A chronological history of New-England in the form of annals: being a summary and exact account of the most material transactions and occurrences relating to this country, in the order of time wherein they happened, from the discovery by Capt. Gosnold in 1602, to the arrival of Governor Belcher, in 1730. : With an introduction containing a brief epitome of the most remarkable transactions and events abroad, from the Creation: including the connected line of time, the succession of patriarchs and sovereigns of the most famous kingdoms & empires, the gradual discoveries of America, and the progress of the Reformation to the discovery of New-England. / By Thomas Prince, M.A. ; Vol. I. ; [Four lines of Scripture texts]

THE New England Chronology.

PART II.

SECT. I.

From the Beginning of the Settlement of the first or PLIMOUTH COLONY at Plimouth, under Gover••nor Carver, Dec. 31. 1620; To the Beginning of the Settlement of the MASSACHUSETS or second CO|LONY by the Arrival of Governor Wi••throp and Company at Salem, Iune 12. 1630.

_THROUGH a great variety of Obstacles and Hardships, this small and pious People are at length arriv'd and seated on this strange and distant Shore: but yet a Shore they are by an over-ruling Providence conducted to, beside their own Design, though not without the secret Plots of others For 〈◊〉〈◊〉 some unknown Country further Southward about HUD|SON'S RIVER was in their View when they engaged in thi•• ••dventurous Voyage; Mr. Morton who publish'd his Memo|rial in 1670, tel••s us, He had then lately sure Intelligence, ••hat 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Dutch intending to settle a Colony There of their own, privately hired the Master of the Ship to contrive

De••ays in England, then to steer them to these Northern Coasts, and there under Pleas of Shoals and Winter, to discourage them from venturing farther. * 1.1

However, by their being guided Hither, they then un|knowingly escaped the much greater Danger of falling a••mong the Multitudes of Savages at that Time filling the Countries about Hudson's River, and are landed in a Place of greater Safety; where a general Pestilence had 2 or; Years before, exceedingly thin'd the Natives and prepar'd the Way for this feeble Company.

Being thus beside their Intention bro't to the New Eng|land Coast, where their Patent gave them no Right or Power, they were in a sort reduced to a State of Nature: and some of the Strangers receiv'd at London, dropping some mutinous Speeches as if there were now no Authority over them; this People therefore before they landed wisely form'd themselves into a BODY POLITICK under the Crown of England, by the solemn CONTRACT hinted above, & which Governor Bradford gives us in the following Terms. * 1.2

In the Name of GOD Amen: We whose Names are under written, the Loyal Subjects of our dread Sovereign Lord King JAMES by the Grace of GOD, of Great-Britain, France and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, &c.

Having undertaken for the Glory of GOD, and advancement of the Christian Faith, and Honour of our King and Country, a Voyage to Plant the first Colony in the Northern Parts of Virginia; Do by these Presents solemnly and mutually in the Presence of GOD, and one of another, Covenant and Com••bine ourselves together unto a Civil Body Politick, for our better Ordering and Preservation, and Furtherance of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 aforesaid; & byVirtue hereof to enact, constitute & frame such 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and equal Laws, Ordinances, Acts, Constitutions & Offices * 1.3

from Time to Time, as shall be tho't most meet and convenient for the General Good of the Colony; unto which we Promise all due Submission and Obedience: In witness whereof we have ••••r••under subscribed our Names at Cape Cod, the 11th of No|vember, in the Year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord King JAMES of England, France and Ireland the Eighteenth and of Scotland the Fifty-fourth, Anno Domini, 1620. (B)

To this Instrument Mr. Morton sets the Subscribers in the following Order: But their Names corrected, with their Titles and Families I take from the List at the End of Governor Bradford's Folio Manuscript: Only this I observe, that out of Modesty, He omits the Title of Mr. to his own Name, which He ascribes to several others.

• N. B. 1. Those with this Mark (‖) bro't their Wives with them▪ Those with this (*) for the Present left them either in Holland or England.
• 2. Some left behind them some, and others all their Children, who afterwards came over.
• 3. Those Italica'd Deceased before the End of March.
• 4. The narrow Column contains the Number in their several Families.

Names.

No

1 Mr. John Carver ‖

••

2 William Bradford ‖

2

3 Mr. Edward Winslow ‖

5

4 Mr. William Brewster ‖

6

5 Mr. Isaac Allerton ‖

6

6 Capt. Miles Standish ‖

2

•• John Alden

1

8 Mr. Samuel Fuller *

2 * 1.4

9 Mr. Christopher Martin ‖

4

10 Mr. William Mullins ‖

5

11 Mr. William White ‖

5 * 1.5

12 Mr Richard Warren *

1

13 John Howland * 1.6

 

14 Mr. Stephen Hopkins ‖

8 * 1.7

15 Edward Tilly ‖

4

16 Iohn Tilly ‖

3

17 Francis Cook *

2

18 Thomas Rogers

2

••9 Thomas Tinker ‖

3

••0 Iohn Ridgdale ‖

2

21 Edward Fuller ‖

3

22 Iohn Turner

3

23 Francis Eaton ‖

3

24 Iames Chilton ‖

3

25 Iohn Crackston * 1.8

2

26 John Billington ‖

4

27 Moses Fletcher * 1.9

1

28 Iohn Goodman

1

29 Degory Priest * 1.10

1

30 Thomas Williams

1

31 Gilbert Winslow

1

32 Edmund Margeson

1

33 Peter Brown

1

34 Richard Britterige * 1.11

1

35 George Soule * 1.12

 

36 Richard Clarke

1

37 Richard Gardiner

1

38 Iohn All••••ton

1

39 Thomas English

1

40 Edward Dorey * 1.13 * 1.14

 

41 Edward Leister * 1.15

 

 

101

So there were just 101 who sail'd from Plimouth in Eng|land, and just as many arriv'd in Cape Cod Harbour. And ••his is the solitary Number, who for an undefiled Conscience and the Love of pure Christianity, first left their Native and pleasant Land, and encountred all the Toils and Hazard•• ••f the tumultuous Ocean, in Search of some uncultivated Region in North Virginia; where they might quietly enjoy ••heir Religious Liberties, and transmit them to Posterity, in Hopes that none wou'd follow to disturb or vex them.

Some no••ed Writers, not with a sufficient accuracy stu|died in the Religious History of those Times, have through great Mistake represented as if this People were a Congre|gation of Brownists. But even Baylie Himself * 1.16 that

bi••ter Inveigher both against the Brownists and Independents▪ owns,

That Mr. ROBINSON their Pastor▪ was a Man o•• excellent Parts, and the most Learned, polished and modest Spirit as ever separated from the Church of England; that the Apologies He wrote were very handsom; tha•• by Dr. Ames and Mr. Parker, He was bro't to a greater Moderation, than He at first expressed; that he ruined the Rigid Separation, allowing the Lawfulness of communi|cating with the Church of England in the Word and Prayer * 1.17 t••o▪ not in the Sacraments and Discipline; that He wa•• a Principal Overthrower o•• the Brownists, and becam•• the Author of Independency

The like Account of M•• Robinson, H••rnius also gives u••. * 1.18 And how inconsistent i•• it then to call Him or his People Brownists, when he wa•• known to be a principal Overthrower of them.

Agreably, Hornius, from my Lord Brook, seems to ex|press Himself in this more accurately than other Writers▪ by Dividing those who separated from the Church of Eng|land into Two Sorts, viz. (1) The Rigid Separatists or Brow|nists. (2) The Semi Separa••ists or Robinsonians; who after •• while were called Independents, and still retain the Name. And so distant were the Former in their Principles and Temper from the Latter▪ that as the chief Seat of the Brownists was then at Amsterdam▪ Governor Winslow a principal Member of Mr. Robinson's Church, acquaints us,

That the Brownists there wou'd hardly hold Communion wi••h the People at Leyden.

* 1.19

The same Gentleman also tells us,

That Mr. Robinso•• was always against Separation from any of the Churche•• of CHRIST, holding Communion with the Reformed Churches, both in Sco••land, France and the Netherlands; that his Study was for Peace and Union, so far as might agree with Faith and a good Conscience: But for the Government of the Church of England, as in the Episcopal Way, the L••turgy and stinted Prayers, yea the Constitution of the Church as National, and so the corrupt Communion of the Unworthy with the Worthy Receivers of the Lord's Supper; these Things were never approved of Him, but witnessed against to his Death, and by the Church under him: that the C••urch of L••yden made no Schis•• or Separation from the Reformed C••urches, but as Occasion offer'd, held Communion with them. For we, says Go|vernor Winslow, ever plac'd a large Difference between those, who ground their Practice on the Word of GOD, tho' dif••ering from us in the Exposition or Understanding of it, and those who hated such Reformers and Refor|mation, and went on in Antichristian Opposition to it and Persecution of it, as the late Lord Bishops did. Never the less Mr. Robinson allowed Hearing the Godly Minister•• of the Church of England Preach and Pray in the Publick Assemblies; yea allowed 'Private Communion * 1.20 with them and with all the Faithful in the Kingdom and else|where upon all Occasions.

None of which wou'd the Br••wnists ever allow.

'Tis true says Governor Winslow, we Profess and Desire to Practice a Separation from the World and the Works of the World, which are the Works of the Fl••sh, such as the Apostle speaks of, Eph. v▪19,—21; 1 Cor. vi. 9,—11▪

and Eph. ii.11, 12. And as the C••urc••es of CHRIST ar•• all Saints by Calling; so we desire to see the Grace o•• GOD shining forth, at least seemingly (leaving secre Things to GOD) in all we admit into Church-Fellowship and to keep off such as openly wallow in the Mire o•• their Sins; that neither the Holy Things of GOD nor th•• Communion of the Saints may be thereby leavened or polluted. And if any joining to us when we liv'd a•• L••yden, or since we came to N••w England, have with the Manifestation of their Faith and Profession of Holiness, held forth there-withSeparation from the Church of England; I have diverse times in the one Place heard Mr. Robinson our Pastor, and in the other Mr. Brewster our Elder, stop them forthwith, shewing them that we requir'd no such Thing at their Hands, but only to hold forth Faith in JESUS CHRIST, Holiness in the Fear of GOD, and Sub|mission to every Divine Appointment▪ leaving the Church of England to themselves and to the LORD, to whom we ought to Pray to Reform what was amiss a|mong them.

