Salem, these fell in with the governor. The deputy go|vernor, Mr. Danforth, was at the head of the other party, the principal members of the court with him were Major Gookins of Cambridge, Peter Tilton of Hadley, Elisha Cooke and Elisha Hutchinson of Boston. This party op|posed the sending over agents, the submitting to acts of trade, &c. and were for adhering to their charter accord|ing to their construction of it, and leaving the event. Gookins, being aged, desired a paper he drew up as his dying testimony might be lodged with the court, contain|ing the reasons of his opinion. He was a very zealous but an upright man and acted from principle. He seems to have been the only magistrate who a few years before

opposed the people in their rage against the Indians, friends and enemies without distinction, and exposed himself to the reproaches of his brethren in the magistracy upon the bench, as well as to hootings and offensive language from the populace as he passed the streets. Tilton was one of the most rigid, and was concerned in a paper, published about that time, representing the great apostacy both of magis|trates and ministers.

IN 1680 * 13.8 a letter had been received under the King's sign manual, charging the colony with neglecting to send over other agents in the room of those who had obtained leave to return, and requiring that they be sent in three months after the receipt of the letter, and that they come prepared to answer the claim which Mason had made to the lands between Naumkeag and Merrimack. Immediately upon

the receipt of this letter, the court chose two agents, Mr. Stoughton and Mr. Nowell, and instructions were drawn up, but both of them peremptorily refused to engage in the affair; Mr. Stoughton, notwithstanding the exceptions some had taken to his former conduct, being strongly urged to it. As for Mason's claim, it was looked upon as ground|less and extravagant, and the court gave themselves but little concern about it further than to observe, that if he had any pretence to the lands, his title would be fairly tried upon the spot, where by law and according to the opinion of the attorney and sollicitor general in 1677, it ought to be tried. After this, Randolph* 13.9 brought to Boston the King's letter of October the 21st 1681,* 13.10 complaining

that the collector had not been able to exe|cute his office to any effect, that attachments had been brought against him and his officers for doing their duty, that he had been obliged to deposit money before he could bring an action against offenders, that

appeals, in matters relating to the revenue, had been refused, and that they had seized into their hands the moiety of forfeitures belonging to his Majesty by law.

It was therefore required,

that fit persons be sent over, without delay, to answer these complaints, with powers to submit to such regulations of government as his Majesty should think fit, that restitution be made of all monies levied from the officers, that they be encouraged in put|ting the acts of trade in execution, without charge, as in England, that an account be given of forfeitures received, and that appeals be allowed.

The court denied the charge, and said in their answer,

that Mr. Randolph was acknowledged collector, and his commission enrolled, that no suits had been countenanced against any officers, except where the subject had been unjustly vexed, that they knew of no forfeitures, except a fine upon a master of a ship for abusing the go|vernment, that they would encourage his officers, and re|quire no deposit for the future; but as to admitting appeals, they hoped it would be further considered.

However, the sending over agents could be no longer delayed. At a court called in Feb. 1681, when his Majesty's letter by Mr. Randolph was read, they determined to come to the choice of agents. Mr. Stoughton and Mr. Dudley were chosen, the court being much divided. Mr. Stoughton again utterly refused, and Mr. Richards* 13.11 was chosen in his stead. The design of taking away the charter became every day more and more evident. Agents impowered to submit to regulations of government, were, in other words, agents impowered to surrender their charter. However, the general court would have been glad to put a more favorable construction upon it, it being inconsistent with his Majesty's repeated declarations, and therefore they directed their agents not to do, or consen•• to any thing that should violate or infringe the liberties ••nd privileges granted by charter, or the government established thereby. A new matter of charge had been brought against them

in England, viz. the coining money. This they excused,

it having began in the times of the late confusions, to prevent frauds in the pieces of eight current among them, and if they had trespassed upon his Majesty's prerogative, it was through ignorance, and they humbly begged his pardon.

The other points of exception were answered as before mentioned. The agents sailed May 31st. A public fast was appointed to be observed June 22d, through the colony, to pray for the preservation of their charter and success to the agency. Randolph was in England not long after them, ready to disclose every thing the agents desired to conceal. The governor had desired him to do nothing to the prejudice of the colony. He promised, in his answer, that if they would make a full sub|mission to his Majesty, he would endeavour to procure his Majesty's royal pardon, and the continuance of their pri|vileges, so far as that they should have liberty of conscience and the free exercise of their religion, and that no money should be raised without the consent of the people; for other matters their agents were most proper to sollicit.* 13.12 The agents in their first letters to the general court, acquaint|ed them,

that his Majesty was greatly provoked by their so long neglecting to send agents, and they desired the court to consider whether it was best to hazard all, rather than satisfy his Majesty as to the mode of submission to the laws for regulating trade, since they seriously intended to submit to the substance.

They had not then been heard before the council, but soon after, upon presenting the court's address, they were commanded to shew their pow|ers and all their instructions, not publicly, but to Sir Lionel Jenkins, secretary of state, and it appearing, upon perusal, that they did not contain such powers as had been

required, they were informed by Lord Radnor, that the council, nem. con. had agreed to report to his Majesty, that unless the agents speedily obtained such powers as might make them capable to satisfy in all points, a quo warranto should proceed. The agents represented the case of the colony as desperate, and left it to the court to de|termine whether it was most adviseable to submit to his Majesty's pleasure, or to suffer a quo warranto to issue. Many cities had submitted. Bermudas* 13.13 in the plantations, and the city of London had refused, and quo warranto's had gone out, the determination of which might enable the Massachusets to judge what would be prudent for them to do.* 13.14

UPON receipt of these advices, it was made a question, not in the general court only, but amongst all the inhabi|tants, whether to surrender or not. The opinions of many of the ministers, and their arguments in support of them, were given in writing, and, in general, it was thought better to die by the hands of others, than by their own.* 13.15 An address was agreed upon by the general court, another was prepared and sent through the colony to be signed by the several inhabitants, which the agents were to present or not, as they thought proper, and they were instructed to deliver up the deeds for the province of Main, if required, and it would tend to preserve their charter, otherwise not; and they were to make no con|cessions of any privileges conferred upon the colony by the charter.

CRANFIELD, governor of New-Hampshire, being on a visit at Boston, advised to the agents waiting upon Lo••d Hide, and tendering him an acknowledgment of 2000 guineas for his Majesty's private service, and, at the same time, promised to represent the colony in a favorable light. The court agreed to the proposal, and shewed him the letter they wrote to the agents thereupon, but he, infa|mously, represented the colony as rogues and rebels, and made his game of them for making such an offer, and the agents complained of their being ridiculed for the s••am put upon the country.* 13.16 Upon the agents receiving this final resolution of the court, their business 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at an end. It was immediately determined a quo warran•••• should go against the charter, and that Randolph should be the messenger of death. The agents arrived at Boston the 23d of October 1683, and the same week Randolph ar|rived

* 13.17 with the quo warranto, and a declaration from the King, that if the colony, before prosecution, would make full submission and entire resignation to his pleasure he would regulate their charter for his service and their good, and with no further alterations than should be necessary for the support of his government there. Two hundred copies of the proceedings against the charter of London were sent at the same time, by advice of the privy council, to be dispersed through the province. The governor and major part of the assistants, despairing of any success from a defence, passed the following vote:

The magi|strates have voted, that an humble address be sent to his Majesty by this ship, declaring that, upon a serious consideration of his Majesty's gracious intimations, in his former letters, and more particularly in his late declara|tion, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his pleasure and purpose is only to regulate our charter, in such a manner as shall be for his service and the good of this his colony, and without any other alteration than what is necessary for the support of his government here, we will not presume to contend with his Majesty in a course of law, but humbly lay ourselves at his Majesty's feet, in a submission to his pleasure so declared, and that we have resolved, by the next oppor|tunity, to send our agents, impowered to receive his Majesty's commands accordingly. And, for saving a de|fault for non-appearance upon the return of the writ of quo warranto, that some meet person or persons be appointed and impowered, by letter of attorney, to appear and make defence, until our agents may make their appearance and submission, as above. The magistrates have passed this with reference to the consent of their brethren the deputies hereto. EDWARD RAWSON, secretary. 15th Nov. 1683.

THIS lay in the house, under consideration, a fortnight, and was then passed upon as follows:

Nov. 30, 1683. The deputies consent not, but ad|here to their former bills. WM. TORREY, Cler.

HAD this been made ••n act of the general court, it is doubtful whether the consequent administration of go|vernment would have been less arbitrary than it was, upon the judgment against the charter; but, upon the revolu|tion, they might have reassumed their charter, as Rhode-Island* 13.18 and Connecticut did their respective charters, there having been no judgment against them.* 13.19

A letter of attorney was sent to Mr. Humphrys, to ap|pear and answer for the province. Addresses were sent, one after another, but to no purpose. In September, a scire facias was received by Mr. Dudley and communicated to the governor, who called a special court. The time for their appearance at Westminster was past before it was re|ceived

in Boston.* 13.20 No other answer, than another hum|ble address, was attempted. The case was desperate, and judgment was entered up, copy of which was received by Mr. Rawson, July 2d 1685.

BEFORE any new government was settled, King Charles died. Mr. Blaithwait wrote to the governor,* 13.21 and recom|mended the proclaiming King James, without delay. This was done, with great ceremony, in the high street in Boston (April 20th.)

THERE were all the symptoms, notwithstanding, of an expiring constitution. Several of the towns neglected to

send their deputies in the year 1684. Little business was done at the court. The people, indeed,* 13.22 shewed some resent|ment against the magistrates, who had been forward for surrendering. Mr. Dudley, Richards and Brown were dropped, Cooke, Johnson and Hutchinson chose in their stead. Mr. Bradstreet, the governor,* 13.23 Mr. Stoughton, Bulkley, Saltonstall and Gidney had fewer votes than usual. There seems to have been as much indifference in the legislature about public affairs in 1685, expecting every day to be superseded.* 13.24

THE election for 1686 was the 12th of May. Mr. Dudley being left out, Mr. Stoughton,* 13.25 from complaisance to him, refused to serve.* 13.26

THE 15th, the Rose frigate arrived from England, with a commission to Mr. Dudley,* 13.27 as president, and divers others, gentlemen of the council, to take upon them the

administration of government. A copy of the commission was presented, and the following answer resolved upon by the court, nemine contradicente.

GENTLEMEN,

WE have perused what you left with us, as a true copy of his Majesty's commission, shewed to us the 17th instant, impowering you for the governing of his Ma|jesty's subjects inhabiting this colony, and other places therein mentioned. You then applied to us, not as a governor and company, but (as you were pleased to term us) some of the principal gentlemen and chief in|habitants of the several towns of the Massachusets, amongst other discourse, saying, it concerned us to con|sider what therein might be thought hard and uneasy; upon perusal whereof, we find, as we conceive, First. That there is no certain determinate rule for your ad••••••istration of justice, and that which is, seems to be too arbitrary. Secondly. That the subjects are abridg|ed of their liberty, as Englishmen, both in the matters of legislation and in laying of taxes, and indeed the whole unquestioned privilege of the subject, transferred upon yourselves, there not being the least mention of an assembly in the commission, and therefore we think it highly concerns you to consider whether such a com|mission be safe for you or us; but if you are so satisfied therein, as that you hold yourselves obliged thereby, and do take upon you the government of this people, although we cannot give our assent thereto, yet we hope we shall demean ourselves as true and loyal subjects to his Majesty, and humbly make our addresses unto God, and in due time to our gracious prince, for our relief.

"May ••0th 1686.

By order, EDW. RAWSON, Sec'y.

THESE for Joseph Dudley, Esq and the rest of the gentlemen named in his Majesty's commission.

THE court appointed a committee to take into their ••ustody such papers as referred to the charter, and titles of land, by purchase from the Indians or otherwise, and ordered the secretary to deliver the same, and adjourned to the second Wednesday in October.

THE 25th of May the president and council met, and his Majesty's commission was published.

NEW Plimouth, Connecticut, and Rhode-Island, who were less obnoxious, and had been more pliant than the Massachusets, were all to be in like degree sufferers, although not included in Mr. Dudley's commission,* 14.1 the execution was only respited a few months.

WE have taken no notice of the affairs of New-Pli|mouth since the year 1676. Having conquered Philip's country of Mount-Hope, now Bristol, it was confirmed to that colony by King Charles. The Massachusets had applied for it. Mr. Winslow, the governor of Plimouth, died in 1680, Dec. 18th, and was succeeded by Thomas Hinkley, who continued until that colony was included in the same commission with the Massachusets, &c. It was agreed, that the grand council of Plimouth could confer no powers of government. They had nothing therefore to support them at New-Plimouth, but the King's approbation, from time to time, of their proceedings. It might then well be expected that they should act with great caution, to avoid giving offence. They had been amused, from year to year, with assurances that the King would grant them a charter. Such an one as Connecticut had received they prayed for. The name of the Massachusets was odious. The governor kept upon good terms with Randolph, who engaged to do every thing in his power to obtain the

charter.* 14.2 They had orders to send over a copy of their patent, in order to form a new one, in which the Nara|ganset country was to be included; but, upon the quo warranto coming over to Massachusets, Mr. Blaithwait wrote to the governor, Sept. 27th 1683,—

I must deal plainly with you. It is not probable any thing will be determined, in that behalf, until his Majesty do see an issue of proceedings in relation to the Massachusets co|lony, and that, upon regulating their charter, that colony be brought under such an actual dependance upon the crown as becomes his Majesty's subjects. From hence it will be, that your patent will receive it's model; and although you may be assured of all you desire, yet it will be expected that, in acknowledgment of so great favors, such provisions may be inserted as are necessary for the maintenance of his Majesty's authority.

After this, they could have no great reason to hope for success. However, they continued▪ their pursuit, and in Nov. 1683, they forwarded another address, wherein they congratu|lated his Majesty upon his deliverance, in answer to their prayers they hoped, from the late horrid conspiracy, * 14.3 and they had appointed the 15th instant for a day of solemn thanksgiving, for the salvation of his Majesty's royal person from that and other hellish conspiracies. They go on to pray his Majesty's favor, in granting them a charter, having sent over a true copy of their patent from the council of Plimouth. Randolph writes to the governor of Plimouth, the 4th of March following, that he had pre|sented the address, with the necessary amendments, to his Majesty in council, that it would be printed, was graciously received, and that they would find the benefit of it, in dispatch, and settlement of their colony. Upon the death of King Charles, they were distinguished by King James from the other colonies, by a letter under his sign manual,* 14.4 acquainting them with his accession to the throne, the

great things the parliament had done, the defeat of Ar|gyle, and the landing of Monmouth, and the care taken to prevent his success, all to prevent any false and malicious rumors that might be spread among his Majesty's subjects at that distance. An address was sent to the King, upon his accession, taking notice of the assurances they had re|ceived from his royal brother, and praying that his Majesty would fulfil them. This was the last effort.* 14.5 Connecticut kept more silent, inactive and reserved, submit|ting when compelled to it, and reassuming their rights assoon as they had opportunity for it.* 14.6

TO avoid any interruption in relating the several steps taken for vacating the charter, we have passed over some events, the remembrance of which should be preserved.

