The history of the first discovery and settlement of Virginia: being an essay towards a general history of this colony. / By William Stith, A.M. Rector of Henrico Parish, and one of the governors of William and Mary College. ; [One line in Latin from Virgil]

THE HISTORY OF VIRGINIA. BOOK III.

_THE Treasurer, Council,* 1.1 and Company in England, were still intent upon present Gain, and gaping after the Mines of Mexico and Peru from their Discovery; and upon the last Voyage, not finding that Profit and Re|turn, they expected, they were much dis|appointed and enraged. To this was added Newport's Ac|count of things, which was certainly not very favourable to their Conduct and Management in Virginia. The Com|pany therefore made Interest to his Majesty, to grant them a new Charter, which bears Date the 23d of May 1609, and contains larger Powers and more ample Privileges, than the former; as may be seen in the Original, printed at large in the Appendix. By this Charter the Power and Au|thority of the President and Council in Virginia were ex|presly abrogated; and they were streightly commanded, upon their Allegiance, to pay Obedience to such Governor or Governors, as should be appointed by the Council in England. In Consequence of which Power, the Council constituted Sir Thomas West, Lord Delawarr, Captain-General of Vir|ginia; Sir Thomas Gates, his Lieutenant-General; Sir George Somers, Admiral; Captain Newport, Vice-Admiral; Sir Thomas Dale, High-Marshal; Sir Ferdinando Wainman, General of the Horse; and so, many other Offices, to se|veral worthy Gentlemen, for their Lives.

* 1.2THIS new Charter was granted to the Earls of Salis|bury, Suffolk, Southampton, Pembroke, and other Peers, to the Number of twenty one; to the Honourable George Percy and Francis West, Esqrs; to Sir Humphrey Weld, Lord Mayor of London, and ninety eight other Knights, ex|presly named; and to Dr. Matthew Sutcliffe, with a great Multitude more, of Doctors, Esquires, Gentlemen, Offi|cers, Merchants, and Citizens, together with many Cor|porations and Companies of London. So many Persons of great Power, Interest, and Fortune, engaging in the En|terprize, and the Lord Delawarr, with the other Gentle|men of Distinction, appointed to the several Offices, soon drew in such large Sums of Money, that they dispatched away Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, and Captain Newport, with nine Ships, and five hundred People. These three Gentlemen had, each of them, a Commission, who first arrived, to call in the old. But because they could not agree for Place, it was concluded, that they should all go in one Ship, called the Sea-Venture. They sailed from En|gland, the latter End of May 1609; but the 25th of Iuly, the Admiral-Ship was parted from the rest of the Fleet, by the Tail of a Hurricane, having on board the three Com|manders, an hundred and fifty Men, their new Commis|sion, and Bills of Lading, together with all Manner of In|structions and Directions, and the best Part of their Provi|sions. She arrived not, but was foundered on Bermudas, as shall be hereafter related. A small Catch likewise perish|ed in the Hurricane; but the seven other Ships came safe. In them, as Captains, came Ratcliffe (whose right Name, as is said, was Sicklemore) Martin, and Archer, with Cap|tain Wood, Captain We••••e, Captain Moon, Captain King, Captain Davies, Mr. Ralph Hamer, and divers other Gen|tlemen, of good Fortune, and eminent Birth. The Presi|dent, being informed by his Scouts of the Arrival of this Fleet, little dreamed of such a Supply, but supposed them, at first, to be Spaniards. He therefore put himself into the best Posture of Defence, ••e could; and ••••ing seconded by the Indians (who, upon this Occasion, shewed their Friend|ship, and prepared, with great Alacrity, to assist the En|glish with their utmost Power) they thought themselves so well provided for the Reception of an Enemy, that they little feared their Coming.

Ratcliffe, Martin, and Archer, had bred much Distur|bance at Sea, and had paved the Way, for being even more troublesome ashore. For they had infused such Jealousies and Prejudices into the Company against Captain Smith, that they mortally hated him, before they had ever seen

him. But several of better Sense and Experience among them, from their first Landing, hearing the general good Report of his old Soldiers, and seeing the Prudence Up|rightness of his Actions, were soon undeceived, and saw into the Malice of Ratcliffe and his Faction. They there|fore left their Society, and 〈…〉〈…〉 to Captain Smith, as his firm and faith••ul Frien••••. ••ut a gre••t Part of this new Company consisted of unruly Spark••, p••cked off ••y their Friends, to escape worse Destinies at home. And the rest were chiefly made up of poor Gentlemen, broken Tradesmen, Rakes and Libertines, Footmen, and such others, as were much fitter to spoil or ruin a Common|wealth, than to help to raise or maintain one. This lewd Company therefore were led by their seditious Captains, into many Mischiefs and Extravagancies. They assumed to themselves the Power of disposing of the Government; and conferred it sometimes on one, and sometimes on ano|ther. To-day, the old Commission must rule; To-morrow, the new; and next Day, neither. So that, all was Anar|chy and Distraction; neither were there any Hopes, from the present Posture of Affairs, but of the utmost Misery and Confusion.

THE German also, that had returned to the English, seeing this distracted State of things, and hoping for some Advantage from it, fled again, with one of his Consorts, to Powhatan; to whom he promised Wonders, at the Ar|rival of Lord Delawarr. But that sensible Barbarian, knowing the Wickedness and Perfidy of their Nature, re|plied; That they, who would have betrayed Captain Smith to him, would certainly betray him to this great Lord, to make their Peace. And so, he ordered his Men, to beat out their Brains. But Volday, the Z••vitzer, made a shift to get to England; where pursuading the Merchants, what rich Mines he had found, and what S••rvices he would do them, he was well rewarded, and sent back with the Lord Delawarr. But being found a mere Impostor, he died in a most contemned and miserable Manner.

CAPTAIN Smith, all this Time of Turbulency and Distraction, was sadly troubled and perplexed, how to pro|ceed. At first, finding his Authority thus unexpectedly cancelled and changed, he resolved to leave all, and return for England. But afterwards, seeing, there was little Hope of the Arrival of this new Commission, and that his own was not legally superseded, but by the actual Production of another, he determined to bear up, and to act with Vigor and Resolution. He therefore set himself, with great Cou|rage, and the perpetual Hazard of his Life, to oppose this Tur|rent

of Faction and Immorality; and at last, so far master|ed it, that he cast Ratcliffe, Archer, and the other Chiefs, into Prison, till he had more Leisure, to bring them to a fair and legal Trial. And the better to dissipate the Hu|mours, and to break their Confederacies, he sent Mr. West, with an hundred and twenty, the best, he could chuse, to make a Settlement at the Falls; and Martin, with near the same Number, to Nansamond; allowing each their due Pro|portion of all the Provisions, according to their Number. And now the Year of his Presidency being near expired, he made Captain Martin, who was become more tractable, President in his Room. But Martin, knowing his own In|sufficiency, and the People's Unruliness and little Regard for him, within three Hours▪ resigned it again to Captain Smith. For as Ratcliffe had been removed from the Coun|cil, and was not again restored, Martin and Smith were the only two then in the Country, that could either elect, or be el••cted President. And Martin, having thus wisely disen|gaged hims••lf from an Office, which he was then no ways able to ••x••cute or support, proceeded to make his Settle|ment at Nansamond. That Nation, having been reduced to Subjecti••n and Contribution, used him kindly; yet such were his unreasonable Jealousy and Fear, that he surprised the poor naked King, and his Monuments and Houses, with the Island, wherein he lived, and there fortified himself. But the Indians, soon perceiving his Fear and Distraction, ventured to assault him; and they killed several of his Men, released their King, and gathered and carried off a thousand Bushels of Corn; whilst he, in the mean while, never once offered to intercept them, but s••nt to the President, then at the Falls, for thirty Soldiers. These were presently sent him, from Iames-Town. But he so employed them, that they did n••thing, and soon returned, complaining of his Tenderness and Cowardice. And he likewise, leaving his Company to their Fortunes, came away with them to Iames-Town.

THE President followed the other Company up to the Fall••, to see them well seated. But he was surprised, in his Way, to m••••t Captain West, so soon returning to Iames-To••••; an•• he found the Settlement very inconsiderately 〈…〉〈…〉 Place, not only liable to the River's Inundation, but ••lso ••••••ject to many other intolerable Inconveniences. To 〈◊〉〈◊〉 which, he immediately sent to Powhatan, to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Place, called Powhatan. The Conditions of t••••ir Agreem••nt were these: That the English should de|f••n•• hi•• against the Marakins: That he should resign to them the Fort and the Houses, with all that Country, for a

Proportion of Copper: That all Thieves should be sent thither, to receive their Punishment: That every House, as a Custom, should pay the President a Bushel of Corn, for an Inch square of Copper, and a certain Quantity of Pocones to King Iames, for their Protection: and, That they should barter, what else they could spare, at their best Discretion. But Captain West's Company depended so much on the Lord General's new Commission, that they regarded no Person or thing. And supposing, the Mana|kins' Country reached to the South-Sea, and was all Gold, they pleased themselves with the vain Conceit, that it was entirely under their Power and Command, and that none should go thither, out whom they pleased. They therefore rejected the President with Insolence and Contempt. How|ever he vent••red, with five Men, to land among them; and committed the Heads of the Mutiny to Prison, till, by their Numbers, they obliged him to retire. In making off, he happily surprised one of their Boats, with which he re|turned to the Ship; and had not the Mariners proved very tractable and faithful to him, he had small Means and little Probability of escaping their Fury.

THE Indians also came to him; complaining, that he had brought them, for Protectors, worse Enemies, than the Manakins themselves; that they stole their Corn, rob|bed their Gardens, broke open their Houses, beat them, and kept several in Prison; and that, till then, they had borne all this, out of Love to him, but desired Pardon, if hereafter they defended themselves. They likewise offered him their Assistance, and to fight for him against them, if he would lead them on. But having spent nine Days, to no Purpose, in endeavouring to reclaim them, he departed for Iames-Town. The Ship was no sooner under Sail, but twelve Indians assaulted those hundred and twenty in their Fort. And finding many straggling abroad in the Woods, they killed some, and so frighted the rest, that their Coun|trymen in Prison escaped, and they went safely off, with the Swords and Cloaks of those, they had slain. But before the Ship had sailed half a League, she grounded; which gave the President an Opportunity of summoning them, once more, to a Parley. And now he found them so amazed with that silly Assault of the Indians, that they surrendered themselves, upon any Terms, to his Mercy. He therefore laid six or seven of the chief Offenders by the Heels; and seated the rest at Powhatan, the strongest and most pleasant Place, he had seen in the Country; and for that Reason, they called it Nonsuch. Here they had dry Houses for Lodgings, near two hundred Acres of Land,

cleared and ready for planting, with a Savage Fort, ready built, and prettily fortified with Poles and Barks of Trees, and sufficient to have defended them against all the Indians in the Country. He likewise appeased the Indians, making Restitution and Satisfaction, to each Party, for their former Losses and Damages.

AND now, new Officers being ••ppointed, and the Presi|dent ready to depart, just at that Instant arrived Captain West; whose gentle Nature was so wrought on and abused, by Compassion for the Prisoners, and the Persuasions of the Mutineers, who alledged, they had only done this for his Ho|nour, that all things were again thrown into Confusion and Mutiny. But the President, having no Inclination to con|tend with Mr. West, and little Power to curb their Inso|lence, left them to their Fortunes, and returned to Iames-Town. And soon after they abandoned Nonsuch, and went back to their first Settlement at West's-Fort.

BUT passing down the River, as Captain Smith was asleep in the Boat, his Powder-bag, by some Accident, was fired; which tore the Flesh from his Body and Thighs, nine or ten Inches square, in a most dreadful Manner. To quench the Fire, which fryed and tormented him in his Cloaths, he leaped overboard, and was almost drowned, be|fore they could recover him. In this piteous State, he ar|rived at Iames-Town; where Ratcliffe, Archer, and the rest of their Confederates, were soon to come to their Trials. But their guilty Consciences misgiving them, and seeing the President unable to stand, and almost bereft of his Senses by reason of his Torment, they entered into a Conspiracy to murder him in his Bed. But his Heart failed him, who was to have given Fire to the Pistol. And so, being disappointed in this Purpose, they joined together, to usurp the Government, and thereby escape their Punish|ment. In the mean time, the President's old Soldiers, be|ing provoked, beyond all Patience, at their Malice and Se|dition, flocked to him, and importuned him to give them but the Word, and they would fetch the Heads of the bold|est among them, that durst resist his Commands. Yet he would not suffer them to bring the Matter to a civil Broil▪ but sent immediately for the Masters of the Ships, and took Order with them for his Return to England. For there was neither Chirurgeon nor Chirurg••ry at the Fort; and his Wounds were so grievous, and Torments so cruel, that few expected, he could live. And he likewise highly re|sented, and was much chagrined, to see his Authority sup|pressed, he knew not why; himself and his Soldiers to be rewarded for their past Labours and Dangers, he knew not

how; and a new Commission granted, to they knew not whom. And besides, he found himself unable to follow his Business, suppress those Factions, and range the Country for Provisions, as he before intended. And he well knew, that his own Presence and Activity were as requisite in those Affairs, as his Advice and Directions. For all which Rea|sons, he resolved upon leaving the Country, and went pre|sently on board one of the Ships.

CAPTAIN Percy had been, for some time,* 1.3 in a very bad State of Health, and had taken his Passage in one of the Ships, to go to England. But now, upon Smith's Depar|ture, many came about him, and by Intreaties and Per|suasions, prevailed with him to stay, and take upon him the Government. But there were many others up in Arms, calling themselves Presidents and Counsellors; several of which began now to sawn upon and sollicite Smith, to give up his Commission to them. And after much ado, and many bitter Repulses, that their Ruin and Confusion might not be attributed to him, for leaving the Country without a Commission, he permitted it to be stolen, but never could be induced to resign it into such vile Hands. In which he seems to have been something froward and peevish. For since the old Soldiers, and better Sort of new Comers, had generally agreed upon Captain Percy for their Governor, a Person every way fit for the Office, except in Point of Health, it would have been but reasonable in him, to have endeavoured to confirm him in his Authority, and when he departed, to have delivered up his Commission to him.

AND thus, about Michaelmas 1609, Captain Smith left the Country, never again to see it. He left behind him three Ships and seven Boats; Commodities ready for Trade; the Corn newly gathered; ten Weeks Provision in the Store; four hundred ninety and odd Persons; twenty four Pieces of Ordinance; three hundred Muskets, with other Arms and Ammunition, more than sufficient for the Men; the Indians, their Language, and Habitations, well known to an hundred trained and expert Soldiers; Nets for fishing; Tools, of all Sorts, to work; Apparel, to supply their Wants; six Mares and a Horse; five 〈◊〉〈◊〉 six hundred Hogs; as many Hens and Chickens; with some Goats, and some Sheep. For whatever had been brought, or bred here, still remained. But this seditious and distracted Rabble, re|garding not any thing, but from Hand to Mouth, riotously consumed, what there was; and took Care for nothing, but to colour and make out some Complaints against Cap|tain Smith. For this End, the Ships were staid three Weeks, at a great Charge, till they could produce and

bring them to bear.* 1.4 But, notwithstanding their perverse Humours and unreasonable Clamours, Captain Smith was undoubtedly a Person of a very great and generous Way of thinking, and full of a high Idea of the publick Good and his Country's Honour. To his Vigor, Industry, and un|daunted Spirit and Resolution, the Establishment and firm Settlement of this Colony was certainly owing; and there|fore it may not be unacceptable to the Reader, to have some farther Account of his Person and Actions. And this we are enabled to do the more authenticly, as he hath him|self, at the Request of Sir Robert Cotton, the famous Anti|quarian, left a brief Relation of his principal Travels and Adventures.

HE was born a Gentleman, to a competent Fortune, at Willoughby in Lincolnshire, in the Year 1579. From his very Childhood, he had a roving and romantic Fancy, and was strangely set upon performing some brave and adven|turous Atchievement. Accordingly, being about thirteen Years of Age at School, he sold his Satch••l and Books, and all, he had, to raise Money, in order to go secretly beyond Sea. But his Father dying just at that Time, he was stop|ped for the present, and fell into the Hands of Guardians, more intent••on improving his Estate, than him. However, at fifteen, in the Year 1594, he was bound to a Merchant at Lynne, the most considerable Trader in those Parts. But because he would not s••nd him immediately to Sea, he found Means, in the Train of Mr. Peregrine Berty, second Son to the Lord Willoughby, to pass into France▪ Here, and in the Low-Countries, he first learnt the Rudiments of War; to which Profession he was led, by a strong Propen|sity of Genius. He was afterwards carried into Scotland, with delusive Hopes, from a Scottish Gentleman, of being effectually recommended to King Iames. But soon find|ing himself baffled in his Expectations, he returned to Wil|loughby, his native Place; where meeting with no Compa|ny, agreeable to his Way of thinking, he retired into a Wood, at a good Distance from any Town, and there built himself a Pavilion of Boughs, and was wholly em|ployed, in studying some Treatises of the Art of War, and in the Exercise of his Horse and Lance. But his Friends, being concerned at such a whimsical Turn of Mind, prevailed with an Italian Gentleman, Rider to the Earl of Lincoln, to insinuate himself into his Acquaintance; and as he was an expert Horseman, and his Talent and Stu|dies l••y the same Way with Mr. Smith's, he drew him from his sylvan Retirement, to spend some time with him at Tattersall.

BUT Smith's restless Genius soon hurried him again into Flanders; where lamenting to see such Effusion of Christian Blood, he resolved to try his Fortune against the Turks. In order to this, he passed through France, with Variety of Adventure and Misfortune, in which he always shewed a high and martial Spirit. At Marseilles he embarked for Italy. But the Ship meeting with much foul Weather, a Rabble of Pilgrims, on board, hourly cursed him for a Hu|gonot, railed at Queen Elizabeth and his whole Nation, and swore, they should never have fair Weather, as long as he was in the Ship. At last, the Passions of these pious Christians rose so high, that they threw him overboard; trusting, we may suppose, in the Merit and Super••rogation of that holy Pilgrimage, to expiate the trifling Offence and Peccadillo of Murder. However, Smith, by the Divine Assistance, got safe to a small uninhabited Island, against Nice in Savoy. From thence he was, the next Day, taken off by a French Rover, who treated him very kindly, and with whom he therefore made the Tour of the whole Me|diterranean, both on the Mahom••tan and the Christian Coasts. At length, after a desperate Battle, having taken a very rich Venetian Ship, the generous Frenchman set him ashore, with his Share of the Prize; amounting to five hundred Se|queens in Specie, and a Box of rich Commodities, worth near as much more. And now out of Curiosity ranging all the Regions and Principalities of Italy, he at last went to Vienna, and entered himself a Gentleman Volunteer, in Count Meldritch's Regiment, against the Turk.

HE had not been long in the Christian Army, before he was distinguished for a Man of great personal Bravery; and in the Sieges of Olumpagh and Alba-Regalis, he was the Author of some Stratagems, which shewed a happy Talent for War, and did signal Service to the Christian Cause. He was thereupon immediately advanced to the Command of a Troop of Horse; and was, soon after, made Serjeant Ma|jor of the Regiment, a Post, at that Time, next to the Lieutenant Colonel. But Count Meldritch, a Transilvanian Nobleman by Birth, afterwards passed with his Regiment, out of the Imperial Service, into that of his natural Prince, Sigismond Baihori, Duke of Transilvania. And here, en|deavouring to ••ecover some patrimonial Lordships, then in the Possession of the Turk, he laid Siege to a strong Town, chiefly inhabited by Renegados and Banditti. Whilst their Works were advancing slowly, and with great Difficulty, a Turkish Officer issued forth of the Town, and challenged any Christian, of the Dignity of a Captain, to a single Combat. Many were eager of the Honour of humbling

this haughty Musselman; but it was at last decided, by Lot, in Favour of Captain Smith. Accordingly, the Ramparts of the Town being filled with fair Dames and Men in Arms, and the Christian Army drawn up in Battalia, the Comba|tants entered the Field, well mounted and richly armed, to the Sound of Hautboys and Trumpets; where, at the first Encounter, Smith bore the Turk dead to the Ground, and went off triumphantly with his Head. But the Infidel Gar|rison being enraged at this, he afterwards engaged two o|ther Officers; and being a great Master of his Arms, and the Management of his Horse, he carried off their Heads, in the same Manner. After which, being attended with a Guard of six thousand Men, with the three Turkish Horses led before him, and before each a Turk's Head upon a Spear, he was conducted to the General's Pavilion; who received him with open Arms, and presented him with a fine Horse, richly caparisoned, and with a Scimitar and Belt, worth three hundred Ducats. Soon after, the Duke himself, coming to view his Army, gave him his Picture, set in Gold; settled three hundred Ducats upon him, as a Yearly Pension; and issued his Letters patent of Noblesse, giving him three Turks Heads, in a Shield, for his Arms; which Coat he ever afterwards bore, and it was admitted and recorded in the Herald's Office in England, by Sir Wil|liam Segar, Garter, principal King at Arms.