Perhaps Hornius was the only Person, who gave this People the Title of Robinsonians. But had He been duely acquainted with the Generous Principles both of the Peopl•• and their famous Pastor; He wou'd have known that no|••hing was more disagreable to them, than to be called by the Name of any meer Man whatever; since they re|nounced all Attachment to any meer Humane Systems or Expositions of the Scripture, and reserved an entire and ••erpetual Liberty of searching the inspired Records and o•• ••orming both their Principles and Practice from those Dis••coveries they shou'd make therein, without imposing them on others. This appears in their Original Covenant in 1602, ••s we observed before. And agreable to this, Governor Winslow tells us, that when the Plimouth People Parted fro•• their Renowned Pastor, with whom they had always liv'd in the most intire Affection;

He charged us before GOD and his Blessed Angels to follow Him no further than He followed CHRIST: And if GOD should reveal any thing ••o us by any other Instrument of his, to be as ready to receive it as ever we were to receive any Truth by

his Ministry: For he was very confident the LORD had more Truth and Light ye•• to brake forth out of his HOLY WORD. He took Occasion also miserably to bewail the State of the REFORMED CHURCHES, who were come to a Period in Religion, and wou'd go no further than the INSTRUMENTS of their Reformation. As for Example, the LUTHERANS cou'd not be drawn to go beyond what LUTHER saw; for whatever Part of GOD's Word He had further revealed to CALVIN they had rather Die than ••mbrace it: and so said He, you see the CALVINISTS, they stick were He left them, A Misery much to be lamented: For tho' they were precious, shining Lights in their Times; yet GOD had not revealed his whole Will to them: And were they now alive, said He, they wou'd be as ready to ••mbrace further Light as that they had received. Here also He put us in mind of our CHURCH-COVENANT; whereby we engaged with GOD and one another to receive what|ever Light or Truth shou'd be made known to us from his WRITTEN WORD. But withal exhorted us to take heed what we receive for Truth; and well to exa|mine, compare and weigh it with other SCRIPTURES before we receive it. For said He, It is not possible the Christian World shou'd come so lately out of such An|tichristian Darkness, and that full Perfection of Know|ledge should brake forth at once, &c.

— Words ••lmost astonishing in that Age of low and universal Bi|gotry which then prevailed in the English Nation: wherein ••his truly Great and Learned Man seems to be almost the ••nly Divine, who was capable of rising into a noble Free|dom of Thinking and Practising in Religious Matters, and even of urging such an equa•• Liberty on his own People. He labours to take them off from their Attachment to Him, that they might be more intirely free to search and follow the SCRIPTURES.

As for Mr. Robinson's being the Author of Independency — Mr. Cotton replies

That the NEW TESTAMENT was the Author of it; and 'twas receiv'd in the Times of Purest, Primitive Antiquity, many Hundreds of Years before Mr. Robinson was Born▪ And Governor Winslow — that

the Primitive Churches in the Apostolick Age are the only Pattern which the Churches of CHRIST in NEW ENGLAND have in their Eye; not following Luther, Calvin, Knox Ainsworth, Robinson, Ames, or any other, further, tha•• they follow CHRIST and his Apostles.

But as Mr. Robinson and his Church, were of the same mind, and always liv'd in great Harmony and Unity; I shall here give a SUMMARY of their main Principles from their Published Writings.

I. They were in the Sentiment•• which since, the famou•• Mr. Chillingworth tells us that after long Study He als•• came into▪ viz. That the INSPIRED SCRIPTURES ONLY contain the ••rue Religion; and especially nothing is to be accounted the Protestant Religion, respecting either Faith or Worship, but what is taught in them: as also in the same Sentiments which the present celebrated Bishop Hoadly and many other Great Men, have so nobly defended, as the Right of Humane Nature, as the very Basis of the Refor|mation, and indeed of all sincere Religion; viz. That every Man has a Right of Iudging for Himself, of Trying Doctrines by them, and of Worshipping according to his Apprehension of the Meaning of them.

II. As to Faith and the Holy Sacraments—they Be|lieved t••e DOCTRINAL Articles of the Church of England, as also of the Reformed Churches of Scotland, Ireland, France, the Palatinate, Geneva, Switzerland, and the united Provinces, to be agreable to the Holy Oracles: Allowing all the Pious Members of the Churches Communion with them; and Differing from them only in Matters purely Ecclesiastical.

III. As to Ecclesiastical Matters—they held t••e follow|ing Articles to be agreable to Scripture and Reason.

1. That no particular Church ought to consist of more Members than can conveniently Watch over one another and usually meet and Worship in one Congregati••n.

2. That every particular Church of CHRIST is only to consist of such as appear to Believe in and Obey Him.

3. That any competent Number of such, when thei•• Consciences oblige them, have a Right to ••mbody into a Church for their mutual Edification.

4 That this Embodying is by some certain Contract or Covenant either Expr••ssed or Implied; tho' it ought to be by ••he Former.

5. That being Embodied, they have a Right of Chusing all their Offi••ers.

6. ••hat the Officers appointed by CHRIST for this Em|bodied Church are in some Respects of three Sorts, in other•• but two, viz.

[1] Pastors or T••aching Elders—who have the Power both of Overseeing, Teaching, Administring the Sacra|ments and Ruling too: And being chiefly to give them|selves to Studying, Teaching and the spiritual Care of the Flock, are therefore to be maintained.

[2] Meer RULING ELDERS—who are to Help the Pastors in Overseeing and Ruling; that their Offices be not Tempo|rary, as among the Dutch & French Churches▪ but continual: And being also qualified in some Degree to Teach, they are to Teach only Occasionally, thro▪ Necessity, or in their Pastor's Absence or Illness; but being not to give themselves toStudy or Teaching▪ they have no need of Maintenance.

That the Elders of Both Sorts form the Presbytery of Over|seers & Rulers, which shou'd be in every par••icular Church: And are inScripture called sometimes Presbyters or Elders, some|times Bishops or Overseers, sometimesGuides & sometime••Rulers▪

[3] DEACONS—who are to take Care of the Poor and of the Churches Treasure; to Distribute for the Support of the Pastor, the Supply of the Needy, the Propagation of Religion, and to Minister at the Lord's Table, &c.

7. That these Officers being chosen and ordained, have 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Lordly, Arbitrary or imposing Power; but can only Rule and Minister with the Consent of the Brethren; who ought no•• in Contempt to be call'd the Laity, but to be Trea••ed a•• Men and Brethren in CHRIST, not as Slaves or Minors.

8. That no Churches or Church Officers whatever have any Power over any other Church or Officers, to control or impose ••pon them: But are all Equal in their Rights & Privileges, and ought to be Independant in the Exercise & Enjoyment of them.

9. As to ••hurch-Administrations—they held▪ that BAPTIS•• is a Seal of the Covenant of Grace, and shou'd be dispense•• on••y ••o visible Believers, with their ••nadult Children; and ••his in P••imitive Purity, as in the Times of CHRIST an••

his Apostles, without the Sign of the Cross or any other in|vented Ceremony: That the LORD's SUPPER shou'd be Received as it was at first even in CHRIST's immediate Pre|sence, in the Tab••e Posture: That the Elders should not be Restrain'd fromPRAYING in Publick as well asPrivate, accord|ing to the various Occasions continually offering from the Word or Providence, and no set Form shou'd be impos'd on any: That EXCOMMUN••CATION should be wholly Spi|ritual, a meer Rejecting th•• Scandalous from the Communi|on of the Church in the Ho••y Sacraments, and those other Spiritual Privileges which are peculiar to the Faithful: An•• that the Church or its Officers have no Authority to inflict any Penalties of a Temp••ral Nature.

10. and lastly, As for Holy Days—They were very strict for the Observation of the LORD's DAY, in a pious Memo|rial of the Incarnation, Birth, Death, Resurrection, Ascen|••ion and Benefits of CHRIST; as also solemn FASTINGS and THANKSGIVINGS, as the State of Providence requires: But all other Times not Prescrib'd in Scripture they utterly re|linquished: And as in general, they cou'd not conceive any thing a Part of CHRIST's Religion which He has not Re|quired; they there••ore renounced all Humane Right of In|venting, and much less of Imp••sing it on others.

These were the main Principles of that Scriptural and Re|ligious Liberty, for which this People suffered in England, fled to Holland, traversed the Ocean, and sought a dangerous Retreat in these remote and savage Desarts of North-Ame|rica; that Here they might fully enjoy them, and leave them to their last Posterity.

But Removing t••e Stage of our Chronology to the Weste••n Side of the Atlantick; we may take a brief Survey both of the S••ate of Great Britain and the Neighbouring Countries they ••eft behind them and for which they were chiefly concerned, ••s well as the State of North East America at the Time of their Arrival.

