An account, shewing the progress of the colony of Georgia in America from it's [sic] first establishment. Published per order of the Honourable the Trustees.

APPENDIX.

Number 1. To the Trustees for Establishing the Colony of GEORGIA.

Gentlemen,

IN Writing this Answer to a Letter I had the Honour to receive from you, dated the 29th Instant, wherein you desire to know my Senti|ments of an Undertaking to raise Raw Silk in your new Settlement in Georgia; of the Probability of succeeding therein; the proper steps to be taken to bring that Work to Perfection, and my Opinion of the Nature, Quality and Use of the Raw Silk produced in Carolina: It is a great Pleasure to me, that from Experiments which I made some Years ago, I can now besides my Opinion, give you some Information concerning that Silk which may be depended upon.

The Value and Usefulness of the Undertaking will appear as soon as we consider that all the Silk consumed in this Kingdom, is now of foreign Growth and Manufacture, which Costs the Nation very great Sums of Money Yearly to purchase; and that the raising our Supply thereof in his Majesty's Dominions in America would save us all that Money, afford Employment to many Thousands of his Majesty's Subjects, and greatly increase the Trade and Navigation of Great-Britain.

It appears to me as Beneficial to the Kingdom, attended with as lit|tle Hazard or Difficulty, as much Wanted, and which may as soon be brought to Perfection in a proper Climate as any Undertaking so Consi|derable in itself, that I ever heard of. I therefore think that there is a very great Probability of it's succeeding, if such proper Methods are

pursued, and such Assistance afforded to the poor People at their first set|ting out, as are necessary to Settle, Instruct and Encourage them.

The Silk produced in Carolina has as much natural Strength and Beauty as the Silk of Italy (which is commonly called fine Silk) and by the several Experiments I have tried with it, I am satisfied that it might be made to answer the same Purposes that Italian Silk now does, if it be reeled in short Skains, a fine clean and even Thread: To effect which if some experienced Persons are at first sent to Teach the People, the Work will soon be made easy to the meanest Capacity, and the value of the Silk will be thereby greatly increased.

As for my own Part, if at any Time you should think I can be of use to promote so good a Work, I shall be ready to execute your Commands as far as I am able; and always remain,

Gentlemen

,

Your most Obedient, Humble Servant, Tho. Lombe.

Old Iuory, Jan. 31. 1732.

Number 2. Extract of a Letter from South-Carolina Gazette dated at Charles-Town, 22d. March 1732.

ON Tuesday the 13th Instant I went on board a Canoa in Company with Mr. Geo. Ducat and Mr. Iohn Balantine, with Four Negroes, and about 10 o'Clock we set out from Mr. Lloyd's Bridge for Georgia, and passing by Port-Royal on Wednesday Night, we arrived on Friday Morning an Hour before Day at Yamacraw a Place so called by the In|dians, but now Savannah in the Colony of Georgia. Sometime before we came to the Landing the Centinel challenged us, and understanding who we were, admitted us on Shore. This is a very high Bluff Forty Feet perpendicular from High Water Mark; it lies according to Capt. Gascoigne's Observation in the Latitude of 31 d. 58 m. which he took off Tybee an Island that lies at the Mouth of the Savannah River. It is distant from Charlestown S. W. according to Course and Windings of the Rivers and Creeks about 140 Miles, but by a Direct Course 77, allowing Suillivant's Island to be in the Latitude of 32 d. 47 m. from Augustine N. E. and by E. about 140 Miles, and by the Course of the Rivers is distant from Fort Moore 300 Miles, but upon a direct Line but 115 Miles N. W. and by W. This Bluff is distant 10 Miles from the Mouth of the Rivers on the South side, and Purrysburgh is 24 Miles above it on the North, and is so situated that you have a beautiful Prospect both up and down the River. It is very sandy and barren and consequently a wholsome Place for a Town or City. There are on it 130 odd Souls, and from the Time they Embarked from London to the Time I left the Place, there Died but two sucking Children and them at Sea. When they a|rived there was standing on it a great quantity of the best sort of Pine, most of which is already cut down on the spot where the Town is laid out to be Built. The Land is barren about a Mile back, when you come in|to very rich Ground; and on both sides within a quarter of a Mile of the Town is choice good Planting Land. Col. Bull told me that he had been Seven Miles back and found it extraordinary good.

Mr. Oglethorpe is indefatigable, takes a great deal of Pains, his Fare is but indifferent having little else at present but Salt Provisions. He is extreamly well beloved by all his People, the general Title they give him is Father. If any of them is Sick, he immediately Visits them and takes a great deal of Care of them. If any Difference arises he is the Person

that decides it. Two happened while I was there and in my Presence, and all the Parties went away to outward appearance Satisfied and Con|tented with his Determination. He keeps a strict Discipline, I never saw one of his People Drunk nor heard one of them Swear, all the Time I was there: He does not allow them Rum but in lieu gives them Eng|lish Beer: It is surprizing to see how Chearful the Men go to Work con|sidering they have not been bred to it: There are no Idlers there even the Boys and Girls do their Parts. There are Four Houses already up but none finished, and he hopes when he has got more Sawyers, which I suppose he will have in a short Time, to finish Two Houses a Week. He has ploughed up some Land, part of which he has sowed with Wheat, which is come up and looks promising. He has Two or Three Gardens which he has sowed with divers sorts of Seeds, and planted Thyme and other sort of Pot-herbs, Sage, Leeks, Skellions, Celeri, Liquorice, &c. and several sorts of Trees. He was Paliisading the Town round including some part of the Common, which I do suppose may be finished in about a Fortnights Time. In short he has done a vast deal of Work for the Time, and I think his Name justly deserves to be immortaliz'd.

Mr. Oglethorpe has with him Sir Walter Rawleigh's written Journal, and by the Latitude of the Place, the Marks and Traditions of the In|dians, it is the very first Place where he first went on shore, and talked with the Indians, and was the first Englishman they ever saw; and about half a Mile from Savannah is a high Mount of Earth under which lies their Chief King: And the Indians informed Mr. Oglethorpe that their King desired before he died, that he might be Buried on the Spot where he talked with that great good Man.

The River Water is very good, and Mr. Oglethorpe has proved it se|veral ways, and thinks it as good as the River of Thames. On Monday the 19th we took our Leave of Mr. Oglethorpe at Nine o'Clock in the Morning, and Embark'd for Charlestown; and when we set off he was pleased to Honour us with a Volley of Small Arms and the Discharge of Five Cannon: And coming down the Rivers we found the Water per|fectly Fresh Six Miles below the Town, and saw Six or Seven large Sturgeon leap, with which Fish that River abounds, as also with Trout, Perch, Cat and Rock Fish, &c. and in the Winter Season there is variety of Wild Fowl, especially Turkeys, some of them weighing Thirty Pounds, and abundance of Deer.

Number 3. Rules for the Year 1735.

THe Trustees intend this Year to lay out a County and Build a new Town in Georgia.

They will give to such Persons as they send upon the Charity, viz.

To every Man,

• A Watchcoat,
• A Musquet and Bayonet to those who have them not of their own,
• An Hatchet,
• An Hammer,
• An Hand-saw,
• A Shod Shovel or Spade,
• A broad Hoe,
• A narrow Hoe,
• A Gimlet,
• A Drawing Knife,
• And there will be a Publick Grindstone to each Ward or Village.
• He will also have an Iron Pot and a pair of Pot-hooks,
• And a Frying Pan.

And for his Maintenance in the Colony for one Year he will have,

To be delivered in such proportions and at such times as the Trust shall think proper.