BUT soon after, the Duke of Transilvania was deprived of his Dominions by the Emperor; and Smith, at the fatal Battle of Rottenton, in the Year 1602, was left upon the Field, among the dreadful Carnage of Christians, as dead. But the Pillagers, perceiving Life in him, and judging by the Richness of his Habit and Armour, that his Ransom might be considerable, took great Pains to recover him. After that, he was publickly sold, among the other Priso|ners; and was bought by a Bashaw, who sent him to Con|stantinople, as a Present to his Mistress, Charatza Traga|bigzanda, a beautiful young Tartarian Lady. Smith was then twenty three Years of Age, in the Bloom of Life, and, as it seems, of a very handsome Person. For this young Lady was so moved with Compassion, or rather Love, for him, that she treated him with the utmost Ten|derness and Regard. And to prevent his being ill used, or sold, by her Mother, she sent him into Tartary, to her Brother, who was Timor Bashaw of Nalbrits, on the Pa|lus Moeotis. Here, she intended, he should stay, to learn the Language, together with the Manners and Religion of the Turks, till Time should make her Mistress of herself.

BUT the Bashaw, suspecting something of the Matter, from the affectionate Expressions, with which she recom|mended and pressed his good Usage, only treated Smith with the greater Cruelty and Inhumanity. Smith's high Spirit, raised also by a Consciousness of Tragabigzanda's Passion, could but ill brook this harsh Treatment. At last, being one Day threshing alone, at a Grange above a League from the House, the Timor came, and took Occasion, so to kick, spurn, and revile him, that forgetting all Reason, Smith beat out his Brains, with his threshing Bat. Then reflecting upon his desperate State, he hid the Body under the Straw, filled his Knapsack with Corn, put on the Ti|mor's Cloaths, and mounting his Horse, fled into the De|serts of Circassia. After two or three Days fearful Wan|dering, he happened, providentially, on the Castragan, or great Road, that leads into Muscovy. Following this, for sixteen Days, with infinite Dread and Fatigue, he at last a••rived at a Muscovite Garrison, on the Frontiers. Here he was kindly entertained and presented, as also at all the Places, through which he passed. Having travelled through Siberia, Muscovy, Transilvania, and the Midst of Europe, he at length found his old Friend and gracious Patron, the Duke of Transilvania, at Leipsick, together with Count Meldritch, his Colonel. Having spent some time with them, the Duke, at his Departure, gave him a Pass, intimating the Services, he had done, and the Honours, he had re|ceived; presenting him, at the same Time, with fifteen hundred Ducats of Gold, to repair his Losses. And altho' he was now intent on returning to his native Country, yet being furnished with this Money, he spent some time, in travelling through the principal Cities and Provinces of Ger|many, France, and Spain. From the last, being led by the Rumour of Wars, he passed over into Africa, and vi|sited the Court of Morocco. Having viewed many of the Places and Curiosities of Barbary, he at last returned, through France, to England; and in his Passage in a French Galley, they had a most desperate Engagement, for two or three Days together, with two Spanish Men of War. In En|gland, all things were still, and in the most profound Peace; so that, there was no Room or Prospect for a Person of his active and warlike Genius. And therefore, having spent some time, in an idle and uneasy State, he willingly em|barked himself with Captain Gosnold, in the Project of set|tling Colonies in America, and came to Virginia.

HIS Conduct here hath been sufficiently related; and I shall finish his Character, with the Testimonies of some of his Soldiers and Fellow-Adventurers. They own him to

have made Justice his first Guide, and Experience his se|cond: That he was ever fruitful in Expe••i••nts, to provide for the People under his Command, whom he would never suffer to want any thing, he either had, or could procure: That he rather chose to lead, than s••nd his Soldiers into Danger; and upon all hazardous or fatiguing Expeditions, always shared every thing equally with his Company, and never desired any of them, to do or undergo any thing, that he was not ready, to do or undergo himself: That he hated Baseness, Sloth, Pride, and Indignity, more than any Dan|ger: That he would suffer Want, rather than borrow; and starve, sooner than not pay: That he loved Action, more than Words; and hated Falshood and Covetousness, worse than Death: and, That his Adventures gave Life and Subsistency to the Colony, and his Loss was th••ir Ruin and Destruction. They confess, that there were many Cap|tains in that Age (as there are indeed in all Ages) who were no Soldiers; but that Captain Smith was a Soldier, of the true old English Stamp, who fought, not for Gain or empty Praise, but for his Country's Honour and the pub|lick Good: That his Wit, Cour••••••, and Su••••ess here, were worthy of etern••l Memory: That by the mere Force of his Virtue and Courage, he awed the Indian Kings, and made them submit, and bring Presents: That, notwith|standing such a stern and invincible Resolution, there was seldom seen a milder and more tender Heart, than his was: That he had nothing in him counterfeit or sly, but was open, honest, and sincere: and, That they never knew a Soldier, before him, so free from those military Vices, of Wine, Tobacco, Debts, Dice, and Oaths.

FROM this Account of Captain Smith, extracted from his own Writings and the Testimony of his Contempora|ries and Acquaintance, it will be easily seen, that he was a Soldier of Fortune, who had run through great Variety of Life and Adventure. And indeed he was so famous for this in his own Age, that he lived to see himself brought upon the Stage, and the chief Dangers, and most interest|ing Pass••ges of his Life, racked, as he complains, and mis|repres••nted in low Tragedies. I cannot therefore forbear transiently ob••••rving Oldmixon's Mistake, who says, that the Company took him into their Service, because he was a n••ted Seaman, and famed for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Experience in maritime Affairs. But to remark all the Errors of our Historians, but most especially of Oldmixon, the weakest, most idle, and erroneous of all others, would be an infinite Work, and too often interrupt and br••ak the Thread of my Nar|ration. I hope therefore, the courteous Reader will be sa|tisfied

with this s••ort Caution and Animadversion,* 1.5 once for all. For to speak the Truth ingenuously, I had rather find out and correct one Mistake in my own, than expose and ridicule twenty Blunders in the Histories of others. But to return to the Affairs of Virginia.

IT hath been before said, that the Admiral-Ship,* 1.6 with Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, and Captain Newport on board, was separated from the rest of the Fleet in a Storm. She was so racked and torn by the violent Working of the Sea, and became so shattered and leaky, that the Water rose in the Hold above two Tire of Hogsheads; and they were obliged to stand up to their Middles, with Kettles, Buckets, and other Vess••ls, to bail it out. And thus they bailed and pumped, three Days and Nights, without Inter|mission; and yet the Water seemed rather to gain upon them, than decrease. At last, all being utterly spent with Labour, and s••eing no Hope, in Man's Apprehension, but of presently sinking, they res••lved to shut up the Hatches, and to commit thems••lves to the Mercy of the Sea and God's good Providence. In this dangerous and desperate State, some, who had good and comfortable Waters, fetched them, and drank to one another, as taking their last Leaves, till a more happy and joyful Meeting in the other World. But it pleased God, in his most gracious Providence, so to guide their Ship, to her best Advantage, that they were all preserved, and came safe to Shore.

FOR Sir George Somers had sat, all this Time, upon the Poop, searce allowing himself Leisure, either to eat or sl••ep, cunning the Ship, and keeping her upright, or she must, otherwise, long before this, have foundered. As he there sat, looking wishfully about, he most happily and unexpectedly descried Land. This welcome News, as if it had been a Voice from Heaven, hurried them all above Hatche••, to see, what they could searce believe. But there|by, improvidently ••••rsaking their W••rk, they gave such an Advantage to their greedy Enemy, the Sea, that they were very nigh being sw••ll••wed up. B••t n••ne were now to be urged, to do his b••st. Altho' they knew it to be Bermu|d••s, a Pl•••••• then dreaded and shunn••d ••y a••l M••n, yet they spread all the Sail, and did e••••ry t••ing else, in their Power, to re••ch the L••nd. It was n••t long, before the Ship s••ruck up••n a R••ck; ••ut a ••urg•• of the Sea ••••st her 〈…〉〈…〉 so from 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to ••n••th••r, till she was most 〈…〉〈…〉 as uprig••t, as if she had 〈…〉〈…〉 Stocks. And 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was, l••st the 〈…〉〈…〉, have ••••••hed and shivered her to Pieces. But all on a sudden, the Wind

lay,* 1.7 and gave Place to a Calm; and the Sea became so peaceable and still, that, with the greatest Conveniency and Ease,* 1.8 they unshipped all th••ir Goods, Victuals, and Peo|ple, and in their Boats, with extreme Joy, almost to A|mazement, arrived in S••fety, without the Loss of a Man, altho' more than a League from the Shore.

HOW these Islands came by the Name of Bermudas, i•• not certainly agreed. Some say, that they were so named after Iohn Bermudaz, a Spaniard, who first discovered them, about the Year 1522. Others report, that a Spanish Ship, called the Bermudas, was cast away upon them, as she was carrying Hogs to the West-Indies, which swam ashore, and increased to incredible Numbers. But they had been, in all Times before, infamous and terrible to Mariners, for the Wreck of many Spanish, Dutch, and French V••ssels. They were therefore, with the ••sual El••gance of the Sea Stile, by many called the Isle of Devils; and were esteemed the Hell or Purgatory of Seam••n, the most dangerous, un|fortunate, and forlorn Place in the World.

BUT the safe Arrival of this Company was not more strange and providential, than their Feeding and Support was beyond all their Hopes or Expectation. For they found it the richest, pleasantest, and most healthful Place, they had ever seen. Being safe on Shore, they disposed them|selves, some to search the Islands for Food and Water, and others to get ashore, what they could, from the Ship. Sir George Somers had not ranged far, before he found such a Fishery, that, in half an Hour, he took, with a Hook and Line, as many, as sufficed the whole Company. In some Places, they were so thick in the Coves, and so big, that they were afraid to venture in amongst them; and Sir George Somers caught one, that had b••fore carried off two of his Hooks, so large, that it would have pulled him into the Sea, had not his Men got hold of him. Two of those Rock-fish would have loaded a Man; neither could any where be found, fa••ter, or more excellent Fish, than they were. Besides, there were infinite Numbers of Mullets, Pilchards, and other small Fry; and by making a Fire in the Night, they would take vast Quantities of large Craw|fish. As for Hogs, they found them in that Abundance, that, at their first Hunting, they killed thirty two. And there were likewise Multitudes of excellentBirds, in their Sea|sons; and the greatest Facility, to make their Cabbins wit•• Palmeta Le••ves. This caused them to live in such Plenty, Ease, and Comfort, that many forgot all other Places, and never desired to return from thence.

IN the mean while,* 1.9 the Thoughts of the two Knights were busily employed, how to proceed, in this desperate State of their Affairs. At last, it was resolved, to deck the Long-boat with the Ship's Hatches, and to send Mr. Raven, a stout and able Mariner, with eight more in her, to Virginia; to get Shipping from thence, to fetch them away. But she was never more heard of; and such was the Malice, Envy, and Ambition of some, that, notwith|standing Sir George Somers's eminent Services, there arose great Differences between the Commanders. So that, as if, according to the Observation of a Spanish Author, the Air of America was infectious, and inclined Mens Minds to Wrangling and Contention, they lived asunder, in the Height of this their Calamity; rather like mere Strangers, than distressed Friends. But the several Parties, each re|solved upon building a Vessel. In the mean while, two Children were born. The Boy was called Bermudas,* 1.10 and the Girl Bermuda; and in the Midst of all their Sorrows, they had a merry English Wedding. But the two Cedar Ships being, at length, finished, and rigged with what they saved from the Sea-Venture, they calked them, and paid the Seams with Lime and T••••tle's Oyl, instead of Pitch and Tar; which quickly became dry, and as hard as a Stone. Sir George Somers had no Iron in his Bark, except one Bolt in the Keel. And now, their Provisions being laid in, and all Things in Readiness, after about Nine Months Abode there, they set Sail, on the 10th of May; 1610. They left behind them two Men, Christopher Car|ter and Edward Waters; who▪ for their Offences, fled into the Woods, and desired, rather there to end their Days, than to stand to the Event of Justice. For one of their Accomplices had been shot to Death, and Waters was actually tied to a Tree to be executed; but he had, by Chance, a Knife about him, with which he secretly cut the Rope, and ran into the Woods. There also came from England with them two Indians, named Namontack and Machumps. But, upon some Difference, Machumps slew Namontack; and having made a Hole to bury him, because it was too short, he cut off his Legs, and laid them by him. Neither was the Mu••der ever discovered, before he got to Virginia.

WHILST these Things were passing in Bermudas, the Colony in Virginia was reduced to the utmost Misery and Distress. Captain Percy, their Governor, was so sick and weak the whole Time, that he could neither go nor stand. Wherefore he could not keep up his Authority with such a seditious Crew, nor act with that Vigor and Industry, as

might justly have been expected from him.* 1.11 Capt••in Mar|tin from Nansamond, and Captain West from the Falls, having lost their Boats, and near half their Men, were re|turned to Iames-Town. For the Indians no sooner under|stood, that Smith was gone, but they revolted, and spoiled and murdered all, they met. And now they had twenty Presidents, with all their Appurtenances of Parasites and Pr••fusi••n. They lavishly spent the Provisions, sent from England in the last Ships; which, however, were so bad, and so insufficient in Proportion, that the poor famishing People, in the Bitterness of their Heart, poured forth, the whole Time, the m••st dreadful Curses and Execrations a|gainst Sir Thomas Smith, the Tre••surer. And they were therefore soon obliged, to depend wholly, on what Captain Smith l••ft; which he had provided, only to serve his own Company for some Time, with Intention, afterwards to lay in a much larger Stock. But before these Provisions were quite consumed, Captain West and Captain Ratcliffe, each with a small Ship, and thirty or forty Men w••ll ap|pointed, went abroad to trade. Ratcliffe, upon Confidence of Powhatan's fair Professions, was slain, with thirty others, as careless as himself. Only one Man of the Company escaped; and Pocahontas saved a Boy, one Henry Spilman, who lived for m••ny Years, by her Means, among the Pa|towmacks. But Powhatan, still as he found Opportunity, cut off their Boats, and denied them Trade; so that Cap|tain West sailed off in his Ship to England.

AND now, they were all deeply s••nsible of the Loss of Captain Smith. Even his bitterest Enemies, and greatest M••ligners, would curse th••ir Destiny for his Departure. Instead of Corn and Contribution from the Indians, which his Industry and Authority still wrested from them, they had nothing but Scoffs and mort••l Wounds. And as for th••ir Hogs, Sheep, Goats, Hens, and other Animals, their riotous Commanders, and the Indians, daily consumed and destroyed them. So that they traded away their Swords, Fir••locks, and any thing else, they had, with the Indians; who were thereby enabled, the more easily, often to em|brue their cruel H••nds in their Blood. Those, who had Star••ch, made no little Use of it, in this Extremity; and the very Skins of their Horses were prepared, by stewing and hashing, into dainty and welcome Food. Nay, so great was the Famin••, that the poorer Sort took up an Indian, that had been slain and buried, and eat him; and so did se|veral others, one another, that died, boiled and stewed with Roots and Herbs. And one, among the rest, killed his Wife, powdered her up, and had eaten Part of her,

before it was discovered; for which he was, afterwards, de|servedly executed. In short, so extreme was the Famine and Distress of this Tim••, that it was, for many Years after, distinguished and r••m••m••ered, by the Name of the STAR|VING TIM••. And by th••s•• m••••n••, of near five hundred Persons, left by C••ptain S••ith at his Dep••rture, within six Months, there remained not above sixty, Men, Wo|men, and C••ildren; and those most poor and miserable Creatur••s, pr••s••rv••d, for the most part, by Roots, Herbs, Acorns, Walnuts, Berries, and now and then a little Fish. N••ith••r w••s it p••ssible f••r them, to have h••ld out ten Days longer, without being all utterly extinct and fa••••ished with Hunger.

IN this calamitous State, did Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George Somers find the Colony, at their Arrival,* 1.12 on the 24th of May. Th••se two noble Knights, being utter Strangers to their Aff••irs, could understand nothing of the Cause and R••••son of th••se Miseri••s, but by Conj••cture from their Clamours and Complaints, either accusing, or excu|sing one another. They therefore embarked them all, in the best manner, they could, and set Sail for England. At their Departure, many were importunate to burn the Houses and Fort at Iames-Town. But God, who did not intend, that this excellent Country should be so abandoned, put it into the Heart of Sir Thomas Gates, to save the Town and Fortifications. For having fallen down to Hog-Island, and thence to Mulberry-Point, they descried the Long-boat of the Lord Delawarr; who, being then Captain-General of Virginia, a Title ever after given to our Governors in chief, came up with three Ships, exceedingly well furnished with all Necessaries, and returned them back to Iames-Town.

HIS Lordship arrived the 9th of Iune,* 1.13 accompanied with Sir Ferdinando Waynman, General of the Horse, (who soon after die•• here) Captain Holcroft, and divers other Gentle|men of Figure. The 10th he came up with his Fleet, went ashore, heard a Sermon, read his Commission, and entered into Consultation about the Affairs of the Colony. Th••n he made a short Speech to the Company, justly blaming them for their Pride, Vanity, and Sloth, and earn|estly entreating them to amend th••ir Ways, lest he should be compelled to draw the Sword of Justice, and cut off such Delinquents; which, he professed, he had much rather draw, to the shedding his own vital Blood, in their Cause and D••fence. He also constituted proper Officers of all Kinds, and allotted every Man his particular Place and Bu|siness. This Oration was received with a general Applause; and you might soon see the idle and resty Humours of a di|vided Multitude, by the Splendor, Unity, and Authority of

this Government,* 1.14 substantially healed. Captain Martin was removed from the Council, for his weak, cruel, and disorderly Behaviour; and those, who knew not the Path to Goodness before, would now chalk it out to their Fel|lows, endeavouring to outstrip each other in Diligence and Industry. The French prepared to plant the Vines; the English laboured in the Woods and Grounds; and every Man knew his particular Business and Vocation, which he followed with Alacrity and Pleasure.

BUT altho' his Lordship's Stores were very plentiful for his own Company, yet were they far from being enough to suffice the whole Colony. For it was computed, that all the Provision, landed from England, the whole first three Years, was not sufficient to have served the People, ac|cording to their Numbers, six Months. Understanding therefore, what Plenty there was of Hogs and other good Provisions in Bermudas, he determined to send thither for a sufficient Supply. Whereupon Sir George Somers, who, by his Diligence in ranging those Islands, was best acquainted with the Place, and whose generous Mind ever regarded the publick Good, more than his own private Ends, altho' of above threescore Years of Age, and of a Fortune in En|gland suitable to his Rank and Quality, yet offered his Ser|vice to perform this dangerous Voyage to those rocky and unfortunate Isl••nds; and he promised with God's Assistance, soon to return, with six Months Provision of Flesh. On the 19th of Iune, he embarked, in his own Cedar Vessel, of thirty Tons; and Captain Samuel Argall was also sent with him, in another small Bark. But Captain Argall was soon forced back, by Stress of Weather; and was sent, by the Lord Governor, to Pat••wmack River, to trade for Corn. He there ••ound the English Boy, Henry Spilman, preserved by Pocahontas and those Indi••ns, from the Fury of Powha|••an. He was a young Gentleman, well descended; and, by his Acquaintance and Help, Captain Argall received such good Usage from that kind People, that his Vessel was soon freighted with Corn, with which he returned to Iames-Town. But Sir George Somers struggled long with foul Weather and contrary Winds; and was at last forced to the Northern Parts of the Continent, where he refreshed him|self and his Men on the unknown Coast. But departing thence again, he at length arrived safe at Bermudas. Using too much Diligence and Pains in dispatching his Business, and the Strength of his Body not answering the ever memo|rable Vigor of his Mind, having lived long in honourable Employments, much beloved, and highly esteemed, thro' his whole Life, Nature at last could no longer support the

Burthen, but sunk under his too great Labour and Fatigue. Finding his Time ••ut short, after having made a proper Disp••••ition of his Estate, he c••lled them togeth••r, and like a v••li••nt Captain and worthy P••tri••t, exhorted them to be true and constant to th••se Pl••ntations, and with all Expedi|tion and Diligence, to return to Virginia.

THUS died this virtuous and honourable Knight, in the very Place, where they afterwards built a Town, from him called St. Georges; and the Islands themselves have ever since borne the Name of the Somer-Islands, in Honour to his Memory. But Captain Matthew S••mers, his Neph••w, and all his Men, were in such Grief and Consternation at his Death, and were so heedless and unconcerned for the Colony, that they utterly neglected his dying Instructions, to return to Virginia. For having buried his Heart and En|trails, and erected a Cross over the Place; they embalmed his Body, and set Sail with it, in his Cedar Ship, for En|gland. Arriving safe at Whitchurch in Dorse••shire, he was there honourably enterred, with many V••lli••s of Shot, and the Rites of a Soldier. But the Cross was accidentally found, nine Years after, in a Bye-place, overgrown with Bushes, by Captain Nathaniel Butler, then Governor of those Islands. Resolving to have a better Memori••l of so worthy a Soldier, and finding a large Marble Stone, brought from England, he caused it to be handsomely 〈…〉〈…〉 by Masons, and laid over the Place; engraving an Epitaph▪ agreeable to the Taste and Manner of the Times, and en|vironing the whole with a square Wall of hewn Stone. But I understand, that this Monument is now utterly ob|literated, and the Place quite forgot and unknown in that Country.