In France and Navarr, the King begins to Pe••secute the Protestants and turn them out of their Churches. In Lusatia▪ Bohemia, and Germany, the Imperial and Spanish Forces are ••revailing and ruining the Reformed In••erest; even the ••rotestant E••ector of Saxony joining with them. And the

King of England, extreamly fond of marching his only Son Prince Charles to the Popish Infanta, refuses to support and even allow of a Publick Fast for his own Daughter the ex|cellent Queen of Bohemia, the Darling of the British Puritans; indulges the Papists throughout his Kingdoms, and at the same time allows no Rest for any of the Reformed in them who mislike the Ceremonies or Diocesan Episcopacy. In Sc••••|land, the Presbyterian Church is wholly overthrown, her Mi|nisters Deprived, Confined, Banished: And in ENGLAND,

Most of the Affairs in Church and State, as Eachard tells us, are Transacted by the Countess of Buckingham, whom He calls a fiery Romanist.

In so dark a Season on the European Shoar, are this People bro't to the North American, where the Prospect also looks almost as dismal and discouraging.

For besides the Natives, the nearest Plantation to them is a FRENCH one at Port-Royal * 1.21 who have another at Ca|nada. And the only ENGLISH ones are at Virginia, B••••|mudas and Newfoundland; the nearest of these about 500 ••iles off, and every one uncapable of helping them Whre|ever they turn their Eyes, nothing but Distress surrounds ••hem. Harrass'd for their Scripture-Worship in their na|••ive Land, grieved for the Profanation of the Holy Sabbath and other Licenciousness in Holland, fatigued with their boisterous Voyage, disappointed of their expected Country, forced on this northern Shoar both utterly unknown and in the advance of Winte••; none but prejudic'd Barbarians round about them, and without any Prospect of Humane Succour: Without the Help or Favour of the Court of England, without a Patent, without a Publick Promise of

th••ir Religious Liberties, worn out wi•••• Toil andSufferings, ••ithout convenient Shelter from the rig rous Weather; and their Hardships bringing a General Si••kn••ss on them, which reduces them to great Extremi••ies, bereaves them of their dearest Friends, and leaves many of the Children Or|phans. Within 5 Months Time, above Half their Company are carried off; whom they account as Dying in this noble Cause, whose Memories they consecrate to the dear Esteem of their Successors, and bare all with a Christian Fortitude ••nd Patience as extraordinary as their Trials.

I have only now to remind the Reader, that utterly unsought, and then unknown to them; on Nov. 3. about a Week before their arriving at Cape Cod, King Iames Signs a PATENT for the Incorporation of the Adventurers to ••he Northern Colony of Virginia, between 40 and 48 Degrees North; being the Duke of Lenox, the Marquesses of Buck|••••gham and Hamilton, the Earls of Arundel and Warwick, Sir F. Gorges, with 34 others, and their Successors, styling them—The Council established at PLIMOUTH in the County of D••VON, for the Plan••ing, Ruling, Ordering and Governing of NEW ENGLAND in AMERICA: * 1.22 which is the Great and CIVIL BASIS of all the Future Patents and Plantations that divide this Country.

Notes for this I. Section. b, Beginning. m, Middle. e, End.

Printed Tracts.

re,

Mourt's Relation.

W,

Winslow's Relation.

ps,

Purchas's Pilgrims.

sm,

Smith's History.

j.

Johnson's History.

gr,

Sir F. Gorges

mn,

Morton's Memorial.

Manuscripts.

B,

Gov. Bradford's History.

bg

—his Register.

Mcr.

Massach. Col. Records.

G,

Gookin of the Indian••.

H,

Hubbard's History.

bc,

Book of Charters.

msl

Manuscript Le••ters.

[Additions of my own.]

SECTION I.

To the Settlement of the MASSACHUSETTS Colony, by the Arrival of Governor Winthrop and Deputy Governor Dudley, with the Charter and Assistants, at Salem, June 12. 1630.

Jan. 1. _MONDAY, The People at Plimouth go betimes to Work (re) and the Year Begins wi••h the Death of De••gory Priest. (bg)

Jan. 3. Some abroad see great Fires of Indians and go to their Corn Fields, but discover none o•• the Savages; nor have seen any since we came to this Harbour. (re)

Jan. 4. Capt. Standish, with 4 or 5 more, go to look for the Natives where ••heir Fires were made, find some o•• their Houses, tho' not lately inha|bited, but none of the Natives. (re)

Jan. 8. Francis Billington having the Week before, from the Top of a Tree on a high Hill, disco|vered a Great Sea, as He ••ho't, goes this Day with one of the Master's Mates, to view it, tra|vel 3 Miles to a large Water divided into two Lakes; the bigger 5 or 6 Miles in Compas•• with an Islet in it of a Cable's Leng••h square. The other 3 Miles in Compass, and a Brook issu••ing from it: find 7 or 8 Houses, tho' not lately inhabited, (re) and thi•• Day Dies Mr. Christo••••+pher Martin. (bg)

Jan. 9. We labour in Building our T••wn in 2 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Houses for greater Safety: Divide by Lot th•• Ground we build on: Agree that every Ma••

shall build his own House, that they may make more Haste than when they work in common. (re)

Jan. 12 At Noon, Iohn Goodman and Peter Brown gathering Thatch abroad, & not coming Home after their 2 Companions, put us in greatSorrow: Master Leaver with 3 or 4 more go to seek them, but can hear nothing of them: Next Day, think|ing the Indians had surpriz'd them, we arm out 10 or 12 Men after them, who go searching 7 or 8 Miles, but return without Discovery, to our great Discomfort. (re)

Jan. 13. Having the major Part of our People ashore we Purpose there to Keep the Public•• Worship to morrow (re)

Jan. 14. Lord's Day Morning at 6 a Clock, the Wind, being very high, we on Ship board see our Ren|devous in Flames: & because of the Loss of the 2 Men, fear the Savages had fired it: nor can we come to help them for want of the Tide till 7 a Clock: at Landing hear goodNews of the Re|turn of our 2 Men, and that the House was fired by a Spark flying into the Thatch, which in|stantly burnt it up: The greatest Suff••rers are Governor Carver and Mr Bradford. The 2 Men were lost in the Woods on Friday Noon; ranged all the Afternoon in the wet and cold: at Night it snowing, freezing, and being bitter Weather, they walked under a Tree till Morning: then travelled by many Lakes and Brooks: In the Afternoon, from a high Hill they discover the 2 Isle, in our Harbour; and at Night getHome, faint with Travel and want of Food and Sleep▪ and almost famished with Cold (re)

Jan. 21. We K••ep our Publick Worship ashore. (r••

Jan. 29 Dies Rose the Wife of C••pt Standish (b••

Jan. ••1. This Morning the People aboard the 〈◊〉〈◊〉

see 2 Savages, [the first we see at this Harbour,] but cannot speak with them. (re)

N▪ B This Month, 8 of our Number Die. (bg)

Feb. 9. This Afternoon, our H use for our Sick Peo••ple is set a Fire by a Spark lighting on the Roof. (re)

Feb. 16. One of our People a fowling by a Creek about a Mile and Half off, 12 Indians march by Him towards the Town: in the Woods H•• hears the Noise of many more, lies close till they are passed by, then hastens home and gives the Alarm: so the People abroad Re••turn, but see none: only Capt Standish and Francis Cook, leaving their Tools in the Woods▪ and going for them, find the Savages had took them away; and towards ••ight a great Fire a••bout the Place where the Man saw them. (re)

Feb. 17. This Morning, we first meet for appointing military Orders, chuse Miles Standish for our Captain, give Him Power accordingly: and while we are consulting, 2 Savages present themselves on the Top of the Hill over against us about aQuarter of a Mile off, making Signs fo•• us to come to them: we send Capt. Standish and Mr. Hopkins over the Brook towards them▪ one only with a Musket, which He lays down in Sign of Peace and Parley: but the Indi••••s wou'd not stay their coming: a Noise of a great many more is heard behind the Hill, but no more come in Sight. (re)

Feb. 21. Die Mr. William White, Mr. William Mul••lins▪ with 2 more. And the 25th Dies Mary, the Wife of Mr. Isaac Allerton. (bg)

N B. This Month, 17 of our Number Die. (bg)

This Spring, there g•• 10 or 12 Ships ••rom the

West of England to Fish on the [North Eastern] Coasts of New England; who get well freighted with Fish and Furr. (sm. ps)

About this time, the Indians get all the Pa••waws of the Country, for 3 Days together, in a horrid and devilish Manner to curse and exe••crate us with their Conjurations: which As|sembly they hold in a da••k and dismal Swamp, as we are afterwards informed. (B)

Mar. 7. The Governor, with 5 more go to the Great Ponds; & we begin to sow our GardenSeeds (re)

Mar. 16. This M••rning, a Savage boldly comes alone along the Houses strait to the Randevous, sur|prizes us with calling out▪ Welcome Englishmen! Welcome Englishmen! having learned some bro••ken English among the Fishermen at Monhig••gon: The first Indian we met with; his Nam•• SAMOSET; says he is a Sagamore or Lord o•• Moratiggon, lying hence a Day's Sail with▪ great Wind, and 5 Days by Land, and has bee•• in these Parts 8 Months: we entertain Him, an•• He informs us of the Country; that the Plac•• we are in is called PATUXET, that about fou•• Years ago all the Inhabitants Died of an extra o••••••n••ry Plague, and there is neither Man, Wo|man nor Child remaining: as indeed we fin•• none to hinder our Possession, or lay claim to it. At Night we lodge and watch Him. (re)

Mar. 17 This M••rning, we send Samoset to th•• M••••s••ssoi••s, our next Neighbours, whence He came▪ The Nausites near S. E. of us, being those b•• whom we were first Encountred as before re|lated, are much incensed against the English about 8 Months ago sl••w 3 Englishmen, and •• more hardly escaped to M••nhiggon: they wer••

Sir F. Gorges Men, as our Savage tells us. * 1.23 He also tells us of the Fight we had with the Nausites, and of our Tools lately taken away▪ which we required Him to bring. This People are ill affected to us because of Hunt, who car••ried away 20 from this Place we now inhabit, and 7 from the Nausites as before observed. He promises within a Night or two to bring some of the Masassoits, with Beaver Skins to trade. (re)