• 300 Pounds of Beef or Pork,
• 114 Pounds of Rice,
• 114 Pounds of Pease,
• 114 Pounds of Flour,
• 44 Gallons of Strong Beer,
• 64 Quarts of Mollasses for Brewing Beer,
• 18 Pounds of Cheese,
• 9 Pounds of Butter,
• 9 Ounces of Spice,
• 9 Pounds of Sugar,
• 5 Gallons of Vinegar,
• 30 Pounds of Salt,
• 12 Quarts of Lamp Oil & a Pound of spun Cotton,
• And 12 Pounds of Soap.

And to the Mothers, Wives, Sisters or Children of such Men, Provision will be given in the Colony for One Year in the following manner, viz.

To each Head of them, that is to say to every Person of the Age of Twelve Years and upwards, viz.

To be delivered as above.

• 300 Pounds of Beef or Pork,
• 114 Pounds of Rice,
• 114 Pounds of Pease,
• 114 Pounds of Flour,
• 64 Quarts of Mollasses for Brewing Beer,
• 18 Pounds of Cheese,
• 9 Pounds of Butter,
• 9 Ounces of Spice,
• 9 Pounds of Sugar,
• 5 Gallons of Vinegar,
• 30 Pounds of Salt,
• 6 Quarts of Lamp Oil and half a Pound of spun Cotton.
• And 12 Pounds of Soap.

And for every Person above the Age of Seven, and under the Age of Twelve, Half the said Allowance, being esteemed Half an Head.

And for every Person above the Age of Two and under the Age of Seven, one Third of the said Allowance, being esteemed one Third of an Head.

The Trustees pay their Passage from England to Georgia, and in the Voyage they will have the following Provisions, viz. In every Week Four Beef Days, Two Pork Days, and one Fish Day, and their Allow|ance served out daily as follows: That is to say,

On the Four Beef Days,

• Four Pounds of Beef for every Mess of Five Heads,
• And Two Pounds and an half of Flour,
• And half a Pound of Suet or Plumbs.

On the Two Pork Days,

• Five Pounds of Pork for every Five Heads.
• And Two Pints and half of Pease for every Five Heads.

And on the Fish Day,

• Two Pounds and half of Fish for every Five Heads.
• And half a Pound of Butter for every Five Heads.

The whole at Sixteen Ounces to the Pound.

And allow each Head Seven Pounds of Bread of Fourteen Ounces to the Pound, by the Week.

And Three Pints of Beer and Two Quarts of Water (whereof one of the Quarts for Drinking and the other for Boiling Victuals) each Head by the Day for the space of a Month; and a Gallon of Water (where|of Two Quarts for Drinking and the other Two for Boiling Victuals) each Head by the Day after during their being on the Passage.

The Heads to be accounted in this manner. Every Person above the Age of Twelve Years to be accounted a whole Head. All Persons of the Age of Seven Years and under the Age of Twelve Years to be accounted Two for One. All Persons above the Age of Two Years and under the Age of Seven Years to be accounted Three for One; and any Per|son under the Age of Two Years is not to be accounted.

And the said Persons are to enter into the following Covenants be|fore their Embarkation, viz.

That they will repair on Board such Ship as shall be provided for Carrying them to the Province of Georgia, and during the Voyage, will Quietly, Soberly, and Obediently demean themselves, and go to such Place in the said Province of Georgia, and there obey all such Orders as shall be given for the better Settling, Establishing and Go|verning the said Colony.

And that for the first Twelve Months from their Landing in the said Province of Georgia, they will Work and Labour in Clearing their Lands, making Habitation, and necessary Defences, and in all other Works for the common Good and publick Weal of the said Colony, at such Times, in such Manner, and according to such Plan and Directions as shall be given.

And that they from and after the Expiration of the said last mentioned Twelve Months, will, during the Two next succeeding Years, abide, settle and inhabit in the said Province of Georgia, and Culti|vate the Lands which shall be to them and their Heirs Male severally allotted and given, by all such Ways and Means as according to their se|veral Abilities and Skills they shall be best Able and Capable.

And such Persons are to be settled in the said Colony, either in new Towns or new Villages.

Those in the Towns will have each of them a Lot Sixty Feet in Front and Ninety Feet in Depth, whereon they are to Build an House, and as much Land in the Country as in the whole will make up Fifty Acres.

Those in the Villages will each of them have a Lot of Fifty Acres, which is to lie all together, and they are to Build their Houses upon it.

All Lots are Granted in Tail Male and Descend to the Heirs Male of their Bodies for ever; And in Case of Failure of Issue Male Revert to the Trust, to be Granted again to such Persons as the Common Council of the said Trustees shall think most for the Advantage of the Colony. And they will have a special regard to the Daughters of Freeholders, who have made Improvements on their Lots, not al|ready provided for by having Married, or Marrying Persons in Posses|sion or intitled to Lands in the Province of Georgia in Possession or Remainder.

All Lots are to be preserved separate and undivided, and cannot be united, in order to keep up a Number of Men equal to the Num|ber of Lots, for the better Defence and Support of the Colony.

No Person can Lease out his House or Lot to another without Licence for that Purpose, that the Colony may not be ruined by Absentees Receiving and Spending their Rents else where, therefore each Man must cultivate the same by himself or Servants.

And no Person can Alienate his Land or any part, or any Term, Estate or Interest therein, to any other Person or Persons, without special Licence for that Purpose, to prevent the uniting or dividing the Lots.

If any of the Land so Granted, should not be Cultivated, Planted, Cleared, Improved or Fenced with a Worm Fence or Pales six Feet High, during the space of Ten Years from the Date of the Grant, then every part thereof not Cultivated, Planted, Cleared, Improved or Fenced as aforesaid, shall belong to the Trust, and the Grant as to such parts shall be void.

There is reserved for the support of the Colony, a Rent Charge for ever, of Two Shillings Sterling Money for each Fifty Acres; the Payment of which is not to Commence 'till Ten Years after the Grant.

And the Reversion or Remainder expectant on the Demise of such Persons without Issue Male, shall remain to the Trust.

But the Wives of the Freeholders in case they should Survive their Husbands, are during their Lives intitled to the Mansion House and one half of the lands Improved by their Husbands, that is to say, inclosed with a Fence of Six Feet High.

All Forfeitures for Non-Residence, High Treason, Felonies, &c. are to the Trustees for the Use of the Colony.

Negroes and Rum are Prohibited to be used in the said Colony, and Trade with the Indians, unless Licensed.

None are to have the Benefit of being sent upon the Charity in the manner above-mentioned, but,

• 1. Such as are in Decayed Circumstances, and thereby disabled from following any Business in England, and who if in Debt, must have leave from their Creditors to go.
• 2. Such as have Numerous Families of Children if Assisted by their respective Parishes, and Recommended by the Minister, Church-Wardens and Overseers thereof.

The Trustees do expect to have a good Character of the said Per|sons given, because no Drunkards or other notoriously vicious Persons will be taken.

And for the better to Enable the said Persons to Build the new Town, and Clear the Lands, the Trustees will give leave to every Freeholder, to take over with him, One Male Servant or Apprentice of the Age of Eighteen Years and upwards to be Bound for no less then Four Years, and will by way of Loan to such Freeholder, Advance the Charges of Passage for such Servant or Apprentice, and Furnishing him with the Cloathing and Provision hereafter mentioned, to be delivered in such Proportions, and at such Times, as the Trust shall think proper, viz.