UPON this Occasion, there also happened a very hu|mourous Circumstance. Carter and Waters had been left here, when the rest went to Virginia, as hath been said. And now, by Carter's Persuasions, Waters was still staid, and one Edward Chard joined himself to them. This Ves|sel once out of Sight, these three Lords and sole Inhabi|tants of all those Islands, began to erect their little Com|monwealth, with equal Power and brotherly Regency, building a House, preparing the Ground, planting their Corn, and such S••eds and Fruits, as they had, and pro|viding other Necessaries and Conveniences. Then making Search among the Crevices and Corners of those craggy Rocks, what the Ocean, from the Worl••'s Creation, had thrown up among them, besides divers smaller Pieces, they happened upon the largest Block of Ambergrease, that had ever been seen or heard of, in one Lump. It weighed

fourscore Pounds; and is said, itself alone, besides the others, to have been then worth nine or ten thousand Pounds. And now b••ing rich, they grew so resty and ambitious, that these three forlorn Men, above three thousand Miles from their native Country, and with little Probability of ever seeing it again, fell out for the Superiority and Rule. And their Competition and Quarrel grew so high, that Chard and Waters, being of the greatest Spirit, had appointed to decide the Matter in the Field. But Carter wisely stole their Arms; chusing rather, to bear with such troublesome Rivals, than, by being rid of them, to live alone. So doubtful a Good are Riches, and so preposterous a Thing the Mind of Man!

IN the mean while, the Lord Delawarr, in Virginia, built two Forts at Kicquotan; and called one, Fort Hen|ry, the other, Fort Charles. They stood on a pleasant Plain, near a little River, which they n••med Southampton River, in a whol••some Air, having pl••nty of Springs, and commanding a large Circuit of Ground, which contained Wood, Pasture, and Marsh, with fit Places for Vines, Corn, and Gardens. Here it was intended, that those, who came from England, should be quartered at their first Landing, that the Wearisomeness and Nausea of the Sea might be refreshed, in this pleasant Si••u••ti n, and whole|some Air. Sir Thomas Gates he sent to England; and Cap|tain Percy, with Mr. Stacy and fifty or threescore good Shot, was dispatched to r••venge some Injuries of the Pas|paheys. But those Indians flying, they burnt their Houses, and took the Queen and her Children Prisoners, whom not long after they slew. So much was the Government alrea|dy altered from the Clemency of Smith's Administration, who never did, nor would have been permitted, to shed the least Drop of Indian Blood, by Way of Punishment; but was obliged to supply the Want of sufficient Vigor and Power in his Authority, by his own Activity, Industry, Art, and Circum••pection.

SOME time after, as my Lord Delawarr was at the Falls, the Indians assaulted his Troops, and killed three or four of his Men. But his Lordship had now been long sick. Imm••••iately upon his Arrival, he was seized with an Ague, which, being put by for the present, soon returned with great••r Vi••lence 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ever; and he began to be distempered with ot••••r g••••••vous Sicknesses. He was first assailed by the Flux, then by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cramp, and after that by the Gout; all which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him to so w••ak and low a State, that, being un••••le to stir, it brought upon him the Scurvy. Therefore, by the Advice of his Friends, on the 28th of

March, he s••ipped himself,* 1.15 with Dr. Bohun and Captain Argall, for M••vis in the West-Indies, an Island, at that time, f••mous for wholesome Baths. At his Departure, he committed the Colony to the Charge of Captain Percy, 'till the Arrival of Sir Thomas Dale. And he left behind about two hundred Persons, most of them in good Health, and well provi••••d with Victuals, and the Natives, to all out|ward Appearance, tractable and friendly. But being crossed by Southerly Winds, they were obliged to shape their Course to the Western-Islands; where his Lordship met with much Relief from Oranges and Lemons, a sovereign Remedy for that Disorder. However he was advised, not to hazard himself back to Virginia yet, but to return to England, for the perfect Recovery of his Health.

THE Council in England were, all this while, still ea|ger after some immediate Profit. Therefore, finding the Smalness of the Return by those Ships, which had carried the last Supply, they entered into serious Consultation, whe|ther it w••re better, to come into a new Contribution, or in time to abandon the Country, and give over the Enterprise. Wherefore, upon the Arrival of Sir Thomas Gates, they adjured him to deal plainly with them; and he, with a solemn and sacred Oath, gave them a full Account of the State and Prospect of Things. And he told them, that all Men knew, they lay at the Mercy of politic Princes and States; who, for their own proper Utility, devised all Me|thods to grind their Merchants, and, on any Pretence, to confiscate their Goods, and draw from them all Manner of Gain; whereas Virginia, in a few Years, might furnish all their Wants, with Honour and Security. But▪ by this time, some of the Adventurers were become suspicious of the Treasurer's Fairness in the Carriage and Management of the Business. To which the Lord Delawarr's Return added a farther Damp and Discouragement, and bred such a Coldness and Irresolution in many of them, that they en|deavoured to withdraw their Payments. Being sued, some pleaded in Chancery, upon their Oaths, that the Monie•• were not converted to the Use intended, but to private Mens Gains; and that no Accounts were kept, or at least legally audited and examined. But this was overruled, and no ways regarded or believed; and Sir Thomas Smith's In|tegrity was then thought so unquestionable, that they were obliged to pay their Sums subscribed. The Lord Delawarr also, being much pleased with the Country, and cordial in the Affair, made a publick Oration in the Council; which he afterwards published, to allay their Discontents, and give Satisfaction to all. And his Lordship protested himself wil|ling,

to venture his whole Fortune upon the Success of the Enterprise;* 1.16 and rather than so honourable an Action should fail, to return immediately in Person, if they would but second his Endeavours.

BUT before the Arrival of Lord Delawarr in England, the Council and Company had disp••tched away Sir Thomas Dale, High Marshal of Virginia, with three Ships, Men, and Cattle, and with all other Provisions, thought necessary for a Year; which arrived safe, the 10th of May, 1611. Sir Thomas found the People again falling into their former Estate of Penury and Want. For they were so improvi|dent, as not to put Corn into the Ground, but trusted wholly to the Store, then furnished with only three Months Provisions. His fi••st Care, therefore, was to employ all Hands in planting Corn at the two Forts at Kicquotan; and the Season being then not fully past, they had an indifferent Crop of good Corn. And having taken Order for this Bu|siness, and committed the Care of it to his Under-Officers, he hasted back to Iames-Town; where he found most of the Company, at their daily and usual Work, bowling in the Streets. But he soon employed them about things more necessary; as felling Timber, and repairing their Houses, ready to fall on their Heads. He likewise 〈◊〉〈◊〉 many to p••o••viding Pales, Posts, and Rails, to empale the new Town, he purposed to build; but being yet un••••quainted with the Country, he had not resolved, where to seat it. He there|fore spent some time, with an hundred Men, in viewing the River of Nansamond, in Despight of the Indians, at that time their Enemies. And then he examined Iames River, up to the Falls; and at length pitched upon a Place for his new Town, on the Narrow of Farra's Island, in Varina Neck, upon a high Land, nearly invironed by the main River.

BUT he found it no easy Matter, to reduce his turbulent and seditious People to good Order. About this time, Sir Thomas Smith sent over a printed Book of Articles and Laws, chiefly translated from the martial Laws of the Low Coun|tries. Those were very bloody and severe, and no ways agreeable to a free People and the British Constitution▪ neither had they any Sanction or Authority from the Coun|cil and Company in England. However, Sir Thomas Dale, being sadly troubled and pestered with the mutinous Hu|mours of the People, caused them to be published, and ••ut into Execution with the utmost Rigor. And altho' the Manner was harsh and unusual to Englishman, yet had not these military Laws been so strictly executed at this time, there were little Hopes or Probability of preventing the ut|ter

Subversion of the Colony. For, this Summer, one Webb and one Price entered into a Plot against the Go|vernment; which was, soon after, followed by a more dan|gerous Conspiracy of Ie••••r••y Abbot. This A••bot had served long ••s a Sol••i••r, ••••th in Ir••land, and the Netherlands, and was here Serjeant or Captain Smith's Company; who de|clares, that he never kn••w in Virginia, a more able Soldier, less turbulent, of a better Wit, more harly and industri|ous, or more forward to cut off those, who endeavoured to abandon the Country, or wrong the Colony. But from what Cause soever his Discontents arose, whether he res••nt|ed his being neglected and unrewarded, and having others put over his Head and preferred before him, or whether there was any other Reason of his Dissatisfaction, it is cer|tain, that this Man, who never received any Reward for his long Services and Deserts, now met with an immediate Punishment for this sudden and passionate Deviation from his Duty. One Cole also, and Kitchens, with three more, plotted to run away to the Spaniards, whom they supposed, from some wrong Information, to be inhabiting, some where within five Days Journey of the Fort. And these Commotions justified Sir Thomas Dale's necessary Severities, which might otherwise have been branded, as many were then ready to do, with being too cruel and tyrannical. But however salutary such sharp and summary Proceedings might be at that time, as I find them owned to have been, and commended by all Parties; and however Sir Thomas Dale night safely be trusted with so great a Power, a Man of much Honour, Wisdom, and Experience; yet it is cer|tain, that these Articles were utte••ly destructive of the En|glish Freedom and Laws, and gave the Governor such a commanding and despotick Authority, as is, by no means, to be lodged in any Hand, in a Country, that has the least Thoughts or Pretensions to Liberty.

IN the Beginning of August,* 1.17 Sir Thomas Gates arrived in six tall Ships, with three hundred Men, an hundred Cat|tle, two hundred Hogs, and with all Manner of other Mu|nition and Provision, that could be thought of, as needful and proper. At his Arrival, Sir Thomas Dale's Authority determined, who, after mutual Salutations, acquainted him with what he had done, and what he intended. And now, being eased of the Burthen of Government, and more at Leisure, he set himself heartily about building his Town; and Sir Thomas Gates, highly approving the Design, fur|nished him with three hundred and fifty Men, such as he himself made Choice of. He set Sail from Iames-Town, the Beginning of September; and being arrived at the Place,

he environed it with a Palisade,* 1.18 and in Honour of Prince Hen••y, called it Henrico. And then he built a Church, and Storehouses; and at each Corner of the Town, high commanding Watch Towers. This being accomplished, he next provided proper and convenient Houses for himself and Men, which were finished with all possible Speed, to the gre••t Comfort and Satisfaction of his Comp••ny and the whole Colony.

THE Ruins of this Town are still plainly to be traced and distinguished, upon the Land of the late Col. William Randolph, of Tuckah••e, just without the Entrance into Far|rar's Island. It lay from River to River, upon a Plain of high Land, with very steep and inaccessible Banks, and the Neck without, being well empaled, gave it all the Security and Conv••ni••ncy of an Island. It had three Streets of well-framed Houses, a handsome Church, and the Foundation of another laid, to be built of Brick, besides Store-houses, Watch-houses, and other publick Conveniences. Upon the Verge of the River Bank, stood five Houses, inhabited by the better Sort of People, who kept continual Sentinel for the Town's Security. About two Miles from the Town, into the Main, he run another Palisade, from River to Ri|ver, near two Miles in Length, guarded with several Forts, with a large Quantity of Corn-ground empaled and suff••|ciently secured. Besides th••se Prec••uti••ns, there may still be seen, upon the River Bank within the Island, the Ruins of a great Ditch, now over-grown with large and stately Trees; which, it may be supposed, was desended with a Palisade, to prevent a Surprise on that Side, by crossing the River. And for a still further Security to the Town, he intended, but never quite finished, a Palisade on the South Side of the River, ••s a Range for their Hogs; and he called it Hope in Faith and Coxcudale. It was about two Miles and an half long, and was secured by five of their Manner of Forts, called Charity Fort, Elisabeth Fort, Fort Patience, and Mount Malady, with a Guest House for sick People, upon a high and dry Situation, and in a wholesome Air, in the Place, where Iefferson's Church now stands. On the same Side of the River also, Mr. Whitaker, their Preacher, chose to be seated; and he empaled a fair Parsonage, with an ••••ndr••d Acres of Land, calling it Rock-hall.

ABOUT Christmas, Sir Thomas Dale, to revenge some Injuri••s of the Appamattock Indians, assaulted and took their Town, without the Loss of a Man. This Town stood at the Mouth of the River, and was accounted but five Miles, by Land, from Henrico. And Sir Thomas, considering how convenient it would be to the English, resolved to possess

and feat it, and, at the Instant, called it New Bermudas. And he annexed, to the belonging Freedom and Corpora|tion for ever, many Mil••s of champion and wood-land Ground, in several Hundreds, by the Names of the Upper and Nether Hundreds, Rochdale (now called Rocksdale) Hundred, Shirley Hundred, and Digge's Hundred. At Bermudas, where was the most Corn-ground, he first be|gan to plant; and with a Pale of two Miles, across from River to River, he enclosed and secured eight English Miles in Compass. Upon this Circuit, there were soon built ma|ny fair Houses, to near the Number of fifty. Rocksdale was also enclosed with a cross Palisade, near four Miles in Length; and there were many Houses, planted along the Pale, within which their Hogs and Cattle had twenty Miles Circuit to graze in securely.

IT will not be thought, I believe, foreign to the History of Virginia, occasionally to intersperse some Account of the Fortunes of Sir Walter Ralegh, our Founder, and the first Author, to the English, of settling Colonies in America▪ Just before the Death of Queen Elisabeth, he received a Challenge, upon some Quarrel, from Sir Amias Preston, one of Essex's Followers, and a Man of the Sword; which however was made up, by the Mediation of a certain great Nobleman, before it came to the last Decision. But on this Occasion, Sir Walter, like a prudent and affectionate Fa|ther of a Family, had conveyed all his landed Estate, which consisted of about three thousand Pounds a Year, to his Wife and Son. This was fortunately a Bar to his Lands falling absolutely to the Crown, upon his Attainder. They were only forf••it••d for his own Life; and the King, upon some powerful Intercession, restored them to him ag••in. So that he lived, under his Confinement, with much Elegan|cy, Neatness, and Affluence. For he was naturally a great Lover of Propriety; and had been, in the Time of his Prosperity, both in his Dress and Equipage, one of the most sumptuous and polite P••••s••ns of the Age. And now, being cut off from all the active Parts of Life, he indulged and gave a Loose to his noble Genius, and natural Thirst of Knowledge; and seemed (to use Prince Henry's Allusion) a singing Bird in a C••ge; rather a Phil••s••pher, than a Cap|tive; a Student in a L••••rary, than a Pris••ner in the Tower. The Restraint of his Body was so far from damping and confining his native Greatness 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mind and Sublimity of Parts, that it only opened a ne•• Field of Glory to him, and rend••red him as illustri••us, in his still and sed••••tary Scene of Life, as he h••d be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 been, in his most active and pro••perous Days. But at last, the Lawyers pretended to

find some Flaw in the Conveyance of his Lands; and an In|formation was exhibited against him, in the Court of Ex|chequer. His chief Judge, we are told, was his greatest Enemy; which, I suppose, was Sir Edward C••ke, then Lord Chief Justice. For that famous Lawyer, notwith|standing his vast Abilities and Knowledge in the Common Law, will be branded to all Futurity, for bawling and rail|ing Sir Walter Ralegh out of his Life at his Trial. And Wilson, a contemporary Historian, tells us, that it was po|pularly objected to him, as a Judge; That he made the Law lean too much to his own Opinion, thereby becoming▪ a legal Tyrant, and striking, whom he pleased, with that Weapon, whose Edge he was able to turn any Way. When the Cause came to Trial, it was determined against Sir Walter Ralegh, only for the Want of one single Word in his Answer, setting forth that Conveyance; which was nevertheless an Oversight of the Clerk, and the Word was in the original Instrument. And thus was he most iniqui|tously deprived of his Lands; and upon Lady Ralegh's pas|sionate Application to the King, she could obtain no other Answer from him, but I mun have the Land, I mun have it for Car. It was accordingly conferred upon that Favou|rite, just then in his Rise; and Sir Walter wrote him a Letter upon the Occasion, which may be seen in his Life, by Mr. Oldys; and which may be placed, perhaps, among the most beautiful, wise, and pathetic Compositions, that ever has appeared of that Kind. So invariable was this Mo|narch in his wrong Judgment of Men and Things, as to aggrandize and enrich so insignificant a Tool, and one so infamously wicked, lewd, and insufficient, as Car, with the Spoils of a Person, so truly virtuous, great, and able, as Sir Walter Ralegh. As if Fortune had conspired to expose his Weakness, and render his Injustice the more conspicu|ous and remarkable, by the Contrast between the Man, he oppressed, and the Man, he advanced. However, as some Retaliation for the Injustice and Wrong, his Majesty af|terwards gave Lady Ralegh and her Son eight Thousand Pounds for the Estate.

* 1.19CAPTAIN Matthew Somers and his Company, at their Return to England with Sir George's Body, had made very advantageous Relations of Bermudas. But these were little credited at first, and looked upon, as mere Traveller's Tales; till some of the Virginia Company apprehended, that a Settlement there might be very beneficial and helpful to the Plantation in Virginia. But as by their former Let|ters-patent, they were only entitled to the Islands within an hundred Miles of their Coast, and as Bermudas lay much

beyond that Distance,* 1.20 they procured a new Charter from his Majesty, bearing Date March 12, 1611-12. This granted them all the Islands in the Ocean Seas, within three hundred Leagues of the Coast, between the one and fortieth and thirtieth Degrees of Northerly Latitude. It also gave them a Power, to set up Lotteries; to sue for the Monies subscribed, requiring the Judges, to favour and further the said Suits, so far forth, as Law and Equity would, in any wise, further and permit; together with other ample Privi|leges and Authorities, as may be more fully seen in the Charter at large, printed in the Appendix. But the Vir|ginia Company sold these Islands to about an hundred and twenty of their own Members, who were erected into a distinct Society and Body Corporate, by the Name of the Somer-Islands Company. Sir Thomas Smith was elected their Treasurer, or Governor, in England; and some time this Year 1612, Mr. Richard More was sent Governor of the Country, with sixty Men, to make a Settlement and Plantation. They found the three Men, before spoken of, lusty and well. They were very comfortably seated, and plentifully stored with divers Sorts of excellent Provisions. But under Colour, that they were fitted out, at the Charge, and in the Service of the Company, these three poor Men were prosecuted, tormented, and threatned by the Gover|nor, in the Company's Name, 'till they were entirely de|prived of their great Treasure of Ambergrease. However a great Part was embezzled by Captain Davies and Mr. Edwin Kendal, to whom they committed it, during the Squabble and Contention. So that not above a Third came into the Hands of the Company; for which, we are told, they afterwards compounded with the Finders, and made them a just and reasonable Satisfaction.

IN the Beginning of the same Year, two Ships arrived in Virginia, with a Supply of Provisions and fourscore Men. But these Provisions, according to Custom, were very scanty and insufficient; and therefore Capt. Argall, who com|manded one of the Ships, having recreated and refreshed his Company, was sent to Patowmack River, to trade for Corn. For the Indians about Iames-Town were in a ticklish State, and little to be depended upon; being Friends or Foes, ac|cording as they found Advantage and Opportunity. Captain Argall soon entered into a great Acquaintance and Friend|ship with Iapazaws, King of Patowmack, an old Friend to Captain Smith, and so to the whole English Nation, ever since the first Discovery of the Country. Hard by Patow|mack, Pocahontas lay concealed, thinking herself fafe, and unknown to all but trusty Friends. What was the Reason

of her absconding from Werowocomoco, cannot easily be judged; except it was to withdraw herself from being a Witness to the frequent Butcheries of the English, whose Folly and Rashness, after Smith's Departure, put it out of her Power to save them. Captain Argall, having got In|telligence of this, engaged to give Iapnzaws a Copper Ket|tle, to bring her on board his Slip; premising not to hurt her, but to keep her safe, 'till they could conclude a Peace with her Father. This Savage would have done any thing for the Copper Kettle; and therefore, having no Pretence on Account of her own Curiosity, because she had seen and been in many Ships, he made his Wife pretend, how de|sirous she was to see one, so that he offered to beat her for her Importunity, 'till she wept. But at last he told her, if Pocahontas would go with her, he was content. And thus, taking Advantage of her Good-nature and obliging Temper, they be••rayed this innocent Creature aboard; where they were all kindly received and entertained in the Cabbin. The Captain, when he saw his Time, decoy'd Pocahontas into the Gun Room; only to conceal from her, that Iapazaws was any way guilty of her Captivity. When he had received his Reward, the Captain sent for her again; and told her, she must go with him, and be the Means and Instrument of Peace, between her Country and the English. At this, the old Traitor and his Wife began to howl and cry, as much as Pocahontas; who, by the Captain's fair Promises and Persuasions, pacified herself, by degrees. And so Iapazaws and his Wife, with their Kettle and other Baubles, went joyfully ashore, and she to Iames-Town; where, altho' a frequent Visitant before, and often a kind Support and Preserver of the Colony, she had never been 'till now, since Capt in Smith left the Country.

A Messenger was immediately dispatched to her Father; that he must ransom his Daughter Pocahontas, whom he loved so dearly, with the Men, Guns, and Tools of the English, which he had treacherously stolen and surprised. This unwelcome News much troubled Powhatan, because he loved both his Daughter and their Commodities well; and it threw him into such Perplexity, that it was three Months, before he returned any Answer. Then he sent back seven of the English▪ with each an unserviceable Muske••; and sent Word, that when they should deliver his Daughter, he would make full Satisfaction for all Injuries, and give them five hundred Bushels of Corn, and would be their Friend for ever. But the English answered; That his Daughter should be well used; but that they could not believe, the rest of their Arms were either lost, or stolen

from him; and that therefore, they would keep his Daugh|ter, till he had sent them all back. But this Answer dis|pleased him so much, that they heard no more from him, for a long time after.