Mar. 18. Samoset returns with 5 other Men, who bring our Tools wi••h some Skins and make shew of Friendship: but being the Lord's Day, we wou'd not Trade, but entertaining them, bid them come again and bring more, which they Promise within a Night or two: but Samoset tarries with us. (re)

Mar. 21. This Morning, the Indians not coming, we send Samoset to enquire the Reason. In his ab|sence, 2 or 3 Savages present themselves on the Top of the Hill against us, with a shew of Dar|ing us: But Capt. Standish and another with their Muskets, going over, the Indians whe•• their Arrows and make shew of Defiance; but as our Men advance, they run away. (re)

This Day, PHILIP III, K. of Spain Dies, AEt. 43 * 1.24 * 1.25 & his Son PHILIP IV succeeds, AEt. 16 * 1.26

Mar. 22. About Noon, Samoset returns with SQUAN••TO, the only Native of this Place, one of the ••0 Hunt had carried to Spain, but got into Eng••land,

liv'd in Cornhill, London, with Mr. Iohn Slanie, Merchant, and can speak a little English, with 3 others: bring a few Skins & signify that theirGreatSagamore MASASSOIT * 1.27 ••he greatest King of the Indians ••ordering on us, is hard by, with his Brother Quadequina and their Com••pany. After an Hour, the King comes to the Top of an Hill over against us, with a Train of 60 Men. We send Squanto to Him, who brings Word that we shou'd send one to Parley with Him. We send Mr. Edward Winslow to know his Mind, and signify that our Governor desires to see Him & truck and confirm a Peace. Upon this the King leaves Mr. Winslow in ••he Custody of Quadequina and comes over the Brook with a Train of 20 Men, leaving their Bows and Arrows behind them. Capt. Standish and Master Williamson with 6 Musketiers mee•• Him at the Brook, where they salute each other, conduct Him to a House wherein they place a green Rug and 3 or 4 Cushions: Then instantly comes our Governor, with Drum, Trumpet, an•• Musketiers: After Salutations, the Governor k••ssing his Hand▪ and the King kissing Him, they set down, the Governor entertains Him with some Refreshments, and then they agree on a LEAGUE of Friendship, as follows. (re)

1. T••at neit••er He nor His shou'd injure any of ours.

2. That if they did, He shou'd send the Offender, that we might Punish Him.

3 That if our Tools were taken away▪ He shou'd Restore them: And if ours did any Harm to any of his, we wou'd do the like to them.

4 If any unjustly war'd against Him, we wou'd aid Him: And if any war'd against us, He shou'd aid us.

5. He shou'd certify his N••ighbour Consederates of this, that they might not Wrong us, but be com••prized in the Conditions of Peace.

6. That when their Men come to us, they shou'd leave their Bows and Arrows behind them, as we shou'd leave our Pieces when we come to them.

7. That doing thus, King JAMES wou'd estee•• Him as his Friend and Ally. * 1.28

After this, the Governor conducts Him to the Brook, where they embrace & part; we keep|ing 6 or 7 Hostages for our Messenger. But Qua|dequina coming with his Troop, we ente••tain and convey Him back, receive our Messenger, and return the Hostages (re)

Mar. 23. This Morning, diverse Indians coming over tell us▪ the King wou'd have some of us come and see Him: Capt. Standish and Mr. Isaac Al••lerton go venturously to them, whom they wel|come after their manner; and about No••n, (re) they return to their Place called Sowams* 1.29 about

40 Miles off (B) to the Westward. The King is a Portly Man, in his best Years, grave of Coun••tenance, spare of Speech. And we cannot bu•• judge He is willing to be at Peace with us▪ especially because He has a potent Adversar•• the Narragansetts, who are at War with Him, against whom He thinks we may be som. Strength, our Pieces being terrible to them. But Sam set and Squanto tarry. (re)

This Day we meet on common Business, con|clude our Military Orders, with some Laws convenient for our prese••t State; & chuse (re) or rather confirm (B) Mr. CARVER our Gover|nor for the following Year. (re. B)

Mar. 24. Dies Elizabeth, the Wife of Mr. Edward Winslow. (bg)

The first Offence since our Arrival is of Iohn Billington (bg) who came on board at London, (B) and is this Month convented before the whole Company for his Contempt of the Cap|tain's lawful Command withopprobrious Speech••es: for which he is adjudged to have his Neck and Heels tied together: but upon Humbling himself and craving Pardon, and it being the first Offence. He is forgiven. (bg)

N. B This M••nth, 13 of our Number Die. (bg) And in Three Months pa••t, Dies Half ourCom••pany; the greatest Part in the Depth of Winter, wanting Houses and other Comforts, being in|fected wi••h the Scurvy & other Diseases, which ••heir long Voyage and unaccommodate Con|dition brought upon them: so as there Di•• sometimes 2 or 3 a Day: of 100 Persons scarce 50 remain: the Living scarce able to Bury the Dead: the Well not sufficient to tend the Sick:

there being in their time of greatest Distress but 6 or 7, who spare no Pains to help them: 2 of the 7 were Mr Brewster their Reverend Elder, and Mr. Standish their Captain.

The like Disease fell also among the Sailors; so as almost Half their Company also Die be|fore they sail. (B)

But the Spring advancing, it pleases GOD the Mortality begins to cease, and the Sick & Lame recover; which puts new Life into the People, tho' they had born their sad Affliction with as much Patience as any cou'd do. (B)

Apr. 5. We dispatch the Ship with Capt. Iones; who this Day sails from New Plimouth; and May 6 arrives in England (sm. ps)

After this we Plant 20 Acres of Indian Cor•• (re) wherein Squanto is a great Help; showing us how to set, fish, dress & tend it, (B) of which we have a good Increase: we likewise sow 6 Acres of Barley * 1.30 and Pease; our Barley indifferent Good, but our Pease Parched up with the Sun (re)

While we are busy about our Seed, our Go|vernor, Mr. CARVER comes out of the Field very Sick, complains greatly of his Head, with in a few Hours his Senses fail, so as He speaks no more, and in a few Days after Dies, to our great Lament••tion and Heaviness. His Care and Pains were so great for the common Good, as therewith 'tis tho't He oppressed Himself and shortned his Days: of whose Loss we cannot

sufficiently complain: and His Wife deceases about 5 or 6 Weeks after. (B)

Soon after, we chuse Mr. William Bradford our Governor, and Mr. Isaac Allerto•• his As|sistant: who are by renewed Elections conti|nued together sundry Years. (B)

May 12. The first Marriage in this Place (B) is of Mr. Edward Winslow to Mrs. Susanna White, Widow of Mr. William White. (bg)

June 18 The second Offence is the first DUELL fought in New England, upon a Challenge at single Combat with Sword & Dagger between Edward Doty and Edward Leister, Servants of Mr. Hopkins: Both being wounded, the one in the Hand, the other in the Thigh; they are adjudg'd by the whole Company to have their Head and Feet tied together, and so to lie for 24 Hours, without Meat or Drink: which is begun to be inflicted, but within an Hour, be|cause of their great Pains, at their own & their Master's humble Request, upon Promise ••f better Carriage, they are Released by the Governor (bg)

July 2. We agree to send * 1.31 Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. Steven Hopkins with Squanto to see our new Friend MASASSOIT (B) at Pakan••kit, (re) to bestow some Gratuities on Him, bind Him

faster to us, view the Country, see how and where He lives, his Strength, &c. (B. re)

[Tuesday] At Nine this Morning, we set out, travel 15 Miles Westward to Namasket by 3 in the Af|ternoon. The People entertain us with Joy, give us Bread they call Maizum, & the Spawn of Shads, which they now have in great Plenty, and we eat with Spoons. By Sun set we get 8 Miles further to a Ware, where we find many of the Namascheucks, i. e. Namasket Men, a fishing, having caught abundance of Bass; who wel|come us also, and there we lodge. The Head of this River is said to be not far from the Place of our abode: upon it are and have been many TOWNS; the Ground very good on both Sides, for the most part cleared: Thousands of Men have lived Here, who Died of the Great Plague (re) which befell these Parts about 3 Years be|fore our Arrival: the Living not being able to Bury them, and their Skuls and Bones appear in many Places where their Dwellings had been (B) Upon this River MASASSOIT lives: It goes into the Sea at NARRAGANSETT BAY▪ where the Frenchmen use so much. Next Morn|ing, we travel 6 Miles by the River to a known shoal Place: and it being low Water, put off our Cloaths and wade over: Thus far the Tide flows: We observe few Places on the River but what had been inhabited (re) though now greatly wasted by the Plague aforesaid. (B) And so we travel to Pacanokik, where Masassoit kindly welcomes us (re) and gratefully receives our Presents, (B) assures us He will gladly con|tinue the Peace and Friendship, (re) tells us the Narragansetts live on the other Side of that

Great Bay, are a strong People and many in Number, live compactly, and were not touched with that wasting Sickness: (B) desires us not to let the French Trade with them: and there we Lodge. Next Day, being Thursday, man o•• their Sa••hims or Petty Governors, come to visit us: we see their Games for Skins and Knives, and there Lodge again. Friday Morning, before Sun Rise we take our Leave: Masassoit retain|ing Squanto to procure Truck for us, appoints To••kamahamon in his Place, whom we had found faithful before and after upon all Occa••sions▪ That Night we reach to the Ware, and the next Night Home. (re)

July e. Iohn Billington (B) a Boy (re) being lost in the Woods, the Governor causes Him to be en••quired for among the Natives: at length Ma|sassoit sends wo••d He is at Nause••. He had wandered 5 Days, liv'd on Berries, then light of an Indian Plantation, 20 Miles South of us called Manome••, and they convey'd Him to the People who first assaulted us, (B) but the Go••vernor sends 10 Men (re) in a Shallop (B. re) with Squanto, and T••ckamahamon, (re) to fetch Him (B. re)