• A Pallias and Bolster and Blanket for Bedding.
• • A Frock and Trowsers of Lintsey-Woolsey,
  • A Shirt and Frock and Trowsers of Oznabrigs,
  • A pair of Shoes from England,
  • And two pair of Country Shoes.
  for Cloathing.
• • And 200 Pounds of Meat,
  • And 342 Pounds of Rice, Pease, or Indian Corn,
  for Food for a Year.

The Expence of which Passage, Cloathing and Provisions, is to be Re-paid the Trustees by the Master, within the Third Year from their Embarkation from England.

And to each Man Servant and the Heirs Male of his Body for ever, after the Expiration of his Service, upon a Certificate from his Master of his having Served well, will be granted Twenty Acres of Land, under such Rents and Agreements, as shall have been then last Granted to any other Man Servant in like Circumstances.

Sign'd by Order of the Common Council of the said Trustees, for Establishing the Colony of Georgia in America, this Second Day of July, 1742.

Benj. Martyn, Secretary

Number 4.

TO such Persons who can carry Ten Men Servants, and settle with them in Georgia, at their own Expence, and whose Characters the Trustees, upon Enquiry, shall approve of, will be granted Five Hundred Acres of Land in Tail Male, and descend to the Heirs Male of their Bo|dies for ever, under the Yearly Rents of Twenty Shillings Sterling Mo|ney for every Hundred Acres, for the Support of the Colony, the Pay|ment of which is not to commence until Ten Years after the Grant.

And the Land is so granted upon the following Conditions and Co|venants,

That such Persons do pay the Rent reserved as the same shall become due, and no Part to be unpaid for six Months after due.

That they within a Month of the Grant shall register the same, or a Memorial thereof with the Auditor of the Plantations.

That they within Twelve Months from the Grant, shall go to and arrive in Georgia, with Ten able Bodied Men Servants being each of the Age of Tweny Years and upwards.

That they shall abide in Georgia with such Men Servants Three Years from the Registring of the Grant there, Building their Houses and Cultivating their Lands.

That they shall Clear and Cultivate within Ten Years from the Grant Two Hundred Acres of Land, part of the said Five Hundred Acres, and Plant Two Thousand white Mulberry-Trees or Plants thereupon, and on every Hundred of the other Three Hundred Acres, One Thousand White Mulberry-Trees or Plants when Cleared, and pre|serve the same Quantity from time to time thereupon, the Trustees obliging themselves to furnish the Plants.

That they do not Alienate the said Five Hundred Acres of Land or any part thereof for any Term of Years, or any Estate or Interest in the same, to any Person or Persons without special Leave.

That they do not make Pot-ash in Partnership without Leave, but may make it themselves not in Partnership.

On the Determination of the Estate in Tail Male the Land to Revert to the Trust.

That they shall not depart the said Province without Licence.

All Forfeitures for Non-Residence, High Treason, Felonies, &c. are to the Trustees for the Use and Benefit of the Colony.

If any part of the said Five Hundred Acres of Land shall not be Cultivated, Planted, Cleared and Fenced round about with Worm-Fence or Pales Six Feet high, within Eighteen Years from the Grant, all and every such part shall Revert to the Trust, and the Grant as to such Part be void.

And the Common Council of the Trust at the Expirations of the Terms such Men Servants shall be severally bound for, (being none less than Four Years) when requested by the Grantee, will Grant to each of such Men Servants Twenty Acres of Land in Tail Male, un|der such Rents, Conditions, Limitations and Agreements, as shall have been then last Granted to any Others Men Servants in like Circumstance.

When the Land Reverts to the Trust on the Determination of the Estate in Tail Male, it is to be Granted again to such Person as the Common Council of the Trust shall think most for the Advantage of the Colony, and the Trust will have a special Regard to the Daughters of such who have made improvements on their Lots, not already provided for by having Married, or Marrying Persons in Possession or intitled to Lands in the Province of Georgia in Possession or Remainder.

And the Wives of such Persons in case they should survive their Husbands, are, during their Lives, intitled to the Mansion House and one half of the Lands Improved by their Husbands, that is to say, in|closed with a Fence Six Feet high.

Negroes and Rum are Prohibited to be used in the said Province, and Trade with the Indians unless Licenced.

Number 5. To the KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. The Humble Memorial and Representation of the State and Condition of your Majesty's Province of South-Carolina, from the General Assembly of the said Province.

YOUR Majesty's most Dutiful Subjects of this Province, having often felt with Hearts full of Gratitude, the many Signal Instances of your most Sacred Majesty's peculiar Favour and Protection, to those Distant Parts of your Dominions, and especially those late Proofs of your Majesty's most Gracious and Benign Care, so wisely calcula|ted for the Preservation of this your Majesty's Frontier Province on the Continent of America, by your Royal Charter to the Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia, and your Great Goodness so Timely applied, for the promoting the Settlement of the Swiss at Purrysburgh; Encouraged by such views of your Majesty's Wise and Paternal Care, extended to your Remotest Subjects, and excited by the Duty we owe to your most Sacred Majesty, to be always Watch|ful for the Support and Security of your Majesty's Interest, especially at this very critical Conjuncture, when the Flame of a War break|ing out in Europe, may very speedily be lighted here in this your Majesty's Frontier Province, which, in Situation, is known to be of the utmost Importance to the General Trade and Traffick in America: We therefore your Majesty's most faithful Governor, Council, and Com|mons, convened in your Majesty's Province of South-Carolina, crave Leave with great Humility to Represent to your Majesty the present State and Condition of this your Province, and how greatly it stands in need of your Majesty's Gracious and Timely Succour in case of a War, to Assist our Defence against the French and Spaniards, or any other Enemies to your Majesty's Dominions, as well as against the many Nations of Savages which so nearly Threaten the Safety of your Majesty's Subjects.

The Province of South-Carolina, and the new Colony of Georgia, are the Southern Frontiers of all your Majesty's Dominions on the Continent of America, to the South and South-West of which is Situated the strong Castle of St. Augustine, Garrison'd by Four Hun|dred Spaniards, who have several Nations of Indians under their Sub|jection, besides several other small Settlements and Garrisons, some of

which are not Eighty Miles Distant from the Colony of Georgia. To the South-West and West of us the French have erected a con|siderable Town near Fort Thoulouse on the Moville-River, and several other Forts and Garrisons, some not above Three Hundred Miles dis|tant from our Settlements; and at New-Orleans on the Mississippi River, since her late Majesty Queen Anne's War, they have exceed|ingly increased their Strength and Traffick, and have now many Forts and Garrisons on both sides of that great River for several Hundred Miles up the same; and since his most Christian Majesty has taken out of the Mississippi Company, the Government of that Country into his own Hands, the French Natives in Canada, come daily down in Shoals to settle all along that River, where many Regular Forces have of late been sent over by the King to Strengthen the Garrisons in those Places, and according to our best and latest Advices, they have Five Hundred Men in Pay, constantly employed as Wood-Rangers, to keep their Neighbouring Indians in Subjection, and to prevent the distant ones from Disturbing the Settlements; which Management of the French has so well succeeded, that we are now very well assured they have wholly now in their Possession and un|der their Influence, the several numerous nations of Indians that are Situate near the Mississippi River, one of which called the Choctaws by estimation consists of about Five Thousand Fighting Men, and who were always deemed a very Warlike nation, lies on this side the River not above Four Hundred Miles distant from our Out-settle|ments, among whom, as well as several other Nation of Indians, many French Europeans have been sent to settle, whom the Priests and Missionaries among them encourage to take Indian Wives, and use divers other alluring Methods to Attach the Indians the better to the French Alliance, by which Means the French are become throughly acquainted with the Indian Way, Warring and Living in the Woods, and have now a great Number of White Men among them, able to perform a long March with an Army of Indians upon any Ex|pedition.