AT last, in the Beginning of the next Year,* 1.21 Sir Thomas Dale took Pocahontas with him, and went in Captain Ar|gall's Ship, with some other Vessels belonging to the Colo|ny, up into his own River, to his chief Habitation at We|rowocomoco, with a Party of an hundred and fifty Men, well appointed. Powhatan did not appear; and although the English told them, their Business was to deliver up their Emperor's Daughter, upon Restitution of the rest of their Men and Arms, yet were they received with many scorn|ful Bravades and Threats. They told them, if they came to fight, they were welcome; but advised them, as they loved their Lives, to retire; or else they would treat them, as they had done Captain Ratcliffe. But after some small Skirmishes, and considerable Damage done the Indians, by burning their Houses, and spoiling all, they could find, a Peace was patched up. They immediately sent Messen|gers to Powhatan; and they told the English, that their Men were run off, for fear they should hang them; but that Powhatan's Men were run after▪ to bring them back; and that their Swords and Muskets should be brought, the next Day. But the English, perceiving, that this was all Collusion, only to delay the Time, till they could carry off their Goods and Provisions, told them, that they should have a Truce, till the next Day at Noon; but then, if they had not a direct Answer to their Demands, or found them inclinable to fight, they should know, when the En|glish would begin, by the Sound of their Drums and Trum|pets. Upon Confidence of this Truce, two of Powhatan's Sons came on board the Ship, to see their Sister; on whose Sight, finding her well, although they had heard the con|trary, they greatly rejoiced; and they promised to persuade their Father, to redeem her, and for ever be Friends with the English. Hereupon Mr. Iohn Rolfe and Mr. Sparks were sent to Powhatan, to acquaint him with the Business. They were kindly received and entertained, but not admit|ted into the Presence of the Emperor. They only spoke with Opechancanough, who promised to do his utmost with his Brother, to incline him to Peace and Friendship. But it now being April, and Time to prepare their Ground, and set their C••rn, they returned to Iames-Town, without do|ing any thing more in the Affair.

LONG before this, Mr. Iohn Rolse, a worthy young Gentleman, and of good Behaviour, had been in Love with

Pocahontas,* 1.22 and she with him. And at this time, he made the thing known to Sir Thomas Dale, through Mr. Ralph Hamer, and wrote him a Letter, entreating his Advice; and she likewise acquainted her Brother with it. Sir Tho|mas Dale highly approved of it; and the Report of this Marriage soon coming to the Knowledge of Powhatan, it was found a thing acceptable to him, by his sudden Con|sent. For within ten Days, he sent Opachisco, an old Uncle of hers, and two of his Sons, to see the Manner of the Marriage, and to do in that Behalf, what they were required, for the Confirmation of it, as his Deputies. It was therefore solemnised in the Beginning of April 1613; and ever after, they had friendly Trade and Commerce, as well with Powhatan himself, as with all his Subjects.

THE Chickahominies were a stout, daring, and free Peo|ple. They had no Werowance, or single Ruler, but were governed, in a Republican Form, by their Elders. These were their Priests, and some of the wisest of their old Men, as Assistants to them. In Consequence of these Principles of Government, they took all Opportunities of shaking off Powhatan's Yoke, whom they looked upon and hated, as a Tyrant. And therefore, they had taken Advantage of these late Times of Hostility and Danger as well to the Indians, as to the English, to assert their Liberty. But now, seeing Powhatan so closely linked with the English, both in Affinity and Friendship, they were in great Concern and Dread, lest he should bring them again to his Subjec|tion. To prevent which, they sent Ambassadors to Sir Thomas Dale; excusing all former Injuries, and promising ever after to be King Iames's faithful Subjects: That they would relinquish the Name of Chickahominies, and be called Tassautessus, or Englishmen, and that Sir Thomas Dale should be their Governor, as the King's Deputy. Only they de|sired to be governed by their own Laws, under their eight Elder••▪ as his Substitutes. Sir Thomas Dale, hoping for some Advantage from this, willingly accepted their Offer. At the Day appointed, with Captain Argall and fifty Men, he went to Chickahominy; where he found the People as|assembled, expecting his Coming. They treated him kind|ly; and the next Morning, having held a Council, the Peace was concluded on these Conditions:

I. THAT they should for ever be called Englishmen, and be true Subjects to King Iames and his Deputies:

II. TH••T th••y should neither kill, nor detain, any of the English, or of their Cattle, but should bring them home:

III. THAT they should be always ready, to furnish the English with three hundred Men, against the Spaniards, or any other Enemy:

IV. THAT they should not enter any of the English Towns, before sending in Word, that they were new En|glishmen:

V. THAT every fighting Man, at gathering their Corn, should bring two Bushels to the Store, as a Tribute; for which he should receive as many Hatchets:

VI. THAT the eight chief Men should see all this per|formed, or receive the Punishment themselves; and for their Diligence, they should have a red Coat, a Copper Chain, and King Iames's Picture, and be accounted his Nobleman.

THESE Articles were joyfully assented to and ratified, by a great Shout and Acclamation; and one of their Elders began an Oration, addressing his Speech, first to the old Men, then to the Young, and then to the Women and Children, to make them understand, how strictly they were to observe these Conditions, and that then the English would defend them from the Fury of Powhatan, or any other E|nemy whatsoever. And thus was their Liberty once more secured; which indeed had its usual good Effects, even a|mong these wild and savage Nations. For altho' Chickahe|miny is far from being famous for good Land, yet we are told, that they had the largest Fields, and most plentiful Crops of Corn, and the greatest Abundance of all other Provisions and Necessaries, of any People then in the Coun|try. Such a happy Influence had Liberty, and such visible Incitement did firm Property give to the Industry of even that lazy and improvident People.

AND now the English began to find the Mistake of for|bidding and preventing private Property. For whilst they all laboured jointly together, and were fed out of the com|mon Store, happy was he, that could slip from his Labour, or slubber over his Work in any Manner. Neither had they any Concern about the Increase; presuming, however the Crop prospered, that the publick Store must still main|tain them. Even the most honest and industrious would scarcely take so much true Pains in a Week, as they would have done for themselves in a Day. The five Years also, prescribed in his Majesty's Instructions under the Privy S••al, for trading all together in common Stocks, and bring|ing the whole Fruit of their Labours into common Store-houses, were now expired. Therefore, to prevent this In|conveni••n••y and bad Consequence, Sir Thomas Dale allotted

each Man three Acres of cleared Ground, in the Nature of Farms. They were to work eleven Months for the Store, and had two Bushels of Corn from thence; and only had one Month allowed them, to make the rest of their Provisions. This was certainly very ••ard and pinching; but his new and favourite Settlement at Bermudas Hundred had better Conditions. For one Month's Labour, which must neither be in Seed-time nor Harvest, they were ex|empted from all further Service; and for this Exemption they only paid two Barrels and a half of Corn, as a Yearly Tribute to the Store. However, the Prospect of these Far|mers Labours gave the Colony much Content; and they were no longer in Fear of wanting, either for themselves, or to entertain their new Supplies.

SIR Thomas Dale had been very active and industriou•• in ranging about and viewing the Country, and was vastly delighted with its Pleasantness and Fertility. Being there|fore much vexed and concerned, to find the Possession of so noble a Territory set so light by at home, as even some|times to be debated, whether it should be farther prosecu|ted, or entirely abandoned, he wrote a Letter to Sir Tho|mas Smith, the Treasurer; wherein he assures them all, and prays them to remember it, that if they should give over the Enterprise, and lose the Country, they would, in their great Wisdom, commit an Error of such Prejudice and Damage to England, as had never happened to it, since the Loss of the Kingdom of France. He desires them not to be gulled and deceived, by the clamorous Reports of base People, but to believe Caleb and Ioshua. And if the Glory of God, and the Conversion of those poor Infidels, had no Influence on the rich Mammons of the Earth; yet he advises them to follow the Dictates of their own Avarice, and only to consult their proper Interest and Advantage. For he protests on the Faith of an honest Man, that the more he ranged and saw of the Country, the more he ad|mired it; and that having seen the best Parts of Europe, yet he declares, with a solemn Ass••veration, that put them all together, he thought, this Country would be equivalent to them, if it were once well cultivated, and seated with good and industrious People.

EARLY in the next Year, Sir Thomas Gates returned to England,* 1.23 and left the Government again to Sir Thomas Dale. Understanding, that there was a Colony of French, in the Northern Part of Virginia, about the Latitude of 45, he sent Captain Argall thither, to Port Royal and St. Croix, two Towns, lying on each Side of the Bay of Fun|di, in Acadia▪ Finding the French dispersed abroad in the

Woods, he surprised their Ship and Bark,* 1.24 lately arrived from France. In them was much good Apparel, with other Furniture and Provision, which he brought to Iames-Town; but the Men escaped, and lived among the Indians of those Countries. The Pretence for this Depredation on the French, was founded on their Right of first Discovery; and therefore the English, in Imitation of the Spaniards, laid Claim to the whole Continent, altho' they really pos|sessed, and had seated so small a Part of it. But it is cer|tain, that we were, at that time, in profound Peace, not only with France, but the whole World. In his Return, Captain Argall likewise visited the Dutch Settlement, on Hudson's River; and he alledged, that Captain Hudson, the first Discoverer, under whose Sale they claimed that Coun|try, being an Englishman, and licensed to discover those Northern Parts, by the King of England, could not alienate that, which was only a Part of Virginia, from the English Crown. He therefore demanded the Possession; and the Dutch Governor, being unable to resist, peaceably submit|ted both hims••lf and his Colony, to the King of England, and to the Governor of Virginia under him. Soon after, a new Governor arrived from Amsterdam, better provided. Under Colour of their Right of Purchase, and because the Country lay void and unoccupied, and consequently open to the first Possessor, he not only refused to pay the Tribute and Acknowledgment, which had been agreed upon, but also began to fortify, and put himself into a Posture of De|fence. And the Claim of the English, being either wholly waved for the present, or but faintly pursued, they, this same Year, made a firm Settlement, which soon became very flourishing and populous. But Complaint being made, some Years after, to King Charles I. and by him represent|ed to the States of Holland, they declared, by a publick Instrument, that they were no ways concerned in it, but that it was a private Undertaking of the West-India Com|pany of Amsterdam; and so referred it wholly to his Ma|jesty's Pleasure.

MR. Ralph Hamer, who was afterwards one of our Council, and to whose Relation we are indebted for this Part of the History of Virginia, having resided some Years here, ever since the great Supply 1609, and being now a|bout to return to England, was very desirous to visit Pow|hatan and his Court, and to be able, when he went home, to speak something of his own Knowledge. Sir Thomas Dale also thought it adviseable, to have some further Pledge of Powhatan's Friendship, besides Pocahontas. It was there|fore resolved, to send this Gentleman, as his Ambassador,

to demand his other Daughter. Wherefore, Mr. Hamer, taking Thomas Savage for his Interpreter, and two Indians for his Guides, went off in the Morning from Bermudas, (Sir Thomas Dale's favourite Seat, and chief Place of Re|sidence) and arrived the next Evening at Matchot. This was a Seat of the King's, where he then was, a few Miles higher up York River, than Werowocomoco. Powhatan knew the Boy, Thomas Savage, well, whom Newport had presented to him, in the Year 1607; and he said to him: My Child, you were my Boy, and I gave you Leave, four Years ago, to go and see your Friends; but I have never seen nor heard of you, nor my own Man Namontack since, altho' many Ships have gone and returned. Then turning to Mr. Hamer, he demanded the Chain of Pearl, which he sent to Sir Thomas Dale, when the Peace was concluded; and which was to be a Token between them, whenever Sir Thomas sent a Messenger to him; otherwise, he was to bind him, and send him back, as a Deserter. It was true, there was such an Agreement; and Sir Thomas Dale had ordered his Page to deliver the Chain to Mr. Hamer, but the Page either neglected or forgot it. Mr. Hamer there|fore replied, that he kn••w not of any such Order; and if there was such a Token, it was only intended, when Sir Thomas, upon the sudden, should send an English Messen|ger, without an Indian Guide. But if his own People should con••uct the Messenger, which was the Case at pre|s••nt, that was a sufficient Testimony and Credential. With this Answer Powhatan was satisfied, and conducted them to his Ho••se, where a Guard of two hundred Bowmen atten|ded. First he offered Mr. Hamer a Pipe of Tobacco, and then asked after his Brother, Sir Thomas Dale's Health; and how his Daughter, and unknown Son, lived and liked. And being told, that his Brother was well; and that his Daughter was so delighted with her Condition, that she would not, upon any Account, return and live again with him, he laughed heartily, and s••emed much pleased to hear it.

AFTER that, he demanded of Mr. Hamer his Business; who telling him, t••••t it was private, he instantly com|m••nd•••• ••ll out of the House, except his two Queens, that alw••ys s••t by him, and th••n bad him speak on. Mr. Ha|mer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pr••s••nt••d him with several Toys, sent by Sir Tho|••••s Dale; and th••n he told him, that his Brother Dale, having heard of the Fame of his youngest Daughter, in|••••••ded 〈…〉〈…〉 marry her to some worthy English Gentleman, whi••h wo••ld be ••ighly pl••••sing and agreeable to her Sister, who was very desirous to see her, and to have her near

her; and that therefore, he desired, as a Testimony of his Love, that he would send her to him. For since they were now become one People, and designed to dwell together in the same Country, he conceived, there could be no firmer Union, nor stronger Assurance of Love and Friendship, than such a natural Band of Intermarriage and Alliance. Powhatan, who often interrupted him, and betrayed many Signs of Uneasiness, the whole Time, he was speaking, immediately returned this Answer, with much Seriousness and Gravity.

I gladly accept my Brother's Salute of Love and Peace; which, whilst I live, I will punctually and exactly keep. I likewise r••ceive his Presents, as Pledges thereof, with no less Thankfulness. But as to my Daughter, I sold her, a few Days since, to a great Werowance, for two Bushels of Roanoke. Mr. Hamer told him, that the Roanoke was but a Trifle to so great a Prince; and by returning it, he might recall her, and gratify his Brother. And he further assured him, besides strengthening the strict Band of Peace and Friendship between them, that he should have three times the Worth of the Roanoke for her, in Beads, Copper, and other Com|modities. This extorted the Truth from him; and he in|genuously confessed, that the Reason of his Refusal, was the Love, he bore his Daughter. Altho' he had many Children, yet he delighted in none, he said, so much as her; and he could not possibly live without often seeing her; which he could not do, if she lived among the English. For he had determined, upon no Terms, to put himself in|to their Hands, or come among them. He therefore de|sired him, to urge him no farther upon the Subject, but to return his Brother this Answer: That he held it not a bro|therly Part, to endeavour to bereave him of his two darling Children at once: That, for his Part, he desired no farther Assurance of his Friendship, than the Promise, he had given: and, That from him, Sir Thomas already had a Pledge, one of his Daughters, which, as long as she lived, would be suf|ficient; but if she should happen to die, he promised to give another. And further, says he, tell him, al••ho' he had no Pledge at all, yet he need not distrust any Injury from me or my People. There hath been enough of Blood and War. Too many have been slain already, on both Sides; and, by my Oc|casion, there shall never be more. I, who have Power to per|form it, have said it. I am now grown old, and would gladly end my Days in Peace and Quietness; and altho' I should have just Cause of Resentment, yet my Country is large enough, and I can go from you. And this Answer, I hope, will satisfy my Brother.

WHILST Mr. Hamer staid here, by Chance there came an Englishman, who had been taken, three Years before, at Fort Henry, on the Mouth of Hampton River. He was grown so like an Indian, both in Complexion and Habit, that he could be distinguished from them by nothing but his Language. He begged of Mr. Hamer, to procure his Li|berty; which, with much Difficulty, he did. And now being about to return, Powhatan desired him, to put his Brother Dale in Mind, to send him several Toys and Tools; which, lest he should forget, he made him write them down, in a Table-Book, that he had. However he got it, it was a very fair one; and Mr. Hamer desired, he would give it to him. But he told him, he could not part with it: For it did him much Good, in shewing to Strangers. After which, having furnished them well with Provisions, he dis|missed them; giving each a Buckskin, extremely well dres|sed, and sending two more, to his Son and Daughter.

ALL this while, Sir Thomas Dale, Mr. Whitaker, Mi|nister of Bermuda-Hundred, and Mr. Rolfe, her Husband, were very careful and assiduous, in instructing Pocahontas in the Christian Religion; and she, on her Part, expressed an eager Desire, and shewed great Capacity in learning. After she had been tutored for some time, she openly renounced the Idolatry of her Country, confessed the Faith of Christ, and was baptized by the Name of Rebecca. But her real Name, it seems, was originally Matoax; which the Indians carefully concealed from the English, and changed it to Po|cahontas, out of a superstitious Fear, lest they, by the Knowledge of her true Name, should be enabled to do her some Hurt. She was the first Christian Indian in these Parts, and perhaps the sincerest and most worthy, that has ever been since. And now she had no Manner of Desire, to re|turn to her Father; neither could she well endure the bru|tish Manners, or Society, of her own Nation. Her Affec|tion to her Husband was extremely constant and true; and he, on the other Hand, underwent great To••••ent and Pain, out of his violent Passion, and tender Sollicitude for her.

WHILST these things were transacting in Virginia, Captain Smith's restless and enterprising Genius could not brook a Life of Indolence and Inactivity at home. He there|fore undertook a Voyage for some Merchants, to that Part of Virginia, which had been discovered by Captain Gos|nold, in the Year 1602. Having made an advantageous Voyage for his Owners, and taken an exact Chart of the Coast, he then first called the Country New-England. This Name was afterwards confirmed and established by Prince Charl••s, who likewise, at Captain Smith's D••sire, gave

Names to several Places and Rivers along the Coast, from Cape Cod as far as the Bay of Fundi. It was resolve, to settle the Country immediately, under the Conduct of Cap|tain Smith; who was graced with the empty Title of Ad|miral of New-England. But he meeting with many cross Accidents the next Year, and being at last taken by a French Rover, the Project became abortive; and it was the Year 1620, before any Settlement was made there.

THIS Year also, Sir Walter Ralegh first published his History of the World; which was received with all due Applause and Admiration by the Publick, but gave Um|brage, we are told, to the King. Some Authors have in|sinuated, that that Royal Pedant was piqued, as an Author, and jealous of him in that Capacity. As if it would ever come into any Man's Head, to put that admirable Work in the Ballance with his old-wifish Garrulities; which are now only to be found in the Collections of the Curious, as a comic and ridiculous Entertainment, and a proper Sub|ject for Laughter and Contempt. Others say, that he was scandalized at the Freedom, which Sir Walter Ralegh had taken with some dead Princes, and particularly with Henry VIII; thinking it perhaps an unpardonable Insolence, and a Kind of Blasphemy, that any, below a Crowned Head, should dare to censure their Actions. Whilst others tell us, that, through the mischievous Insinuations of some Syco|phants about him, he suspected, that it contained an artful Exposure of himself and Ministry. And thus truly, as Mr. Oldys observes, the General History of the World was turn|ed into a secret History, or oblique Satire, upon his Court; and Scotch Faces were to be seen in it, stuck upon old Iew|ish, Babylonian, or Assyrian Shoulders. Altho', as it is re|marked by another Author, he might easily be led to fancy, he saw in the Face of Ninias, the Son of Semiramis, his own Features, as Successor to the British Semiramis; and that his particular Injustice, to the Writer, was well repre|sented and censured, in the Story of Ahab's taking away Naboth's Vineyard. But from whatever Cause his Offence arose, I thought, it would not be unacceptable to the Rea|der, to make this short Digression, to the Honour of that immortal Work. For next to the Praise and Approbation of the Wise, it hath been ever esteemed a secondary Hon|our to an Author, to be carped at, by the foolish Cavils, and vain Exceptions, of those of a contrary Character.

IN Iune, Captain Argall set Sail for England, and gave an Account of the quiet and flourishing State of the Colony; which Report was strengthened by the Testimony of Sir Thomas Gate••, who had returned from Virginia, the March

before.* 1.25 To back this Success with all Expedition, the Council and Company resolved, that the great Virginia Lottery should be drawn, with all convenient Speed; which was accordingly done, the following Year 1615. The same Year, a Spanish Ship was seen to beat to and fro, off Point Comfort; and at last, she sent a Boat ashore, for a Pilot. Captain Davies, the Governor of the Fort, readily granted one, and sent Mr. Iohn Clarke; who was no sooner on board, but they set Sail, and carried him of•• to Spain. He was there strongly sollicited, to become their Instrument and Pilot, to betray the Colony. But he bravely and ho|nestly resisted all their Temptations; and was, therefore, obliged to undergo a long Captivity. At last, after four Years Imprisonment, he was, with much Suit, returned to England. But the Spanish Ship, by some Accident, left three of her own Men behind; who were immediately seized, and strictly examined. They said, that having lost their Admiral, they were forced into these Parts; and that two of them were Captains, and in chief Authority in the Fleet. But sometime after, one was discovered to be an Englishman; who had been a Pilot in the Spanish Armada, in the grand Expedition against England, in the Year 1588. And not content with this Perfidy and Baseness to his Coun|try, he began here to plot, and persuaded some Malecon|••en••s, to join with him, in running away with a small Bank. But they were apprehended, and some of them executed; and he, now lying at Mercy, readily confessed, that there were two or three Spanish Ships at Sea, sent purposely to discover the State of the Colony. But he said, their Com|mission was not to be opened, 'till they arrived in the Bay; so that, of any thing further he was utterly ignorant. One of the Spaniards died here, and the other was sent to En|gl••••d. But this R••n••gado was hanged at Sea, by Sir Tho|mas Dale, in his Voyage homeward.