The first Day * 1.32 the Shallop sails for the Harbour at Cummaquid, but Night coming on, we Anchor in the midst of the Bay, where we

are Dry at low Water. Next Morning, the In••dians on the other Side of the Channel invite us to come and eat with them as soon a•• ou•• Boat floats, six of us go ashoar, leaving 4 o•• them Pledges in the Boat: the rest bring us t•• their Sachem, whom they call Iyanough, * 1.33 •• Man not above 26 Years of Age, but personabl•• and curteous, who gives us plentiful and variou Cheer After Dinner we take Boat ••or Nauset, Iyanough and two of his Men with us. But th•• Day and Tide sailing, we cannot get in wit•• our Shallop. Iyanough with his Men go ashoa•• and we send Squanto to tell Aspinet the Sachem of Nauset, our Errand. After Sun set, Aspinet comes with a great Train of a 100 with Him bringing the Boy; one bearing Him thro' the Water, delivers Him to us. The Sachim make•• his Peace with us. We give Him a Knife▪ and another to Him who first entertained the Boy. At this Place we hear the Narragansetts had spoiled some of Masassoi••'s Men & taken Him, which strikes us with some Fear; and setting ••ail, carry Iyanough to Cummaquid, & get Home the next Day N••ght. (re) Those People also come & make their Peace, & we give th••m full Satisfaction for the Corn we had formerly found in their Country. (B)

H••bamack (B) a Pinese or chief Captain of Masassoit (W) also comes to dwell among us and continues faithful as long as He lives. (B)

At our Return from Nauset, we find it true that Masassoit is put from his Country by the Nar|ragansetts, * 1.34 and word is bro't us that Couba••tant (re) or Corbitant (B) * 1.35 a petty S••chem under Masassoit, ever fear'd to be too conver••sant with the Narragansetts, (re) and no Friend to the English (B) is at Namasket, seeking t•• draw the Hearts of Masassoit's Subjects from Him, speaks disdain••ully of us, storms at the Peace between Nauset, Cumm••quid and Us, and at Squanto the Worker of it, as also at Tokama••hamon and ••obbamak. However, Squanto and Hobbamak go privately to see what is become of their King and lodge at Namasket, but are discover'd to Corbitant; who besets the House, (re) threatens to kill Squanto and H••bbamak for being Friends to us, (B) seizes Squanto and holds a Knife at his Breast, (re) offers to sta•• H••bamak, but being a stout Man, clears Him self, (B) concludes Squanto kill'd▪ (re) and flie•• to our Governor with the Information. (B)

Aug. 13. At this the Governor assembles our Compa••ny, (B. re) and taking Council, 'tis conceiv'd not fit to be borne; for if we shou'd suffer our Friends and Messengers thus to be wrong'd, we shall have none to cleave to us, or give usIntel|ligence, or do us any Service, but wou'd next fall upon us, &c. (B) We therefore resolve to

send 10 Men to Morrow with Hobamak (re) t•• seize our Foes in the Night; if Squanto b•• kill'd, to cut off Corbitant's Head; but hu•••• only those who had a Hand in the Murther, (B•• and retain Nepeof another Sachim in the Con••federacy, till we hear of Masassoit. (re)

Aug. 14. Capt. Standish with 14 Men and Hobama•• set out (B) in a rainy Day, loose their Way i•• the Night, wet, weary and much discouraged But finding it again, beset Corbitant's House a Midnight (re) where three Indians are sorel•• Wounded in trying to brake away, but find Him gone, (B) and Tokamahamon and Squanto safe (re) Corbitan•• having only threatened Squanto'•• Li•••• and made an offer to stab Him. (B)

N••xt Morning we march into the midst of the Town, (re) Hobamak telling the Indians wha•• we only intended, they bring the best Food they have, (B) and we Breakfast at Squanto'•• House: Whither all whose Hearts are uprigh•• to us come; but Corbitant's Faction fled away We declare that if Masassoit does not Return in safety from Narragansett; or if Corbi••a•••• shou'd make any Insurrection against Him, o•• off••r Violence to Squanto, Hobamak, or any of Masassoit's Subjects; we wou'd revenge i•• to the utter overthrow of Him and His. Wit•• many Friends attending us, we get Home a•• Night, (re) bringing with us the 3 Wounder Savages, whom we Cure and send Home. (B)

After this we have many Gratulations from diverse Sachems▪ and much firmer Peace. Ye•• those of the Isle of Capawak send to secure ou•• Friendship: and Corbi••an•• Himself uses th••

Mediation of Masassoit to be Reconciled. (B) Yea CANONICUS chief Sachem of the Narra••g••nsetts, sends a Messenger to treat of Peace. (re)

Sept ••. Sir William Alexander (gr) of Scotland, (ps) afterwards Earl of Sterling, having prevailed on King JAMES to send to Sir F. Gorges to assign Him Part of the N••w England Territory; (gr) Sir F. being entrusted with the Affairs of this Country, advising with some of the Company, yields that Sir William shou'd have a Patent of the North East••rn Part of New England, to be held of the Crown of Scotland and call'd NEW SCOTLAND. (ps) Whereupon presently, (gr) viz.

Sept. 10. K. JAMES gives Sir Wm. Alexander a Patent for NOVA SCOTIA; Bounding the same from Cape Sables to the Bay of St. Mary, thence N. to the River St. Croix▪ thence N▪ to Canada Ri|ver, so down the River to Gachep••, thence S. E. to Cape Briton Islands and Cape Briton, thence ••ound to Cape Sables again; with all Seas and Isl••nds within six Leagues of the Western, Nor|thern and Eastern Parts, and within 40 Leagues to the Southward of Cape Briton, & Cap•• Sables; to be called NOVA SCOTIA, &c. (ps) * 1.36

Sept. 13 Nine Sachems subscribe an Instrument of Submission to K. JAMES, viz O••quamehud, Caw••nacome, Obbatinnua, Nattawahunt, Caunbatant, * 1.37 C••ikkatabak, Quadaquina, Huttamoiden, and Apannow. (mn) Yea Masassoit in Writing unde•• his H••nd to Capt. Standish has own'd the King of England to be his Master: Both He and man••

oth••r Kings under Him, as of Pame••, Nawset, Cumm••quid, Namasket, with dive••se ot••e••s wh•• dwell about the Bays of Pa••uxet and M••ssa••chuset••: and all this by friendly Usage, Love and Peace, just & honest Carriage, good Coun|sel. &c (re)

Tho' we are told the Massachusetts often threa|ten us, yet the Company thi••k good t•• send among them, (re) to Discover the Bay, (B) see the Coun|try▪ make Peace, (re) & trade with the Natives: (B) The Governor chuses 10 Men with Squa••••o and 2 other Savages to go in the Shallop. (re)

Sept. 18. [Being Tuesday] at Midnight, the Tide serving▪ we set sail▪ Next Day, get into the Bottom of the Massachusetts Bay, ••bout tw••••ty Leagues North ••••om Plimouth, and Anchor. N••xt Morning, we land under a Cliff▪ The S••••chem of this Place i•• Obbatinewat, * 1.38 ••nd tho' He lives in the Bottom of this Bay, yet is sub|ject to Masassoit; uses us kindly, and tell•• us He dare not now remain in any settled Place for Fear of the Tarratines (re) who live to the Eastward, are wont to come at Harvest & ••ake away their Corn, and m••ny times kill them; (B)) and that the Squaw Sachem or Massachuset•••• Q••een, is an Enemy to Him. He submit•• to the Ki••g of England, upon our Promising to be hi•• Safe Guard against his Enemies. We cross th•• Ba••▪ which is very large, and seems to have 50 Island••. Next Morning, all but two, go ashoa••▪ ma••ch 3 Miles into the Country, where Co••••

had been newly gathered. A Mile hence thei•• late King Nan••pasheme•• had lived: his Hous•• was built on a lar••e Scaffold 6 Foot high an•• on the Top of a H••••l. Not far hence in a Bot|tom we come to a Fort He had built; the Pal••liz••does 30 or 40Foot high; a Trench about it Breast high; but one Way in, over a Bridge▪ In the midst of the Pallizado stands the Frame of a House, where He lies Buried. A Mile hence we come to such another, but on the Top of a Hill, where He was kill'd. The Natives at first fly from us, but are at length induc'd to meet us Here, and entertain us in the best man|ner they can. Having traded with us, and the Day near spent, we return to the Shallop. Wit••in this Bay, the Savages say, are 2 Rivers, one of which we saw, having a fair Entrance: Better Harbour for Shipping cannot be than Here: most of the Islands have been inhabited, being clear'd from End to End; but their In|habitants all Dead or Removed. Having a light Moon, we set sail at Evening: and before next Day Noon get Home (re) with a considerable Qu••ntity of Bever, and a good Report of th•• Place, wishing we had been seated There. (B)

All the Summer no Want: while some were Trading, others were Fishing Cod, Bass, &c We now gather in our Harvest: and as Cold Weather advances, come inStore of Water••Fowl, wherewith this Place abounds; tho' afterward•• they by Degrees decrease; as also abundance of Wild Turkies with Venison, &c. Fit ou•• H••uses against Winter, are in Health and hav•• all Things in Plent••. (B)