We further beg leave to inform your Majesty, that if the Measures of France should provoke your Majesty to a State of Hostility against it in Europe, we have a great reason to expect an Invasion will be here made upon your Majesty's Subjects by the French and Indians from the Mississippi Settlements: They have already paved a Way for a Design of that Nature, by Erecting a Fort called the Albama Fort, alias Fort Lewis, in the middle of the upper Creek Indians, upon a Navigable River leading to Moville, which they have kept well Garrisoned and Mounted with Fourteen Pieces of Cannon, and have lately been prevented from erecting a Second nearer to us on that Quarter. The Creeks are a Nation very Bold, Active, and Daring, consisting of about Thirteen Hundred Fighting Men (and not above One Hundred and Fifty Miles distant from the Choctaws) whom, though

we heretofore have Traded with, claimed and held in our Alliance, yet the French on Account of that Fort and a superiour ability to make them Liberal Presents, have been for some time striving to draw them over to their Interest, and have Succeeded with some of the Towns of the Creeks; which, if they can be Secured in your Majesty's Interest, are the only Nation which your Majesty's Sub|jects here can depend upon as the best Barrier against any Attempts either of the French or their Confederate Indians.

We most Humbly pray Leave farther to inform your Majesty, that the French at Moville perceiving that they could not gain the Indians to their Interest, without buying their Deer-Skins (which is the only Commodity the Indians have to purchase Necessaries with) and the French not being able to dispose of those Skins by reason of their having no Vend for them in Old France, they have found Means to incourage Vessels from hence, New-York, and other Places (which are not Prohibited by the Acts of Trade) to Truck those Skins with them for Indian Trading Goods, especially the British Woollen Manufactures, which the French dispose of to the Creeks and Choctaws, and other Indians, by which Means the Indians are much more Alienated from our Interest, and on every Occasion object to us that the French can supply them with Strouds and Blankets as well as the English, which would have the contrary Effect if they were wholly supplied with those Commodities by your Majesty's Subjects Trading with them. If a Stop were therefore put to that pernicious Trade with the French, the Creek Indians chief Dependance would be on this Government, and that of Georgia, to supply them with Goods; by which Means great Part of the Choctaws, living next the Creeks, would see the Advantage the Creek Indians enjoyed by having British Woollen Manufactures wholly from your Majesty's Subjects, and thereby be invited in a short Time to Enter into a Treaty of Commerce with us, which they have lately made some Offers for, and which, if Ef|fected, will soon lessen the Interest of the French with those Indians, and by Degrees Attach them to that of your Majesty.

The only Expedient we can propose to Recover and Confirm that Nation to your Majesty's Interest, is by speedily making them Presents to withdraw them from the French Alliance, and by Building some Forts among them your Majesty may be put in such a Situation, that on the first Notice of Hostilities with the French, your Majesty may be able at once to reduce the Albama Fort, and we may then stand against the French and their Indians, which, if not timely pre|pared for before a War breaks out, we have too much Reason to Fear we may be soon over-run by the united strength of the French, the Creeks and Choctaws, with many other Nations of their Indians Allies: For, should the Creeks become wholly Enemies, who

are well acquainted with all our Settlements, we probably should also be soon Deserted by the Cherokees, and a few others, small Tribes of Indians, who, for the sake of our Booty, would readily join to make us a Prey to the French and Savages. Ever since the late Indian War the Offences given us then by the Creeks have made that Nation very Jealous of your Majesty's Subjects of this Province. We have therefore concerted Measures with the Honourable Iames Oglethorpe, Esq who, being at the Head of a new Colony, will (we hope) be Successful for your Majesty's Interest amongst that People. He has already by Presents Attached the Lower Creeks to your Majesty, and has laudably undertaken to endeavour the fixing a Garrison among the Upper Creeks, the Expence of which is already in part provided for in this Session of the General Assembly of this Province: We hope therefore to prevent the French from Encroaching farther on your Majesty's Territories, until your Majesty is graciously pleased further to Strengthen and Secure the same.

We find the Cherokee Nation has lately become very Insolent to your Majesty's Subjects Trading among them, notwithstanding the many Favours the Chiefs of that Nation received from your Majesty in Great-Britain, besides a considerable Expence which your Majesty's Subjects of this Province have been at in making them Presents, which inclines us to believe that the French by their Indians have been tampering with them. We therefore beg leave to inform your Majesty, that the Building and Mounting some Forts likewise among the Cherokees, and making them Presents will be highly necessary to keep them steady in their Duty to your Majesty, lest the French may prevail in Seducing that Nation, which they may the more readily be inclined to from the Prospect of getting considerable Plunder in Slaves, Cattle, &c Commodities which they very well know they have among us, several other Forts will be indispensably necessary, to be a cover to your Majesty's Subjects settled backwards in this Province, as also to those of the Colony of Georgia, both which in Length are very extensive; for tho' the Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia, by a particular Scheme of good Management painfully Conducted by the Gentleman engaged here in that Chari|table Enterprize, has put that small part of the Colony, which he has not yet been able to establish, in a Tenable Condition against the Spaniards of Florida which lie to the Southward; yet the back Ex|position of those Colonies to the vast Number of French and Indians which border on the Westward, must, in case of a War, cry greatly aloud for your Majesty's Gracious and Timely Succour. The Expence of our Safety on such an Occasion, we must, with all Humility, ac|quaint your Majesty, either for Men or Money, can never be Effected by your Majesty's Subjects of this Province, who, in conjunction with Georgia, do not in the whole amount to more than Three Thousand

Five Hundred Men, which Compose the Militia and wholly consist of Planters, Tradesmen and other Men of Business.

Besides the many Dangers which by Land we are exposed to from so many Enemies that lie on the back of us; we further beg leave to represent to your Majesty, the Defenceless Condition of our Ports and Harbours, where any Enemies of your Majesty's Dominions may very easily by Sea Invade us, there being no Fortifications capable of making much Resistance. Those in Charles-Town Harbour are now in a very ruinous Condition, occasioned by the late violent Storms and Hurricanes which already cost this Country a great deal of Money, and now require several Thousands of Pounds to Repair the old and Build new ones, to Mount the Ordnance which your Majesty was graciously Pleased to send us, which, with great Concern, we must inform your Majesty we have not yet been able to accomplish, being lately obliged for the Defence and Support of this your Majesty's Province and Government, to Raise, by a Tax on the Inhabitants, a Supply of above Forty Thousand Pounds Paper Currency per Annum, which is a considerable deal more than a Third Part of all the Currency a|mong us; a Charge which your Majesty's Subjects of this Province are but barely able to Sustain. Since your Majesty's Royal Instruc|tion to your Majesty's Governour here, an intire Stop has been put to the Duties which before accrued from European Goods Imported; and if a War should happen, or any thing extraordinary, to be farther Expensive here, we should be under the utmost Difficulties to provide additionally for the same, lest an Increase of Taxes with an Apprehension of Danger, should drive away many of our present Inhabitants, as well as Discourage others from coming here to Settle for the Defence and Improvement of your Majesty's Province, there being several daily moving with their Families and Effects to North Carolina, where there are no such Fears and Burdens.