FOR Sir Thomas Dale had now been five Years in the Country;* 1.26 and he had been, for some time past, kept here, and support••d under a longing Desire to visit his own Affairs and Fa••••ly, by a j••st Sense of his Duty to God and his Country, and out of Compassion to the poor Creatures com|mitted to his Charge. But now the Country being in per|fect Peace, and having settled all thing•• in good Order, and made Cho••••e of Mr. George Yeardley, to be Deputy•• Gov••r••or in his Absence, he embarked for England, with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Mr. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 her Husband; and carrying with them s••v••r••l young Indi•••••• of both Sexes, they all arrived safe at Plimo••••••▪ the 1••th of Iune, 1616. But at the time of his Daughter's Departure, Powhatan had withdraw••

hims••lf to the King of Moy-umps, on Patowmack River;* 1.27 out of Fear, as it was supposed, of Opechancanough. For he was then a Man very gracious and popular, both with the Indians and the English; and as Opit••••apan, the second Brother, was lame and decrepit, he was thought to look upon Powhatan, a Person of equal Ambition and Capacity for Government, as the only Obstacle to his aspiring Hopes and Designs. And therefore, Powhatan suspected at this time, that he had entered into a Conspiracy with the En|glish, to betray him into their Hands; a Case, which he had ever dreaded, and which, he had therefore turned the whole Force of his Politicks, to prevent and avoid.

THIS worthy and honourable Knight, Sir Thomas Dale, who may justly be ranked among the first and best of our Governors, had, by his singular Vigor and Industry, and by his Judgment and Conduct of the Affairs of the Colony, put things into such an easy and prosperous Condition, that, from this Time, an Alteration was made, in the Right of Adventure for Land. For before this, every one, that had adventured his own Person, or had sent, or brought others over, at his own Expence, was entitled to an hundred A|cres of Land, personal Adventure, for each; which was the utmost that could be granted in any single Share, by the King's Letters patent, and which are called, in the Company's Journals, and other old Records, Great Shares, or Shares of old Adventure. But now it was thought, all Difficulties were so far overcome, and the Country settled in such a Way of subsisting and flourishing, that, hence|forward, fifty Acres only were allowed to those, who came, or brought others over. This is the ancient, legal, and a most ind••bitable Method of granting Lands in Virginia, and was intended for a great and useful End, the encouraging People, to come themselves, and to bring or send others over, to inhabit the Country; and that they might, imme|diately upon their Arrival, have a Place, whereon to seat themselves and Families. And I likewise find, in the old Records, that upon peopling and saving these hundred, or fifty Acres (the Terms of which I can no where find) they were entitled to the like Quantity more, to be held, and s••••ted at their Leisure. But besides this, there were two other Methods of granting Lands. The one was upon Me|••it: When any Person had conferred a Benefit, or done Service, to the Company or Colony, they would bestow ••uch a Pr••portion of Land upon him. However, to pre|vent Exc••s•• in this Particular, they were restrained, by his Majesty's Letter•• patent, not to exceed twenty great Shares, o•• two thous••nd Acres, in any of those Grants. The other

was called the Adventure of the Purse; every Person, who paid twelve Pounds ten Shillings into the Company's Trea|sury, having thereby a Title to an hundred Acres of Land, any where in Virginia, that had not been before granted to, or possessed by others.

SIR Thomas Dale, among the many Praises, justly due to his Administration, had been particularly careful of the Supplies of Life; and had, accordingly, always caused so much Corn to be planted, that the Colony lived in great Plenty and Abundance. Nay, whereas they had formerly been constrained, to buy Corn of the Indians Yearly, which exposed them to much Scorn and Difficulty, the Case was so much altered under his Management, that the Indians sometimes applied to the English, and would sell the very Skins from their Shoulders for Corn. And to some of their petty Kings, Sir Thomas lent four or five hundred Bushels; for Repayment whereof the next Year, he took a Mort|gage of their whole Countries. But as the Cultivation of Tobacco began to creep in, and to obstruct their Crops of Corn, he made a Law, that no Tobacco should be set, 'till such a Proportion of Corn-Ground, for the Master and each Servant, had been first prepared and planted. And this was the first Beginning and Essay, towards making Tobacco here, which hath ever since continued the Staple-Commodity of our Country. But after his Departure, both his Law and his Example were utterly laid by and forgot; and the new Governor himself, together with all the Peo|ple, being tempted with the View of present Gain, applied themselves so eagerly to planting Tobacco, that they neg|lected the other necessary Article of Life. And besides this Neglect of their Corn, the Supplies of People, sent this Year, came, as usual, so unprovided, that they soon eased them of the Plenty, left by Sir Thomas Dale, and reduced them to great Streights. Mr. Yeardley therefore, sent to the Chickahominies, for the Tribute Corn. For there being about two hundred and fifty, or three hundred, fighting Men of the Nation, and each Man being obliged, by the Treaty, to bring two Bushels of Corn to the Store, such a Quantity would have been a great Relief to their Necessities. But receiving a slight and affrontive Answer, he drew to|gether an hundred of his best Shot, and went to Chicka|hominy.

THE People there received him with much Scorn and Contempt. They told him, he was only Sir Thomas Dale's Man; that they had indeed paid his Master, according to Agreement; but as for him, they had no Order, and less Inclination, either to obey, or give him any Corn. And

being led by their Captain, Kissanacomen, Governor of O|zinies, they drew themselves up, in martial Rank and Or|der, as they saw the English do. But after many Remon|strances, and much Bravade and Threatening on both Sides, Mr. Yeardley, at last, commanded his Men to fire upon them. Twelve were slain, and as many taken Prisoners; among whom, were two of their Senators, or Elders. For their Ransom, they had an hundred Bushels; and the In|dians, to buy their Peace, readily loaded their three Boats with Corn; one of which, crowding on, to bring the first News to Iames-Town, was unhappily overset, all her Corn lost, and eleven Men drowned.

Opechancanough, a politick and haughty Prince, was much vexed, that neither his Brother, nor he, could ever bring this obstinate People, firmly to their Obedience. Being, therefore, as attentive to enslave them, as they were watch|ful and tenacious of their Liberty, he took this Opportunity, and agreed with Mr. Yeardley, to come to no Terms with them, without his Advice and Consent. And as the En|glish passed down the River with their Prisoners, he met them at Ozinies, and pretended to the Indians, that he had, with great Pains and Sollicitation, procured their Peace. To requite which Service, they chearfully proclaimed him King of their Nation, and flocked, from all Parts, with Presents of Beads, Copper, and such other Trifles, as were in Value and Esteem among them. And he was glad, to be content with this precarious Acknowledgment, from a free and resolute People. But this seasonable and vigorous Chastisement of the Chickahominies, and especially the strict League and Friendship, with Opechancanough, and the whole Imperial Family, kept the rest of the Indians in such Awe and Dependance, that the English followed their Labours, with the utmost Quietness and Security. Many also of the Savages daily brought them such Provisions, as they could get; and would be their Guides in hunting, and some|times hunt for them themselves. And thus, by such an In|tercourse and Familiarity, the English and they lived together, the rest of this Gentleman's Government, as if they had been one People. And Captain Smith tells us, that Mr. Yeardley had some trained to their Pieces to kill him Fowl, as had likewise several other Gentlemen in the Country; and that these soon became as dextrous and expert, as any of the English. But the Captain's Authority is rendered very suspicious in this, by the Records of our General Court. For long after, the Governor and Council received some Queries from England, the fourth whereof was: What was the Cause of the Massacre, and who first taught

the Indians the Use of Fire Arms? Whereupon, in a Court held the 1st of November, 1624, Robert Poole and Edward Grindon, Gentlemen, ancient Planters and Inhabitants of the Country, appear, and declare, upon Oath, their Know|ledge of the Matter. Their Depositions entirely clear Mr. Yeardley, and shew him to have been very cautious and careful in that Point; and they throw the whole Blame up|on Captain Smith himself, Sir Thomas Dale, and some other inferior Officers and private Persons.

IN the mean while, Pocahontas, or the Lady Rebecca, as they now affected to call her, was kindly received in En|gland. She was, by this time, well instructed in Christia|nity, spoke good and intelligible English, and was become very civil and ceremonius, after the English Fashion. She was likewise delivered of a Son, of which she was extremely fond; and the Treasurer and Company gave Order, for the handsome Maintenance of both her and her Child. Besides which, her Company was courted, and she kindly treated, by many Persons of highest Rank and Quality in the Nation. There hath been indeed a constant Tradition, that the King became jealous, and was highly offended at Mr. Rolfe, for marrying a Princess. That anointed Pedant, it seems, had so high an Idea of the Ius divinum, and in|defeasible Right, of Powhatan, that he held it a great Crime and Misdemeanor, for any private Gentleman to mingle with his Imperial Blood. And he might perhaps likewise think, consistently with his own Principles, that the Right to these Dominions would, thereby, be vested in Mr. Rolfe's Posterity. However, it passed off, without any farther bad Consequence, than a little Displeasure and Murmuring.

AT the time of Pocahontas's Arrival, Captain Smith was preparing for a Voyage to New-England. He was much concerned, that the Suddeness of his Departure put it out of his Power, to do her that Service, which he desired, and she well deserved at his Hands. However, being well ac|quainted at Court, and particularly favoured and counte|nanced by Prince Charles, he drew up, and presented to the Queen, before her Arrival in London, a Representation of her Case and Desert. In this, he expresses a deep Sense of Gr••titude to her; and sets forth her great Affection, and many Services, to himself, and the whole English Nation: That by her, their Quarrels had oft been appeased, their Wants supplied, and their Dangers averted: That she, un|der God, had been the chief Instrument, of preserving the Colony, and confirming the Settlement: That being taken Prisoner, she had become the Means of a firm Peace and Alliance, with her Father: That she was now married to

an English Gentleman; who, however, was not of Abi|lity, to make her fit to attend her Majesty: That she was the first Christian, that ever was of that Nation; and the first Virginian, that ever spoke, or became English: That being well received, and honoured by so great a Queen, beyond what her simple Thought could imagine or conceive, she might be the Means of adding another Kingdom, to his Majesty's Dominions: But by bad Usage, her present Love, to the English and Christianity, might be turned to Scorn and Fury; and all the Good, she had, or might do, divert|ed to the worst of Evil. And therefore, he humbly recom|mends her to her Majesty, as a proper Object of her Favour and Regard, on Account of her Birth, Virtue, Simplicity, and forlorn Condition in a strange Country.

BUT before Captain Smith's Departure, Pocahontas came up to London. Being offended by the Smoke of the Town, she was immediately removed to Brentford; whither Smith, with several of his Friends, went to visit her. After a cold and modest Salutation, she turned from him in a passionate Manner, hid her Face, and could not be brought to speak a Word for two or three Hours. But at last, she began to talk; and she reminded him, of the many Services, she had done him, and of the strict Promise of Friendship, be|tween him and her Father. You, says she, promised him, that what was yours, should be his; and that you and he would be all one. Being a Stranger in our Country, you called Powhatan Father; and I, for the same Reason, will now call you so. But Captain Smith, knowing the jealous Hu|mour of the Court, durst not allow of that Title, as she was a King's Daughter; and therefore, he endeavoured to excuse himself from it. But she, with a stern and steady Countenance, said: You were not afraid to come into my Fa|ther's Country, and strike a Fear into every Body, but myself; and are you here afraid, to let me call you Father? I tell you then, I will call you Father, and you shall call me Child; and so I will for ever be of your Kindred and Country. They always told us, that you were dead; and I knew no otherwise, 'till I came to Plimouth. But Powhatan commanded Tomo|como to seek you out, and knew the Truth; because your Coun|trymen are much ••iven to ••ying.

THIS 〈…〉〈…〉, as Smith calls him) had 〈…〉〈…〉 Daughter, to Wife; was one of 〈…〉〈…〉 Council, and of the•••• Priests; and was est••••med a very wise and understanding Fellow a|mong them. 〈…〉〈…〉 upon this Voyage, b•• Powhatan, to take 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Number of the People in England, and to bring him a ••••ll and exact Account, of their Strength

and Condition. And accordingly, being arrived at Plimouth, he got a long Stick, intending to cut a Notch, for every one, he saw. But he was soon tired with such an endless Work, and threw away his Stick; and being asked, by the King, after his Return, how many People there were? it is said, that he replied: Count the Stars in the Sky, the Leaves on the Trees, and the Sand upon the Sea Shore; for such is the Number of the People in England. But Sir Tho|mas Dale told Mr. Purchas, that he believed him to be sent by Opechancanough, their King and Governor in Powhatan's Absence and Retreat; and that he was sent, not so much to number the People, as to take an Account of their Corn and Trees. For Namontack, and such others, as had been sent to England formerly, being ignorant and silly, and having seen little else besides London, had reported much of their Men and Houses, but thought, they had small Store of Corn and Trees. And it was therefore a general Opinion among these Barbarians, that the English came into their Country, to get a Supply of these; which might be strength|ened and confirmed, by their sending large Quantities of Cedar, Clapboard, and Wainscot, to England, and by their continual Want and Eagerness after Corn. But Tomocomo, landing in the West, and travelling thence to London, was soon undeceived, and saw great Cause, to admire the En|glish Plenty. However, he began to take an Account, un|till his Arithmetick failed him. Meeting Captain Smith ac|cidentally in London, they soon renewed their old Acquain|tance. He told the Captain, that Powhatan had commanded him, to find him out, to shew him the English God, their King, Queen, and Prince; of which he had told them so much. As to God, Captain Smith excused and explained the Matter, the best, he could; and as to the King, he told him, that he had already seen him, and should see the rest, whenever he pleased. But he denied, that he had seen the King, 'till, by Circumstances, he was convinced and satisfied. And then, with a melancholly Countenance, he said: You gave Powhatan a white Dog, which he fed as him|self; but your King has given me nothing, and yet I am bet|ter, than your white Dog. Such an arch Sense had this Barbarian, of the stingy Treatment, with which he had been received at Court.

HOWEVER, Pocahontas was eagerly sought, and kindly entertained every where. Many Courtiers, and others of his Acquaintance, daily flocked to Captain Smith, to be in|troduced to her. They generally confessed, that the Hand of God did visibly appear, in her Conversion; and that they had seen many English Ladies, worse favoured, of less ex|act

Proportion, and genteel Carriage, than she was. She was likewise carried to Court, by the Lady Del••warr, at|tended by the Lord, her Husband, and divers other Persons of Fashion and Distinction. The whole Court were charm|ed and surprised, at the Decency and Grace of her Deport|ment; and the King himself, and Queen, were pleased, honourably to rece••ve and esteem her. The Lady Dela|warr, and those other Persons of Quality, also waited on her, to the Masks, Balls, Plays, and other publick Enter|tainments; with which she was wonderfully pleased and de|lighted. And she would, doubtless, have well deserved, and fully returned, all this Respect and Kindness, had she lived to arrive in Virginia.

THE Lord Rich was one of the Company in England; a great and powerful, but a most designing, interested, and factious Member. Not content with that lawful and regular Advantage, which might be justly expecte, in a due Course of Time, from the Enterprise, but aiming at a sudden and extraordinary Profit, altho' it should be, by the Spoil of the P••••lick, and Oppression of the private Plan|ters, and being likewise egged on and assisted, by some cor|rupt and avaritious Persons, he threw himself at the Head of a Faction in the Company, and drew over to his Party, as many Creatures and Dependents, as he possibly could. By their Means and Support, he hoped and endeavoured, to bear such a Sway, both in the Virginia and Somer-Islands Company, that the Management of all things at home, and the Placing all Governors abroad, should be entirely in his Power and Disposal. And altho' he met with a Check in his Designs, from many great and worthy Members, and a vast Majority of the whole Companies, yet he did, at this time, carry a very important Point. Captain Samu••l Argall, a Friend and Relation of Sir Thomas Smith, the Treasurer, was one of Lord Rich's fastest Friends and Fa|vourites. His Lordship therefore, having concerted Mat|ters with him, and entered into a Partnership, procured him to be ••l••cted Deputy-Governor of Virginia. And altho' Martial Law was then the Common Law of the Country, yet the better to arm and strengthen him, with the Exer|cise of such a despoti•• Authority, and that no Man here might dare to open his Mouth against him, he obtained for him the Place of Admiral of the Country and Seas adj••in|ing.

WITH 〈◊〉〈◊〉 V••••ws and Power••,* 1.28 was Captain Argall fitted out, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sent to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, in the Beginning of 1617. And the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Council took Care, for the proper Accommo••••••ion of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and her Husband, on boa••d

the Admiral Ship.* 1.29 Mr Rolfe was also made Secretary and Recorder-General of Virginia, which Place was now first instituted. But it pleased God, at Gravesend, to take Po|cahontas to his Mercy, in about the two and twentieth Year of her Age. Her unexpected Death caused not more Sor|row and Concern in the Spectators, than her religious End gave them Joy and Surprise. For she died, agreeably to her Life, a most sincere and pious Christian. Her little Son, Thomas Rolfe, was left at Plimouth with Sir Lewis Steukley, who desired the Care and Education of him. This Gen|tleman was then Vice-Admiral of the County of Devon; but soon after, having seised Sir Walter Ralegh, and been guilty of a notable Piece of Treachery towards him, he drew upon himself the publick Scorn and Detestation. For however hard or unjust Kings and Statesmen may be to those Persons of their Age, who are of the most eminent Parts and Virtues, the Publick is generally more candid in it's Judgments, and apt to resent every Hardship or ill Usage to such Men. Sir Lewis Steukley therefore fell unpitied, when he was afterwards detected in corrupt Practices; for which he was obliged to purchase his Life at the Expence of his whole Fortune, and at last died, a poor, despised, and distracted Beggar. And as these Misfortunes happened soon after this Time, it is not to be supposed, that young Mr. Rolfe long enjoyed the Advantage of his Favour and kind Intentions. However he was carried up to London, and there educated by his Uncle Mr. Henry Rolfe, and after|wards became a Person of Fortune and Distinction in this Country. He left behind him an only Daughter, who was married to Col. Robert Bolling; by whom she left an only Son, the late Major Iohn Bolling, who was Father to the present Col. Iohn Bolling, and several Daughters, married to Col. Richard Randolph, Col. Iohn Fleming, Dr. William Gay, Mr. Thomas Eldridge, and Mr. Iames Murray. So that this Remnant of the Imperial Family of Virginia, which long ran in a single Person, is now encreased and branched out into a very numerous Progeny.

BUT Governor Argall, with his Vice-Admiral Captain Ralph Hamer, pursued their Voyage to Virginia, where they arrived in May. He found all the publick Works and Buil••ings in Iames-Town fallen to Decay; not above five or six private Houses fit to be inhabited; the Market-place, S••re••ts, and all other spare Places, planted with Tobacco; and the Colony dispersed all about, as every Man could find the properest Place, and best Conveniency, for Plant|ing. But soon after his Arrival, he wrote to England, that the Colony was in great Peace and Plenty, and the People

busily employed, in preparing for their Crops of Corn and Tobacco. With him returned Tomocomo, who, in our old Records, is called by a third Name, Tomakin. Captain Argall sent him immediately to Opechancanough, who came to Iames-Town, and received a Present, with great Joy and Thankfulness. Tomocomo railed violently against En|gland, and the English; and particularly, against his best Friend, Sir Thomas Dale. But all his Reports were so clearly disproved before Opechancanough and his Grandees, that much to the Satisfaction of the Grandees, he was re|jected and disgraced. But Powhatan, all this while, leaving the Care and Charge of the Government chiefly to Opechan|canough, went about from Place to Place, taking his Plea|sure, and visiting the different Parts of his Dominions. However he still continued in good Friendship with the En|glish. He greatly lamented the Death of his Daughter; but rejoiced, that her Child was living. He also, as well as Opechancanough, expressed much Desire to see him; but determined, that he ought not to come over, before he was stronger. And, this Year, one Mr. Lambert made a great Discovery, in the Trade of Planting. For the Method of curing Tobacco then was in Heaps. But this Gentleman found out, that it cured better upon Lines; and therefore the Governor wrote to the Company, to send over Line for that Purpose.

CAPTAIN Argall was a Man of Sense and Industry;* 1.30 and therefore, to secure a Plenty of Provisions, he sent out, the next Year, a Frigat and a small Bark to trade, which brought near six hundred Bushels of Corn, to the great Relief of the Colony. For the Company's Servants, that worked for the Store, were reduced to fifty four, Men, Women, and Children. But from the Farmers, who were at Captain Argall's Arrival eighty one, and from the In|dians, as Tribute, they received annually above twelve hundred Bushels. But this Year, there was a great Drought, with a dreadful Storm, that poured down Hail-stones, eight or nine Inches round, which did much Da|mage to both Corn and Tobacco. However, what To|bacco could be saved, was made up, the best at three Shil|lings a Pound, and the rest at eighteen Pence. The Go|vernor also published several Edicts: That all Goods should be sold at twenty five per Cent, and Tobacco allowed for at three Shillings a Pound, and not under nor over, on the Penalty of three Years Slavery to the Colony: That there should be no private Trade or Familiarity with the Savages: That no Indian should be taught to shoot with Guns, on Pain of Death to Teacher and Learner: That no Person

should hunt Deer or Hogs,* 1.31 without the Governor's Leave: That all Hogs, found a second time in Iames-Town, should be forfeited to the Colony; and those at Bermuda, ringed: That no M••n should shoot, except in his own necessary Defence ag••inst an Enemy, till a new Supply of Ammuni|tion came in, on Pain of a Year's Slavery: That none should go on board the Ship, th••n at Iames-Town, without the Governor's Leave; and that no Masters of Ships should suffer their Sailer•• to go ashore, or talk with the People at Kicquot••n: That every Person should go to Church, Sun|days and Holidays, o•• lye Neck and Heels that Night, and be a Slave to the Colony the following Week; for the se|cond Offence, he should be a Slave for a Month; and for the third, a Year and a Day.