THE Indians at the eastward continued thei•• hostilities after those at the westward were subdued and dispersed. In August 1676, they surprized the house of Mr. Ham|mond, an ancient trader at Kenebeck, and from thence crossed over to Arowsick island, where there was a large house, with, what was there esteemed, a strong fort, built round it, belonging to Major Clark and Capt. Lake▪* 14.7 two merchants of Boston, who owned the island and great part of the main land near to it. The Indians hid themselves in the night under the walls of the fort. When the cen|tinel left his station at day-light, some of the Indians followed him in at the fort gate, whilst the rest ran to the port holes, and shot down every person they saw. Captain Lake, finding the Indians had possessed themselves of the fort, escaped with Capt. Davis * 14.8 and two others, at a back door, to the water side, intending to pass to another island near to Arowsick. Capt. Lake was killed just as he landed. His bones were, after some time, found and brought to

Boston. Davis was wounded, but made his escape, as di•• the other two. At these two houses, fifty three English were killed and taken. The news of this stroke broke up all the plantations at and near Keneb••ck, the inhabi|tants transporting themselves to Piscataqua and Boston, or some other place of security. This brought the Indians further westward, to Casco, Spurwinck, Black-point, Wells, and Cape N••dduck, within the bounds of York, at all which places th•••• did more or less mischief. Mugg, a noted Indian▪ well known to the English,* 14.9 was at the head of the enemy. The prisoners, by his means, were treated with more humanity and courtesy than had bee•• known, and he sent one or two of them to Piscataqua, in order to ransom their friends; but the goods sent for their ransom were seized by other Indians. Mugg himself came to Piscataqua, and afterwards to Boston, where, in behalf of Madockawando and Cheberrina, sachems of Penobscot, he entered into treaty with the governor and council, Nov. 13th 1676. This was the first treaty with any of the Tarrateens, or eastern Indians.

They promised to cease all acts of hostility, to return the captives, to do their utmost to repair the damage sustained by the English, to buy no powder or ammunition of any other than per|sons deputed by the governor, provided they could have a supply in that way, and to account all other eastern Indians in the number of their enemies, who did not assent to the same covenant and agreement.

No mention is made of any subjection to the government of the colony, or to the King of England, but they are considered as a free inde|pendent people. The treaty is at large in Mr. Hubbard's history of the war. The Indians continued, notwithstand|ing, to do mischief on the eastern frontier in 1677, when Major Andros, by virtue of his commission from the Duke of York, having placed forces at Pemaquid, the Indians made overtures of peace and friendship, and, as a proof of their sincerity, brought in 15 English captives, and they continued for some time quiet. An attack was made upon

the western frontiers, by 40 or 50 Indians, said to be river Indians,* 14.10 but whether Connecticut or Hudson's river is not mentioned. This was the 19th of September 1677. They surprized many of Hatfield, as they were raising a house and unarmed, and killed and carried away about twenty, and the next day took three or four more from Deerfield.

BY the advice of the governor of New-York, com|missioners were sent, about this time, from the Massachu|sets and Connecticut, to the Maqua's, to secure their friendship to the English interest in general, and to engage them against the Tarrateens, or eastern Indians, who had been their ancient enemies. I suppose this was the first treaty * 14.11 between the Mohawks, or Five Nations, and the Massachusets colony. * 14.12

IN the year 1685, Mr. Hinkley, governor of Plimouth, sent to the corporation in England an account of the praying Indians then in that colony. They amounted to 1439, besides boys and girls under 12 years old, which were supposed to be more than three times that number.* 14.13

Notes

• * 1.1

  I find this remark in an ancient manuscript wrote about the year 1665,

  When a packet of letters was sent by Mr. John Thurloe, containing an express order of the council signed by Henry Law|rence president, requiring and enjoining the governor and magi|strates of the Massachusets colony to proclaim Richard in these following terms, that is to say, Lord Protector of the common|wealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the territories thereunto belonging, they did not obey the said order. And since his Majesty King Charles the second was proclaimed in the Massachusets, at Boston and other places, they have not failed in all their courts and judicial proceedings throughout the colony to give that tribute of honor to his Majesty which in such like cases is commonly rendered by the courts of law at Westminster.
• * 1.2

  They had undoubtedly a good opinion of the persons in whose hands the administration then was, but the uncertainty of their continuance in power was reason enough for caution.
• * 1.3

  This was the first instance of the accession of a Prince to the throne since this colony had been planted, and perhaps the propriety and necessity of this ceremony in the plantations was not fully understood and considered. I find nothing said about it until notice taken in England of the neglect.
• * 2.1

  The general vogue of people is that a governor will be sent over, other rumors there are concerning you. I made bold to address myself to Lord Say and desired his favor. His Lordship professed his great respect for the plantations and thanked God he prayed for you daily, promising to improve his interest, &c.—Episcopacy, common prayer, bowing at the name of Jesus, sign of the cross in baptism, the altar and organs are in use and like to be more. The Lord keep and preserve his churches that there may not be fainting in a day of trial▪

  Leveret's letter to Massa. Lond. 13th Feb. 1660.
• * 2.2

  The four last named were ministers.
• * 2.3

  Massachusets records.
• * 2.4

  Appendix.
• * 2.5

  They were well treated at New-Haven by the ministers and some of the magistrates, and for some days seem'd to apprehend them|selves out of danger. But the news of the King's proclamation being brought to New-Haven, they were obliged to abscond. The 27th of March they removed to Milford, and appeared there in the day time and made themselves known, but at night returned privately to New-Haven and lay concealed in Mr. Davenport the minister's house until the 30th of April. About that time, news came to Boston that ten of the judges were executed, and the go|vernor received a royal mandate dated March 5. 1660, to cause Whaley and Goffe to be secured. This greatly alarmed the coun|try, and there is no doubt that the court were now in earnest in their endeavours to apprehend them; and to avoid all suspicion they gave commission and instructions to two young merchants from England, Thomas Kellond and Thomas Kirk, zealous royalists, to go through the colonies as far as Manhados in search of them. They had friends who informed them what was doing, and they removed from Mr. Davenport's to the house of one Jones, where they lay hid until the 11th of May, and then removed to a mill, and from thence on the 13th into the woods where they met Jones and two of his companions, Sperry and Burrill, who first conducted them to a place called hatchet-harbour, where they lay two nights, until a cave or hole in the side of a hill was pre|pared to conceal them. This hill they called Providence hill, and there they continued from the 15th of May to the 11th of June, sometimes in the cave, and in very tempestuous weather in a house ••ear to it. During this time the messengers went through New-Haven to the Dutch settlement, from whence they returned to Boston by water. They made diligent search and had full proof that the regicides had been seen at Mr. Davenport's, and offered great rewards to English and Indi••ns who should give informa|tion that they might be taken, but by the fidelity of their three friends they remained undiscovered. Mr. Davenport was threat|ned with being called to an account for concealing and comfort|ing traitors, and might well be alarmed. They had engaged to surrender rather than the country or any particular persons should suffer upon their account, and upon intimation of Mr. Davenport's danger, they generously resolved to go to New-Haven and deliver themselves up to the authority there. The miseries they had suffered and were still exposed to, and the little chance they had of finally escaping in a country where every stranger is immediately known to be such, would not have been sufficient to have induced them. They let the deputy governor Mr. Leete know where they were, but he took no measures to secure them, and the next day some persons came to them to advise them not to surrender. Having publickly shewn themselves at New-Haven, they had cleared Mr. Davenport from the suspicion of still concealing them, and the 24th of June went into the woods again to their cave. They continued there, sometimes venturing to a house near the cave, until the 19th of August, when the search for them being pretty well over, they ventured to the house of one Tomkins near Milford, where they remained two years, with|out so much as going into the orchard. After that, they took a little more liberty and made themselves known to several persons in whom they could confide, and each of them frequently prayed and also exercised, as they term it, or preached at private meet|ings in their chamber. In 1664 the commissioners from King Charles arrived at Boston. Upon the news of it they retired to their cave where they tarried 8 or 10 days. Soon after, some Indians in their hunting discovered the cave with the bed, &c. and the report being spread abroad, it was not safe to remain near it. On the 13th of October 1664 they removed to Hadley, near an hundred miles distant, travelling only by night, where Mr. Russell the minister of the place had previously agreed to receive them. Here they remained concealed fifteen or sixteen years, very few persons in the colony being privy to it. The last ac|count of Goffe is from a letter dated Ebenezer, the name they gave their several places of abode, April 2d, 1679. Whaley had been dead some time before. The tradition at Hadley is, that two persons unknown were buried in the minist••r's cellar. The minister was no sufferer by his boarders. They received more or less remittances every year, for many y••••rs together, from their wives in England. Those few persons who knew where they were, made them frequent presents. Richard Saltonstall Esq who was in the secret, when he left the country and went to England in 1672 made them a present of fifty pounds at his departure, and they take notice of donations from several other friends. They were in constant terror, though they had reason to hope, after some years, that the enquiry for them was over. They read with pleasure the news of their being killed with other judges in Switzerland. Their diary for six or seven years contains every little occurrent in the town, church and par|ticular families in the neighbourhood. These were small affairs. They had indeed for a few years of their lives been among the principal actors in the great affairs of the nation, Goffe especially who turned the members of the little parliament out of the house, and who was attached to Oliver and to Richard to the last; but they were both of low birth and education. They had very constant and exact intelligence of every thing which passed in Eng|land and were unwilling to give up all hopes of deliverance. Their greatest expectations were from the fulfilment of the pro|phecies. They had no doubt that the execution of the judges was the slaying of the witnesses. They were much disapppointed when the year 1666 had passed without any remarkable event, but flattered themselves that the christian aera might be erroneous. Their lives were miserable and constant burdens. They complain of being banished from all human s••••iety. A letter from Goffe's wife, who was Whaley's daughte••▪ I think worth preserving. (Appendix.) After the second year Goffe writes by the name of Walter Goldsmith and she of Frances Goldsmith, and the corre|spondence is carried on as between a mother and son. There is too much religion in their letters for the taste of the present day, but the distresses of two persons under these peculiar circum|stances, who appear to have lived very happily together, are very strongly described.

  Whilst they were at Hadley (Feb. 10. 1664) Dixwell another of the judges came to them, but from whence, or in what part of Ame|rica he first landed, is not known. The first mention of him in their journal is by the name of Col. Dixwell, but ever after they call him Mr. Davids. He continued some years at Hadley and then removed to New-Haven. He was generally supposed to have been one of those who were obnoxious in England, but he never discovered who he was until he was on his death-bed. I have one of his letters signed James Davids, dated March 23d 1683. He married at New-Haven and left several children. After his death his son, who before had been called Davids, took the name of Dixwell, came to Boston and lived in good repute, was a ruling elder of one of the churches there and died in 1721 of the small-pox by inoculation. Some of his grandchildren are now living. Col. Dixwell was buried at New-Haven. His grave stone still remains with this inscription.

  J. D. Esq deceased March 18th, in the 82d year of his age 1688.

  It cannot be denied that many of the principal persons in the colony greatly esteemed these persons for their professions of piety and their grave deportment, who did not approve of their political conduct. Mr. Mitchell the minister of Cambridge, who shewed them great friendship upon their first arrival, says in a manuscript which he wrote in his own vindication,

  Since I have had op|portunity by reading and discourse to look a little into that action for which these men suffer I could never see that it was justifiable.

  After they were declared traitors they certainly would have been sent to England if they could have been taken. It was generally thought they had left the country; and even the consequence of their escape was dreaded, least when they were taken those who had harboured them should suffer for it. Mr. Endicot the gover|nor writes to the Earl of Manchester, that he supposes they went towards the Dutch at Manhadoes and took shipping for Holland, and Mr. Bradstreet the then governor in December 1684, writes to Edward Randolph,

  that after their being at New-Haven he could never hear what became of them.

  Randolph who was sent to search into the secrets of the government could obtain no more knowledge of them than that they had been in the country and respect had been shewn them by some of the magistrates. I am loth to omit an anecdote handed down thro' governor Leveret's family. I find Goffe takes notice in his journal of Leveret's being at Hadley. The town of Hadley was alarmed by the Indians in 1675 in the time of publick worship and the people were in the ut|most confusion. Suddenly, a grave elderly person appeared in the midst of them. In his mein and dress he differed from the rest of the people. He not only encouraged them to defend themselves but put himself at their head, rallied, instructed and led them on to encounter the enemy, who by this means were repulsed. As suddenly, the deliverer of Hadley disappeared. The people were left in consternation, utterly unable to account for this strange phoenomenon. It is not probable that they wer•• ever able to ex|plain it. If Goffe had been then discovered, it must have come to the knowledge of those persons who declare by their letters that they never knew what became of him.
• * 2.6

  1661.
• * 2.7

  Hoc est ad nostros non leve crimen avos.

  Ovid.
• * 2.8

  Mr. Pynchon writes to Mr. Davenport at New-Haven March 26, 1662,

  Our general court after much agitation and opposition have at last sent two messengers to England, Mr. N. and Mr. B. who went from Boston 10th Feb. I pray God it may be for the best. The event is doubtful to me, seeing we have so many false friends and open enemies.

  The fears of the peo|ple while they were absent appear from many passages in private letters mentioning reports that Mr. Bradstreet and Norton were detained in England, that Mr. Norton was in the tower, &c.
• * 2.9

  1662.
• * 2.10

  Lord Say, who upon the restoration which he had been instrumen|tal in promoting was made Lord Privy Seal, retained his friend|ship for the colony, as appears by the following letter.

  London 10th July 1661.

  Gentlemen and honoured friends,

  HAVING so safe a hand and so true a friend to convey a line to you as the bearer Mr. Crowne, I was loth to omit writing because it may be my last, my glass being almost run out and I retiring home.—You have had several appeared here against you and have been examined against you, as Captain Breedan and others, of whom, and about what, this bearer can more particularly inform you than I will at this time write, and I must say for Mr. Crowne he hath appeared both here in the council and to the Lord Cham|berlain and others as really and cordially for you as any could do, and hath allaied the ill opinion of your cruelty against the qua|kers, willingly neglected his passage to stay here to serve you, and by his means and information of the state of your government as now it is, I hope you will have no governor put upon you but of your own liking, wherefore I must request you will really own and accordingly requite Mr. Crowne his love, care and pains for you, of which I have been an eye witness. I have brought him to the Lord Chamberlain and others, and have requested their Lordships to assist him in your behalf. I have not been wanting both to the King and council to advance your interest, more I cannot do but earnestly to pray the Lord to stand with you and for you.