We must therefore beg leave to inform your Majesty, that, amidst our other perillous Circumstances, we are Subject to many Intestine Dangers from the great Number of Negroes that are now among us, who amount at least to Twenty Two Thousand Persons, and are Three to One of all your Majesty's White Subjects in this Province. Insurrections against us have been often Attempted, and would at any Time prove very Fatal if the French should instigate them, by artfully giving them and Expectation of Freedom. In such a Situation we most humbly Crave leave to acquaint your Majesty, that even the present ordinary Expences necessary for the Care and Support of this you Majesty's Province and Government, cannot be provided for by your Majesty's Subjects of this Province, without your Majesty's gracious Pleasure to Continue those Laws for Establishing the Negroes and other Duties for Seven Years, and for appropriating the same, which now lie before your Majesty for your Royal Assent and Approbation;

and the further Expences that will be requisite for the Erecting some Forts and Establishing Garrisons in the several necessary Places, so as to form a Barrier for the Security of this your Majesty's Province, we most humbly Submit to your Majesty.

Your Majesty's Subjects of this Province, with fulness of Zeal, Duty and Affection to your most Gracious and Sacred Majesty, are so highly sensible of the great Importance of this Province to the French, that we must conceive it more than probable, if a War should happen, they will use all Endeavours to bring this Country under their Subjection; the would be thereby Enabled to Support their Sugar Islands with all sorts of Provisions and Lumber by an easy Navigation, which to our great Advantage is not so Practicable from the present French Colonies, besides the facility of gaining then to their Interest most of the Indian Trade on the Northern Continent; they might then easily unite the Canadees and Choctaws with the many other Nations of Indians which are now in their Interest. And the several Ports and Harbours of Carolina and Georgia which now enable your Majesty to be absolute Master of the Passage thro' the Gulph of Florida, and to impede, at your Pleasure, the Transportation home of the Spanish Treasure, would then prove so many Convenient Har|bours for your Majesty's Enemies, by their Privateers or Ships of War to annoy a great Part of the British Trade to America, as well as that which is carried on through the Gulph from Jamaica; besides the Loss which Great-Britain must feel in so considerable a Part of it's Naviga|tion, as well as the Exports of Masts, Pitch, Tar and Turpentine, which, without any Dependance on the Northern Parts of Europe, are from hence plentifully supplied for the Use of the British Shipping.

This is the present State and Condition of your Majesty's Province of South-Carolina, utterly incapable of finding Funds sufficient for the De|fence of this Wide Frontier, and so Destitute of White Men, that even Money itself cannot here raise a sufficient Body of them.

With all Humility we therefore beg Leave to lay ourselves at the Feet of your Majesty, humbly imploring your Majesty's most gracious Care in the Extremities we should be reduced to on the breaking out of a War; and that your Majesty would be graciously pleased to extend your Protection to us, as your Majesty, in your great Wisdom, shall think proper.

In the Council-Chamber of South-Carolina, 9th A|pril, 1734

• ...Robert Johnson,
• Tho. Broughton, President,
• Paul Jenys, Speaker.

Number 6.

THomas Pearce, aged Forty Years and upwards, of the Dover Man of War, Mariner, having been at Georgia in America, on board the Peter and James, Captain George Dymond, in the Year One Thou|sand Seven Hundred and Thirty-five; and, from that Ship, on board the Hawk Sloop, Stationed at Georgia until the Beginning of the Year One Thousand Seven Hundred and Thirty-nine; and having Sounded every Inlet, from the Sea all along the Coast of Georgia, from Jekyll Sound to Tybee Sound, maketh Oath and saith, That the said Coast Four Leagues from the Land, is all even Ground, not less than Seven or Eight Fathom Water, and any Ship keeping in that Depth of Water may Steer along the same with the greatest Safety, and Anchor if they have occasion: That on the Bar at Jekyll there is at least Thirteen Feet and a half, at Low Water, and at High Spring Tides Twenty-four Feet; and on the Bar at Tybee there is at least Sixteen Feet and a half at Low Water, and at High Water Spring Tides Twenty-Five Feet and a half; and the Difference between the Spring and Niep Tides is gene|rally between Three and Four Feet.

And this Deponent farther saith, That he is well assured, and would undertake, by Sounding with a Boat, even at Niep Tides, to carry in Forty-Gun Ships over either of the said Bars; and saith, That he hath seen in the Sound at St. Simon's, from Jekyll Bar, Ten Sail of Ships at one Time, and that Ten or Twelve Forty Gun Ships may safely ride there; but behind Jekyll Island there is Water and Room enough for Shipping for Ten Miles up; and that the Sound at Tybee is large e|nough to hold with Safety Seven or Eight Forty Gun Ships.

And this Deponent farther saith, That Ships in Jekyll Sound may in Twenty-four Hours, from the Bar, run out into the Gulf-Stream of Florida, through which Stream the Spanish Galleons (when not passing the Windward Passage) always come.

Thomas Pearce.

Number 7. To the KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. The humble Memorial of the Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia in America.

Humbly Sheweth,

THat they being intrusted by your Majesty with the Care of the Co|lony of Georgia, which was formerly Part of your Majesty's Pro|vince of South-Carolina, and your Majesty's Colony of Georgia being very much exposed to the Power of the Spaniards, and become an object of their Envy, by having valuable Ports upon the homeward Passage from the Spanish West-Indies, and the Spaniards having increased their Forces in the Neighbourhood thereof; The Trustees, in consequence of the great Trust reposed in them by your Majesty, find themselves obliged, humbly to lay before your Majesty, their Inability sufficiently to Protect your Majesty's Subjects settled in Georgia, under the Encouragement of your Majesty's Charter, against this late Increase of Forces, and therefore be|come humble Suppliants to your Majesty, on the Behalf of your Sub|jects settled in the Province of Georgia, that your Majesty would be pleased to take their Preservation into your Royal Consideration, that, by a necessary Supply of Forces, the Province may be Protected against the great Dangers that seem immediately to Threaten it.

All which is most humbly submitted to your Majesty's great Wisdom.

Signed by Order of the Trustees, this 10th Day of August 1737.

Benj. Martyn, Secretary.

Number 8. To the Honourable the Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia in America.

May it please your Honours,

WE, whose Names are under-written, being all Settlers, Free-hold|ers, and Inhabitants of the Province of Georgia, and being sen|sible of the great Pains and Care exerted by you, in endeavouring to settle this Colony, since it has been under your Protection and Manage|ment, do unanimously join to lay before you, with the utmost Regret, the following Particulars.