THE Lord D••lawarr, who had withdrawn from the Government on Account of his Health, and whose Com|mission, as Captain-General, was supreme, and superseded all others, being ardently wished for by the Colony, was now sent by the Council and Company, in a large Ship, with a Supply of two hundred People. But meeting with contrary Winds and much bad Weather, many fell sick, and thirty died. In this Number w••s the Right Honoura|ble, the Lord Governor himself; a Person of a most noble and generous Disposition, who had warmly embarked, and expended much Money, in this Business, for his Country's Good. Cambden tells us, that he had been feasted at the Western-Islands, and that his Death was not without suspi|cion of Poison. And I think I have somewhere seen, that he died about the Mouth of Delawarr Bay, which thence took it's Name from him. But being not able, now to re|collect the Authority, I shall leave it, as I found it, and not venture p••sitiv••ly to affirm it. After his Death, they were forced on the Coast of New-England; where they got a Recruit of Wood and Water, and took such an A|bundance of Fish and Fowl, as plentifully served them to Virginia. They likewise here met a small Frenchman, rich in Bever and other Furrs, who feasted them with so great a Variety of Fish, Fowl, and Fruits, that they were all amazed; little suspecting, that wild Desert could afford such a wonderful Pl••nty of delicate and wholesome Food. This Ship bringing News, that Multitudes were preparing in England to be sent▪ Capt••in A••g••ll called a Council, and w••••te to the Treasurer and Council in England the State of the Colony; and what Mis••ry must necessarily en|sue, if they sent n••t Pro••isi••ns, as well as Pe••ple. And he likewise 〈◊〉〈◊〉 th••ir W••nt of skilful Husbandmen, with Shares, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and other Impl••m•••••••• for Ploughing.

For their Land was exceeding good, and they had now about forty Bulls and Oxen, which were wholly idle and useless, for want of skilful Men to bring them to Labour. However, I find, in our old Records, that some Ploughs, by this time, were set to work.

ONE Richard Killingb••ck, t••is Summer, attempting a secret Trade with the Indians, was, together with his whole Company, slain by a Party of the Ch••c••ahomini••s; who fearing the Consequences, robbed the Matchacom••co House of their Town, and f••••d. This was their Temple and re|ligious Treasury; held, to the highest Degree, sacred and inviolable by the Indians. And the Sunday after, they sl••w two Boys and three young Children, within a Mile of Iames-〈◊〉〈◊〉, while their Parents were at Church. The Governor therefore sent to Opechanca••ough, who had the Title of their King, and the Power too, as far as Necessity constraine••, or it suited with their Humour or Interest. But he excused the Na••i••n from the Guilt, and laid the whole Blame up••n some fugitive Robbers; of whose Town he sent him a B••sk••t of Earth, as Poss••ssion given; and pro|mised, to s••nd their H••ads also for Satisf••ction, as soon as they could possibly catch them. But this he never per|formed; and considering the Perfidy of his Nature, and the exterminating H••tred, he always bore to the English, it is much to be questioned, whether he was not privy to, or perhaps the chief Author and Contriver of the whole Mat|ter. However, by th••se Acts of Hostility and Barbarity, the whole Nation was rendered obnoxious to the English Power and R••s••ntment, and his Regal Authority thereby firmly riv••t••d and established among them. Altho' the Go|vernor, being satisfied with this Pretence and Excuse, never farther prosecuted, or revenged, this perfidious Murder and Breach of the Pe••ce.

CAPTAIN Argall, all this time, was not negligent or forgetful of the grand End of his coming to Vir••••nia, but push••d on his unrighteous Gains, by all imaginable Methods of Extortion and Oppression. For besides a Multitude of private Wrongs to particular Persons, he converted in a manner wholly to his own Use and Possession; whatsoever remained, at that time, belonging to the Publick, being the Fruits and Relicts of eighty thousand Pounds Expence. So that he was loudly charged, with m••ny Offences in Mat|ter of State and Government, with Depredation ••nd Was••e of the publick Estate and Revenues of the Company, and with great Oppression of the Colony in general, as well as several private Men in particular. And the Cries of his Outrages and Rapine at last became so loud and numerous▪

and the Company in England was so enraged at the Reports and Informations, they received, that they could scarce be restrained from flying to the King, for the Redr••ss of so many and so great Mischiefs. But Sir Thomas Smith, whe|ther in Favour to Captain Argall, his Kinsman, or out of his real Judgment, alledged, that imploring his Majesty's Aid might prove prejudicial to the Company's Power, and of dangerous Consequence to their Liberties; and might also give Room to much publick Scandal and Reflection. And therefore he proposed a milder and less clamorous Way of Proceeding.

To this End, he himself, Alderman Iohnson, the De|puty-Treasurer, Sir Lionel Cranfield, and others of the Council, wrote Captain Argall a Letter, dated the 23d of August, 1618; charging him, in very sharp and severe Terms, with many Crimes and Misdemeanors: That he was exceedingly chargeable to the Company, and converted the Fruits of their Expence to his own private Use: That he was grown so proud and insolent, as to scorn the Title of Deputy-Governor, declaring, that he would be no Man's Deputy: That he wronged the Magazine, by his Negli|gence and Connivency: That he had appropriated the In|dian Trade to himself; using the Company's Frigat and other Vessels, together with their Men, to trade for his own Benefit, and prohibiting the Trade of Skins and Furs to all others: That he took the old Planters, who ought to be free, as well as the Company's Tenants and Servants, and set them upon his own Employments: That he expen|d••d the publick Store-Corn, to feed his own Men: That he had, for some private End and Purpose of his own, in|formed the Company, that Opechancanough and the Natives intended to give their Country to Mr. Rolfe's Child, and to reserve it from all others, 'till he came of Age: That he neither looked into, nor regarded, their Instructions; but had, under Pretence of their Commission, disposed of all the Company's Cattle, against their Express Orders and Directions, and had converted the Profits thereof to his own Use: That he had, under Colour of his Right, as Admiral, seised and detained some Hides, unlawfully taken or pur|chased, for which the Company had compounded, with the Lord High Admiral and the Spanish Ambassador, at the great Expence of four hundred Pounds: And in short, that all his Actions and Proceedings seemed to be, as if the Co|lony was wholly intended for his private Gain and Advan|tage, and a••▪ if he was so great, and they so mean and in|sens••ble of Reason▪ as to let things, of this publick and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Nature, pass off without a strict and exact Account;

upbraiding him also with these ungrateful Returns to their Favour and Friendship, in procuring him the Government.

AT the same time, they wrote a Letter to my Lord Delawarr, whose Death was yet unknow•• in England, containing the like Heads of Complaint and Accusation a|gainst Captain Argall; and informing him, that by the strange Insolence of his last Letter, and by the Informations of sundry Witnesses, lately come from Virginia, there was more Discontent raised in the Adventurers, and more Dan|ger feared to the Colony, than had ever happened, by any other thing, since the first Beginning of the Enterprise. So that the Adventurers could hardly be restrained from going to the King, altho' far off on a Progress, and procuring his Majesty's Command, to fetch him home 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Malefactor. But to avoid farther Scandal to their Management and Ad|ministration, they beseech his Lordship, to s••nd him forth|with to England, to make his personal Appearance, and to give his Answers to such things, as should be laid to his Charge. And forasmuch as it was conceived, that there would be many things, for which he must make Satisfaction to the Company, they desired his Lordship, to seise upon his Tobacco, Skins, Furs, and other Goods, to be sent to them as •• Deposite, till all Matters should be satisfied and adjusted; and that he would likewise return the Cattle, and other publick Goods, which he had embezzled, to their proper Places and Owners. And at the same time, there was an Order of Court passed in England, to sequester all Captain Argall's Effects, which should be sent home, to make Restitution to the Company for his Rapines and Ex|tortions.

THESE Letters, coming, by Lord Delawarr's Death, to Captain Argall's Hands, were so far from diverting or repressing his Exhorbitances, that they seemed, only to put him upon his Guard, and to render him the more ea|ger and studious to make the best Use of his Time. For my Lady Delawarr complained, that he wrongfully took some of her Goods from her late Husband's Servants, with|out rendering any Account of them. And indeed he had, in general, assumed to himself a Power, of ordering and disposing of his Lordship's Estate, setting his Tenants and Servants to his own Work, and thereby ruining and depo|pulating a very large and hopeful Plantation, begun by his Lordship. But one Captain Edward Brewster, alledging Lord Delawarr's Order, for their being under his Manage|ment and Direction, endeavoured to withdraw them from the Governor's Work, and to employ them, for the Main|tenance of themselves, and for the Benefit of his Lordship's

H••irs and F••llow-Adventurers. But one of them refused to obey him, which drew from him some threatening Ex|pr••ssions against the Fellow. This he immediately ran with to the Govern••r; who being drunk with Power, and im|pati••nt of Opposition, (a Dis••emper, very incident to our American Viceroy••) and being also 〈◊〉〈◊〉 perhaps, to find any one dare to withstand his arbitrary Schemes of Gain, he caused Captain Brew••ter to be seised, tried by a Court M••••ti••l, and condemn••d to Death.

THE Legality of this Proceeding was founded on an Ar|ticle of the M••••ti••l Laws of the Low Countries, intro|duced am••ng t••••se Articl••s, s••nt over by Sir Thomas Smith. This 〈◊〉〈◊〉,

That n•• Man should offer any Violence, or contemptuously resist or disobey his Commander, or do any Act, or speak any Word••, which might tend to breed Dis••rder or Mutiny, in the Town or ••i••ld, or disobey any principal Offic••r's Directi••ns, upon Pain of Death.

B••t altho' it w•••• evident from his Majesty's Charter, that the Governor had Power to execute Martial Law only in Times of Mutiny and Rebellion, in like Man|ner as L••rd•• Lieutenants in England had, and that in all other Cases, as well civil as criminal, their Proceedings were to be as agreeable, as conveniently might be, to the Laws, Statutes, Government, and Policy of the Realm of England; and al••••o' it was as evident, that there was at that time no Pre••ence of R••b••lli••n or Mutiny, but the Co|lony enjoyed an univers••l Peace and Tranquility; yet was this innocent Gentlem••n's Condemna••ion most unm••rcifully driven on, and his Life subjected to the Pleasure of a furi|ous and enraged Enemy. And this, not in an Affair of publick Conc••••n, but in a Dispute of private Right; and when it did not appear, that he had uttered any thing a|gainst the Governor, but only some threat••ning Lan|guage ag••••nst a S••r••ant, that disobeyed his lawful Com|mands. And the whole was carried on and transacted, un|der Colour and Pr••tence of a Law, which could have no legal Force or Validity in the British Dominions. Altho' it must be con••••ssed, that Martial Law was then the reign|ing Law of Virginia, to the great Discouragement of the Colony, and to the manifest Infringement of the Rights and Li••erti•••• of the People, as British Subjects. And this 〈◊〉〈◊〉, at times introduced and used from the first, as be|ing in a State of War and Danger, was firmly riveted and co••fi••m••d by those bloody Articles, sent in by Sir Thomas Smith, which were unfortunat••ly, at their first coming, ap|plied to a good Purpose and Effect by Sir Thomas Dale, in quelling the disorderly and mutinous Humours of the Peo|ple.

And thus, by this Example and Authority, and by ••••sy Acquiescence and Ignorance in the People of their na|tive Rights and Privileges, it was made the standing Rule of Proceeding, and became the Common Law and Custom of the Country.

BUT some of the Court, reflecting on the extreme Se|veri••y of th••se Martial Laws, and being also moved per|haps by the particular Hardship and Unrighteousness of the present Case, prevailed on the rest, to go in a Body, and intercede for Captain Brewster's Life. And being also joined by such of the Clergy, as were at ••and, they did, with much Intreaty, and after many Repulses and Allegati••ns of Captain Argall, at last prevail to save his Life. But it was upon this express Condition, that he should take a so|lemn Oath, neither directly nor indirectly, in England or elsewhere, to utter any contemptuous Words, or do any thing else, that should turn to the Dishonour or Disparage|ment of Captain Argall; and that he should never return more to Virginia, by any direct or indirect Means. All which was this poor Gentleman, a Person of some Figure and Consideration, obliged to submit to, to respite and put off an immediate Execution. But after his Return to England, being deeply sensible of this oppressive and in|jurious Treatment, as also to clear his Reputation, and to wipe off the Stain of being a condemned Man, he appealed from the Sentence of the Court Martial in Virginia, to the Treasur••r and Company in England. And the Prosecution of this Appeal ••id greatly contribute, to shew and expose the extreme Rapiciousness and tyrannical Administration of Captain Argall.

A Ship, called the Treasurer, was also, this Year, sent from England by the Lord Rich, who was now become Earl of Warwick, a Person of great Note afterwards in the Civil Wars, and commander of the Fleet against the King. He had aspired to the Title of Earl of Clare; but that being then esteemed the same with Clarence, and a Royal Title, it was judged too high an Honour for a Family in a Manner new and upstart, and that of Warwick conferred upon him. This Ship was here n••w victualled, and manned with the stoutest and ablest Recruits, that could be pick••d out of the whole Colony. And then, under Colour of an old Commission of Hostility from the Duke of Savoy, against the Spaniards, which they had by some Means procured, she was sent to rove on the Spanish Dominions in the West-Indies; where she committed much Ravage, and g••ined some Booty. But they had the Conscience even to def••aud the Mariners, who afterwards made Complaint to the

Company, that they had cheated them of their Share of the Negroes taken; all which were placed on the Earl of Warwick's Lands in Bermudas, and there kept and detained to his Lordship's Use. And this Proceeding was esteemed, not only a manifest Act of Piracy, but also a thing of great Danger to the Colony, considering our weak Condition at that time, and the great Strength of the Spaniards in the West-Indies. Mr. Beverley also gives a particular Account of an Expedition, made this Year by Captain Argall in Per|son, to dislodge the French at St. Croix and Port-Royal in Acadia. But as I cannot find the least Mention of it, in any contemporary Writer, or in any of the old Records, that I have perused and examined, I am apt to think, he is mistaken in the Time, and confounds this with the Expedi|tion, he made under Sir Thomas Dale, in the Year 1614.

BUT the Company in England, receiving Advice of Lord Delawarr's Death, and finding, that Sir Thomas Smith's Project had thereby fa••••ed of Success, came to a Resolution of sending over a new Governor, with Power to examine all Complaints and Accusations against Captain Argall upon the Spot. And therefore Captain Yeardley, who was upon this Occasion knighted, was chosen Go|vernor and Captain-General, and sent upon this Business. But Captain Argall, in the mean while, was fully apprised, by the Earl of Warwick and others, his Associates in En|gland, of every thing, that had passed in their Courts con|cerning himself. Wherefore, to prevent the S••isure of his Goods, he consigned all his Effects, under other Men's Names, and into the Hands of great and powerful Persons. And as to those Goods, which were sent home, before he knew of the Order to sequester them, the Earl of Warwick, by his Intriguing and Interest, got them all into his own Hands, under Pretence of taking out the Share, which be|longed to him by his Right of Partnership, and upon ex|press Promise, to return the rest into the Company's Hands. But this Promise he could never be brought to per|form; so that the Company were deprived of the Means to right themselves, and defrauded of that just Restitution, which they had great Reason to expect and demand.

THIS Year 1618 is likewise memorable, for the Death of two Persons of principal Figure in the Virginian History. The first of these was Powhatan, Emperor of the Indians, a Prince of excellent Sense and Parts, and a great Master of all the Savage Arts of Government and Policy. He was penetrating, crafty, infidious, and cruel; and as hard to be deceived by others, as to be avoided in his own Stra|tegems and Snar••s. But as to the great and moral Arts of

Policy, such as Truth, Faith, Uprightness, and Magnani|mity, they seem to have been but little heeded or regarded by him. He was succeeded in his Dominions, according to the regular Order of Succession, by his second Brother, Opitchapan; who is sometimes called Itopatin, and Oeatan. And now upon his Accession to the supreme Power, he again changed his Name to Sasawpen, as Opechancanough did his to Mangopeeomen. Upon what Reason of Custom, or Dignity, or Humour, these Changes were made in their Names, I cannot say; but to avoid Confusion, I shall take no Notice of such nominal Differences, but shall always speak of the same Person by the same Name. Opitchapan, being an easy, decrepit, and unactive Prince, was soon obscured by the superior Parts and Ambition of his younger Brother, Opechancanough; whose Figure and Activity first drew the Attention, and at last, by degrees, engrossed the whole Power of the Government; altho' for some time, he was content with, and seemed chief••y to affect, the Title of King of Chickahominy. However they both renewed and confirmed the League with the English; under the Pro|tection of which, every Man peaceably followed his Build|ing and Planting, without any remarkable Accidents or In|terruption.

THE other Person was Sir Walter Ralegh, the Father and first Mover of these American Colonies; to whom we owe our Name, as we do our Settlement also to the Prose|cution of his Design. In October this Year, he ended a Life of much Glory and Adversity, on the Scaffold, to the everlasting Infamy and Reproach of King Iames. For he was a Person of very great Worth, and of a vast and most extensive Genius; being equally fitted, to shine in every Part of Life, or Branch of Art, to which he applied him|self. And he was accordingly alike famed, as a Seaman, a Soldier, a Statesman, and a Scholar. He was therefore universally pitied and lamented, and even interceded for by several Princes; by the Queen, Prince Henry, the King of Denmark, and King of France, whose Agent in England, even at the last, endeavoured to contrive his Escape. But King Iames, perversely bent on the Wrong, could, by no means, be prevailed upon, to spare the greatest and wisest Head in his Dominions; but shamefully made him a Sacri|fice to his darling Dotage, the Spanish Match, a Measure weak in itself, but prosecuted and carried on, with still greater Weakness and Indiscretion. But his Death hath been so often deplored and condemned, that I shall not add to the general Complaint any farther, than by making some brief Extracts out of a Letter, preserved by Mr. Rushworth

in his Collections, to shew the shameful Cruelty and In|justice of the Act.

THIS Letter is written, by a great Minister of State in England, to Mr. Cottington, afterwards Lord Cottington, the British Resident at the Court of Spain. In it be com|pl••ins, as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Order from the King, of the Insincerity and Chi••••my of the Spanish Court in that Affair, and sets forth the upright and sincere Intentions of his Majesty. And he says, that he is particularly commanded by his Majesty, to advertise him of the Execution of Sir Walter Ral••gh, who was lately put to Death, c••i••fly for their Satisfaction, and concerning whom he promis••s sp••••dily to send a Declara|tion: That, to please them, his Majesty of late had, in many things, strained upon the Aff••ctions of his People; and most especially, in this last of Sir Walter Ralegh, who died with great Courage and Constancy, and had raised much Remorse and Compassion in the People•• who all at|tributed his Death, to the Spanish Machinations, and his Majesty's Desire to do them a Pleasure: And further, he orders him, strongly to insist upon and represent, how able a Man Sir Walter Ral••gh was to have served his Majesty, if he had been pleased to have employed him: And that yet, to give them Content, he had not spared him, altho' he might, by saving his Life, have given infinite Satisfaction to his People, and have had at Command, upon all Occa|sions, as useful a Man, as served any Prince in Christen|dom.

THUS fell one of the last-surviving, and the brightest of all the Commanders, bred under Queen Elisabeth, and by her ••••shed in Spanish Blood and Spoil. And what is the most reproachful Part of it, he fell a Victim to his own great Merit and Abilities, the Memory and Danger of which, to the Spanish Nation, had been revived, by his late Expedition to Gu••a••a; as also, out of the old Grudge, for his many eminent Services, under his former Royal and illustrious Mistress, Queen Elisabeth, and to place him be|yond a Possibility of ever rendering the like Services, to King Iames or his Son. As the King's whole Conduct to|wards him was a strange Medley of Injustice and Incon|sistency, so was it smartly observed by his Son, Car••w Ra|legh; That his poor Father was first condemned, for being a Friend to the Spaniards, and afterwards lost his Life, by the same Sentence, for being their Enemy. He died, as he had lived, with great Lustre and Honour; with the Cha|rity, Serenity, and Resignation of a Christian, joined to the Magnanimity and intrepid Courage of an old Roman.