  I remain your assured loving friend to serve you, W. SAY & SEALE▪

  For his ever honored friends the governor of the Massachusets colony in New-Eng|land, for the time being to be communi|cated to the rest of the magistrates and deputies there.
• * 3.1

  When the legislator has believed it a duty to permit the exercise of many religions, it is necessary that he should enforce also a toleration amongst these religions themselves.

  Spir. Laws.
• * 3.2

  Mr. Davis a merchant in Boston, lately arrived from England, writes to Mr. Davenport at New-Haven as follows,

  Mr. Norton hath lost himself much in the esteem of the generality and will do more.—I was told that he declared to the court if they complied not with the King's letter the blood that should be spilt would lie at their door.—Yesterday half a dozen of the great church went to him and Mr. Wilson and elder Penn in the name of themselves and others, desiring that an assistant might be chosen (intending Mr. Allen I suppose whom the Lord appears much with, having given him large room in the hearts of the people) but some I hear have gone on the other side and opposed it.

  Doctor Mather says upon this occasion,

  Such has been the jea|lous disposition of our New-Englanders about their dearly bought privileges, and such also has been the various understanding of the people about the extent of those privileges, that of all the a|gents which they have sent over unto the court of England for now forty years together, I know not any one who did not at hi•• return meet with some very froward entertainment among his countrymen. And there may be the wisdom of the holy and righteous God, as well as the malice of the evil one acknowledged in the ordering of such temptations. Of these temptations a consi|derable share fell to Mr. Norton, concerning whom there were ma|ny who w••uld not stick to say that he had laid the foundation of ruin to all our liberties, and his melancholy mind imagined that his best friends began therefore to look awry upon him.

  Magnalia.
• * 3.3

  Upon his sudden death the Quakers remarked,

  John Norton chief priest in Boston by the immediate power of the Lord was smitten, and as he was sinking down by the fire side, being under just judg|ment, he confessed the hand of the Lord was upon him and so ••e died.

  Represent. to King and Parliament.

  A 〈◊〉〈◊〉 justice who had been a great persecutor of the Quakers in England was threatned by Fox with divine punishment. The justice died of an apoplexy two days after. His death was not ascribed to his intemperance, but to Fox's Predictions.

  Volt. Let.

  ••ubito mori piis pariter atque impiis commune est.

  Eras. Epist.
• * 3.4

  It being part of the result of this synod that the children of such as made a public profession of their faith, &c. although not in full communion, might be admitted to baptism, several of the members dissented. Mr. Chauncey the president of the college, and Mr. Davenport of New-Haven opposed it in print. Mr. Allen answered the first, and Mr. Richard Mather the other. His son Mr. Increase Mather, a young gentleman about three and twenty, was with the dissenters. He writes Mr. Davenport October 21, 1662,

  I have your writings still in my hands. I offered the synod to read them, but Mr. Norton advised them not to suffer me▪ whereupon I let them have a copy of them which was generally transcribed. I have given in yours and Mr. Street's testimony unto the general court, with a preface subscribed by Mr. Chaun|cey, Mr. Mayo, my brother, and my self, in the name of others of the dissenting brethren in the synod, wherein we declare that we fully concur with what is inserted by yourself in those papers. Some of the court would fain have thrown them out without reading, but the major part were not so violent. It was moved they might be printed. All the answer we could get was that we might do as we would. We count it a favour we were not commanded to be silent.—You may see which way things are like to be carried.

  Mr. Eleazer Mather of Northampton writes to Mr. Davenport of New-Haven 4th of 5th month 1662,

  There was scarce any of the congregational principles but what were layen at by some or other of the assembly; as relations of the work of grace, power of voting of the fraternity in admission, profession of faith and repentance not to be required of such as were bap|tized in the church, in reference to the baptism of their children. Mr. Parker of Newbury was one of the great antagonists of the congregational way and order, though it not being the work of the present synod, his many motions to consider whether we were in the right ecclesiastical order were not attended.
• * 3.5

  Afterwards upon application from Sir Thomas Temple seconded by governor Winthrop of Connecticut, the fine was remitted or granted to Sir Thomas Temple to be disposed of at his pleasure.
• * 3.6

  Here is come with Woodgreene one Mr. Davies a rich merchant, and there came with him one Mr. Allen a young man, a very able teacher recommended by Mr. Goodwin. He hath taught here divers times since he came. Many are expected this sum|mer. Mr. Bartlett of Biddeford and his son were shipped for New England, but an oath being required of them before they could get out of the harbour they chose to die in prison rather than take it.

  E. Mather's letter to Davenport Iuly 1662. Another MS in 1662 says

  There is great talk of many ministers with their con|gregations coming over the next year if room can be found for them. There was a general governor and a major general chosen, and a bishop with a suffragan, but Mr. Norton writes that they are not yet out of hopes to prevent it, the governor's name is Sir Robert Carr a rank papist.
• * 3.7

  1663.
• * 3.8

  Capt. Gookin one of the assistants, in a letter dated July 1666 says

  Doctor Owen and some choice ones who intended to come with him in Mr. Pierce are diverted, and that not from hopes of better times there but from fears of worse here, which some new counsels there acting gave them occasion for, so that in all probability a new cloud is gathering and a storm preparing for us.
• * 3.9

  1664.
• * 3.10

  Coelum visum est ardere plurimo igni, portentaque alia aut obver|sata oculis, aut vana exterritis ostentavere species.

  Liv.
• * 3.11

  1665.
• * 3.12

  This severity was disagreeable to many. A petition to the court was signed by Capt. Hutchinson, Capt. Oliver, and others in 1668, for favor to Thomas Gold and the rest, but it gave offence, and some of the petitioners were obliged to acknowledge their fault, some expressions in the petition being construed reproachful, and the chief promoters were fined. Mr. Increase Mather writes to his brother at Northampton July 3d 1665,

  In this town is lately congregated a church of anabaptists. They take advantage from the commissioners who declared that they would have liberty given to all sorts and sects of men.
• * 3.13

  This was not the first appearance of antipaedobaptism in the colony. Mr. Dunstar the president of the college made profession of it and was forced to quit his presidentship. Mr. Chauncey his successor held immersion necessary, but was content that the ordinance should be administred to infants provided it was done in that way. In Mr. Hooker's time soon after the year 1640, it appears by his letters that many were inclined that way, and he expresses his apprehensions that the number would increase.

  In 1644 one Painter for refusing to let his child be baptised (his wife desiring it) was brought before the court, where he declared their baptism to be antichristian. He was sentenced to be whipped, which he bore without flinching, and boasted that God had assisted him. His neighbours gave him the character of an idle lying fellow.

  (Hubbard)

  Mr. Westgate who had been in New-England writes from Harle|stone 5th 2d mon••h 1653 to Mr. Thomas Lake a merchant of note in Boston,

  Pray inform me in your next whether Mr. Cotton be alive, and if he be dead, what supply the church have in his stead, and how the state of it stands, and also the state of the other church in Boston, of which I can hear nothing. Inform me whether the number of those that oppose baptizing of in|fants increase and how it's taken by the magistrates and churches, and who of Boston church declare themselves that way.

  When the proceedings against the congregationalists in England were complained of, they were told by Dr. Stillingfleet that they were justified by the proceedings of their brethren in New-Eng|land against dissenters from the established worship there.

  Still. misch. of separation.
• * 3.14

  Mr. Westgate's letter to Mr. Increase Mather.
• * 3.15

  Altho' there have been disputes concerning this line since the pre|sent charter, between the proprietors of the towns in the county of Plimouth and Suffolk which were bounded by the colony lines, yet the station from whence they then began to run has never been doubted. The committee say in their return,

  We all mutually agreed upon the first station having m••••sured three miles souther|ly of the southernmost part of the said river.

  Charles river being just before mentioned.
• * 3.16

  In the year 1664 the wheat through the colony was spoiled by blast or mildew. This is represented as a new or unusual thing, but continued more or less for divers years together, until the peo|ple were discouraged from sowing, but little wheat having been raised ••••nce except in the towns upon Connecticut river.
• * 3.17

  This was their practice upon every important occasion. Their dependance upon these days however was not such as caused them to neglect any other means in their power for promoting the public weal. Modern historians censure this conduct as weak|ness. Cato only censured the ancient Romans for not joining their endeavours to their prayers.

  Ubi socordiae tete atque ignaviae tra|dideris, nequicquam deos implores, irati infestique sunt.

  Cato apud Salust.
• * 3.18

  Mr. Bellingham, Maj. Gen. Leveret, Capt. Clark, & Capt. Johnson.
• * 3.19

  Sir Robert Carr and Mr. Maverick arrived at Piscataqua about the same time.
• * 3.20

  Appendix.
• * 3.21

  Thomas Clark and John Pynchon as commissioners from the Massachusets attended the King's Commissioners to Manhados. The Manhados surrendered the 27th Aug. 1664, the inhabitants becoming English subjects and being left in the enjoyment of their estates and many of their privileges. Stuyesant the Dutch gover|nor also becoming subject to the English government. I have the copy of a letter sent to him from the Dutch West India com|pany requiring him to come home and give a more satisfactory ••••count by word of mouth than he had done by his letters.
• * 3.22

  Maverick.
• * 3.23

  Appendix.
• * 3.24

  His Majesties commissioners propositions to Plimouth jurisdiction.

  WE were comaunded particularly to recomend these thinges to you from his Majestye.

  1. That all householders inhabitinge in your colonye take the oath of allegiance. And that your administrations of justice be in his Majestyes name.

  2. That all men of compe••ent estates and civill conversation, though of different judgment, may be admitted to be freemen, and haue liberty to choose and be choosen officers both civill and military.

  3. That all men and woemen of orthodoxe opinions, competent estates, knowledge, civill liues and not scandalous, may be ad|mitted to the sacrament of the Lord's supper, and their children to baptisme [if they desire it] either by admittinge them into the congregation already gathered, or permittinge them to gather themselves into such congregations, where they may enjoy benfitt of the sacrament, and that difference in opinion may not breake the bonds of peace and charity.

  4. That all lawes and expressions in lawes derogatory to his Majesty, if any such haue beene made in these partes in the laite trouble|some tymes, may be repealed, altered and taken off from the file.

  The Courts answer.

  1. To the first we consent, it haueing been the practise of this court in the first place to insart in the oath of fidelity, required of every householder, to be true and loyall to our soveraigne Lord the King, his heires and successors: alsoe to administer all actes of justice in his Majestyes name.

  2. To the second we alsoe consent, it haueing beene our constant practise to admitt men of competent estates, and civill conversa|tion, though of different judgments, yet beinge otherwise ortho|doxe, to be freemen, and to haue liberty to choose and to be choosen officers both civill and military.

  4. To the 4th we consent that all lawes and expressions of lawes derogatory to his Majestye, [if any such be found amongst us, which at present we are not conscious of] shall be repealed, altered and taken off the file.

  3. To the 3d, we cannot but acknowledge it to be a high favour from God and from our Soveraigne that we may enjoy our con|sciences in point of God's worship, the main end of transplanting ourselves into these remote corners of the earth, and should most heartily rejoice that all our neighbours, so qualified as in that proposition, would adjoine themselves to our societies according to the order of the gospel, for the enjoyment of the sacraments to them|selves and theirs; but if thrô different perswasions respecting church government it cannot be obtained, we would not deny a liberty to any according to the proposition that are truly conscientious, althô differing from us (especially where his Majestye commands it) they maintaining an able preaching ministry for carrying on of publick sabbath worship, which we doubt not is his Majesties intent, and withdraw not from paying their due proportions of maintenance to such ministers as are orderly settled in the places where they live, until they have one of their owne, and that in such places as are capable of maintaining the worship of God in two distinct congregations. We being greatly incouraged by his Majesties gracious expressions in his letter to us and your honours further assurance of his royal purpose to continue our liberties, that where places by reason of our paucity and poverty are unca|pable of two, it is not intended that such congregations as are already in being should be rooted out, but their liberties pre|served, there being other places to accommodate men of different perswasions in societies by themselves, which by our knowne ex|perience tends most to the preservation of peace and charity.

  The league between the 4 colonies was not with any intent (that ever we heard of) to cast off our dependance upon England, a thing which we utterly abhorre; intreating your honours to believe us, for we speak as in the presence of God.

  New-Plimouth, May 4. 1665.

  By order of the general court for the jurisdiction of New-Plimouth per me Nathaniel Morton, secr'y.
• * 4.1

  Mr. Smith in his history of New-York says that Col. Nicolls and Sir George Carterett in their letter to the secretary of state com|plain much of the backwardness of the Massachusets. Two hundred men its certain were raised and ready to march with great expedition.
• * 4.2

  The oath was in this form.

  Whereas I A. B. am an inhabitant within this jurisdiction, considering how I stand obliged to the King's Majesty, his heirs and successors by our charter and the government established thereby, do swear accordingly by the great and dreadful name of the ever living God, that I will bear faith and true allegiance to our sovereign Lord the King his heirs and successors. So help me God.
• * 4.3

  Orthodox in religion and not vicious in their lives.
• * 4.4

  By certificate from the minister.
• * 6.1

  This refers to the Chancellor's letter.
• * 6.2

  Morton's Memorial.
• * 6.3

  Bartholomew Sharp the buccaneer was tried in England for robbery and piracy upon the Spaniards in South-America and acquitted because he had a commission from the Indian Princes of Darien.

  Det. of Scots Settlement.
• * 6.4

  Mr. Josias Winslow the governor of Plimouth in a letter dated May 1st 1676 says

  I think I can truly say that before these pre|sent troubles broke out the English did not possess one foot of land in this colony but what was fairly obtained by honest purchase 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Indian proprietors.
• * 6.5

  July 15, 1665, Capt. Richard Davenport commander of the castle, being fatigued with labor, laid down upon his bed to rest, and was struck dead with lightning. Three or four of the people were hurt, a dog was killed at the gate. There was only a wainscot partition between the room where the captain was killed and the magazine of powder.

  Hubbard,
• * 6.6

  Maverick delivered it to the governor when he was sitting in a court of assistants for the trial of causes, affirming it came under cover with a letter from the King to Sir Robert Carr and the rest of the commissioners.

  Sup. Court Records.
• * 6.7

  Several persons of Boston, with John Appleton of Ipswich, petition|ed the general court, praying them to comply with the King's order, but they were censured for intermedling; and some of the elders inclined that the two magistrates should be sent, and thought they ought to obey for conscience sake, but Mr. Mitchel opposed it, urging that if two might be sent for, ten might, that the civil magistrate was the minister of God for the good of the people, and so far as his commands tended to their good they ought to obey, but none would say it was for the good of the colony to send away th••ir rulers.