But, in the first Place, we must beg Leave to observe, That it has af|forded us a great deal of Concern and Uneasiness, that former Represent|ations, made to you, of the same Nature, have not been thought wor|thy of a due Consideration, nor even of an Answer. We have most of us settled in this Colony, in pursuance of a Description and Recom|mendation of it, by you, in Britain; and from the Experience of resi|ding here several Years, do find, that it is impossible the Measures hither|to laid down for making it a Colony can succeed. None of all those who have planted their Lands, have been able to raise sufficient Produce to maintain their Families, in Bread-kind only, even though as much Ap|plication and Industry have been exerted to bring it about, as could be done by Men engaged in an Affair, in which they believe the Welfare of themselves and Posterity so much depended, and which they imagine must require more than ordinary Pains to make it succeed; so that by the accumulated Expences, every Year, of Provisions, Cloathing, Me|dicines, &c. for themselves, Families, and Servants, several of them have expended all their Money, nay, even run considerably in Debt, and so been obliged to leave off Planting, and making further Improve|ments; and those who continue are daily exhausting more and more of their Money, and some daily increasing their Debts, without a Possibility of being reimburs'd, according to the present Constitution. This being now the General State of the Colony, it must be obvious, that People cannot subsist by their Land according to their present Establishment, and this being a Truth resulting from Trial, Practice, and Experience, cannot be contradicted by any Theorical Scheme or Reasoning. The Land then, according to the present Constitution, not being able to maintain the Settlers here, they must unavoidably have recourse to, and

depend upon, Trade; but to our woful Experience likewise, the same Causes that prevent the first, obstruct the latter; for though the Situation of this Place is exceedingly well adapted for Trade, and, if it were en|couraged, might be much more improved by the Inhabitants, yet the Difficulties and Restrictions which we hitherto have and at present do la|bour under, debar us of that Advantage. Timber is the only Thing we have here which we can Export, and notwithstanding we are obliged to fall it in planting our Land, yet we cannot manufacture it fit for a Foreign Market, but at double the Expence of other Colonies; as for In|stance, the River of May, which is but Twenty Miles from us, with the Allowance of Negroes, load Vessels with that Commodity at one half of the Price that we can do; and what should induce Persons to bring Ships here, when they can be loaded with one Half of the Ex|pence so near us? Therefore the Timber on the Land is only a conti|nual Charge to the Possessors of it, though of very great Service in all the Northern Colonies, where Negroes are allowed, and consequently Labour cheap. We do not in the least doubt, but that in Time Silk and Wine may be produced here, particularly the former; but since the Cul|tivation of Lands with White Servants only cannot raise Provision for our Families, as before mentioned, therefore it is likewise impossible to carry on these Manufactures according to the present Constitution. It is very well known that Carolina can raise every thing that this Colony can, and they having their Labour so much cheaper, will always ru|in our Market, unless we are in some measure on a Footing with them; and as in both, the Land is worn out in Four or Five Years, and then fit for nothing but Pasture, we must be always at a great deal more Ex|pence than they in clearing new Land for Planting. The Importation of Necessaries for Life comes to us at the most extravagant Rate, Mer|chants in general, especially of England, not being willing to supply the Settlers with Goods upon Commission, because no Person here can make them any Security of their Lands and Improvements, as is very often practised in other Places, to promote Trade, when some of the Employ|er's Money is laid out in necessary Buildings and Improvements, fitted for the Trade intended, without which it cannot be carried on. The Benefit of the Importation, therefore, is to all transient Persons who do not lay out any Money amongst us, but on the contrary carry every Penny out of the Place: And the chief Reason for their enhancing the Price, is, because they cannot get any Goods here, either on Freight or Purchase, for another Market. If the Advantage accruing from Import|ation centerd in the Inhabitants, the Profit thereof would naturally cir|culate amongst us, and be laid out in Improvements in the Colony. Your Honours, we imagine, are not insensible of the Numbers that have left this Province, not being able to support themselves any longer, and those still remaining, who have Money of their own, and Credit with their Friends, have laid out most of the former in Improvements, and lost the latter for doing it on such precarious Titles; and upon account

of the present Establishment, not above Two or Three Persons, except those brought on Charity, and Servants sent by you, have come here for the Space of Two Years past, either to settle Land or encourage Trade, neither do we hear of any such likely to come, until we are on better Terms.

It is true, his Majesty has been graciously pleased to Grant a Regiment for the Defence of this Province, and the neighbouring Colony, which indeed will very much Assist us in Defending ourselves against all Ene|mies, but otherwise does not in the least contribute to our Support; for all that part of their Pay which is expended here, is laid out with Tran|sient People, and our Neighbours of Carolina, who are capable to sup|ply them with Provisions and other Necessaries at a moderate Price, which we, as before observed, are not at all capable to do, upon the present Establishment: This being our present Condition it is obvious what the Consequences must be.

But we, for our parts, having intirely relied on, and confided in, your good Intentions, believing you would Redress our Grievances that should appear, and now, by our long Experience from Industry and continual Application to Improvement of Land here, do find it impossible to pur|sue it, or subsist ourselves any longer, according to the present nature of the Constitution: And likewise believing you will agree to those Mea|sures which are found by Experience, capable to make this Colony suc|ceed, and to promote which we have consumed our Money, Time and Labour; we do, from a sincere and true Regard to it's Welfare, and in Duty both to you and ourselves, beg leave to lay before your immediate Consideration, the Two following chief Causes of these our present Mis|fortunes, and this deplorable State of the Colony; and which, we are certain, if Granted, would be an infallible Remedy for both.

1. The want of a Free Title or Fee Simple to our Lands, which, if Granted, would occasion great Numbers of new Settlers to come among us, and likewise encourage those who remain here, chearfully to proceed in making further Improvements, as well to retrieve their sunk Fortunes, as to make Provision for their Posterity.

2. The want and use of Negroes with proper Limitations, which, if Granted, would both induce great Numbers of White People to come here, and also render us Capable to subsist ourselves by raising Provisions upon our Lands, until we could make some Produce of it for Export, and in some measure to balance our Importation. We are very sensible of the Inconveniences and Mischiefs that have already, and do daily arise from an unlimited use of Negroes; but we are as sensible that these might be prevented by a due Limitation, such as, so many to each White Man, or so many to such a Quantity of Land, or in any other Manner

which your Honours shall think most proper. By Granting us, Gentle|men, these Two particulars, and such other Privileges as his Majesty's most dutiful Subjects in America enjoy, you will not only prevent our impending Ruin, but we are fully satisfied, also, will soon make this the most flourishing Colony possessed by his Majesty in America, and your Memories will be perpetuated to all future Ages, our latest Posterity sounding your Praises as their first Founders, Patrons and Guardians: But if, by Denying us those Privileges, we ourselves and Families are not only Ruined, but even our Posterities likewise, you will always be men|tioned as the Cause and Authors of all their Misfortunes and Calamaties; which we hope will never happen.

Savannah, in Georgia, Decemb. 9. 1738.

We are, with all due Respect, Your Honours most Dutiful, and Obedient Servants,

• Henry Parker,
• Robert † Gilbert, his mark.
• Thomas Christie,
• John Fallowfield,
• John Brownfield,
• William Woodroofe.
• Pat. Tailfer,
• And. Grant,
• Sam. Mercer,
• Robert Williams,
• Patrick Graham,
• Da. Douglas,
• Tho. Baillie,
• Hugh Anderson,
• James Carwells,
• John Lyndall,
• Jos. Fitzwalter,
• Elisha Forster,
• Walter Fox,
• William Ewen,
• J. Amoury,
• Ja. Houston,
• James Williams,
• Edward Jenkins,
• Thomas Omaston,
• Joseph Wardrop,
• George Buncle,
• Adrian Loyer,
• P. Joubert,
• John Burton,
• Robert Hows,
• Wm. † Maiers, his mark.
• Thomas Salter,
• James Baillow,
• James Anderson,
• John Seillie,
• William Starfickett,
• Petre Baillou,
• Peter Emory,
• Henry Lloyd,
• Wm. Elbert,
• John Smith,
• Wm. Calvert,
• Stephen Marrauld,
• ...