IN the Beginning of the Year 1619,* 1.32 Sir George Yeardley was dispatched and sent Governor, with divers Commissions and Instructions for proceeding against Captain Argall in Virgi|nia, were the Facts were committed, and where the Proofs, on both Sides, might readily be had. The Earl of War|wick and his Faction had violently opposed this, but not be|ing able to prevail, he was obliged to betake himself to other Measures. Mr. Rolfe's Commission was either now expired; or else, as I rather believe, he had given Offence to the Company, and was turned out of his Place of Se|cretary. And this, I find some Reason to suspect, pro|ceeded from his too great Submission and Subse••vi••ncy to Captain Argall's male Practices. But however that was, the Earl of Warwick obtained that Place from Sir Thomas Smith, for Mr. Iohn Pory, who now went over with the Governor. For the Nomination to that Office was a Com|pliment, made by the Company to their Treasurer; till af|terwards the Earl of Southampton, in the Time of his Trea|surership, returned it back to the Company, and referred it wholly to their Choice. By the Means of this Pory, as it was vehemently suspected, the Earl of Warwick got the Ship so long stopped and retarded on the Coast of England, that he dispatched a small Bark, before from Plimouth, to fetch away Captain Argall, with all his Goods and Booty. This Bark arriving the Beginning of April, Captain Argall took immediate Order for his Affairs, and within four or five Days, embarked in her for England. He left Captain Nathaniel Powel Deputy-Governor; a worthy Gentleman, who had come in at the first with Captain Smith, and ever since continued, an honest and useful Inhabitant. But his Government was of very short Duration. For in ten or twelve Days after Captain Argall's Departure, Sir George Yeardley arrived; and was received with the greater Joy and Welcome, as he brought with him several Charters from the Company, of Grants and Liberties to the Colony. For the hone••••er Part and Majority of the Company, being alarmed at these late Proceedings, resolved to be more atten|tive to the Af••••ir, and to prevent all such Exorbitancies for the future. One of these Charters only have I seen, con|taining Directions to the Governor and Council of State, to lay off Lands for several publick Uses; and likewise con|firming Titles, and ascertaining the Methods of obtaining Lands in Virginia, and for preventing fraudulent and fur|reptitious Grants; two of which, of a very extraordinary and inconvenient Nature, had been obtained by Captain Martin and Captain Argall. But Sir George Yeardley, hav|ing thus narrowly missed of the Quarry, applied himself to

the Affairs of Government. And first he added the fol|lowing Gentlemen to the Council; Captain Francis West, Captain Nathaniel Powel, Mr. Iohn Pory, Mr. Iohn Rolfe, Mr. William Wickham, and Mr. Samuel Macock. For al|though Captain Powel had been appointed Deputy-Gover|nor, yet was he not of the Council. For, till this time, the Governors, in Case of their Absence, always assumed to themselves the Power of naming their Deputies. Soon after Sir George published his Intention, of holding a Gene|ral Assembly in a short time; which, I suppose, was one of the chief Privileges and Powers, granted and sent over with him. And I likewise find, by an Instrument of Wri|ting to one Richard Kingsmil, that he had a Power to grant, and accordingly did grant, to all the ancient Planters, who had been here before Sir Thomas Dale's Departure, a full Release and Discharge from all further Service to the Co|lony, excepting only such Services, as they should willing-undertake, or were bound in Duty to perform by the Laws of all Nations; together with a Confirmation of all their Estates real and personal, in as full and ample Manner, as the Subjects of England held and enjoyed them. And this Precaution was undoubtedly occasioned by Captain Argall's Rapines, and many personal Impositions on the ancient Plan|ters and Freemen of the Colony.

THE Earl of Warwick was highly incensed at these late Proceedings against Captain Argall; and finding Sir Thomas Smith not stanch, and fit for his Purpose, he pursued, with great Vehemence, the Removal of him and Alderman Iohn|son, the Deputy, from the Government of the Company. Those two Gentlemen had also given much Offence, to the greater and better Part of the Adventurers; and lay un|der a strong Suspicion, as well of Negligence in their Office, as of Collusion and unfair Dealing. Sir Thomas Smith too himself, being far advanced in Years, of tender Health, and very rich, was willing to surrender a Place, of so great Trouble and Fatigue, and so little fair Profit. And there|fore, being already Governor of the East-India Company, and lately appointed a Commissioner of his Majesty's Navy, he declared, at a Quarter Court, held the 28th of April, that he was unable to give that Attendance, which he de|sired, and which the Affairs of the Company demanded; and for that reason, requested the Favour of them, to be discharged from his Office. And altho' he was afterwards named by some to be a Candidate, yet he was fixed in his Resolution, and absolutely refused to stand in Election. In his Room, Sir Edwin Sandys, Sir Iohn Wolstenholme, and Alderman Iohnson, were proposed; and the Choice fell on

Sir Edwin Sandys, he having fifty nine Voices, Sir Iohn Wolstenholme twenty three, and Alderman Iohnson eighteen. Sir Edwin was a Gentleman of Kent, and a Member of Parliament; a Person of excellent Understanding and Judg|ment; of great Industry, Vigor, and Resolution; and in|defatigable in his Application to the Business of the Com|pany and Colony. He had, before this, on Account of his Idustry and Knowledge of their Affairs, been often joined, by the Courts, with Sir Thomas Smith, in the Management of several weighty things, relating to the Colony. So that scarce any thing, whilst he was in Town, passed without him. But he afterwards complained, that what was done, during his Abode in Town, was commonly undone, when he was absent in the Country. Mr. Iohn Farrar, an emi|nent Merchant of London, with a like Majority, was chosen Deputy-Treasurer; a worthy Second to Sir Edwin Sandys, and every way fit for the Post, conferred upon him.

BUT not to cast off an old Servant with Disregard, who had, in the Time of greatest Trouble and Difficulty, con|tinued above twelve Years in the principal Office of the Company, at the Motion of Sir Edwin Sandys, twenty great Shares, or two thousand Acres of Land, were be|stowed, as a Gratuity, upon Sir Thomas Smith. But there was not the least Notice taken, or Reward given, to Al|derman Iohnson. And these Alterations in the Govern|ment of the Company gave not only much Satisfaction in England, but were also received with great Joy in Virginia; where the old Officers had been long and bitterly exclaimed against, by the general Voice of the Colony. But the Earl of Warwick was so far from gaining by the Change, that he had now a Person of much greater Honour and In|tegrity, and a Gentleman of principal Figure and Interest in the Nation, to oppose his Schemes and Designs. For altho' Sir Edwin Sandys was much wronged in the Execu|tion of his Office, and even sought to be deterred by Threats of Blood, yet they could no way turn him, from a vigorous Prosecution and Enquiry into the late Disorders in Virginia. At the Expiration of Sir Thomas Smith's Government, af|ter fourscore thousand Pounds Expence and twelve Years Labour, the Colony consisted of about six hundred Persons, Men, Women, and Children. And they had about three hundred Head of Cattle, some Goats, and infinite Num|bers of Hogs, both wild and tame. But all the Compa|ny's Lands and Plantations were utterly ruined and depo|pulated by Captain Argall, there being only three Tenants left thereon, and six Men of what he called his Guard. And notwithstanding Sir Thomas Smith's Boast, that he had

left four thousand Pounds, for the new Treasurer to proceed upon, yet it was found, upon Examination, that the Com|pany was above that Sum in Debt. However Sir Edwin Sandys, and all the founder and more publick-spirited Part of the Company, applied themselves, with a laudable Dili|gence and Industry, to reform the Abuses, and by all the Methods, they could devise, to set forward and advance the Plantation.

SIR George Yeardley, upon his Arrival in Virginia, find|ing a great Scarcity of Corn, made it his first Care to sup|ply that Defect. And therefore he wrote to the Treasurer and Company in England, to excuse him, if he made not such Returns in Tobacco, this Year, as might be expected: For he was determined, by the Blessing of God, to raise such a plentiful Crop of Corn, that the Colony should not▪ in haste, be in any further Danger of Want. And about the latter End of Iune, he called the first General Assem|bly, that was ever held in Virginia. Counties were not yet laid off, but they elected their Representatives by Town|ships. So that the Burroughs of Iames-Town, Henrico, Bermuda Hundred, and the rest, each sent their Members to the Assembly. And hence it is, that our Lower House of Assembly was first called the House of Burgesses, a Name proper to the Representatives of Burroughs or Towns; and it hath, by Custom, ever since retained that Appella|tion, altho' the Burgesses, or Members for Towns and Cor|porations, are very few and inconsiderable at present, in Comparison of the Representatives for Counties. Mr. Be|verley says, they sate in the same House with the Gover|nor and Council, after the Manner of the Scotch Parlia|ment; and we are told by Smith, that they debated all Matters, thought expedient for the Good of the Colony. The Acts of this General Assembly were remitted to En|gland, and presented to the Company, to be read in their Court, the 20th of March following. For 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Company then had the regal Power of confirming, or disanulling our Acts of Assembly. I can no where find, among the Re|cords now ••xt••••t, any Account of the Particulars, that p••ssed. Only Sir Edwin Sandys, upon Perusal of them, assures the Company, that they were very well and judi|ciously formed; but they were very intricate, and difficult to be reduced into distinct and proper Heads.

HOWEVER we may be certain of this happy Effect, that by the Introduction of the British Form of Government, by Way of Parliament or Assembly, the People were again restored to th••i•• ••i••thright, the Enjoyment of British Li|berty; and that most grievous and oppressive Custom of

Trial by Martial Law was thereby, if not at once, yet by Degrees, entirely banished and abolished. It is true indeed, that before, both by the Royal Charters, and by all other Law and Reason, the English, transplanted hither, had a Right to all the Liberties and Privileges of English Subjects. And certainly no Person, in his Senses, would have left the Liberty of England, to come hither (in order to improve the Commerce, and increase the Riches of the Nation) to a State of Slavery; when without that, it was natural to suppose, that they must undergo much Hardship and La|bour. Yet by the Necessity of the Times, by the Igno|rance of the People, and by the Oppression and Tyranny of Governors, they had, thus far, been deprived of that their native Right. But with the English Form of Government, the English Liberty again revived and flourished; and to|gether with the Nation, they now transplanted and diffused into America their most happy Constitution. From this Time therefore, we may most properly date the Original of our present Constitution, by Governor, Council, and Burgesses; which altho' defective perhaps in some material Points, yet comes so near to the excellent Model of the En|glish Government, that it must be the hearty Prayer and Desire of all true Lovers of their Country, that it may long flourish among us and improve. For this happy Change, we are chiefly indebted to the Change of the Officers and Governors of the Company in England▪ and to the Activity and Attention of Sir Edwin Sandys, and many other worthy Members of the Company, to the Affairs of the Colony.

THIS Summer, they laid off four new Corporations; which encreased the Number of their Burroughs, that had Right to send Members to the Assembly, to eleven in all. And Iapazaws, the King of Patowmack, came to Iames-Town, and invited the English into his River to trade; for a more plentiful Year of Corn had not been known, in a long time. But Captain Ward, being sent thither, wa•• treacherously dealt with by the Natives; and the thing coming to open Hostility, he took from them eight hundred Bushels by Force, and so returned to Iames-Town. One Captain Stallings, this Year, had the Misfortune, first to have his Ship cast away, and not long after to be slain, in a private Quarrel, by William Eppes. And the whole Colony laboured under so great a Mortality▪ that no less than three hundred of the Inhabitants died within the Year. But in Mitigation of this; they had the most plentiful Crop of Grain, that had ever yet been raised, since the first Plan|tation of the Country. And indeed the Company received such an Account of it▪ as will not easily gain Credit; which

I therefore leave entirely to the Reader's good Pleasure, to believe or disbelieve, as he thinks 〈◊〉〈◊〉; neither should I have related it, had I not found it authentically recorded, in the Company's Journals. For by Letters from Virginia, they were informed, that they had had two Harvests of Wheat, the first being shaken by the Wind, and producing a second; and their Ground was so extr••ordinary fat and good, that they planted Indian Corn upon the Stubble, and had an ex|cellent Crop of that. But it must be remembered, that rare-ripe Corn was the Corn of those Times, and that they usually had two Crops of it in a Year.

WHILST things were in this St••te in Virginia, Sir Ed|win Sandys was, by no means, idle or negligent of hi•• Charge in England. For turning the whole Bent of hi•• Thoughts, towards the Improvement and Furtherance of this noble Enterprise, he got a Committee ••ppointed, con|sisting of Sir Dudley Digges, Sir Edward Harwood, and di|vers other Knights, Gentlemen, Merchants, and Citizens, as well for compiling and reducing the standing Rules and Orders, for the Government of their own Company, into one entire Body, as more especially for constituting Laws, and settling a Form of Government for Virginia, appoint|ing Magistrates and Officers, and declaring their several Functions and Duties. And this was one of the chief Powers and Injunctions of his Majesty's Letters patent and Instruc|tions to the Company. As to the former Part, concerning the Gove••nment of themselves, it was easily brought to a tolerable Head. But the latter being a vast Design, of very great Weight and Difficulty, and comprehending no less, than a Project for rearing, constituting, and forming a com|pleat Commonwealth, in all its Parts, it never could, not|withstanding Sir Edwin Sandys's great Pains and Diligence, be brought to any satisfactory Conclusion. So that Virginia was left to the best Means of forming its Government; that is to say, to work after the English Plan, with the Assistance of Time and Experience, and the united Sense and Endea|vours of its Representatives and Officers of State.

THE King had formerly issued his Letters to the several Bishops of the Kingdom, for collecting Money, to erect and build a College in Virginia, for the training up and educating Infidel Children in the true Knowledge of God. And accordingly, there had been already paid near fifteen hundred Pounds towards it, and more was expected to come in. For besides other Particulars, Sir Edwin Sandys, upon some Conference with the Bishop of Litchfield, sound, that he had never heard of any Collection in his Diocese; but he promised, as soon as he should have a Warrant, to fur|ther

so good a Design, with the utmost Diligence. Sir Edwin therefore recommended it to the Company, as a thing most worthy of their Consideration, both for the Glo|ry of God, and their own Honour. And he told them, that it was an Affair of that Weight and Dignity, that they must expect to render an Account of their Proceedings to the State; and that Negligence therein could never escape pub|lick Notice and Censure, especially of those, who had ge|nerously contributed towards it. He therefore had Sir Dud|ley Digges, Sir Nathaniel Rich, Sir Iohn Wolstenholme, Mr. Deputy Farrar, Dr. Anthony, and Dr. Gulstone, appointed a Committee, to meet, as he should order and direct, and to consult thereupon. And he likewise moved and obtained, that ten thousand Acres of Land should be laid off for the University at Henrico, a Place formerly resolved on for that Purpose. This was intended, as well for the College for the Education of Indians, as also to lay the Foundation of a Se|minary of Learning for the English. In Consequence of these Resolves, Sir Edwin procured fifty Men to be sent this Summer, and fifty more the Beginning of the next Year, to be seated on these College Lands, as Tenants at Halves. They were to have half the Profit of their Labour to them|selves, and the other half was to go, towards forwarding the Building, and the Maintenance of the Tutors and Scho|lars. And as a Man's Labour was then computed at ten Pounds Sterling a Year, it was intended, hereby to establish an annual Revenue of five hundred Pounds, for this good and pious Work. Mr. George Thorpe also, a Kinsman of Sir Thomas Dale's, being a Gentleman of his Majesty's Pri|vy Chamber, and one of the Council in England for Virgi|nia, accepted of the Place, and was sent over the next Spring, as the Company's Deputy and Superintendent for the Col|lege. And for his Entertainment and Support, they granted three hundred Acres of Land, to be for ever annexed and belonging to that Place, with ten Tenants thereon.

IN a great and general Quarter Court of the Company, held in November this Year, Sir Edwin Sandys told them, that his Duty and Inclination running equally for the Ad|vancement of this good Action, he had many things to lay before them. And accordingly, he reminded them, that the Maintenance of the Publick, in all States, was of no less Importance, even for the Benefit of private Men, than the Root and Body of a Tree are to the particular Branches. And he recalled to their Remembrance, how by the admi|rable Care and Diligence of two worthy Knights, Sir Tho|mas Gates and Sir Thomas Dale, the publick Estate and Re|venue of the Company had been set forward, in a Way to great Perfection: That the former, Sir Thomas Gates, had

the Honour to all Posterity, to be the first named, in his Majesty's Patent and Grant of Virginia, and was also the first, that by his Wisdom, Industry, and Valour, accom|panied with exceeding Pains and Patience, in the Midst of many Difficulties, had laid the Foundation of the present prosperous State of the Colony: And the latter, Sir Thomas Dale, building upon those Foundations, with great and constant Severity, had reclaimed, almost miraculously, those idle and dissolute Persons, and reduced them to Labour and an honest Fashion of Life: That proceeding with great Zeal for the good of the Company, he had laid off publick Lands, to yield them a standing Revenue; placed Servants thereon, as also upon other publick Works, for the Com|pany's Use; established an annual Rent of Corn from the Farmers, and of Tribute from the Barbarians; together with a great Stock of Cattle, Goats, and other Animals: That this had since been the Occasion of drawing so many private Plantations, to seat in Virginia; upon Hope and Promise of Plenty of Corn and Cattle, to be lent them by the Publick, for their Ease and Benefit, at their first Arri|val: But that since their Times, all this publick Provision had been utterly laid waste and destroyed: And that besides, for about an hundred Persons, which appeared to have been sent, at the Company's Charge, within the two or three last Years, Sir George Yeardley wrote Word, that, at his Arrival, only three could be found, remaining to the Publick:

THAT as to the Means and Causes of these Dilapida|tions, he doubted not, but that hereafter, in due time, they would be made fully manifest; but that he forbore, at pre|sent to touch upon them, lest he should, by Glance of Speech, give Offence to any Person present (for Captain Argall, the known Author thereof, was then in Court) But as to the Remedies of these Mischiefs, he related to them, what Methods had been already taken. For where|as, not much above three Years before, there had been re|mitted from Virginia twelve several Commodities, sold openly in Court, to the great Honour of the Action, and Encouragement of the Adventurers; yet since that time, there had been little returned, worth speaking of, except Tobacco and Sassafras; to which the People there applied themselves so entirely, that they would have been reduced to the Necessity of starving, the last Year, had not the Ma|gazine supplied them with Corn and Cattle from England: That this had been the Occasion of stopping and discourag|ing many Hundreds of People, who were providing to re|move themselves thither: That frequent Letters had there|fore been sent, from the Council there to the Governor in Virginia, to restrain that immoderate planting of Tobacco,

and to cause the People to apply themselves to other and better Commodities: And that he had also, by the Advice and Consent of the Council, and according to an Order now to be proposed, caused to be drawn a new Covenant, to be inserted in all future Grants of Land, that the Patentees should not apply themselves, wholly, or chiefly, to To|bacco, but to other Commodities, therein sp••cified; an Example whereof they would now see, in a Patent, lying before them for their Approbation.

BUT altho' they had been, by no means, negli••••nt in these Affairs, yet he said, that his principal Care and Study had been employed, to set up again and restore the publick Stock and Revenue, to as great, or a greater Degree of Perfection, than they had heretofore been at. And to that End, he recounted, how three thousand Acres of Land had been laid off, for the Governor; twelve thousand for the Company; and ten thousand, for the University at Hen|rico. And that seventy two Persons had already been placed on the Company's Land, fifty three on the Governor's, and fifty on the College's; an hundred and seventy five in all. But not content with this, he told them, that he had still some farther Propositions to make to them.

AND first, he proposed to them, that these Tenants for the publick might, the next Spring, be encreased to the Number of three hundred; an hundred for the Company's Land, an hundred for the College, and an hundred for the Governor, who should be obliged, at the Expiration of his Office, to leave the same Number to his Successor; which would thereby raise a standing Revenue of a thousand Pounds a Year, and ease the Company of all further Expence for his Provision and Entertainment. And whereas Care had been, and still should be tak••n, during his Office, to send over to these Lands, divers staid and discreet Persons, he proposed, in the second Place, that an hundred Boys and Girls, of about twelve or thirteen Years of Age, might be sent to be their Servants and Apprentices; in the Charge whereof, he hoped, that the honourable City of London would partake with the Company, as they had formerly done. And because he understood, that the People in Vir|ginia, tho' seated there in their Persons for some few Years, yet were not settled in their Minds, nor intended to make it their Place of Rest and Continuance, but proposed, afte•• having got some Wealth, to return again to England, which tended to the utter Overthrow and Dissolution of the Plan|tation; he therefore advised, and made it his third Propo|sition, that there should be sent over one hundred M••ids, young and uncorrupt, to make Wifes for the Inhabitants;

that Wives, Children, and Families, might render them less moveable, and fix and settle them, together with their Posterity, in that Soil: And that such of these Maids, as were married to the publick Farmers, should be transported at the Company's Expence; but if any were married to others, that then those, who took them to Wife, should repay the Company their Charges of Transportation, And in Consequence of this Proposition, ninety Maids were ac|cordingly sent the following Spring. As to the Manner of transporting these Persons, to make up five hundred in all for the Publick, he proposed, in the fourth Place, that they should not hire Shipping, as heretofore, since each Ship, at its Return, in bare Freight and Wages, emptied the publick Cash of eight hundred, and sometimes a thousand Pounds; but that they should, as he had already done this present Year, take the Advantage of the Ships trading to Newfoundland, and so transport them, at six Pounds a Per|son, without any after Reckonings. Fifthly, he proposed, the sending twenty Heifers, for every hundred Tenants, threescore in the whole; which, with their Breed, might soon raise them a tolerable Stock; and which he had Hopes of having transported, taking the Opportunity of Shipping in the Western Parts, at ten Pounds a Head, to be delivered in Virginia.