  Mr. Cobbet's letter & MS papers.
• * 6.8

  The opposite corner to what is called Clark's ship-yard at the north part of the town.
• * 6.9

  Sup. Court Rec.
• * 6.10

  Portsmouth, Dover and Exeter.
• * 6.11

  The secretary was ordered to issue an attachment directed to the constables of Dover and Portsmouth to apprehend one Abraham Corbet and to bring him before the governor or magistrates at Boston, to answer for his tumultuous behavior against the govern|ment, who fined him £.20, and bound him to his good behavior.
• * 6.12

  Thomas Danforth, Eleazer Lusher, and John Leveret, esquires.
• * 6.13

  Ferdinando Gorges, grandson to Sir Ferdinando, attempted a settlement of the province of Main under himself as Lord pro|prietor, soon after the restoration. He obtained a letter from King Charles, dated the 11th of January 1664, di••ected to the governor of the Massachusets colony▪ a••d council of New England, requiring restitution to be forthwith made and quiet possession delivered, or otherwise, without delay, reason be shewn for the contrary. By their humble address they excused themselves from the delivery, and attempted to give reasons for their conduct, but Mr. Gorges appointed officers in several parts of the Pro|vince, whose authority was of short continuance.
• * 6.14

  The King having recommended, by a letter Feb. 22d 1665, to the governor and council, an expedition against Canada, the court in their answer to Lord Arlington. July 17th 1666, say that

  having consulted with Sir Thomas Temple governor of Nova-Scotia, and with the governor of Connecticut (Mr. Win|throp, who had lately been in England) they concluded it was not feazable at present, as well in respect of the difficulty, if not impossibility of a land march over the rocky mountains, and howling desarts, about four hundred miles, as the strength of the French there, according to reports.
• * 6.15

  This was so well received that a letter was sent to the general court under the King's sign manual, dated the 21st of April 1669, signifying how well taken it was by his Majesty. So the letter expresses it.
• * 6.16

  Capt. Daniel Gookins and Mr. Jonathan Mitchell the minister of Cambridge.
• * 6.17

  1666. to 1670.
• * 6.18

  This is the Charles Chauncy of whom Rushworth in his col|lections for the year 1629 takes this notice,

  Mr Charles Chauncy minister of Ware using some expressions in his sermon, that idolatry was admitted into the church, that the preaching of the gospel would be suppressed, that there is much atheism, popery, arminianism and heresy crept into the church, and this being looked upon to raise a fear among the people that some alteration in religion would ensue, he was questioned in the high commission, and by order of that court the cause was referred to the bishop of London, being his ordinary, who ordered him to make a submission in latin.

  A letter which he wrote two years before to Mr. Cotton will be thought by some worthy of being preserved.

  "Salutem in fonte salutis.

  Good Sir,

  My kindest respects and most loving salutations to yourself and your wife. The present convenience of a messenger from Ware makes me bold to trouble you with these few lines. I am now (by God's good hand) vickar of Ware, and desire your best di|rection how I may with most profit and edification of my charge proceed in the Lord's work. I have a very large parish and a dissolute town to deal with (as you may well guess) and which is worse, we have little government in the place to assist us. The people have wanted instruction for many years (such I mean as might build them up in the faith and make them wise unto sal|vation) besides, the places round about me are a barren wilderness, and so must undergo much opposition. I have already sustained aliqua gravamina conscientiae, to go thus far in regard to the government and discipline of our church, and am likely to undergo more in the book of articles, which we are bound to read publicly and to yield our assent unto; the article concerning the ordination of bishops and ministers doth somewhat trouble me, as also the ceremonies which we are bound unto, which though I forbear myself, yet I know not how to avoid but that my curate must use if I will stand here. I pray afford your wisest advice herein. Haec sub sigillo.

  I shall be glad to see you at my poor vickarage, in tronsitu. and for my part (if God permit) I will not fail to see you once a year. I pray salute Mr. Johnson and Mr. Bellingham with their wives in my name, and the rest of my christian friends in your town or family, and I beseech you remember me unto the Lord in your prayers, and the Lord give a blessing to your person and labors.

  Your's in the Lord with all hearty affection, Charles Chauncy."

  Ware, March 15. 1627.
• * 7.1

  Mr. Thomas Thacher was the first minister of this church, and Mr. Rainsford brother to Lord Chief Justice Rainsford, was the first ruling elder.
• * 7.2

  In 1667 the people at Cape Fear, being under distressing circum|stances, a general contribution by order of court was made thro' the colony for their relief. Altho' this was a colony subject to the proprietary government of Lord Clarendon and others, yet the foundation was laid, about the time of the restoration▪ by ad|venturers from New-England, who supposed they had a right to the soil as first occupants and purchasers from the natives, and issuing from the Massachusets, to the same civil privileges, but they were disappointed as to both.

  MS
• * 7.3

  Edward Tyng was afterwards an assistant.
• * 7.4

  Richard Waldron was speaker of the deputies and represented Dover.
• * 7.5

  Robert Pike was of Salisbury. He was afterwards one of the council named in the province charter.
• * 8.1

  The associates seem to be intended in the room of magistrates, and being joined with persons appointed by the general court had the same power as the court of magistrates or assistants had in the colony.
• * 8.2

  The province of Main or the country of the Troquois (Iroquois) heretofore called Laconia or New Somersetshire, is a colony be|longing to the grandson of Sir Ferdinando Gorges of Ashton Phillips in the county of Somerset. The said Sir Ferdinando Gorges did expend in planting several parts of New-England above twenty thousand pounds sterling, and when he was be|tween three and fourscore years of age▪ did personally engage in our royal master's service, and particularly in the siege of Bristol, and was plundered and imprisoned several times, by reason whereof he was discountenanced by the pretended com|missioners for foreign plantations, and his province encroached upon by the Massachusets colony who assumed the government thereof. His Majesty that now reigneth sent over his commis|sioners to reduce them within their bounds, and to put Mr. Gorges again into possession. But there falling out a contest about it, the commissioners settled it in the King's name (until the business should be determined before his Majesty) and gave commissions to the judge of their courts, and the justices to go|vern and act according to the laws of England, and by such laws of their own as were not repugnant to them. But assoon as the commissioners were returned for England ••he Massachu|sets enter the province in a hostile manner with a troop of horse and foot, and turned the judge and his assistants off the bench, imprisoned the major or commander of the mi••itia, threatned the judge and some others that were faithful to Mr. Gorges in|terests. I could discover many other foul proceedings but for some reasons which might be given I conceive it not convenient to make report thereof to vulgar ears, &c.

  Iosselyn's voyage to New-England, p. 199.

  This Mr. Josselyn I take to be brother to the justice of peace men|tioned in the report of the Massachusets commissioners. He writes with acrimony, and in this account as well as several other parts of his voyages to New-England discovers a strong prejudice against the people of the colony.
• * 8.3

  Boniface Burton aged 113 years died the 13th June 1669. Almanack for 1673.

  April 4th 1671, Mr. Willoughby the deputy governor died. He was a great opposer of the persecutions against the Baptists. Elder Penn died the 30th September the same year He was a leading man in church and town affairs. He is the same person who was chosen beadle in 1630.
• * 8.4

  Josselyn, p. 180.
• * 8.5

  1671. to 1673.
• * 8.6

  Mr. Bellingham died December 7th, 1672. He lived to be the only surviving patentee named in the charter. It is always men|tioned as a part of his character, that he hated a bribe. He was bred a lawyer, but, like some much greater lawyers, made his last will and testament in such a manner, that after some years dis|pute, the general court thought it necessary to supply the defects of it, by making a disposition of his estate themselves. Mr. Leveret was among the junior assistants, but he had been long employed in public affairs and places of great trust. Oliver Cromwell had made him one of his commissioners in 1654, for the reduction of the Manhadoes. He was in England at the restoration and ap|••eared an advocate for the colony. Upon his return to New-England, soon after, he was chosen a member for Boston. In 1664 was chosen major-general, and in 1665 an assistant.
• * 8.7

  John Allin, John Higginson, John Ward, John Wilson, Edmund Browne, Samuel Whiting senior, Thomas Cobbet, John Sherman, Samuel Phillips, Thomas Shepard, Increase Mather, Samuel Torrey, Zechary Symmes, John Brocke, Edward Bulkley, Samuel Whiting junior, John Hale.
• * 8.8

  Mr. John Davenport, Mr. James Allen, and the ruling elder James Penn.
• * 8.9

  Before this, viz. in July 1669, a council had been called by Mr. Bellingham the governor, fearing, as he says in the order,

  a sudden tumult, some persons attempting to set up an edifice for public worship, which was apprehended by authority to be de|trimental to the public peace.

  Mr. Bellingham, its evident, was warmly engaged against the seceders, but the council thought it best not to interpose, and if any person had offended against the laws they advised to proceed against them in a due course of law. They judged it meet to declare

  that it was the duty of those who were about to erect a new meeting-house to observe the laws and orders of the general court for regulating prudential affairs. &c. and if they did not they should have no countenance of authority in their proceedings.
• * 8.10

  Mr. Flint, the minister of Dorchester in his diary, whilst this court was sitting, has this observation:

  A spirit of division▪ persecuting and oppressing God's ministers and precious saints, is the sin which is unseen and none bears witness against. It is a great sin and threatens a sword of divine wrath. God's seers fear it, and their bowels and compassions are moved at it.
• * 8.11

  Signed by John Allin, Thomas Cobbet, William Hubbard, Samuel Whiting, Samuel Whiting junior, John Sherman, Samuel Phillips, Samuel Torrey, John Ward, John Higginson, Thomas Shepard, Antipas Newman, Edmund Browne, Thomas Thacher, Seaborn Cotton.
• * 8.12

  This change of sentiments in the court was owing to the change of persons in the house of deputies, there being of fifty members, the number of the house this year, twenty only who were of the house the year before; and this is an evidence of the whole colony's being engaged in this dispute.
• * 8.13

  "Sept. 13. A.D. 1621. Know all men by these presents, that we whose names are underwritten, do acknowledge ourselves to be the loyal subjects of King James, King of Great-Britain, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. In witness whereof, and as a testimonial of the same, we have subscribed our names or marks as followeth,

  • Ohquamehud
  • Conwacomet
  • Obbatinnua
  • Nattawahunt
  • Caunbatant
  • Chickatawbut
  • Quadaquina
  • Huttamoiden
  • Apannow"
• * 8.14

  Alexander eldest son of Massasoiet, soon after his father's death a|bout 1656, was suspected of plotting with the Naragansets against the English. Mr. Josias Winslow with eight or ten stout men armed, took him by surprize at a hunting house about six miles distant from the English towns, and carried him to the governor. This raised his indignation to that degree as to bring a fever upon him which put an end to his life and plots together. Philip his brother a young lad succeeded him.

  MS.
• * 8.15

  Massasoiet just before his death when he was treating for the sale of some of his lands at Swansey, insisted upon it as a condition that the English should never attempt to draw off any of his peo|ple from their religion to christianity, and would not recede until he found the treaty would break off if he urged it any further.

  Hubbard.
• * 8.16

  In 1662 when Massasoiet's two sons were at Plimouth, the gover|vernor gave them their English names. The Indians in general were fond of having names given to them. Their father never took an English name. Philip was charged by the English with being not only haughty but perfidious and impious. They charged him with pride and ambition, in aspiring to the sovereignty of a country which he would have enjoyed as his inheritance if they had not prevented; with perfidy in breaking promises made whilst un|der restraint and in the power of those to whom they were made; and with impiety in refusing to receive his religion from hi•• enemies.
• * 8.17

  However it may be questioned whether this was a reasonable r••|quisition, the terms of it were plain and well understood.
• * 8.18

  We have and by these presents do voluntarily and without any constraint or persuasion, but of our own free motion, put ourselves our subjects, lands, and estates under the government and juris|diction of the Massachusets, to be governed and protected by the•• according to their just laws and orders, so far as we shall be made capable of understanding them, and we do promise for ourselves and all our subjects and all our posterity, to be true and faithful to the said government and aiding to the maintenance thereof to our best ability, and from time to time to give speedy notice of any conspiracy attempt or evil intention of any, of which we shall know or hear of against the same, and we do promise to be wil|ling from time to time to be instructed in the knowledge and worship of God. In witness whereof we have hereunto put our hands the 8th of the first month 1643-4.

  • Cutchamacke
  • Maskanomet
  • Nashowanon
  • Squaw Sachem
  • Wossamegon
• * 8.19

  William Davis, William Hudson, and Thomas Brattle.
• * 8.20

  Mr. Prince.
• * 8.21

  Mr. Josias Winslow, and Constant Southworth.
• * 8.22

  By old Roger Williams and some others.
• * 8.23

  Mr. Williams and Mr. Brown.
• * 8.24

  "Taunton, 12th April 1671. Whereas my father, my brother, and myself, have formerly submitted ourselves, our country, and our people unto the King's Majesty of England and colony of New-Plimouth, by solemn covenant under our hands, but I ha|ving of late, through my indiscretion and the naughtiness of my heart, violated and broken this my covenant with my friends, by taking up arms with evil intent against them, and that ground|lessly, and being now deeply sensible of my unfaithfulness and folly, desire at this time solemnly to renew my covenant with my ancient friends and my father's friends above-mentioned, and do desire this may testify to the world against me, if ever I shall again fail in my faithfulness towards them (that I have now and at all times found so kind to me) or any other of the English colonies. And as a real pledge of my true intention for the future to be faithful and friendly, I do freely engage to resign up to the government of New-Plimouth all my English arms, to be kept by them for their security, so long as they shall see reason. For the true perfor|mance of the premises I have hereunto set my hand, together with the rest of my council. The mark of Philip chief sachem P

  In the presence of The mark of Tacasoe V Wm. Davis The mark of Capt. Wispash T Wm. Hudson The mark of Woukaponkanet T Tho. Brattle. The mark of Nimrod L
• * 8.25

  At this time there was a breach in the union between the colonies from some misunderstandings, but the next year 1672 it was healed, and some alterations made in the articles.
• * 8.26

  The nature of Philip's subjection to the government of Plimouth was enquired into upon this occasion by the Massachusets. They say in their letter of the 8th of September,

  We do not understand how far he hath subjected himself to you, but the treatment you have given him and proceedings towards him do not render him such a subject, as that if there be not a present answering to summons there should presently be a proceeding to hostilities; and the sword once drawn and dipped in blood may make him as independent upon you as you are upon him.

  Notwithstanding that in the treaties from time to time, the In|dians have acknowledged themselves subjects to the Kings of England, yet they still retained, in their idea of subjection, a degree of independency which English subjects have no pretence to. The six nations go no farther than to call the great King their father. They never call themselves subjects. When Philip was at Boston in 1671, and the letters which had been received from Plimouth were read to him, he expressed himself before the governor and council as follows,

  That his predecessors had been friendly with Plimouth governors, and an engagement of that nature was made by his father and renewed by his brother, and (when he took the government) by himself, but they were only agree|ments for amity and not for subjection any further, as he appre|hends; he desired to see a copy of the engagement they speak of, and that the governor of the Massachusets would procure it for him. He knew not that they were subjects. Praying Indians were subject to Massachusets and had officers and magistrates appointed, they had no such thing with them, and therefore were not subject.