Nov 9. Arrives a Ship at Cape C••d, (B re) and th•• 10th (B) the Indians bring us Word of her b••••|ing near, but think her a Frenchman: upon 〈◊〉〈◊〉 making ••or our Bay, the Governor orders a Pie•• to be fired▪ to call Home such as are abroad a•• Wo••k▪ * 1.39 & we get ready for Defence: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 unexpectedly find her a Friend (re) of 55 Ton•• (sm ps) called the Fortune, in which comes Mr. Cushm••n (B) with 35 Pers••n•• (B. W) to live i•• the Plantation, which not a little rej••ices u•• But both Ship and Pas••engers poorly furnish'•• with Provisions; so that we are forc'd to s••ar•• Her some ••o carry Her home, which threaten▪ a Famin among us, unless we have a timely Supply. She sail'd from London the Biginning of Iuly, (B) cou'd not clear the Chanel til the End of Aug (sm. ps) & bring•• a Letter for Mr Carver, from Mr. Wes••on, Da••ed, London Iuly 6▪ wherein H•• writes—We (i. e. the Adventurers) ••ave procured you a CHARTER, the best we cou'd▪ better than your former, and with less Limitation (B) She finds all our People she left in April in Health, except 6 who Died, & stays a Mo••th ere she sails for England. (sm ps)

Dec. 11. We have built 7 Dwelling Houses; 4 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Use of the Plantation, and have made Pro••vision for diverse others. Both Masass••it, th•• greatest King of the Natives and all the Prince•• and People round us have made Peace with u•• Seven of them at once sent their Messengers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 this End. And as we cannot but account it a••

ext••a••rd••nary Bl••ssing of GOD in Directing ou•• Cou••se for these Parts, we obtain'd ••h•• H••nou•• to receive Allo••ance of our P••ss ssing and En••joying thereof under the Au••hori•••• of the PRAE••SIDENT and COUNCIL for the Affairs of NEW ENGLAN••. (re)

Dec. 13. The Sh••p sails (sm. ps) viz. the Fortune (B) * 1.40 lad••n with 2 Hogsheads o•• Bever and, other Skins, and good Clapboar••s as full as she can hold; the Freight estimated near 500 Pounds. Mr Cushman returning in her, as the Adventu••••ers had ••ppointed, for their better Information But in her Voyage (B) as she draws near ••he English Coast, is se••zed by the French, carried to France, (B) into the Isle Deu, (sm ps) kep•• there (B) 14 (s•• ps) or 15 Days, robb'd of all she had worth taking: then the People & Ship released, get to London, (B) Feb. 14. (sm ps) or 17. (B)

Upon her Departure, the Governor and his Ass••••tant dispose the late Comers into several ••••milies, find their Provisions will now scarce h••ld out 6 M••nths at Half Allowance, & there••••••re put them to it, which they bare pa••ientl•• (B)

* 1.41

SOON after the Ship's Departure▪ that Great People of the Narragansetts, (B. W.) said to be many Thousands strong, (W) ••an raise above 5000 Fighting Men, (G) notwithstanding their desired and obtained Peace with us in the fore|going Summer, begin to breath forth many Threats against us; so that 'tis the common Talk of all the Indians round us, of their Pre••parations to come against us. At length Canonicus their chief Sachem (W)▪ in a braving manner sends us a Bundle of Arrows tied with a Snake Skin, which Squanto tells us i•• a Chal|lenge and Threatning. Whereupon our Gov. with Advice of others, sends them an Answer, That if they had rather War than Peace, they might Begin when they wou'd; we had done them no Wrong, nor do we fear them, nor shou'd they find us unprovided. By another Messenger we send back the Snake-Skin charg'd with Powder and Bullets: But they refuse to receive it, and Return it to us. (B. W) Since the Death of so many Indians they tho't to Lord it over the Rest, conceive we are a Bar in their Way, and see Ma••assoi•• already take Shelter under our Wings. (B)

This makes us more carefully to look to our selves, and agree to enclose our Dwellings with strong Pales, Flankers, Gates, &c. (B. W)

Feb. We Impale our Town, taking in the Top of the Hill under which our Town is seated▪ make 4 Bulwa••ks or Jetties▪ whence we can defend the whole Town, in 3 whereof are Gates (W) which are lock'd every N••ght; a Watch and Ward kept in the Day. (B) The Gov••rnor and

Captain Divide the Company 〈◊〉〈◊〉 4 Squad••ons (B. W) with Commande••s (W) ••very one its Quarter assign'd, to repair to in any Alarm: And if ••here ••e a Cry of Fire, a Company is ap••pointed ••or a Guard with Muskets, while othe••s Qu n••n it, to prevent Treache••y. (B W)

This Spring th••re Go fr••m ••he West o•• Eng••land to th•• [N••••th E••ste••n] Coasts of New Eng|l••nd. 35 S••ips to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (sm. ps)

Mar b By this Time our Town is imp••led, in|clos••••ng a Garden for every Family. (B)

Mar. e (B) We Prepare for a second Voy••ge to the M ss••chusetts: But Hobamak tells us, that from som Rumours, He ••ears they are joined with the N••rragans••tti, and may betra•• us i•• we are not careful, and has also a Jealousy of Squan••o from som•• private Whisperings between Him and other I••••ians. However we resolve to pro••ceed. (B. W) And

Apr. b. We send our Shallop (B. W) with Captain S••andish (W) and 10 of our chi••f Men, with Ho|bamak and Squanto. (B) But they had no sooner turn'd the Gurnet or Poin•• of the Harbour, (W) then a Native of Squanto's Family, comes run|with his Face wounded and the Blood fresh ••p|on i••, calling to the People abroad to make haste H••me; Declaring that the N••rragansetts with Cor••itant and He tho't Ma••••ssoit, were coming (B) to Assault us in the Captain's Ab|sence; that He had receiv'd the Wound in his Face for speaking for us, and that He had Es|cap••d by Flight, (W) looking frequently back as if they were just behind Him. Upon thi•• the Governor orders all to Arms, and a Warning Piece or two to be fired to call back theShallop.

At which she returns and we Watch all Night, but nothing is seen. Hobamak is confident fo•• his Master & thinks all is false. Yet the Gover••nor causes Him to send his Wife privately (B) to Pacanokik (W) to see how Things are, pre••tending other Occasions, who finds all in Quiet (B) Upon this we discover it to be Squanto Policy to set us against Masassoit, that He being removed out of the Way, Squanto might succeed as principal King of all these Parts of the Coun|try. (W) After which the Shallop proceeds to the Massachusetts, has good Trade and return in Safety. (B)

May. Our Provision being spent (B) a Famin begins to Pinch us, and we look hard for Supply, but none arrives (B)

May e. We spie a Boat at Sea, which we take to be a Frenchman, but proves a Shallop from a Ship (B. W) call'd the Sparrow▪ (W) which Mr. Weston (B. W) & Beachamp (B) set out a Fishing at Dama••rin's Cove, 40 Leagues to the Eastward, (B. W) where this Year are 30 Sail of Ships a Fishing. (W) She brings a Letter to Mr. Carver from Mr. Weston, of Ian. 17 (B) with 7 Passengers on his Account, but no Victuals (B. W) nor Hope of any: nor have we ever any afterwards: and by his Let|ter find He has quite deserted us, and is going to settle a Plantation of his own. (B)

The Boat brings ••s a kind Letter from Mr. Iohn Huddleston (B) or Huds••on, (mn) a Capt. of a Ship, Fishing at the Eastward, whose Name we never heard before, to inform us of a Massacre o•• 400 English by the Indians in Virginia, whence

He came. * 1.42 By this Boat the Governor return•• a grateful Answer: and with them sends Mr. Winslow in a Boat of ours to get Provisions o•• the Fishing Ships: whom Capt. Huddleston re••ceives kindly, and not only spares what He can•• but writes to others to do the like. By which means He gets as much Bread as amounts to a Quarter of a Pound a Person a Day till Harvest, and returns in Safety. The Governor causing their Portion to be daily given them, or some had starved. And by this Voyage we not only get a present Supply, but also learn the Way to those Parts for our future Benefit. (B)

At Mr. Winslow's Return, He finds the Colo|ny much weaker than He left it. The Want of Bread had abated the Strength and Flesh of some, had swelled others; and had they not been where are diverse sorts of Shel-Fish, they must have Perished. These Extreamities be fel us in May and Iune: and in the Time of these Straits, and indeed before Mr. Winslow went to Monhiggon, the Indians began to cast forth many insulting Speeches, Glorying in our Weakness, and giving out how easy it wou'd be ere long to cut us off, which occasions us to erect a Fort on the Hill above us. (W)

June e. or Iuly b. Come into our Harbour 2 Ships of Mr. Weston's, the Charity (W) of 100 Tons, (sm. ps) & Swan (W) of ••0, (sm. ps) with his Lette•• of Apr. 10. (B) and 50 or 60 Men, sent at his

own Charge, (W) to settle a Plantation for Him in the Massach••••••tts Bay, for wh••ch he had pro|cured a Patent, * 1.43 they sail'd from London a|bout the last of April, (sm. ps) the Charity the bigger Ship leaves them, having many P••ss••n••gers to carry to Virginia. (W) We allow this People Housing: and many being Sick, th••y have the best Means our Place affords (B) * 1.44

By Mr. Weston's Ship comes a Letter f••om Mr. Iohn Pierce, in whose Name the Plimouth Pa|tent is taken; signifying that whom the Gover|nor admits into the Association, He will ap|prove (B)

July 16 Our Number is about 100 Persons, all in Health▪ (ps) [i. e Free from Sickness, tho'not from Weakness.] near 60 Acres of Ground well

Planted with Corn, besides Gardens replenishe•• with us••ful Fruits▪ (sm. ps)

This Summer we Build a Timber Fort, both strong and comely, with flat Rool and Battle••ments; on which Ordnance are mounted, a Watch kept, and it also serves as a Place of Publick Worship. (B)

Mr Weston's People stay Here the most part of the Summer, (B) while some seek out a Place for them. They exceedingly waste and steal our Corn, and ••et secretly revile us. At length their Coaste••s Return, having sound in the Mas••sachusetts Bay a Place they judge fit for Settle|ment, named Wichaguscusset (W) or Wesagusquas|set, (mn) or Wessagusset (mst) since called Weymouth: Whither up••n their Ship [i. e. the Charity] ••eturn|ing from Virginia, (B) the Body of them go, leav|ing their Sick and Lame with us (W) till they had built some Housing, (B) whom our Surgeon by Go••'s Help recovers Gratis, & they afterwards fetch Home (W) nor have we any Recompence for their Curtesy, nor desired it. They prove an unrul•• Comp••ny, have no goodGovernment over them by Disorder will soon fall to Want if Mr Weston com•• not quickly among them (B) Nor had they been long from us ere the Indi|ans fill ou•• E••rs with Clamours against them for Stealing their Corn and other Abuses. (W)

Our Crop proving scanty, partly thro' Weak|ness for want of Food to tend it, partly through ot••••r B••siness, & partly b•• much being stolen; a F••••in must ensue next Year unless p••event|ed: (••) But

Aug▪ ••. (••) B•• an unexpected Providenc•• (B) come into our Harbour 2 Ships; v••z. the Sparro••▪ Mr.