• Iacob Mathews,
• Isaac Young,
• Robert Hainks,
• Archibald Glen,
• Tho. Neale,
• Stephen † Terien, his mark.
• Sam. Ward,
• Iames † Smith, his mark.
• Pierre Morel,
• Stephen de Monford,
• David Gainder,
• Iames † Chensac, his mark.
• Iames † Landry, his mark.
• Simson † Rouviere, his mark.
• Louis Stamen,
• Thomas Tripp,
• Sam. Holmes,
• Iames Mure,
• William Parker,
• Iohn Graham,
• Iames Papot,
• Iohn Penrose,
• David Snook,
• Edward Townshend,
• Iohn Desborough,
• Andrew Duche,
• Iames Galloway,
• Iohn Desborough, Junr.
• Edward Bush,
• Benj. Adams,
• Charles Britain,
• Iohn Rae,
• William Colthred,
• Iohn Young,
• Samuel Lacey,
• Andrew Walker,
• Iohn Miller,
• Richard Rogers,
• Thomas Gantlet,
• Richard Millechamp,
• Isaac Young, Senr.
• Iohn Kelley,
• Ios. Stanley,
• Tho. † Young, his mark.
• Thomas † Cross, his mark.
• Richard Davis,
• Thomas Wattele,
• Thomas † Baillie, his mark.
• Iames Corneck,
• Iames Burnsides,
• Hugh † Frazer, his mark.
• Samuel Parker,
• William Sterling,
• Tho. Andrews,
• George Gorsand,
• Iohn Stonehewer,
• Iohn Teasdeail,
• Wm. † Greenfield, his mark.
• Cha. † Greenfield, his mark.
• Thomas † Young, his mark.
• Iames † Dormer,
• William Carter,
• Henry † Moulton, his mark.
• Thomas Tibbett,
• Iames Dean,
• Don. Stewart,
• Gille Becu,
• Francis Brooks,
• Iohn Clarke,
• Henry Green,
• Iacob Wats,
• Iohn Dudding,
• George † Bush, his mark.
• Peter † Deshter, his mark.
• Henry Manley, his mark.
• Head Gardiner,
• Kenedy O Brien.

Number 9.

WE are informed, that our Neighbours of Savannah have petitioned your Excellency for the Liberty of having Slaves; we hope and earnestly intreat, that before such Proposals are hearkened unto, your Excellency will consider our Situation, and of what dangerous and bad Consequence such Liberty would be of to us, for many Reasons.

1. The Nearness of the Spaniards, who have proclaimed Freedom to all Slaves who run from their Masters, makes it impossible for us to keep them, without more Labour in watching them, than we would be at to do their Work.

2. We are Laborious, and know a White Man may be, by the Year, more usefully employed than a Negro.

3. We are not Rich, and becoming Debtors for Slaves, in case of their running away, or dying, would inevitably ruin the poor Master, and he become a greater Slave to the Negro-Merchant, than the Slave he bought could be to him.

4. It would oblige us to keep a Guard-Duty, at least as severe as when we expected a daily Invasion; and, if that was the Case, hoiw miserable would it be to us, and our Wives and Children, to have an Enemy without, and a more dangerous one in our Bosom.

5. It is shocking to human Nature, that any Race of Mankind, and their Posterity, should be sentenced to perpetual Slavery; nor, in Jus|tice, can we think otherwise of it, than that they are thrown amongst us, to be our Scourge one Day or other for our Sins; and as Freedom to them must be as dear as to us, what a Scene of Horror must it bring about! And the longer it is unexecuted, the bloody Scene must be the greater. We, therefore, for our own Sakes, our Wives and Children, and our Posterity, beg your Consideration, and intreat, that instead of introducing Slaves, you'll put us in the Way to get some of our Coun|trymen, who, with their Labour, in Time of Peace, and our Vigilance,

if we are Invaded, with the Help of those, will render it a difficult thing to hurt us, or that part of the Province we possess. We will for ever Pray for your Excellency, and are, with all Submission,

Your Excellency's most Obedient, Humble Servants,

• Iohn Mackintosh Moore,
• Iohn Mackintosh Lynvilge,
• Ranald Mc Donald,
• HM Hugh Morrison's mark.
• Iohn Mc Donald,
• Iohn Macklean,
• Iohn Mackintosh, Son to L.
• Iohn Mc Intosh Bain,
• Iames Mc Kay,
• Daniel Clark, First.
• Alexander Clark, Son to the above.
• Donald Clark, Third, his mark †.
• Ios. BI Burges, his mark.
• Donald Clark, Second.
• Archibald AMB Mc Bain, his mark.
• Alexander Munro.
• William Munro.
• Iohn Cuthbert.

New-Inverness, 3d. Ian. 1738, 9.

To his Excellency General Oglethorpe.

Number 10.

Ebenezer, 13th March, 1739.

WE Saltzburghers, and Inhabitants of Ebenezer, that have signed this Letter, intreat humbly in our, and our Brethrens, Names, your Excellency would be pleased to shew us the Favour, of desiring the Honourable Trustees for sending to Georgia another Transport of Saltzburghers, to be settled at Ebenezer. We have, with one Accord, wrote a Letter to our Father in God, the Reverend Mr. Senior Urlsper|ger, at Augsperg, and in that Letter expressly named those Saltz|burghers and Austrians whom, as our Friends, Relations, and Country|men, we wish to see settled here. We can indeed attest of them, that they fear the Lord truly, love Working, and will conform themselves to our Congregation. We have given them an Account of our being settled well, and being mighty well pleased with the Climate and Con|dition of this Country, having here several Preferences in Spiritual and Temporal Circumstances, for other People in Germany, which your Honour will find in the here inclosed Copy of our Letter to Mr. Senior Urlsperger; if they fare as we do, having been provi|ded in the Beginning with Provisions, a little Stock for Breed, some Tools and good Land, by the Care of the Honourable Trus|tees, and if God grants his Blessing to their Work, we doubt not, but they will gain with us, easily, their Bread and Subsistence, and lead a quiet and peaceable Life, in all Godliness and Honesty. Though it is here a hotter Season than our native Country is, yet not so extream|ly hot as we were told on the first Time of our Arrival; but since we have been now used to the Country, we find it tolerable, and, for work|ing People, very convenient, setting themselves to Work early in the Morning, 'till Ten o'Clock, and, in the Afternoon, from Three to Sun|set; and having Business at home, we do them in our Huts and Houses, in the Middle of the Day, till the greatest Heat is over. People in Ger|many are hindred by Frost and Snow, in the Winter, from doing any Work in the Fields and Vineyards; but we have this Preference, to do the most and heaviest Work at such a Time, preparing the Ground