  (Massachusets files.) In the several treaties between the Massachusets and the eastern Indians, from Sir William Phips's treaty in 1693 down to the last treaty of peace in 1749, the Indians have always acknowledged subjection to the crown of England; notwithstanding such agreements, they have remained as independent of the Massachusets government as they were before any treaty was made with them. When they call the King their Sovereign perhaps they have no other idea than the Six Nations have when they call him Father. It is indeed at this day of no other importance than a matter of meer specula|tion, the eastern Indians, the subjects of these treaties, if the remains of all their tribes were collected into one, not deserving the name of a nation, and in a few years more they will be extinct.
• * 8.27

  There is no date to the printed articles in Mr. Hubbard's history of the war.

  An Englishman was found dead, having been shot through the body, in Dedham woods, in the spring of the year 1671; an Indian, the supposed murderer, was taken and imprisoned, whe|ther executed or not I do not find, but it kept the colony in an alarm for some time.
• * 8.28

  In May 1672 the union between the three colonies being renewed by commissioners, was ratified by the general court at Boston. They were to meet now but once in three years, unless upon extraordinary occasions. The proportion of men for any general service was settled for 15 years to come as follows, viz. Massa|chusets 100, Plimouth 30, Connecticut 60.

  May 28th 1672 War was proclaimed against the Dutch in Boston, in consequence of the King's declaration of war published in England. This was the first instance of any public declaration of war in the colony. In the Dutch wars in the time of the Parliament and Cromwell, and in the former war after the re|storation, until forces came to reduce the Manhadoes, correspon|dence and commerce continued between the colonies, notwith|standing the war in Europe.

  March 21st 1673, the castle at the entrance of Boston harbour, being of timber, was burnt down by accident. A new fortress of stone was erected, said then to be a strong work.

  In August the same year advice came to Boston that the Dutch, after taking several ships at Virginia, had possessed themselves of New-York, whilst Col. Lovelace the governor was at New-Haven, and that the Dutch force was bound further northward. This in|telligence caused a great alarm in the colony. The castle having been destroyed not long before, Boston was less capable of defence. The best preparations were made which could be made. The Dutch fleet returned to Europe.

  This acquisition was accidental, according to the account given by the Dutch at New-York. Four Hollanders and three Zelanders met off Martinico, one side with French the other English colours, and prepared to fight, until by hoisting their proper colours they better understood one another. They then joined together and agreed upon an expedition to Virginia and New-York. The Dutch Guinea fleet was intended for the same service, but these other ships saved them the trouble.

  MS Account of a message from Hartford to New-York.

  A collection was made in 1672 for rebuilding Harvard-college, amounting to £.1895, 2s. 9d. The town of Boston gathered £.800, of which £.100 was given by Sir Thomas Temple, as true a gentleman, says Doctor Mather, as ever sat foot on the American strand.
• * 8.29

  1674. to 1676.
• * 8.30

  Mr. Winslow governor of Plimouth writes to Mr. Leveret the Massachusets governor July 4, 1675—

  I do solemnly profess we know not any thing from us that might put Philip upon these motions, nor have heard that he pretends to have suffered any wrong from us, save only that we had killed some Indians and intended to send for himself for the murder of John Sausaman. The last that was executed this week confessed that he saw the other two do the murder. Neither had we any thoughts to com|mand him in about it.

  This action of Philip in procuring the death of Sausaman has always been pronounced to be a most heinous crime. Philip no doubt considered him as a traitor and renegade who had justly forfeited his life. The Indians left murderers, to the revenge of relations and friends, but punished traitors, by public execution.
• * 8.31

  In 1671 he confessed that he intended to provoke the English to begin with him first. At this time a whimsical opinion prevailed that the side which did the first execution would finally be conquered.
• * 8.32

  This is said to be the first gun.

  (Hubbard.)
• * 8.33

  Governor Winslow's letter 24th of June.
• * 8.34

  Phillip's chief seat of government was at Mount Hope, but he re|moved to other places for hunting and fishing, particularly to Namasket or Middleb••••••••gh, and he had a hunting house in Taunton, near a swamp or pond called the fowling pond, which has been since set off from Taunton and with other lands made a town by the name of Raynham. In 1763 a jury which went to view some controverted bounds were satisfied that they had dis|covered the ruins of Philip's house, and the hearth where he used to cook, covered over with earth, the coals remaining entire to that time.
• * 8.35

  Mosely had been an old privateerer at Jamaica, probably of such as were called Bucaneers.
• * 8.36

  This was the baptist minister mentioned page 228.
• * 8.37

  Mr. Joseph Dudley then member for Roxbury, afterwards gover|nor of the province, accompanied him.
• * 8.38

  They passed through many fields of corn.

  Hubbard.
• * 8.39

  A letter to London mentions an instance of heroism in a maid ser|vant of one Mr. Minot of Dorchester. She was left at home upon a Lord's day in July▪ when an Indian came to the door, and find|ing it shut, attempted the window. When she perceived it she tied two young children she had with her under two brass kettles, and ran up stairs and charged a musket, but the Indian was quicker than she was, and fired first and missed her. She fired and shot him in the shoulder. He was not so disabled as to give over his design, but she had resolution enough, as he was entering the window, to clap a shovel full of live coals to his face, which caused him to flee, and marked him so that he was known when found dead in the woods at five miles distance. The same letter takes notice of Cornellis, a Dutchman under sentence of death for piracy, but pardoned on condition of enlisting.

  He pursued Philip so hard that he got his cap and now wears it. The ge|neral finding him a brave man, sent him with a command of twelve men to scout, with orders to return in three hours on pain of death: He met 60 Indians halling their canoes ashore: He killed 13 and took 8 alive, and pursued the rest as far as he could go for swamps, and on his return burnt all the canoes. The exploit took up eight hours. A council of war was called, and Cornellis was again sentenced to die for breach of orders, but a second time receive•• his pardon, and a short time after was sent out on the like design and brought in 12 Indians alive and two scalps.
• * 8.40

  We do judge that it will be of absolute necessity to put all the Indians that are neighbouring to the English to the test of their fidelity—If they desire our friendship they must not harbour or nourish any that are our declared enemies, but in case that Philip or any of his men, women or children be fled to them, that they forthwith deliver them up and also that they send hostages for our security and do join with us in the pursuit and conquest of their and our enemy, this we judge to be just and equal as well as necessary.—We have commissioned Capt. Hutchinson to repair to Naraganset Indians, who will bring a small party with him and will have a view to the forces with you for his assistance.

  General courts letter to Maj. Savage, Iuly 4, 1675.
• * 8.41

  "Articles, covenant and agreement had made and conclu••ed by and between Maj. Thomas Savage, Capt. Edward Hutchinson, and Mr. Joseph Dudley, in behalf of the government of the Mas|sachusets colony, and Maj. Wait Winthrop and Mr. Richard Smith in behalf of Connecticut colony, on the one party, and Agamaug, Wampsh alias Corman, Taitson, Tawageson, coun|cillors and attornies to Canonicus, Ninigret, Mattatoag, old Queen Quaiapen, Quananshit and Pomham, the six present sachems of the whole Narraganset country, on the other party, referring to several differences and troubles lately arisen be••ween them, and for a final conclusion of settled peace and amity between the said sachems, their heirs and successors forever, and the governors of the said Massachusets and their successors in the said government for ever.

  1st. That all and every of the said sachems shall from time to time carefully seize, and living or dead, deliver unto one or other of the abovesaid governments all and every of sachem Philip's sub|jects whatsoever that shall come or be found within the precinct of any of their lands and that with greatest diligence and faith|fulness.

  2d. That they shall with their utmost ability use all acts of hostility against the said Philip and his subjects entring his lands or any other lands of the English, to kill and destroy the said enemy until a cessation from war with the said enemy be concluded by both the abovesaid colonies.

  3d. That the said sachems by themselves and their agents shall care|fully search out and deliver all stollen goods whatsoever taken by any of their subjects from the English, whether formerly or lately, and shall make full satisfaction for all wrongs or injuries done to the estate of any of the subjects of the several colonies according to the judgment of indifferent men, in case of dissatisfaction be|tween the offenders and the offended parties or deliver the offenders.

  4th. That all preparations for war or acts of hostility against any of the English subjects shall for ever for the future cease, together with all manner of thefts, pilferings, killing of cattle, or any man|ner of breach of peace whatsoever, shall with utmost care be pre|vented, and instead thereof their strength to be used as a guard round about the Naraganset country for the English inhabitants safety and security.

  5th. In token of the abovesaid sachems reality in this treaty and con|clusion and for the security of the several English governments and subjects, they do freely deliver un•••• the abovesaid gentlemen in behalf of the abovesaid colonies, John Wobequob, Weowchin, Pewkes, Wenew, four of their near kinsmen and choice friends, to be and remain as hostages in several places of the English juris|diction, at the appointment of the honorable governors of the abovesaid colonies, there to be civilly treated, not as prisoners, but otherwise at their honors discretion, until the abovesaid articles are fully accomplished to the satisfaction of the several governors, the departure of any of them in the mean time to be accounted a breach of the peace of these present articles.

  6th. The said gentlemen, in behalf of the governments to which they do belong, do engage to every of the said sachems and their sub|jects, that if they or any of them shall seize and bring into either of the abovesaid English governments, or to Mr. Smith, inhabi|tant of Naraganset, Philip sachem alive, he or they so delivering shall receive for their pains forty trucking cloth coats; in case they bring his head they shall have twenty like good coats paid them; for every living subject of said Philip, so delivered, the de|liverer shall receive two coats, and for every head one coat, as a gratuity for their service herein, making it appear to satisfaction that the heads or persons are belonging to the enemy, and that they are of their seizure.

  7th. The said sachems do renew and confirm unto the English inha|bitants or others, all former grants, sales, bargains, or convey|ances of lands, meadow, timber, grass, stones, or whatever else the English may have heretofore bought, or quietly possessed and enjoyed, to be unto them and their heirs and assigns forever, as also all former articles made with the confederate colonies.

  Lastly. The said counsellors and attornies do premeditately, seriously, and with good advice, covenant, conclude and agree all above|said solemnly, and call God to witness, they are and shall remain true friends to the English governments, and perform the above|said articles punctually, using their utmost endeavour, care and faithfulness therein. In witness whereof they have set their hands and seals.

  Petaquamscot, July 15. 1675.

  Signed, sealed and delivered in the presence of us under-written, being carefully interpreted to the said Indians before sealing, Daniel Henchman

  • Thomas Prentice
  • Nicholas Page
  • Joseph Stanton interpreter
  • Henry Hawlaws
  • Pecoq Bukow
  • Job Neff."
  • Tawageson his mark 〈☐〉〈☐〉
  • Taytson his mark 〈☐〉〈☐〉
  • Agamaug his mark 〈☐〉〈☐〉
  • Wampsh alias Corman 〈☐〉〈☐〉 his mark
• * 9.1

  Mather's history of the war.

  A letter from Boston to London, Nov. 10. 1675, says that a brother of Philip's, a privy counsellor and chief captain, who had been educated at Harvard college, was killed in this fight.
• * 9.2

  Capt. Hutchinson was carried to Quabaog and aftewards to Marl|borough▪ where he died the 19th of August.

  Captain Hutchinson had a very considerable farm thereabouts, and had occasion to employ several of the Nipmug sachem's men in tilling and ploughing the ground, and thereby he was known by face to many of ••hem. The sachems sent word they would speak with none but Capt. Hutchinson himself, and appointed a meeting at such a tree and such a time.—The guide that conducted him and those that were with him through the woods. brought them to a swamp not far off the appointed place, out of which those Indians ran all at once and killed 16 men and wounded several others, of which wounds Capt. Hut|chinson afterwards died, whose death is the more lamented in that his mother and several others of his relations died by the hands of the Indians, now above 30 years since.

  Letter to London, Nov. 10. 1675.
• * 9.3

  Hubbard. Mr. Mather takes no notice of the rain, but says Willard came upon the Indians and prevented the execution.
• * 9.4

  Mr. Mather says he set upon the Indians and caused them to turn their backs.
• * 9.5

  Upon Friday being the 5th of this instant (August) Philip and his

  company came to us at this swamp, six miles from the swamp where they killed our men. Philip brought with him about forty men, but women and children many more, the number I cannot tell. Philip's men were about 30 of them armed with guns, the rest had bows and arrows. He observed there were about ten of Philip's men wounded. Philip was conducted to the swamp by two Indians, one of them Caleb of Tatumasket, beyond Mendon. The Indians told Philip, at his first coming, what they had done to the English at Quabaog; then he pre|sented and gave to three sagamores, viz. John alias Apequinash, Quanansit, and Mawtamps▪ to each of them about a peck of unstrung wampom, which they accepted. Philip, as I under|stood, told Quabaog and Nipmuck Indians, that when he first came towards the Nipmuck country and left his own, he had in his company about 250 men, besides women and children, including the Squaw sachem and her company, but now they had left him, and some of them were killed, and he was reduced to 40 men, besides women and children. I heard also that Philip said, if the English had charged upon him and his people at the swamp in his own country one or two days more, they had been all taken, for their powder was almost spent; he also said, that if the English had pursued him closely, as he travelled up to them, he must needs have been taken.

  MS. narrative of George, a christian Indian, taken prisoner in the am|bushment of Capt. Hutchinson, &c.

  Sept. 23d an alarm was made in the town of Boston about ten in the morning, 1200 men were in arms before eleven, and all dis|missed before twelve. One that was upon guard at Mendon, 30 miles off, got drunk and fired his gun, the noise of which alarm|ed the next neighbours, and soon spread to Boston.

  Letter to London.
• * 9.6

  P. 219.

  October 7th was observed as a solemn fast throughout the colony with a very great shew of outward penitence, and no question with much inward affection by very many; the governor himself be|ginning the duty of the day with a most heavenly prayer.

  Letter to London.
• * 9.7

  They burned a farm house of Mr. Pynchon's and another of Mr. Purchas's the latter end of September, their loss was estimated at a thousand pounds sterling each.

  Letter to London.

  The Springfield Indians had lived in so good correspondence with the English for 40 years, that more dependance was placed upon them than upon any other Indians. This instance of perfidy seems to have increased the jealousies and suspicions which had before began of the Indians round Boston, viz. Punkapog, Natick, &c. although many of them actually went out with the English forces against the enemy.

  At the sessions in October, the general court ordered

  that no person shall entertain own or countenance any Indian under the penalty of being a betrayer of this government.

  (This I suppose was capital)

  "That a guard be set at the entrance of the town of Boston, and that no Indian be suffered to enter upon any pretence without a guard of two musketeers, and not to lodge in town.

  That any person may apprehend an Indian finding him in town or approaching the town, and that none be suffered to come in by water.