Weston's, who having made her Voyage of F••••h (W) g••es to Virginia (W B) where bo••h she and her••••••h are sold. (B) The ••her called the Disco••very▪ (W) ••apt. Iones, Commander, (B W) in he•• Way from Virginia Hom••w••rd, being set out by some Merchants to Discover the Shoals a••bout Cape Cod▪ and Harbours between this and Virginia. Of her we buy Knives and Beads which are now good Trade, tho' at Cent pe•• Cent or more▪ and yet Pay away Coat Bever a•• 3 s. a Pound (which a few Years after yield•• 20 s.) By which means we are fited to Trade, both for Corn and Bever. (B)

In this Ship comes Mr. Iohn Porey, who had been Secretary in Virginia, and is going Home in Her: who after his Departure s••nds the Go••vernor a Letter of Thanks, Dated August 28▪ wherein He highly commends Mr. Ainsworth's and R••binson's Works: And after his Return to England, does this poor P••antation much Cre|dit among those of no mean Rank. (B) * 1.45

Sept e. or Octob. b. Mr. Weston's bigge••t Ship, th•• Charity Returns to England, leaving his Peo••ple

s••fficiently victualed: T••e l••••ser viz. the Swan remains with his Plantation for their fur|ther Help (W)

Sho••tly after Harvest, Mr Weston's People at the Massachusetts, having by Disorder, much wasted their Provisions, begin to perceive a Want app••oaching; & hearing we had bought Commodities and design'd to trade for Corn, they wr••te to the Governor to join with us, offer their small Ship for the Service, and Pray to let th••m have some of our Commodities: which the Gove••n••r condescends to; designing to go r••und Cap•• Cod, to the Southward, where Store of Corn may be obtained. (B) But are often cr••ss••d in our Purposes. As fi••st, Mr. Richard Green, Brother-in-law to Mr Weston, who from Him had the Charge of his Colony, Dies sud|denly at Plimouth (W) Then Capt. Standish (B W) with Squanto for Guide, (B) Twice sets ••orth with th••m, but is driven back by violent Winds▪ * 1.46 The second Time the Captain falling i••l of a Feaver, (W)

Nov. The Governor goes with them: but seeing no Passage thro' the Shoals of Cape Cod, puts into a Harbour at M••namoyk. That Evening the G••vernor with Squanto and others go ashoar t•• the Indian H••uses, stay all Night, trade with th••

Natives, get 8 Hog••heads of Corn and Bean•• (W) Here Squanto falls Sick of a Feaver, bleed••ing much at the Nose, which the Indians recko•• a fatal Sympton, and Here in a few Days Dies desiring the Governor to Pray that he might g•• to the English Man's GOD in Heaven, bequeth••ing his Thing•• to ••undry of his English Friend•• as Remembrance•• of his Love; of whom we have a great Los••. (B) Thence sail to the Mas••sachusetts, find a great Sickness among the Na••tives, not unlike the Plague, if not the same; must give as much for a Quart of Corn as we used for a Bever Skin: The Savages renew their Complaints to our Governor against those English: Thence sails to Nauset, buys 8 o•• 10 Hogsheads of Corn and Beans, as also at Matta••chiest: * 1.47 but our Shallop being cast away▪ we cannot get our Corn aboard: our Governor causes it to b•• stack'd and covered; and charg|ing the Indians with it, He procures a Guide▪ sets out a Foot, being 50 Miles, receiving all Respect from the Natives by the Way, weary and with galled Feet comes Home: 3 Days af|ter, the Ship comes also; and the Corn being Divided, Mr. Weston's People return to their Plantation. (W)

* 1.48

Jan. CApt. Standish being Recovered, takes ano••ther Shallop, sails to N••uset, finds the Corn left there in Safety, mends the other Shallop, gets the Corn aboard the Ship: but it being very

Cold and Stormy, is oblig'd to cu•• the Shallops from the Stern of the S••ip, and loose them: but the Storm being over, finds them. While we lodge ashoar, an Indian Steals some Trifl••s ou•• of the Shallop as she lay in a Creek: which when the Capt miss'd, He t••kes some of his Company, goes to the Sachem, r••quires the Goods, or wou'd Revenge it on them before He left them. On the Morrow▪ the S••chem comes to our Rendevous with many Men, Sa••lutes the Cap••ain, licking his Hand and bowing down, delivers the Good••, says He had bea••e•• the Stealer, was very sorry for the Fact, orders the Women to make and bring us Bread▪ and is glad to be Reconciled: So we come Home and divide the Corn as before. (W)

After this the Governor with another Compa••ny goes to Namasket, buys Corn there: Wh••r•• a G••eat Sickness rising among the Natives, ou•• People fetch it Home. (W)

The Governor also, with Hobamak and others go to Manomet, a Town near 20 Miles South o•• Plimouth. stands on a fresh River runing int•• a Bay * 1.49 towards Narragansett, which canno•• be less than 60 Miles from thence: 'Twill bar•• a Boat of 8 or 10 Tons to this Place: hithe•• the Dutch or French or both used to come: I is from Hence to the Bay of Cape Cod about •• Miles, out of which Bay the Sea flows into •• Creek about 6 Miles almost directly towards the

Town: The Heads of this Creek and River are not far distant. * 1.50 The Sachem of this Place is Caunacum, who (W) Sept. 13. last (mn) with many others own'd themselves Subjects of King JAMES, and now uses the Governor very kindly▪ the Governor lodging Here in a bitter Night▪ buys Co••n, but leaves it in the Sachem's Custo••dy (W)

Feb. Having not much Corn left, Capt. Standish goes again with 6 Men in the Shallop to Mat••tachiest, meeting with the like Extreme Wea••ther, being froze in the Harbour the first Night, gets a good Quantity of Corn of the Natives: Thro' Extremity is forc'd to lodge in their Houses, which they much press with a Design to KILL Him, as after appeared: For now be|gins a CONSPIRACY among the Indians to de|stroy the English, tho' to us unknown; but the Captain or••ering his Men to keep awake by Turns, is saved. Here also, an Indian Steals some Trifles, which the Capt. no sooner per|ceiv'd, but tho' He had no more than 6 Men with Him, yet draws them from the Boat, besets the Sachim's House, where most of the Peopl•• were, and threatens to fall upon them without

Delay, if they wou'd not forthwith restore them: signifying that as He wou'd not offer the least Injury, so He wou'd not receive any, with|out due Satisfaction: Hereupon the Sachem finds out the Party, makes Him return the Goods; and this Act so daunts their Courage, that they dare not attempt any thing against the Captain; but to appease his Anger, bring Corn afresh to Trade; so as He lades his Shal••lop and comes Home in safety. (W)

Feb. e. An Indian comes from Iohn Sanders, the Overseer of Mr. Weston's Men at the Massachu|setts (W) with a Letter, shewing the great Wants they were fallen into (B) that having spent all their Bread and Corn (W) wou'd have borrow'd a Hogshead of the Natives, but they wou'd lend Him none: He desired Advice whether He might take it by Force, to support his Men till He returns (B) from Monhiggon; where is a Plantation of Sir F. Gorges, and whither He is going to buy Bread of the Ships that come There a Fishing. (W) But the Governor with others dispatch the Messenger with Letters to diswade Him by all means from such a Violence: (B.W) exhorting them to make a shift as we, who have so little Corn left, that we are forc'd to live on Ground-nuts, Clams, Muscles, &c. Upon receiving our Letters, Mr. Sanders alters his Purpose, comes first to Plimouth: where notwithstanding our Necessities, we spare Him some Corn to carry Him to Monhiggon. (W) And Feb. e. He goes thither with a Shallop, without knowing any thing of the Indian CONSPIRACY before He sails. (W)

This Spring go from England to the [Nort•• Eastern] Coasts of New England, about 40 Ships to Fish; who make a far better Voyage tha•• ever. (sm)

Mar. b. The Captain having refresh'd Himself, take•• a Shallop and goes to Manomet for the Corr the Gov. had bought. * 1.51 Being with 2 of hi•• Men far ••rom the Boat at Caunacum's House 2 Natives come in from the Massachusetts, th•• chief of whom is Wituwamet, a notable, insult••ing Indian; who had forme••ly embrew'd hi•• Hands in the Blood both of French and English▪ derides our Weakness and boasts his Valour: He came, as appears afterwards, to engage Cau••nacum in the Conspiracy: the Weather being cold, they wou'd perswade the Captain to send to the Boat for the Rest of his Company; but He refusing▪ they help carry the Corn▪ There * 1.52 a lusty Savage of Paomet, had un••dertaken to kill Him in the Rendevouz before they part; upon which they intend to fall on the others: But the Night being exceeding Cold, the Captain cou'd not rest without turn••ing his Sides to the Fire continually: whereby the Indian missed his Opportunity. The next Day wou'd fain perswade the Captain to go to Paomet, where He had much Corn, & the Capt. put forth with Him: but the Wind forcing them back, they come to Plimouth. (W)