sufficiently for the Planting in the Spring. We were told by seve|ral People, after our Arrival, that it proves quite impossible and dangerous, for White People to plant and manufacture any Rice, being a Work only for Negroes, not for European People; but having Experience of the contrary, we laugh at such a Talking, seeing that several People of us have had, in last Harvest, a great|er Crop of Rice, than they wanted for their own Consumption. If God is pleased to enable us, by some Money, for building such Mills, convenient for the cleaning the Rice, as we use in Germany for the making several Grains fit for eating, then the Manu|facture of Rice will be an easy and Profitable Thing: For the pre|sent, we crave your Excellency's Goodness to allow, for the Use of the whole Congregation, some Rice-Sieves of several Sorts, from Charles-Town, which cannot be had at Savannah: We will be ac|countable to the Store for them. Of Corn, Pease, Potatoes, Pump|kins, &c. we had such a good Quantity, that many Bushels were sold, and much was spent in feeding Calves, Cows, and Hogs. If the Sur|veyor, according to his Order and Duty, had used Dispatch in laying out our Farms (which we have got not sooner than last Fall) item, if not, we all were disappointed by long Sickness, and planting the yel|low Pennsylvania Corn, we would have been able, by the Blessing of God, to spare a greater Quantity of Grain, for getting of Meat-kind and Cloaths, of which we are in want. It is true, the two Acres of Ground for each Family's Garden, are set out some time ago; but being there very few Swamps fit for planting of Rice, and some of them wanting a good deal of Dung, we were not able, in the Beginning, to dung it well, therefore we could not make such a good Use of those Acres, as we now have Reason to hope, by the Assistance of God, after our Plantations are laid out: Hence it is, that we plant the good Ground first, and im|prove the other Soil then, when Occasion will require it, in the best Manner we can. In the first Time, when the Ground must be cleared from Trees, Bushes, and Roots, and fenced in carefully, we are to un|dergo some hard Labour, which afterwards will be the easier and more pleasing, when the hardest Trial is over, and our Plantations are better regulated. A good deal of Time was spent in building Huts, Houses, and other necessary Buildings, in Town, and upon the Farms; and since we wanted Money for several Expences, several Persons of us hired our|selves out, for some Weeks, for building the Orphan-House and it's Appurtenances. Item, The Reverend Mr. Gronau's House, which hap|pened to be built in the hottest Summer-Season, and now some of us are employed to build the Reverend Mr. Bolzius's House, which Build|ings having taken away some Time from our Work in the Ground; but the fair Opportunity of earning some Money at home, was a great Benefit to us; this being now so, that neither the hot Summer Season, nor any Thing else, hinders us from Work in the Ground, and we wish to live a quiet and peaceable Life at our Place. We humbly beseech the Ho|nourable

Trustees not to allow it, that any Negro might be brought to our Place, or in our Neighbourhood, knowing by Experience that Houses and Gardens will be always robbed by them, and White People are in danger of Life because of them, besides other great Inconveniences. Likewise we humbly beseech you and the Trustees, not to allow any Person the Liberty of buying up Lands at our Place, by which, if grant|ed, it would happen, that by bad and turbulent Neighbours our Con|gregation would be spoiled, and poor harmless People troubled and op|pressed; but we wish and long for such Neighbours to be settled here, whose good Name and honest Behaviour is known to us and our Fa|vourers. The Honourable Trustees have been always Favourers and Protectors of poor and distressed People, therefore we beseech you and them, they would be pleased to take us farther under your Fatherly Care, that the Remembrance of their Benevolence and Kindness to our Congregation might be conveyed to our late Posterity, and be highly praised. We put up our Prayers to God for rewarding your Excellency, and the Honourable Trustees, manifold, for all their good Assistance and Benefits which are bestowed upon us, and humbly beg the Continuance of your and their Favour and Protection, being, with the greatest Sub|mission and Respect,

Your Honours Most Obedient, Dutiful Servants, Inhabitants at Ebenezer.

• Gabriel Maurer,
• John Maurer,
• George Kogler,
• Paulus Zittrauer,
• Peter Reuter,
• Stephen Rottenbergher,
• Ambrosii Zubli,
• John Jacob Zubli,
• Christopher Ortmann,
• Ruprecht Kalober,
• Leonhard Rauner,
• Christian Reidelspergher,
• John Hornberger,
• George Bruckner,
• Carl. Sigismund Ott,
• Matthias Zettler,
• Ruprecht Eischberger,
• John Peter Arnsdorff,
• Bartholomeus Rieser,
• Bartholomeus Zant,
• Thomas Gsotrwandel,
• Simon Reiter,
• Matthias Brandher,
• Christian Lieinberger,

• Fridrick Willhelm Molter,
• Martin Hertzog,
• Christian Hessler,
• Iohn Pletter,
• Frank Sigismund,
• Simon Steiner,
• George Schwaiger,
• Iohn Schmidt,
• Leonhard Crause,
• Peter Gruber,
• Iacob Schartner,
• Ioseph Leitner,
• Iohn Cornberger,
• Martin Lackner,
• Luprecht Steiner,
• Veit Lemmen Hosser,
• Iohn and Catle Floerel,
• Ruprecht Zimmerman,
• Andreas Grimmiger,
• Matthias Burgsteiner,
• Veit Landselder,
• Ioseph Ernst,
• Iohn Michel Rieser,
• Thomas Pichler,
• Iohn Spielbielger.

WE Ministers of the Congregation at Ebenezer, join with the Saltzburghers in this Petition, and verify, that every one of them has Signed it with the greatest Readiness and Satisfaction.

• Iohn Martin Boblius,
• Israel Christian Gronau.

To his Excellency GeneralOglethorpe.

Number 11. To the Magistrates of the Town of Savannah in the Pro|vince of GEORGIA.

THE Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia in America, have received by the Hands of Mr. Benjamin Ball of London, Merchant, an attested Copy of a Representation Signed by you the Magistrates, and many of the Inhabitants, of Savannah, on the 9th December last, for altering the Tenure of the Lands, and introducing Negroes into the Province, transmitted from thence by Mr. Ro. Williams.

The Trustees are not surprized to find unwary People drawn in by Crafty Men, to join in a Design of extorting, by Clamour, from the Trustees, an Alteration in the fundamental Laws framed for the Preser|vation of the People from those very Designs.

But the Trustees cannot but express their Astonishment, that you, the Magistrates appointed by them to be Guardians of the People, by putting those Laws in Execution, should so far forget your Duty, as to put your selves at the Head of this Attempt.

However, they direct you to give the Complainants this Answer from the Trustees, That they should deem themselves very unfit for the Trust reposed in them by his Majesty on their behalf, if they could be pre|vailed upon, by such an irrational Attempt, to give up a Constitution, framed from the greatest Caution for the Preservation of Liberty and Property, and of which the Laws against the use of Slaves and for the Entail of Lands, are the surest Foundations.

And the Trustees are the more confirmed in their Opinion, of the unreasonableness of this Demand, that they have received Petitions from the Darien, and other Parts of the Province, representing the Inconve|nience and Danger which must arise to the good People of the Province from the Introduction of Negroes, and, as the Trustees themselves are fully convinced, that besides the Hazard attending that Introduction, it would destroy all the Industry among the White Inhabitants; and that,

by giving them a Power to Alien their Lands, the Colony would soon be too like it's Neighbours, void of White Inhabitants, filled with Blacks, and reduced to the precarious Property of a few, equally disposed to do|mestick Treachery and foreign Invasion. And therefore the Trustees cannot be supposed to be in a Disposition of Granting this Request, and if they have not before this signified their Dislike of it, their Delay is to be imputed to no other Motives but the Hopes they had conceived, that Time and Experience would bring the Complainants to a better Mind. And the Trustees readily join Issue with them in their Appeal to Posterity, who shall judge between them, who were their best Friends, those who endeavoured to preserve for them a Property in their Lands, by Tying up the Hands of their unthrifty Progenitors, or they who wanted a Power to Mortgage or Alien them; who were the best Friends to the Colony, those who with great Labour and Cost, had endeavoured to form a Colony of his Majesty's Subjects, and Persecuted Protestants, from other Parts of Europe, had Placed them on a fruitful Soil, and strove to secure them in their Possessions, by those Arts which naturally tend to keep the Colony full of useful and industrious People, capable both to Cultivate and Defend it, or those who to gratify the greedy and ambitious Views of a few Negro Merchants, would put it into their Power to become sole Owners of the Province, by introducing their baneful Commodity, which it is well known by sad Experience, has brought our Neighbour Colonies to the brink of Ruin, by driving out their White Inhabitants, who were their Glory and Strength, to make Room for Black, who are now become the Terror of their advised Masters.

Signed by Order of the Trustees, this Twentieth Day of Iune, 1739.

Benj. Martyn, Secretary.

FINIS.