  The Natick Indians, and most of the other Indians who had subjected themselves to the English government (Punkapog excepted) were hurried down to Deer island, where they remained the winter. They complained of their sufferings there. All of the colour were thought by many of the people worthy of death, and al|though their rage did not carry them that length, as to murder any of them without the authority of government, as some person•• have lately done the Conestogoe Indians in Pensylvania, yet their clamour seems to have prevailed on the authority to use greater severity than otherwise they would have done.

  On the 10th of September at nine o'clock at night there gathered together about forty men, some of note, and came to the house of Capt. James Oliver; two or three of them went into his entry to desire to speak with him, which was to desire him to be their leader, and they should join together and go and break open the prison and take one Indian out thence and h••ng him. Capt. Oliver hearing their request took his cane and cudgelled them stou••ly▪ and so for that time dismissed the company, which had he but in the least coun|tenanced it might have been accompanied with ill events in the end.

  (Letter to London) In a short time after the same poor Indian was executed, and died protesting his innocence. Mr. Eliot the minister and some others, who had firmness enough to stem the popular current, interceding for him to no purpose. A cir|cumstance at the execution of this Indian shews the great proprie|ty of distinguishing them from all the rest of the human race by the name of savages.

  Being half alive and half dead there came an Indian a friend of his and with his knife made a hole in his breast to his heart, and sucked out his heart's blood. Being asked his reason therefor, his answer was, Umh Umh nu, me be stronger as I was before, me be so strong as he and me too, he b••+ver strong man before he die.

  Letter to London▪
• * 9.8

  Before the Naraganset expedition articles of war were agreed up|on by the general court and were as follows.

  "Laws and Ordinances of war passe•• by the general court of the Massachusets for the better regulating their forces, and keeping their s••••diers to their duty and to prevent profaneness, that ini|quit•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be kept out of the land.

  1st. Let no man presume to blaspheme the holy and blessed trinity, God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost, upon pain to have his tongue bored with a hot iron.

  2d. Unlawful oaths and execrations, and scandalous acts in deroga|tion of God's honor, shall be punished with loss of pay and other punishment at discretion.

  3d. All those, who often and wilfully absent themselves from the public worship of God and prayers, shall be proceeded against at discretion.

  4th. Whosoever shall be convicted to do his duty negligently and carelessly shall be punished at discretion.

  5th. No person shall presume to quarrel with his superior officer upon pain of cashiering and arbitrary punishment; not to strike any such upon pain of death.

  6th. No commander or soldier shall depart from his charge or cap|tain without licence, upon pain of death.

  7th. Every private soldier upon pain of imprisonment shall keep silence when the army is to take lodging, or when it is marching, or in battle, so as the officers may be heard and their commands executed.

  8th. No man shall resist, draw, lift, offer to draw or lift, his weapon against his officer, correcting him orderly for his offence, upon pain of death.

  9th. No man shall resist the provost marshal or any other officer in the executing his office▪ upon pain of death.

  10th. No man shall utter any words of sedition or mutiny upon pain of death.

  11th. They that shall bear mutinous speeches and not acquaint their commander with them shall be punished with some grievous punishment.

  12th. Drunkenness in an officer shall be punished with loss of place, and in a private foot soldier with such punishment as a court martial shall think fit.

  13th. Rapes, ravishments, and unnatural abuses, and adultery, shall be punished with death.

  14th. Fornication and other dissolute lasciviousness shall be punished with discretion, according to the quality of the offence.

  15th. Theft or robbery shall be punished with restitution, and otherwise with discretion.

  16th. Murder shall be expiated with the death of the murtherer.

  17th. All soldiers coming to their colours to watch or be exercised, or to service, shall come compleatly armed and them fixed, upon pain of punishment.

  18th. If any shall negligently lose, or sinfully play away their arms at dice or cards, or otherwise, they shall be kept as pioneers or scavengers till they furnish themselves with as good arms.

  19th. None shall presume to spoil, sell, or carry away any ammuni|tion committed unto him, upon pain of death.

  20th. No soldier shall outstay his pass, without a certificate of the oc|casion under the hand of a magistrate, upon pain of losing his pay.

  By grievous punishment is meant disgracingly cashiering, the stra|pado, or riding the wooden horse to fetch blood.

  Arbitrary punishment, or punishment at discretion, is meant not to extend to life or limb."
• * 9.9

  Mr. Winslow had always shewn great readiness to expose himself in the service.

  Some resolute attempt for Philip's surprisal must be put in execution. Would to God I was with our men, so as I might not in the mean time be missed at home. I should hope, by the blessing of God, to give a good account in a short time.

  Winslow to Leveret, Iuly 26. 1675. "My person, I hear, has been much threatned.—I have about 20 men at my house, have sent away my wife and children to Salem, that I may be less incumbered, have flankered my house, and resolve to main|tain it as long as a man will stand by me.

  Id. Iuly 4.
• * 9.10

  Happy it was for them that Capt. Andrew Belcher (father of the late governor Belcher) arrived that very evening at Mr. Smith's with a vessel load of provisions, otherwise many must have pe|rished for want.

  Church.
• * 9.11

  This is Mr. Hubbard's account. Mr. Mather supposes 1000 to have perished in the whole; that of the English 85 were killed, and 145 wounded. When the Naraganset Indians came to the Quabaug Indians and gave them an account of the fight, they said they had lost but 40 fighting men, and about 300 old men, women and children burnt in the wigwams.

  MS. letter.
• * 9.12

  Mather.
• * 9.13

  The following letter dated Naraganset 26th 11th month 1675, which, though not signed, I take to be from Maj. Bradford of the Plimouth forces, has never been published. It is less favorable than the printed accounts.

  After a tedious march in a bitter cold night that followed Dec. 12th, we hoped our pilot would have led us to Pomham by break of day, but so it came to pass we were misled, and so missed a good opportunity. Dec. 13th we came to Mr. Smith's, and that day took 35 prisoners. Dec. 14th our general went out with horse and foot, I with my company was left to keep garrison. I sent out 30 of my men to scout abroad, who killed two Indians and brought in 4 prisoners, one of which was beheaded. Our army came home at night, killed 7 and brought in 9 more, young and old. Dec. 15th came in John, a rogue, with pretence of peace, and was dismissed with this errand, that we might speak with Sachems. That evening, he not being gone ¼ of an hour, his company that lay hid behind a hill killed two Salem men within a mile of our quarters, and wounded a third that he is dead. And at a house three miles off where I had 10 men, they killed 2 of them. Instantly, Capt. Mosely, myself and Capt. Gardner were sent to fetch in Major Appleton's company that kept 3 miles and an half off, and coming, they lay behind a stone wall and fired on us in sight of the garrison. We killed the Captain that killed one of the Salem men, and had his cap on. That night they burned Jerry Bull's house and killed 17. Dec. 16th came that news. Dec. 17th came news that Connecticut forces were at Petaquamscot and had killed 4 Indians and took 6 prisoners. That day, we sold Capt. Davenport 47 Indians young and old for 80 l. in money. Dec. 18th we marched to Petaquamsco•• with all our forces, only a garrison left; that night was very stormy, we lay, one thousand, in the open field that long night. In the morning Dec. 19th Lord's day at 5 o'clock we marched. Between 12 and 1 we came up with the enemy and had a sore fight three hours. We lost, that are now dead, about 68, and had 150 wounded, many of which are recovered. That long snowy cold night we had about 18 miles to our quarters with about 210 dead and wounded. We left 8 dead in the fort. We had but 12 dead when we came from the swamp, besides the 8 we left. Many died by the way, and assoon as they were brought in, so that Dec. 20th, we buried in a grave 34, next day 4, next day 2, and none since here. Eight died at Rhode-Island, 1 at Petaquamscot, 2 lost in the woods and killed, Dec. 20▪ as we heard since; some say two more died. By the best intelligence, we killed 300 fighting men, prisoners we took, say 350, and above 300 women and children. We burnt above 500 houses, left but 9, burnt all their corn, that was in baskets, great store. One signal mercy that night not to be forgotten, viz. that when we drew off, with so many dead and wounded, they did not pursue us, which the young men would have done, but the sachems would not consent; they had but 10 pounds of powder left. Our general, with about 40, lost our way, and wandered till 7 a clock in the morning, before we came to our quarters. We thought we were within 2 miles of the enemy again, but God kept us; to him be the glory. We have killed now and then 1 since, and burnt 200 wigwams more; we killed 9 last Tuesday. We fetch in their corn daily, and that undoes them▪ This is, as near as I can, a true relation. I read the narrative to my officers in my tent, who all assent to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of it. ••o••hegins and Pequods proved very false, fired into the air, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 word, before they came, they would do so, but got much plunder, guns and kettles. A great part of what is writ|ten was attested by Joshua Teffe, who married an Indian woman, a Wampanoag. He shot 20 times at us in the swamp, was taken at Providence, Jan. 14. brought to us the 16th, executed the 18th. A sad wretch, he never heard a sermon but once these 14 years. His father, going to recall him, lost his head, and lies unburied.

  This being so important an expedition, I will add another letter, from Mr. Dudley, afterwards governor, to governor Leveret.

  Mr. Smith's, 21. 10. 1675.

  May it please your honor,

  The coming in of Connecticut force to Petaquamscot, and surprisal of 6 and slaughter of 5 on Friday night, Saturday we marched towards Petaquomscot, though in the snow, and in conjunction, about midnight or later, we advanced; Capt. Mosely in the van, after him Massachusets, and Plimouth and Connecticut in the rear; a tedious march in the snow, without intermission, brought us, about two of the clock afternoon, to the entrance of the swamp, by the help of Indian Peter, who dealt faithfully with us; our m••n, with great courage, entered the swamp about 20 rods; within the cedar swamp we found some hundreds of wigwams, forted in with a breastwork and flankered, and many small block|houses up and down, round about; they entertained us with a fierce fight, and many thousand shot, for about an hour, when our men valian••ly scaled the fort, beat them thence, and from the blockhouses. In which action we lost Capt. Johnson, Capt. Dan|forth, and Capt. Gardiner, and their lieutenants disabled, Capt. Marshall also slain, Capt. Seely, Capt. Mason, disabled, and many other of our officers, insomuch that, by a fresh assault and recruit of powder from their store, the Indians fell on again, recarried, and beat us out of, the fort, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the great resolution and cou|rage of the general and major, we reinforced, and very hardly entered the fort again, and fired the wigwams, with many living and dead persons in them, great piles of meal and heaps of corn, the ground not admitting burial of their store, were consumed; the number of their dead, we generally suppose the enemy lost at least two hundred men; Capt. Mosely counted in one corner of the fort 64 men, Capt. Goram reckoned 150 at least: But, O! Sir, mine heart bleeds to give your honor an account of our lost men, but especially our resolute captains, as by account inclosed, and yet not so many, but we admire there remained any to return, a captive woman, well known to Mr. Smith, informing that there were three thousand five hundred men engaging us, and about a mile distant 1000 in reserve, to whom, if God had so pleased, we had been but a morsel▪ after so much disablement; she informeth▪ that one of their sagamores was slain and their powder spent, causing their retreat, and that they are in a distressed condition for food and houses, that one Joshua Tift, an Englishman, is their encourager and conductor. Philip was seen by one, credibly in|forming us, under a strong guard. After our wounds dressed, we drew up for a march, not able to abide the field in the storm, and weary, about two of the clock, obtained our quarters, with our dead and wounded, only the general, ministers, and some other persons of the guard, going to head a small swamp, lost our way, and returned again to the enemy's quar••ers, a wonder we were not a prey to them, and, after at least thirty miles marching up and down, in the morning recovered our quarters, and had it not been for the arrival of Goodale next moning, the whole camp had perished; the whole army, especially Connecticut, is much disabled and unwilling to march, with tedious storms, and no lodgings, and frozen and swollen limbs, Major Treat importu|nate to return at least to Stonington; our dead and wounded are about 200, disabled as many; the want of officers, the con|sideration whereof the general commends to your honor, forbids any action at present, and we fear whether Connecticut will comply, at last, to any action. We are endeavouring, by good keeping and billeting our men at several quarters, and, if possible, ••emoval of our wounded to Rhode-Island, to recover the spirit of our soldiers, and shall be diligent to find and understand the removals or other action of the enemy, if God please to give us a••vantage against them.

  As we compleat the account of our dead, now in doing, the council is of the mind, without recruit of men, we shall not be able to engage the main body.

  I give your honnor hearty thanks for your kind lines, of which I am not worthy.

  I am, Sir, your honnor's humble servant, Joseph Dudley.

  Since the writing of these lines, the general and council have jointly concluded to abide on the place, notwithstanding the desire of Connecticut, only entreat that a supply of 200 may be sent us, with supply of commanders; and▪ whereas we are forced to gar|rison our quarters with at least one hundred, three hundred men, upon joint account of the colonies, will serve, and no less, to effect the design. This is by order of the council.

  Blunderbusses and hand granad••es, and armour, if it may be, and at least two armourers to amend arms."
• * 10.1

  The 23d of February, being a fast day with the first church in Boston, they were disturbed by an alarm, from a report that the Indians were within ten miles of Boston.
• * 10.2

  The captives afterwards reported that the English fought so valiantly that they slew 140 of the enemy.

  MS.
• * 10.3

  The first account of him I have met with, is in a MS. let••er of Mr. Cotton, of Plimouth, upon the return of an Indian spy, who reported that Philip was with the Hadley Indians, &c. within half a day's march of Albany.
• * 10.4

  The brave actions of the Connecticut volunteers have not been enough applauded. Denison's name ought to be perpetuated. The Naraganset fight had enraged the Indians and made them despe|rate, and the English plantations, after that, were in greater terror than before, but this successful hunting them, and ferreting them out of their boroughs, sunk and broke their spirits, and seems to have determined the fate of English and Indians, which until then was doubtful and uncertain.
• * 10.5

  Mr. Increase Mather, in a letter to Mr. Cotton, 23d 5. mo. 1677, mentions an instance of rage against two prisoners of the eastern Indians, then at Marblehead, a fishing town, which goes beyond any other I have heard of.

  Sabbath day was se'nnight, the women at Marblehead, as they came out of the meeting-house, fell upon two Indians that were brought in as captives, and in a tumultuous way, very barbarously murdered them. Doubt|less, if the Indians hear of it, the captives among them will be served accordingly.

  The Indians had murdered some of the fishermen in the eastern harbours of the province.
• * 10.6

  London, May 16. 1676.

  Sir,

  I received your letter▪ intimating the troubles of that country, unexpectedly brought upon you by the Indians, and as I thank you for it, so I with the continuance of your correspondence and informations, as often as occasion offers, having as great a sym|pathy as any for your sufferings, and as warm inclinations, both to advise and assist you, to my power, against your barbarous and ungrateful enemies. But when I have said this (as the best proof of it) I must chide you and that whole people of New-England, that (as if you were independent of our master's crown, needed not his protection, or had deserved ill of him, as some have not been wanting to suggest and urge testimony thereof) from the first hour of God's stretching out his hand against you to this time (though we have successive and frequent tidings (like Job's mes|sengers) of the great devasta••ions and spoils that are made by fire and sword upon those plantations, which God hath so signally blessed and made to flourish till now) you have not yet (as cer|tainly became you) made your addresses to the King's Majesty, or some of his ministers, for his perusal, that he might be authenti|cally informed both of your enemies and your condition, by what means you are brought low, and what are the most proper and hopeful remedies for your recovery.