LASTLY, as to the Charges, he observed to them, that there never could be a more proper Time, for such large Transportations, than the present; Corn being so exceedingly cheap and plentiful at home, and there being, by their Ad|vices from Virginia, so great Promises of an excellent Crop there. And he also shewed, how much the Company was bound, to give Thanks to Almighty God, for all his Bles|sings, who continually raised Means, to support and carry on this great Work; and he particularly mentioned one un|known Gentleman alone, who promised five hundred Pounds, on Demand, for the Conversion and Education of three|score Indian Children; and that he had likewise, upon his Letters, received Assurance from sundry Parts, and some of them very remote, that if they proceeded with the Un|dertaking, they should not want for Money. But not to rely upon such precarious Funds and Hopes, he related to them, particularly, the several Ways and Means, by which the Money would arise. And he estimated the whole Charge, at four thousand Pounds, to be done sparingly; and bountifully, at five thousand. He also promised, not to leave the Company one Penny in Debt, for any Act or Thing, to be performed within his Year; and that he would moreover discharge three thousand Pounds of former

Debts, according to the Stock, left at the time of his com|ing to his Place. And these things done, he hoped, the Publick would again be fully restored, a Foundation laid for a future great State, the Adventurers and Planters well comforted and encouraged, and all Matter of Scandal and Reproach to them and the Enterprise removed. And so he concluded, by recommending these Points to their most serious Consideration, and the whole Enterprise to the Bles|sing of Almighty God. These Propositions, which had been before made in two several Courts, and were now re|peated at the particular Desire of some noble Lords present, were received with that Applause, they well deserved; and they passed, upon the Question, with an unanimous Ap|probation, altho' Sir Iohn Wolstenholme, in a former Court, had made some vain Exceptions against them. And Sir Ed|win Sandys, with an extreme Care and Diligence, saw them all afterwards put effectually into Execution.

BUT besides these reputable People, to be transported at the Company's Charge, the Treasurer and Council received a Letter from his Majesty, commanding them, forthwith to send away to Virginia an hundred dissolute Persons, which Sir Edward Zouch, the Knight Marshal, would deliver to them. In Obedience to his Majesty's Command, it was resolved, to send them over with all Conveniency, to be Servants, which Mr. Treasurer understood, would be very acceptable to the Colony. But as it was November, and Shipping, at that Season, not easily procured, it was thought they could not be sent off before Ianuary at soonest. But to satisfy his Majesty, the Company agreed to be at the Ex|pence of their Maintenance, in the mean while. The Treasurer was therefore desired, to deliver this their An|swer to his Majesty, by Secretary Calvert. But he was told, that the King'•• Command was urgent, and admitted no Delay; and that fifty, at least, must with all Speed be shipped off. And notwithstanding his just Representations, how great Inconveniency and Expence would thence accrue to the Company; that they could not well go in less than four Ships, lest, being so many together, they should mutiny, and run away with the Vessel; that those four Ships, to be got thus suddenly, without taking Advantage of the Vessels trading to America, would not stand the Company in less than four thousand Pounds; and that, notwithstanding all, Ships were not to be procured so speedily, at that Time of the Year. Yet nothing, he could alledge, giving Satisfaction, the Company were obliged to appoint a Committee of the Deputy and other select Merchants, to employ all th••ir En|deavours, for compassing Shipping, with all possible Speed.

And by good Fortune, for the additional Premium of an hundred Pounds, they procured a large Ship, to carry them off; but which nevertheless could not sail before February.

THOSE, who are acquainted with History, and know, with how high and magisterial a Hand, this King sometimes carried it, even with his Parliaments, will not be surprised, to find him thus unmercifully insult a private Company, and load them, against all Law, with the Maintenance and ex|traordinary Expence of transporting such Persons, as he thought proper to banish; and that perhaps, without any colourable Pretext, or sufficient Warrant of Law at that time. And I cannot but remark, how early that Custom arose, of transporting loose and dissolute Persons to Virgi|nia, as a Place of Punishment and Disgrace; which altho' originally design'd for the Advancement and Increase of the Colony, yet has certainly proved a great Prejudice and Hindrance to it's Growth. For it hath laid one of the finest Countries in British America, under the unjust Scandal of being a mere Hell upon Earth, another Siberia, and only fit for the Reception of Malefactors and the vilest of the People. So that few People, at least few large Bodies of People, have been induced, willingly to transport them|selves to such a Place; and our younger Sisters, the Nor|thern Colonies, have accordingly profited thereby. For this is one Cause, that they have outstripped us so much, in the Number of their Inhabitants, and in the Goodness and Frequency of their Cities and Towns.

His Majesty had, by his Letters patent, bearing Date the 23d of May 1609, granted the Company a

Freedom from all Custom and Subsidy, for twenty one Years, ex|cepting only five per Cent. upon all such Goods and Merchandises, as should 'be imported into England, or any other of his Majesty s Dominions, according to the ancient Trade of Merchants.

Notwithstanding this, which was intended for the Ease and Encouragement of the Infant Colony, the Farmers of the Customs, upon a gene|ral Rate made of Tobacco, both Spanish and Virginia, at ten Shillings the Pound, demanded six Pence a Pound, e|qually upon all; altho' Spanish Tobacco was usually sold at eighteen Shillings a Pound, and sometimes more, and Virginia would seldom bear above three or four Shillings. Mr. Iacob also, Farmer of the Impost upon Tobacco, did most oppressively impose another six Pence a Pound, con|trary to the clear and indubitable Tenor of his Majesty's Grant. And the Company, in Iune this Year, importing twenty thousand Weight, the whole Crop of the former

Year, had delivered it all into the Custom-House, as they were required, that the Tobacco might be weighed, and the Custom answered. But Mr. Iacob, of his own Au|thority, stopped and seised the Tobacco, till that Impost of six Pence a Pound should be discharged. And this also will soon be perceived by those, who are any thing versed in the History of those Times, to be entirely consonant to the Behaviour of the Customers then; whose Insolence and arbitrary Proceedings, supported by the Royal Authority, and even encreased and carried to a greater Height in the next Reign, was one of the chief and most visible Causes of the general Discontent of the Nation, and of the unhappy Civil War, which ensued.

THE Company, being thus wronged and abused, ap|plied themselves to the Lo••••s of his Majesty's Privy Coun|cil, and obtained their Letter to Mr. Iacob, to deliver the Tobacco, upon their entering into Bond to pay him, what|soever should appear to be his due, upon Certificate from his Majesty's learned Council, within a Month. But Iacob rejecting this, and all other Conditions offered by the Com|pany, and likewise exacting twelve Pence a Pound at Pli|mouth, upon the Somer-Islands Tobacco, it was resolved to try the Strength of their Charter, and to enter an Action against him for the Damage, which was already computed at two thousand five hundred Pounds Sterling. But after|wa••ds, considering, that their Commodity was very perish|able, and that their Suit could not be determined that Michael••as Term, they altered their Method of Proceed|ing, and by the Advice of a great Lord of the Privy Coun|cil to Sir Edwin Sandys, they brought the Matter before the Council Board; ••••ere, upon the Attorney-General's delivering his Opini•••• ••learly, that the Compan••▪ by their Letters patent 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••ee from all Imposi•••••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 after some Delay and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Mr. Iacob, it was ordered, upon a full Hearing of the Allegations on both Sides, that he should deliver the Tobacco to the Company, paying all lawful Duties appertaining thereto. And thus, at length, they regained their Goods out of the Hands of this Harpy; but were obliged to sit silently by the great Loss and Da|mage, occasioned partly, by impairing it's Worth through Drying and other Corruption, and partly by the Fall of the Price, upon the Sale of English Tobacco, made since it's Importation. To which was added the daily Expect••tion of more, both from Virginia and the Somer-Islands, which rendered the Market so mean and dead, that they were sadly puzzled and perplexed, how to dispose of it. And at last, after many Schemes and Efforts to raise the Price, they wer••

obliged to sell it very low, and were considerable Losers by it.

IT was one peculiar Mark and Property of this Family of our Kings, that they were always craving, and for ever poor and in Want,* 1.33 notwithstanding the frequent Contribu|tions of the People, to some of them especially; the Reason•• of which, it lies not within my Province at present, to open and explain. And accordingly King Iames, notwith|standing his natural Antipathy to Tobacco, began now to taste the Sweets of the Revenue, arising from it; and was therefore very ill satisfied, with this Determination of the Privy Council. For in the very Beginning of the next Year, within a Month after, under Colour, that some Spanish Tobacco had sold at twenty Shillings a Pound, he demanded of the Company twelve pence a Pound, Custom and Impost, for theirs. But it was unanimously agreed, to stand resolutely upon the Privilege of their Charter, which they could not give up or betray, without the greatest Breach of their Trust and Duty. And therefore, as Vir|ginia Tobacco had never been actually sold for more, than five Shillings a Pound, but generally much lower, they sub|mitted to pay three Pence a Pound Custom, which was full five per Cent. on their highest Price. But however, to avoid all Contest with the King, as his Majesty had given Order for prohibiting, by Proclamation, the pl••nting English To|bacco, for five Years ensuing, they agreed, in Return to that his Majesty's Favour, during the said Term of five Years, if the Proclamation took Effect, and continued so long, to add nine Pence a Pound more, and thereby to make it up twelve Pence; which was the Full of his Majesty's Demand, tho' not in the same Form. But it was con|ceived, unless this Offer, and the true Meaning thereof, should be entered, as an Act, in the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury's Books, it would be very difficult, at the Expiration of the five Years, to withdraw the Payment, but continuing so long, it might be demanded for ever, as due from the Company to the King. They therefore ap|pointed a Committee, to repair to the Clerk of the Coun|cil, and to take Care, that this Bargain be exactly recorded, and also to procure a Copy of the said Record, to be en|tered in the Company's Journals. But as to the Farm of the Impost on Tobacco, the Refusal whereof the King, at the same time, offered them, they held it inconvenient at present to be undertaken; but not entirely to reject his Majesty's Offer, they permitted some of their Society, to join for a Part, in the Company's Name, but in reality, for their own proper Use and Behoof.

THE Trade of Virginia had been thus far restrained,* 1.34 and kept in the Adventurers Hands, except a few Inter|lopers, that straggled in by Chance; and the Method of carrying on this Trade was thus. Every Adventurer, that pleased, subscribed, what he thought proper, to a Roll; which Money, together with a certain Sum perhaps, con|tributed out of the publick Cash of the Company, made their Capital or Stock. With this they bought Goods, and sent them to the Cape-Merchant in Virginia, who had, long before this, lost his original Office of being Keeper of the publick Storehouses, and was become the Company's chief Factor. The Cape-Merchant, having sold these Goods to the Inhabitants, for Tobacco or other Commo|dities, remitted the Effects to England. This Society for Trade, called the Magazine, was a distinct Body from the publick Company; but always under its Controle, as it re|ceived its Being and Authority from the Company, and as the Joint-Stock of the Company was alway•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 greatest and principal Adventurer in it. Alderman ••ohnson had ever been at the Head of this Magazine, under the Title of Director; and since the Removal of himself and Sir Thomas Smith from their Offices, it had been the Subject of much Faction and Discord. For they had made many Difficulties, in submitting to the Orders of the Company, concerning the Place of their Meetings; had neglected to bring their Accounts to an Audit, tho' very clear and fairly kept; and had delayed and kept off the making any Dividend; which things had caused much Disturbance and Dissension. To remove therefore such a Block of Offence, it was now a|greed to dissolve this Magazine, and to leave the Trade free and open to all; only with this Proviso, that the Goods of the Magazine, then upon hand in Virginia, should be first sold off, before any of the same Kinds should be vended.

BUT the Dilig••nce, Vigor, and Fidelity of Sir Edwin Sandys, and of others of the Company, had now raised the Reputation of the Action very high. And accordingly there had been presented, by an unknown Person, the former Year, a Communion Cup, with a Cover and Case, a Trencher Plate for the Bread, a Carpet of Crimson Velvet, and a Damask Table-Cloth, for the Use of the College; and another had given a fair Set of Plate, with other rich Ornaments, to Mrs. Mary Robinson's Church, who had, the Year before, bequeathed two hundred Pounds, towards the Building of it. And now, in the Beginning of this Year, another unknown Person sent five hundred Pounds, directed; To Sir Edwin Sandys, the faithful Treasurer of Virginia. This was for the Maintenance of a convenient

Number of young Indians, from seven or under, to twelve Years of Age, to be instructed in Reading and the Prin|ciples of the Christian Religion; and then to be tr••ined and brought up in some lawful Trade, with all Gentleness and Humanity, till they attained the Age of twenty one; and after that, to have and enjoy the like Liberties and Privi|leges, with the native E••glish in Virginia. And he likewise sent fifty Pounds, to be given into the Hands of two reli|gious and worthy Persons, who should, every Quarter, ex|amine and certify, to the Treasurer in England, the due Execution of this D••sign, together with the Names of the Children, and of their Tutors and Overseers. This Cha|rity, the Company thought not proper, to entrust to private Hands, but committed the Management of it to Smith's Hundred chiefly. This lay in the Parts above Hampton, up into Warwick, and was so called, in Honour to Sir Tho|mas Smith. But after this, Sir Thomas, with the Earl of Warwick, and the rest of that Faction, sold out their Shares in this, and other private Plantations, and only reserved their Part in the Company's publick Stock, in order to be present, and to have a Vote at their Courts. Wherefore this was afterwards changed to the Name of Southampton Hundred; either in Honour to the Earl of Southampton, their next Treasurer, or ••ather, as that Nobleman became the chief Adventurer in the Plantation. And further, for the better procuring and retaining the Indian Children, the Company ordered a Treaty and Agreement to be made with Opechancanough, and authorised Sir George Yeardley, to make him such Presents, out of the Magazine, as would be most grateful to him, and best promote the Design. Mr. Nicholas Farrar, the Eld••r (Fath••r, as I take it, to the present and succeeding Deputy-Treasurer of the Company) also bequeathed three hundred Pounds, for converting In|fidel Children in Virginia. He ordered this to be paid into the Hands of Sir Edwin Sandys and Mr. Iohn Farrar, at such time, as it should appear by Certificate, that ten In|dian Children were pl••ced in the College; and then, by them to be disposed of, according to his true Intent and Meaning. And in the mean time, he obliged his Executors to pay eight per Cent. for the Money, to be given to three several honest Men in Virginia, of good Life and Fame, and such as Sir Edwin Sandys and Mr. Iohn Farrar should approve of, each to bring up one of the said Children, in the Grounds and Principles of the Christian Religion.

THERE was, at this time, a great Scarcity of Clergy in Virginia; there being but five Ministers and eleven Bur|roughs, each of which, being some very distant from each

other, was erected into a distinct Parish. The Company indeed had before, in their Charter by Sir George Yeardley, taken Care of a handsome Provision for the Clergy. For they had ordered an hundred Acres of Land, in each of the Burroughs, to be laid off for a Glebe; and that there should, for their further Maintenance, be raised a standing and certain Revenue, out of the Profits of each Parish, so as to make every Living, at least two hundred Pounds Ster|ling a Year. And this Stipend I find, two Years after, set|tled in the following Manner: That the Minister should re|ceive Yearly fifteen hundred Weight of Tobacco, and six|teen Barrels of Corn, which was then estimated at two hundred Pounds Sterling: That this should be raised by ten Pounds of Tobacco and a Bushel of Corn a Head, for every labouring Man or Boy, above sixteen Years of Age; pro|vided, it did not exceed fifteen hundred Weight of To|bacco and sixteen Barrels of Corn: But if any Plantation was not able, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 make up that Quantity, by ten Pounds of Tobacco and Bushel of Corn a Head, that, in such Case, the Minister ••hould be contented with less, according to the Number of Tithables. And now, for a farther En|courageme••••, that pious, learned, and painful Ministers might be invited to go over, the Company ordered six Te|nants to be placed on each of those Glebes, at the publick Exp••nce; and they applied to the Bishop of London, for his Help and Assistance in procuring proper Ministers, which his Lordship readily promised, and undoubtedly performed. For he had ever been a great Favourer and Promoter of the Plantation, and had himself alone collected and paid in a thousand Pounds towards the College; which he would not permit the Company to diminish, by a Present to his Re|gister, who had been very active and useful in the Collection. And for this, and other his Deserts towards them, he was made free of the Company, and chosen one of his Majesty's Council for Virginia.

AS the Country was very ••efenceless and unfortified, and as the Interests and Improvements of the Inhabitants were now much encreased, and become considerable, they began to grow uneasy in that Particular; and they wrote to the Treasurer and Company in England, to procure them skilful Engineers, to raise Fortifications; promising, them|selves to bear the Charge of it. Wherefore, to give them present Satisfaction, and as regular Fortifications, to endure Assault and Battery, were not so needful, as the chusing and improving some Places of natural Strength and Advan|tage, Sir Thomas Gates was entreated by the Company, as well in Regard of his military Skill, as of his Knowledge of

the Country, to write them his private Letters of Advice and Direction. And he was also desired, together with Sir N••thaniel Ric••, to confer with General Cecil about it, a|nother eminent and military Member of their Society, and youngest Son to the famous Lord Treasurer Burleigh, who likewise promised, if other Methods failed, to write them such particular Directions and Instructions, that they might easily themselves proceed. To them was afterwards added Sir Horatio Vere, who was esteemed the Person of the greatest military Skill and Reputation of any in that un|warlike Age. He was therefore, this Summer, sent Com|mander of the single Regiment, which King Iames, in his great Wisdom, thought fit to furnish out, for the Relief and Support of his distressed Son in Law, the Palatine of the Rhine. For altho' General Cecil had been first designed for that Service, yet he was afterwards laid aside, and this Gen|tleman appointed in his Room.

THE Governor and Council, in Virginia, had settled and allowed certain Fees to the Secretary, which were, thi•• Year, sent to England for Confirmation. But the Treasu|rer and Company were become, from the late Exactions, v••ry jealous and cautious in that Point; and did moreover ju••ge those Fees to be very oppressive and intolerable. And therefore, for the Ease of the Colony, they declared, that the Secretary should receive no Fees at all; but in Recom|pence of all Servic••s, they allotted five hundred Acres of Land, for him and his Successors, with twenty Tenants thereon. This was laid off on the Eastern Shore, and the Grant was afterwards enlarged. But whereas Captain Ar|gall, in the time of his Suspension from the Place of Admi|ral, had deputed Abraham Peirs••y, the Cap••-M••rchant, to be his Vice-Admiral, the Company declared that Deputa|tion, to be utterly void and unlawful, and committed the Execution of that Office, to the Governor and Council of State, and to such under them, as they should authorise and appoint.

T••••RE had been many scandalous R••ports spread (as was intimated in a private Letter to Mr. ••land, a very con|si••••r••ble Merchant of the Company) of the Barrenness and Inf••rtility of the Soil in Virginia. And it also had been one especial Pl••ce of Captain Argall's Policy, in order to dis|heart••n and disgrace the Company, to vilisy the Country, both by himself and his Engines, and to represent it as less fertile, th••n the most barren arable Lands in England. And altho' these Aspersions were sufficiently contradicted by his own former Letter•• and Reports, yet, for a fuller Answer to them, a Commission was sent to Virginia, and a Return

made upon Oath, of the Strength and Goodness of the Soil. But as Malice is more industrious than Truth, these un|just Scandals prevailed but too much, and discouraged many Adventurers from making their Transportations. To ob|viate therefore all such ill Consequences, it was resolved upon the Motion, and committed to the Care, of Sir Ed|win Sandys and Dr. Winstone, to prepare and publish a small Book, containing a Refutation of all such slanderous Re|ports; and to adjoin, at the End, an alphabetical Index of the Adventurers Names. This last had a double Use. For, in the first Place, it did great Honour to the Enterprise, by shewing, that many of the chief Persons in the Nation, for Wisdom, Fortune, and Dignity, were deeply concerned in, and great Encouragers of it. And next, as this Index was drawn from Sir Thomas Smith's Books, which were very carelesly kept and incorrect, it gave the Alarm to all such, as had paid in their Monies to him, and found them|selves omitted in this List. And it accordingly made them bring in his Receipts, or Bills of Adventure; whereby ma|ny Sums of Money appeared to have been received by him, which could otherwise never have been made out by hi•• Books, or proved by any o••her Method.

Notes

• * 1.1

  1609. Iohn Smith President.
• * 1.2

  1609. Iohn Smith President.
• * 1.3

  The Hon. Geor••e Percy Esq Gover|nor.
• * 1.4

  1609. The H••n. George Percy Esq Gover|••or.
• * 1.5

  1609.
• * 1.6

  Iohn Smith President.
• * 1.7

  1609. Iohn Smith President.
• * 1.8

  Iohn Smith President.
• * 1.9

  1609. The Hon. George Percy Esq Gover|nor.
• * 1.10

  1610.
• * 1.11

  1610. The H n. Geor••e Percy Esq Gover|••or.
• * 1.12

  Sir Thomas Gates, Go|vernor.
• * 1.13

  Lord Del••|warr, Go|vernor.
• * 1.14

  1610. L rd D••l••|war••▪ Go|vernor.
• * 1.15

  1611. The Hon. G••orge Percy Esq Gover|nor.
• * 1.16

  1611. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Th••mas Dale, Go|vernor.
• * 1.17

  Sir Thomas Gates Go|ve••nor.
• * 1.18

  1611. S r Thomas Gates, Go|vernor.
• * 1.19

  1612.
• * 1.20

  1612. Sir Thom•••• Gates Go|vernor.
• * 1.21

  1613.
• * 1.22

  1613. Sir Thomas Gates, Go|vernor.
• * 1.23

  1614. S r Thomas Dale, Go|v••••nor.
• * 1.24

  1614. Sir Thomas Dale, Go|vernor.
• * 1.25

  1615. Sir Thomas Dale, Go|vernor.
• * 1.26

  1616. G••••••ge 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.27

  1616. Geo. Ye••rd|ley, Gover|nor.
• * 1.28

  1617. 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.29

  1617. Sam. Ar••a••l, Governor.
• * 1.30

  161••.
• * 1.31

  1618. Sam. Argall, Governor.
• * 1.32

  1619. S r Georg•• Yeardley, Governor.
• * 1.33

  1620.
• * 1.34

  1620. S r Georg•• Yeardley, Governor.