  I can write but by guess, yet it is not altogether groundlessly reported, that the French do underhand assist and supply your enemies, that you are divided among yourselves, that you have not used ordinary providence, that you are too tenacious of what is necessary for your preservation, as if you kept your goods for your enemies, and wanted hearts to make use of them yourselves, that you are poor and yet proud. This was not the spirit that carried you into that wilderness and led you on there ever since, building and planting for yourselves and God. But these cala|mities may come upon you to bring you to your first post, and to do your first works, tho' I would not willingly judge you therein.

  It may not be fit for me to advise you what to do, till better informed▪ but I know his Majesty hath a tender and compassionate heart for all his subjects that are industrious and orderly, and hath power sufficient, as well as will, to help his colonies in distress, as others have experienced, and you may, in good time. He knows how to deal with the French, either by the interposition of their own King, or by authorizing and assisting you to right yourselves against them. He can send ships or men to help you, or furnish you with ammunition, as the case requires, or by a general col|lection open the bowels and purses of his people here towards you, where there are many that mourn for your distress, and will not only be intercessors to the throne of grace, but to God's vice|gerent also, for your relief, if you are not wanting to yourselves and failing in that dutiful application which subjects ought to make to their sovereigns in such cases.

  If these hints may work any thoughts of heart in you that may produce speedy and effectual councils for your re-establish|ment, I shall rejoice that I have been your remembrancer, and shall promote, in the best manner I can, your requests to that end, being to you, and the good people of that colony, an affectionate friend and hearty well-wisher,

  To my most esteemed friend ANGLESEY. John Leveret, Esq governor, &c."
• * 11.1

  Afterwards Earl of Anglesey.
• * 11.2

  In the spring of the year 1676, the Dutch took the fort at Penob|scot from the French. Some vessels from New-England went and drove off the Dutch, but kept no possession.
• * 11.3

  The letter was directed,

  To the governor and magistrates of the town of Boston.

  Randolph was, besides, directed by the Lords committee for trade, &c. to enquire into the state of the colony. The several queries and his answers may be seen in the appendix.
• * 11.4

  Mr. Stoughton was second son of Mr. Israel Stoughton, one of the first magistrates of the colony. He was educated at Harvard college, some years a preacher, but never settled in any parish. A sermon of his at the election is in print. He came early into the magistracy (in 1671.)
• * 11.5

  Mr. Bulkley was speaker of the house of depu••ies, son, I suppose, of the celebrated minister of Concord, of the same name. They sailed October 30. 1676.
• * 11.6

  The colony supposed they acquired, by the purchase, a right to the jurisdiction▪ and considered themselves, in their corporate capacity, Lords proprietors of the province of Main, as Lord Baltimore and the Penns do of Maryland and Pennsylvania. It was made a question by some, whether the right of juris|diction, in the heirs of Gorges, was such an interest as could legally be sold or devised. Since the incorporation, by the new charter, it is of no great consequence which way it be determined.
• * 11.7

  The Massachusets thought themselves aggrieved by the determi|nation of his late Majesty in council, settling the boundary less favorably for them than they ever expected. The river Merri|mack, which runs upon a western course as far as Dunstable, afterwards turns to the northward. It is not certain, that at the time of the grant to the Massachusets colony, in 1628, this alter|ation of the course was known to the grantors, or to any Euro|pean. It is certain, that a few years after our ancestors came over, evidence was taken and preserved, that this river retained the same name among the natives from the mouth to the crotch, and there seemed to be no intention in 1677, that Massachusets line should cross the river. However, it was thought an equita|ble construction of the Province charter, in 1738, that so far as the river kept a western course, and no farther, the province line should run the same course, keeping the distance of three miles north of the river, but after that to run due west. There was, bes des, a mistake made to the prejudice of the province; for, instead of running as far as the river kept a western course (the real intention of the royal determination) it stops several miles short, at Patucket, where the river inclines to the south. Whereas if the line had been continued to the bend, and then crossed the river, or if the due west line had begun a few miles short of Patucket, in either case, several miles in breadth, the whole length of the line, would have belonged to the Massachusets, which now falls to New-Hampshire. This, my Lord Wilming|ton▪ who was then president of the council, assured me in the year 1741, proceeded from a misapprehension of the course of the river. He did not conceive that at Patucket the river inclined to the southward, or that any loss was occasioned to the Massa|chusets. The New-Hampshire agent was better able to manage the controversy than the agents for the Massachusets.
• * 11.8

  Douglass says, v. 2. p. 26. That Mason in 1635, and Gorges in 1639, obtained royal patents, with powers of jurisdiction; but Douglass was under a mistake as to Mason. About that time, as has been before observed, it was intended a general governor should be sent over, and Mason was appointed, and received a commission as governor over that part of the continent from Naumkeag to Piscataqua, but subject to the general governor. The design of a general governor was laid aside, and we hear no more of the commission to Mason, which he never came to America to publish.

  Ancient MS.
• * 11.9

  An action was brought in Feb. 1682, at Portsmouth, against one Wadley of Exeter, in which this grant of 1635 was principally relied on, and Mr. Chamberlayne, secretary of the province, and one Mr. Reynes made oath, that they had compared the copy with the original, which did not appear to have been either signed, sealed, or witnessed. The lands in question had been many years occupied, and the plaintiff failed in his suit. It was observed, on the trial, that the council of Plimouth was to consist of forty persons, who had power of granting lands in New-England, provided it was done by the major part of them, or the major part of a lawful assembly of the said council, and under their common seal. Nothing of this appeared. The original grant could not be found in 1691, when Allen entered a caveat against the Massachusets charter. He pretended it was in New-England.

  Hubbard MS.
• * 12.1

  If Mason supposed any of the preceding grants to be in any force why should he take a grant of part of the lands only contained in those former grants, and take in associates, and come to a division with them?
• * 12.2

  Although Douglass, as has been observed, goes further, and says, that

  Aug. 19. 1635, King Charles, by patent, confirms the grant called New Hampshire, with power of government and jurisdiction (as in the palatinate or bishoprick of Durham) with power of conferring honours,

  yet this is not probable. His heirs were certainly unacquainted with it, or they would have made mention of it before the King in council in 1691.
• * 12.3

  Before 1691 Mason's heirs had sold their title to Samuel Allen, and nothing more was heard of it until 1737, after the determi|nation of the controversy between the Massachusets and New-Hampshire. A large tract of country, which always before was supposed to be within the Massachusets province, being left out of it, John Tufton, now a lieutenant colonel in the army, a descen|dant from Mason, and who then took the name of Tufton Mason agreeable to the last will of his ancestor, laid claim to it, as heir in tail to the first grantee, and having suffered a recovery, sold his interest to divers persons, who now call themselves proprietors, &c. Capt. Mason was a generous adventurer in a noble design, the peopling a new country, which has a tendency to multiply the human race. Many of the first adventurers failed. Those who came after saw their errors, avoided them, and succeeded. This has often been the case with other great undertakings. The first undertakers ought not to be forgotten.
• * 12.4

  1679.
• * 12.5

  At the same time that this punishment was provided for quakers, other provoking evils were enumerated, in the order following, viz.

  1. Neglect of care of the children of church members. A reforma|tion recommended to the elders and brethren.

  2. Pride, in men's wearing long hair like womens hair, others wearing borders of hair, and cutting curling and immodest lay|ing out their hair, principally in the younger sort. Grandjurors to present, and the court to punish all offenders, by admonition, fine, or correction, at discretion.

  3. Excess in apparel, strange new fashions, naked breasts and arms and pinioned, superfluous ribbands on hair and apparel. The court to fine offenders at discretion.

  4. Q••akers meetings.

  5. Prophaneness, in persons turning their backs upon the public worship before the blessing is pronounced. Officers of churches and selectmen to appoint persons to shut the meeting-house doors, or to take any other meet way to attain the end.

  6. Profane cursing and swearing. If any person heard another curse or swear, and did not inform, he was made liable to the same penalty with the profane person.

  7. Tipling houses. Inspectors to be appointed, and if they did not do their duty, they were to incur the pen••lty of the law against tipling houses.

  8. Breach of the fifth commandment. All inferiors in families absent at night, in corrupt company, without leave, admonished, and fined not exceeding 10s. for the first offence, whipped not exceeding five stripes for all after offences.

  9. Idleness. All idle persons to be taken notice of by the constable, their names to be returned to the selectmen, who had power, in case of obstinacy, to send them to the house of correction.

  10. Oppression in shopkeepers and merchants, by taking too much for their goods, and in mechanicks, who required too much for their labour. Every person, who had been oppressed in this way, might apply to the grand-jury, or to the county court, who had power to cause the offender to make twofold restitution, and to fine at discretion.

  11. A loose and sinful custom of riding from town to town, men and women together, under pretence of going to lectures, but really to drink and revel in taverns, tending to debauchery and unchastity. All single persons, being offenders, to be bound to their good behavior, with sureties in £.20 fine, or suffer fine and imprisonment.

  For most of these offences I have not seen any instances of prosecu|tion. Excessive penalties, or penalties not adapted to the nature of the offence, prevent prosecutions. The multiplying laws, with such penalties, in any government, tends to lessen the weight and authority of the penal laws in general.
• * 12.6

  Mass. Records.
• * 12.7

  This court being informed, by letters received this day from our messengers, of his Majesty's expectation that the acts of trade and navigation be exactly and punctually observed by this his Majesty's colony, his pleasure therein not having been, before now, signified unto us, either by express from his Ma|jesty, or any of his ministers of state.

  It is therefore hereby order••d, ••nd by the authority of this court enacted, That henceforth, all masters of ships ke••che•• or other vessels, of greater or lesser burthen, arriving in or sailing from any of the ports in this jurisdiction, do, without cove•• or fraud, yield faithful and constant obedience unto, and obse••vation of, all the said acts of navigation and trade▪ on penalty of suffe••ing such forfeitures loss and damage as in the said acts are parti|cularly expressed, and the governor and council, and all officers commissionated and authorized by them, are h••reby ordered and required to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the strict obs••rvation of the said acts.
• * 12.8

  He died of the stone. His only son maintained but an indifferent character. His grandson, John Leveret, after sustaining, in the civil order, several honorable posts, speaker of the assembly, justice of the superior court, member of the council, one of the three commissioners with power of controlling the army sent against Port-Royal, was, in 1707, chosen president of Harvard college, in which post he continued until his death, having the character of a gentleman and scholar, and also of a man of virtue and religion.
• * 12.9

  Mr. Neale says

  the people began to grow intolerably licentious in their morals, that devout people observed the judgments of God seemed to follow them, blasting epidemical diseases, un|common losses by sea, &c.

  The small-pox, which is always travelling about the world, then prevailed. There had been wars with French and Dutch, and captures by the enemy might well have been expected.
• * 12.10

  Mr. Stoughton, perhaps, ever had the interest of his country at heart, but in the pursuit of it, governed himself by the rules which Cicero, in one of his epistles, prescribes for a wise magi|strate.

  Nunquam enim praestantibus in republica gubernanda viris laudata est in una sententia perpetua permansio; sed ut in navigando tempestati obsequi artis est, e••iamsi portum tenere no•• queas; cum vero id possis mutata velisicatione assequi, stultum est eum tenere, cum periculo, cursum, quem ceperis, potius quam▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 commutato, quo v••lis tandem pervenire.

  Ad Lentul.
• * 12.11

  They continued to limit themselves to eight or ten assistants. At first, as has been observed, it was done to leave room for persons of quality expected from England. Those expectations had long ceased. In a popular government, and where the magistrates were annually chosen, increasing the number would give a better chance to aspiring men. On the other hand, the greater the number of assistants the less the weight of the house of deputies, the election of all officers depending upon the major vote of the whole court. This last reason might cause the deputies to refuse their consent to an increase.
• * 12.12

  Caused by the late war.
• * 13.1

  1680.
• * 13.2

  The people of the province of Main were well contented, whilst they enjoyed the privileges of the Massachusets colony. To become a province of that colony was disagreeable, and they never cordially submitted. Although the Massachusets accounted themselves a free state, yet this was no security to the others that they should be less arbitrarily governed than when a single person was the proprietor.

  In August 1680, the deputy go|vernor, Mr. Saltonstall, Nowell, &c. sailed from Boston with 60 soldiers, in a ship and sloop, to still the people at Casco-bay, and prevent governor Andros's usurpation.

  MS. letter.
• * 13.3

  In a representation of his services to the committee of council he says he had made eight voyages to New-England in nine years.
• * 13.4

  Edward Randolph, Thomas Savage, William Taylor, George Curwin the elder, Thomas Brattle, Thomas Deane, James Whet|comb, Richard Wharton, John Richards, Humphrey Warren, Thomas Kellond, John Hubbard, Humprey Davy, and Samuel Moseley, together with the members of the council, for the time being, were the commissioners.
• * 13.5

  Mr. Randolph yet waits to get the country better qualified for his reception. By a letter which he wrote to one of Boston, in the west, who was so ingenuous as to send the very original to us, we perceive great things are upon the wheel, relating to us, in his airy fancy. They were such as not to be committed to paper, but to be communicated in the safer way of private discourse.

  Bulkley's letter to Bradford, 1679.
• * 13.6

  1681.
• * 13.7

  William Dyre, at the same time, called himself surveyor and searcher-general. I suppose this was the beginning of the office of surveyor general, his commission extending to New-York, but the powers and duties of these offices were not then fully settled. Randolph did not chuse to acknowledge himself Dyre's inferior, or subject to his controul.
• * 13.8

  Lord Culpeper governor of Virginia came to Boston the 24th of August this year, in his return to England.

  It appears by the records that the hon. George Russell (I suppose a younger brother to the celebrated Lord Russell) was in New-Eng|land in 1680 and presented with the freedom of the colony. Mr. Richard Sal••tonstall, son of Sir Richard, returned this year after many years absence, and was again chosen first assistant, and so the two succeeding years. He went back to England before 1683 and died at Hulme April 29th 1694. MS letter. He left an estate in Yo••kshire. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Saltonstall was related to Mr. Hamden, who like his ancestors was a true friend to New England. In a letter from Mr ••altonstall's daughter, dated May 1694, I find this little piece of English history.

  The court is altered as well as other places, Mr. H—n was to wait on master and all looked very smooth. He asked him concerning the report he heard (this was a second time not that mentioned in my other letter) he said no, no, the••e was nothing in it, he did not intend to re|move him. He kissed hands, and that night a new commission was granted to a young person under 30 years of age, who they say must go before all the grave judges. His virtues may be wrote in a little room but not his vices. A few days after the arch|bishop was sent to tell him how well he was esteemed, but he growing into years might like his ease. If he would be Lord or Earl, he should be either, or have any pension. To the first he answered, that he would die a country gentleman of an ancient family, as his was, and honor enough for him. For the second, he said, he should not take the King's money, and the King's servants want bread, he always spake against giving pensions to others, and at such a time as this it was a great oppression. While he had a roll and can of beer he would not take the King's money. It is wondred at by many, considering how useful he was in the year 88 and following—but enough of this.

  I hope the friendship shewn by the family of Hamden to New-England will excuse my inserting this anecdote, altho' it has no relation to the affairs of the colony.
• * 13.9

  In April 1681, Randolph set up a protest on the exchange in Boston, against the acts of the court.
• * 13.10

  As for the large and particular account you are pleased to give me of the concerns of the country in general, your's was sent hither to me to my house here, by Mr. Randolph, where I have been for some weeks, and do intend to stay some weeks longer, so that I doubt Mr. Randolph, by whom I send this, will be gone e'er I come to London, but, when I shall be there, I shall endea|vour to inform myself, the best I can, how matters do stand as to your colony, and shall do them the best service and friendly offices I can, and it will be very well and adviseable, that, upon Mr. Randolph's arrival, matters relating to trade be so settled, as that there be no further just complaints upon that account.

  Sir George Downing's letter to Governor Bradstreet, East-Hadley, Sept. 28. 1681.
• * 13.11

  Mr. Richards was a wealthy merchant, of a fair character, and one of the assistant••.
• * 13.12

  In Feb. 1681, Randolph exhibited to the Lords of the council articles of high misdemeanor against a faction of the general court sitting in Boston, viz. Thomas Danforth, Daniel Gookin, Nathaniel Saltonstall, Samuel Nowell, Richards, Davy, Gedney, and Appleton, magistrates, and Fisher, Cooke, Brattle, Stoddard, Bathurst, Hathorn, Wait, Johnson, Hutchinson, Sprague, Oakes, Holbrook, Cushing, Hammond, and Pike, deputies.
• * 13.13

  Bermudas was the second colony, for many years scarce deserv|ing the name, Virginia being the first. The charter bears date the

  29th June in the 13th year of King James 1614, by the name of the governor and company of the city of London for the plan|tation of the Somer Islands.

  This charter never was removed to the colony as that of the Massachusets had been. The company continued to meet as a propriety in London. A governor de|puted by the company, with a council and assembly, exercised some degree of legislative power in the islands▪ but the governor and company in London had the power of making laws not repug|nant, &c. In 1663 a law was made by the company that every vessel above five tons built in the island without express leave of the company first had and obtained, should be forfeited and sold for the use of the company. The inhabitants made complaint of great oppression, and prayed for a dissolution of their charter, that a governor might be appointed by the crown and the subjects governed as they were in Virginia and Barbados.

  True relation of the illegal proceedings of the Somer islands company, &c. 1678.
• * 13.14

  Randolph was incessant. June 14th 1682 he writes to the Earl of Clarendon,

  His Majesty's quo warranto against their charter and sending for Thomas Danforth and for Samuel Nowell, a late fanatick preacher and now a magistrate, and Daniel Fisher Elisha Cooke, deputies, to attend and answer the articles of high misdemeanors, I have now exhibited against them in my p••pers sent Mr. Blaithwait, will make the whole faction tremble. If the party were considerable enough to revolt upon his Ma|jesty's resolution to settle the plantation, their first work would be to call me to account for endeavouring openly the alteration of their constitution, which by their law is death.
• * 13.15

  The clergy turned the scale for the last time. ••he balance which they had held from the beginning they were allowed to retain no longer.
• * 13.16

  Truly Sir if you was here to see how we are ridiculed by our best friends at court for the sham Cranfield hath put upon you, it would grieve you. I will assure you, whatever letters he hath shewn you, his Majesty last night told my friend that he had re|presented us as disloyal rogues.

  Dudley to Bradstreet, Feb. 1682.
• * 13.17

  The next day after Randolph arrived, a terrible fire happened in Boston, in the richest part of the town. Some of the people in their rage and jealousy supposed the town to be set on fire by his procurement. I find this insinuated in an interleaved almanack, and other manuscripts.
• * 13.18

  Rhode Island made a full surrender of their charter as appears by the following advertisement in the London gazette, Windsor Sept. 13, 1684▪

  His Majesty has graciously received the address of the colony of Rhode Island and Providence plantations in New-England, humbly representing, that upon the signification of a writ of quo warranto against their charter, they had resolved in a general assembly not to stand suit with his Majesty, but wholly to submit to his royal pleasure themselves and their charter, whereof his Majesty has thought fit to accept the sur|render.

  The order in council to the attorney general to bring writs of quo warranto against Connecticut and Rhode Island was dated July 15, 1685.

  Connecticut had the offer of being annexed to Massachusets or New-York. They prayed the continuance of their privileges, but if they must lose their charter they chose to be annexed to Massa|chusets. This was construed a surrender.
• * 13.19

  However agreeable to law this distinction might be, yet equity does not seem to favor it. The charter of London was adjudged forfeited upon a long argument of the greatest lawyers in the nation. The Massachusets was decreed forfeited upon default of appearance. Not only the charter of London but all the charters in the King's dominions I suppose (unless Bermudas is an excep|tion) whether surrendered or whether there had been judgment against them, were re-assumed except that of the Massachusets.
• * 13.20

  The proceedings were in this form and order.

  The first scire facias directed to the sheriff of Middlesex bore test 16th Ap. 36 Car. 2d. whereon a nichil returned.

  Trin. 36 Car. 2d. an al. scir. fac. directed to the same sheriff, re|turned 2d June 1683, whereon another nichil returned.

  12th June 36 Car. 2d. the agent for the company moved by his council for time, to send to New-England for a letter of attorney under the corporation seal, to appear and plead to those scire facias's, until Michaelmas term then next, when the court ordered Mr. Attorney should be attended therein to shew cause the last day of that term why the defendants should not have time to appear.

  Mr. Attorney moved against that order and had it in some part set aside▪ but waved it, and on hearing council of both sides it was ordered.

  18th June 84, That judgment be entered up for his Majesty as of this term, but if defendants appear first day of next term and plead to issue so as to take notice of a trial to be had th•• same term, then the said judgment by Mr. Attorney's consent to be set aside, otherwise the same to stand recorded.

  On the first day of Michaelmas term following, the company's agent retained counsel to mov••, and brought several merchants to testify in the court of chancery, that in the time given it was impossible to have a letter of attorney returned from New-England, so, as they had not given time long enough to perform a matter, it wa•• in effect giving no time at all, for a time not sufficient was equally fatal to no time given.

  To which the then Lord Keeper replied, that no time ought at all to have been given, in regard that all corporations ought to have atto••neys in court at all times to appear for them upon all occa|sions. And so set aside the order for time to appear and plead, and judgment was entred as in the copy.
• * 13.21

  He said he did not write as to a government the charter being vacated.
• * 13.22

  1684.
• * 13.23

  The governor had 690 votes, Danforth had 631 for governor.

  MS
• * 13.24

  1685.
• * 13.25

  1686.
• * 13.26

  One Joseph Redknap died at Boston at the age of 110. He came over at 60, had been a wine cooper in London.
• * 13.27

  Mr. Dudley, when he found he could do his country no service in his agency, that he might not wholly lose his labor, took measures to serve himself, and had recommended himself to the court when he was in London. After his return, he kept up a friendly correspondence with Randolph, who warmly espoused his interest, and writes, July 18th▪ 84, to Col. Shrimpton—

  No better news could have come to me, than to hear Mr. Dudley, principally, was left out of the election, the fitter man to serve his King and country in an honorable station, for they have declared him so,—and again the 26th.

  I am extremely so|licitous that Mr. Dudley might have the sole government of New-England, for no man better understands the constitution of your country, and hath more loyalty and respect to his Ma|jesty's affairs, but I dare not openly appear in it, lest it be thought there is some private design in it, but I am, upon all occasions, hinting his merit to his friends.

  —But, however obnoxious Mr. Dudley had rendered himself, yet he was, with less reluctance, received as their chief ruler, at this time, from a general expectation, which had obtained, of Kirk's being sent over to take the government. Their agent (Humphries) had advised them of the danger of it, and they expected something of the same tragedy he had been acting in the west of England. Mr. Rawson▪ in a letter 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Hinkley, July 1685, writes, that

  Colonel Kirke, whom his late Majesty appointed and designed to be our governor, is confirmed by his present Majesty, and is preparing to sail with two frigates, and may be expected in 4 or 5 weeks.

  This was before his and Jessries's campaign, as King James called it, in the west; but after the news of the tragedies there, Rawson writes—

  Our condition is awful.
• * 14.1

  I find the following passage in a letter from Ireland, March 26th 1684.

  Our last packet from England brings us news of two very loyal addresses to his Majesty, one from New-Plimouth and the other from Connecticut, which were both very graciously received, by which I suspect you, of the Massachusets, are more whiggish, and your neighbours more toryish, to express it in the language of ••ite in use.
• * 14.2

  They sent over Mr. James Cudworth, as their agent, in 1681, to sollicit their patent, but he died soon after his arrival.
• * 14.3

  This must be the protestant plot.
• * 14.4

  June 26th 1685.
• * 14.5

  King Charles's grant, under his sign manual, of Philip's country, is in these words,

  We have taken into our royal consideration, how that, by your loyalty and good conduct in that war, you have been the happy instruments to enlarge our dominions, and to bring that new territory of Mount-Hope into a more immedi|ate dependance upon us, We are therefore graciously pleased to give and grant, and do hereby give and grant unto you, the full and entire property of the said territory, or scope of land, com|monly called Mount-Hope, containing▪ by common estimation, seven thousand acres, be the same more or less, for the sole and proper use and behoof of yourselves and the rest of our said colony of New-Plimouth, to be holden of us, our heirs and successors, as of our castle of Windsor in the county of Be••ks, yielding and pay|ing, &c. seven beaver skins each and every year, &c.

  This country of Mount-Hope, with several townships and parts of townships, always reputed part of the colony of New-Plimouth, by a new line, never, until then, conceived by any person what|soever, was, in the year 1741, by commissioners from New-York, &c. determined to be within the bounds of Rhode-Island charter, and this determination, perhaps, for want of proper evidence, which might have been produced on the part of the Massachusets, was afterwards confirmed by his late Majesty in council.

  In this and other controversies about boundaries, it has been the misfortune of the Massachusets province to have been represented as too great and powerful a province, that his Majesty's small province of New-Hampshire, the small colony of Rhode-Island, were oppressed and born down, &c.
• * 14.6

  The condition of the dissenters in England, in the latter part of the reign of King Charles the 2d, had caused many of them to turn their thoughts again towards New-England.

  Divers persons in England and Ireland, gentlemen, citizens and others, being inclined to remove themselves into foreign parts, where they may enjoy, without interruption, the public exercise of christian religion, according to what they apprehend of divine institution, have prevailed with Mr. Blackwell to make your country a visit, and enquire whether they may be there welcome, and whether they may reasonably expect that liberty they promise themselves, and others, who will attend their motion.

  Letter from Dan. Coxe to Gov. Bradstreet, London Octo. 10. 1684. The alteration which happened presently after, in the public affairs of the colo|ny, was alone sufficient to discourage this emigration. At the same time, some of the protestants in France, after a relation of their miserable state in France, conclude a letter from Rochel, 1st October 1684—

  New-England, the country where you live, is in great esteem, I, and a great many other protestants, intend to go there. Tell us, if you please, what advantage we can have, and particularly the peasants, who are used to the plough. If somebody at your country would send a ship here to fetch over French protestants, he would make great gain.
• * 14.7

  Capt. Lake was the ancestor of the late Sir Bibie Lake.
• * 14.8

  Davis was afterwards of the council for Massachusets province.
• * 14.9

  He had lived, from a child, in English families.
• * 14.10

  The Indians which originally belonged to Connecticut river, after Philip's war, removed to a place called Scatacook, and were known by the name of Scatacook Indians, and when there have been treaties with the Six Nations, more or less of these Indian•• have generally been present. They proved a heavy scourge to the county of Hampshire, joining with the French and Canada Indians, and sufficiently revenged themselves of the English. Being well acquainted with most of the houses upon Connecticut river for 40 years, before their removal, they served as pilots in the frequent invasions during King William's and Queen Ann's wars.
• * 14.11

  Pynchon and Richards were sent to Albany in 1677, in order 〈◊〉〈◊〉 demand the delivery of some eastern Indians among the Mohawks, but governor Andros persuaded them to desist.
• * 14.12

  In 1680, the people were greatly surprized with the appearance of a comet, first discovered the 18th of November, and visible the 10th of February, after which, for a few days it could be discern|ed by telescopes.

  Dec. 16th, its appearace is very terrible, for, though the ••••ad be small, yet the tail is near 30° in length, and ascends almost to our zenith, growing continually broader, and is brightest on the sides, especially the south, the middle being considerably darker than the sides.

  Interleav'd Almanack.

  Aug. 17th 1682, another comet appeared, and continued until the 15th of September,

  The head or star much bigger than that of 1680, and of a dim colour, though the coma, or blaze, was much smaller, not even extending above 15° in length.

  Idem. It was the general opinion, that any unusual appearances in the heavens were presages of calamities coming upon the world.

  Nov. 27. 1676, A fire broke out in Boston▪ about 5 in the morning, at one Wakefield's house, by the Red Lion, by a candle carelessly set, which so prevailed, that it burnt down about 45 dwelling-houses, the north meeting-house, and several warehouses; the wind was at south-east when it began, and blew hard; soon after, it veered south, and brought so much rain as much prevented further mischief, without which, all that end of the town had probably been laid in ashes, and Charlestown also endangered, by the flakes of fire which were carried over the river.

  Id.

  Aug. 8. 1679, about midnight, a terrible fire began at one Gross's house, the sign of the three mariners, near the dock in Boston. All the warehouses, and a great number of dwelling hous••s, with vessels then in the dock, were consumed. It continued till near noon the next day; the most woful desolation that Boston ever saw; eighty odd dwelling-houses and seventy odd ware|houses, with several vessels and their lading consumed to ash••s. The whole loss computed to be two hundred thousand pound••.

  Id,
• * 14.13

  The particular places where these Indians then lived were,

  At Pawmet Billingsgate and Eastham or Nauset

  264

  At Manamoyet

  115

  At Sackatucket and Nobscusset

  121

  At Matakeesee

  70

  At Skarnton or Scanton

  51

  At Mashpee

  141

  At Suckanesset

  72

  At Monamet

  110

  At Saltwater Pond

  90

  At Namasket and Titicut

  70

  At Namatakeeset

  40

  At Moxisset

  85

  At Cooxit

  120

  At Seconet

  90

   

  1439