Mar. While the Captain was at Manomet, New•• comes to Plimouth that Masassoit is like to Die, and that a Dutch Ship is driven ashore before his House so high that she cou'd not be got off till the Tides encrease. Upon which the Gov. sends Mr. Edward Winslow & Mr. Iohn Hamb|den, a Gentleman of London, with Hobamak to visit and help him, and speak with the Dutch. The first Night we lodge at Namasket: Next Day at One, com•• to a Ferry in Corbitant's Country, and 3 Mile further to Mattapuyst his Dwelling Place, tho' He be no Friend to us, but find Him gone to Pakanokik about 5 or 6 Mi••es off: Late within Night we get thither, whence the Dutch had departed about 2 in the Afternoon▪ find Masassoit extream low, his Sight gone, his Teeth six'd, having swallow'd nothing for 2 Days, but using means He surprisingly revives: we stay and help Him 2 Nights and 2 Days: at the End of the latter, taking out Leave He expresses his great Thankfulness: we come and lodge with Corbitant at Matta|••uyst, who wonders that we being but 2 shou'd be so venturous. Next Day, on our Journey, H••bamak tells us, That at his coming away, Masassoit privately charged Him to tell Mr. Winslow▪ there was a Plot of the Massachusuks against Weston's People; and least we shou'd revenge it, against us also; that the Indians of Pa••met, Nauset, Mattachiest, Succonet, * 1.53 th••

Isle of Capawak, Manomet and Agaway••om are join'd with them; and advises us by al•• means as we value our Lives and the Lives of our Countrymen, to kill the Conspirators at Massachusetts and the Plot wou'd cease; and without Delay, or 'twou'd be too late. That Night we lodge at Namasket, the next Day ge•• Home: where we find Capt. Standish had sail'd this Day for the Massachusetts, but contrary Winds had driven Him back, and the Paome•• Indian still soliciting the Captain to go with Him. At the same time, Wissapinewat another Sachem, Brother to Obtakiest, Sachem of the Massachusetts, Reveals the same thing (W)

Mar. 23. Being a Yearly Court Day, the Governor communicates his Intelligence to the whole Company, and asks their Advice: who leave it to the Governor, with his Assistant and the Captain to Do as they think most meet Upon this they order the Captain to take as many Men as He thinks sufficient, to go forth with and fall on the Conspirators, but forbare till he makes sure of Wituwamet the bloody Savage before spoken of▪ The Captain takes but eight least He shou'd raise a Jealousy. (W)

The next Day comes 1 of Weston's Men (W) thro' the Woods to Plimouth, tho' he knew not a Step of the Way, but indeed had lost the Path, which was a happy Mistake; for being Pursued (B) the Indian (W) thereby miss'd Him (B) but by little, and went to Manomet, (W) the Man makes a pitiful Narration of their weak and dangerous State, with the Insults of the Indians over them▪ and that to give the Savages content, since Sanders went to Monhiggon, the••

had Hanged One who had stole their Corn (W) tho' He was Bed rid, (Hudibrass) and yet they were not satisfied: Some Died with Cold and Hunger: one in gathering Shel-fish, was so weak that he stuck in the Mud and was found Dead in the Place: the Rest were ready to starve, & He dare stay no longer. (W) * 1.54

The next Day, the Captain sails and arrives There, is suspected, insulted and threatned by the Savages: But at length watching an Op••portunity, having Wituwamet and P••ksuot, a notable Pinese (i. e. Counsellor & Warriour) with another Man, and a Brother of Wituwamet, with as many of his own Men together, He falls upon and after a violent Struggle slays the 3 former with their own Knives, orders the last to be Hang'd, goes to another Place, Kills another, Fights and makes the Rest to Fly, and Mr. Weston's Men Kill 2 more. But the Captain releases the Indian Women, wou'd not take their Beaver Coats, nor suffer the least Discurtesy to be offered them. (W)

Upon this, Mr. Weston's People resolve to leave their Plantation. The Captain tells them for his own Part He dare live Here with fewe•• Men than they: Yet since they were other wise minded, according to his Orders (W) of••fers to bring them to Plimouth, where they shou'd fare as well as we till Mr. Weston or some Supply comes to them: or if they better liked any other Course, He wou'd help them as well as He cou'd. Upon this they desireHim to let

them have Corn, and they wou'd go with their small Ship (B) to Monhiggon (W) where they may hear from Mr. Weston, or have some Sup••ply from Him, seeing the Time of Year is come for the Fishing Ships to be There: or other wise, wou'd work with the Fishermen for their Living and get their Passage to England. So they ship what they have, (B) He lets them have all the Corn He can spare, scarce keeping enough to last Him Home, sees them under sail well out of the Massachusetts-Bay, (B. W) not taking of them the Worth of a Penny▪ (B) with some few of their Company who desire it, He Returns to Plimouth: bringing the Head of Wituwamet, which He sets up on the Fort (W)

Thus this Plantation is broken up in a Year: and this is the End of those who being all able Men, had boasted of their Strength and what they wou'd bring to pass, in comparison of the People at Plimouth, who had many Women, Children, and weak Ones with them (B)

While Capt. Standish was gone, the Savage who went to Monamet, returning through our Town was secured till the Captain came back: then confess'd the Plot and says that Obtakies•• was drawn to it by the Importunity of his Peo|ple; is now sent to inform Him of the Grounds of our Proceeding, and require Him to send us the 3 Englishmen among them. After some time Obtakiest perswades an Indian Woman to come and tell the Governor, He was sorry they were kill'd before He heard from us, or He wou'•• have sent them, and desires Peace. (W)

But this Action so amazes the Natives, tha•• they forsake their Houses, run to an fro, liv••

in Swamps, &c; which brings on them sundry Diseases, whereof many Die: as Caunacum, Sa••chem of Monamet; Aspinet, Sachem of Nawset▪ Iyanough, Sachem of Matachiest; and many others are still daily Dying among them. From one of those Places a Boat is sent to the Governor with Presents to work their Peace: but not far from Plimouth is cast away, when 3 are drown'd, and one escaping dare not come to us. (W)

Apr. b. No Supply being heard of nor knowing when to expect any, we consider how to raise a better Crop, and not languish still in Misery We range all the Youth under some Family, agree that every Family Plant for their own Particular and Trust to themselves for Food (B) but at Harvest bring in a competent Portion for the maintenance of Publick Officers, Fisher••men, &c. (W) and in all other things go on in the General Way as before: for this End assign every Family a Parcel of Land in Proportion to their Number, tho' make no Division for In••heritance: which has very good Success, makes all industrious, gives Content: Even the Wo|men and Children now go into the Field to Work, and much more Corn is Planted than ever. (B)

* 1.55Capt. Iohn Mason (H) who had been Governor of Newfoundland, (gr) Sir F. Gorges, and several other Gentlemen of Shrewsbury, Bristol, Dor••ch••ster, Plimouth, Exeter and other Places in the West of England, having obtained Patents of the New England Council for several Parts of this Country. (H) They, this Spring (W) send over Mr. David Thompson (H) or Tompson a

Scotchman (W) with Mr. Edward Hilton and his Brother Wm. Hilton, with others, to Begin a Settlement: (H) and Mr. Tompson now Begins One, 25 Leagues North East from Plimouth, nea•• Smith's Isles, at a Place call'd Pascatoquack. (W) the Place first seiz'd is call'd the Little Har••bour, on the West Side of Pascataqua River and near the Mouth, where the first House is built call'd Mason Hall. But the Hilton's set up their Stages higher up the River at [Cochecho] since nam'd Dover. (H)

This Year [and I conclude this Spring] there are also some scattering Beginnings made at Monhiggon, and some other Places by sundry others. (B) But about Pascataqua River, there seem not many other Buildings erected till after 1631. (H)

Shortly after Mr. Weston's People went to the Eastward, HE comes There Himself with some of the Fishermen, under another Name and Disguise of a Blacksmith; where He hears the Ruin of his Plantation: and getting a Shallop, with a Man or two comes on to see how things are: but in a Storm is cast away in the Bottom of the Bay between Pascataquak and Merri••mak River, * 1.56 & hardly escapes with his Life Afterwards He falls into the Hands of the In|dians, who pillage Him of all He sav'd from the Sea, and strip Him of all his Cloaths to his Shirt. At length He gets to Pascataquak▪ borrows a Sute of Cloaths, finds means to come

to Plimouth, and desires to borrow some Bever of us. Notwithstanding our Straits, yet in Consideration of hisNecessity, we letHim have 170 odd P••unds of Bever, wi••h which He goes to the Eastward, stays his small Ship and some of his Men, buys Provision and fits Himself; which is the Foundation of his future Courses: and yet never Repaid us any thing save Re|proaches, and becomes our Enemy on all Oc••casions (B)

Apr. m. We Begin to set our Corn, the setting Season being good till the latter End of May▪ (W) But by the time our Corn is Planted, our Victuals are spent: not knowing at Night where to have a Bit in the Morning, and have neither Bread nor Corn for 3 or 4 Months to••gether: yet bare our Wantswith Chearfulness and rest on Providence. (B)

Having but one Boat left, we divide the Men into several Companies, 6 or 7 in each: who take their Turns to go out with a Net and fish, and return not till they get some, tho' they be 5 or 6 Days out; knowing there's nothing at Home, and to return empty wou'd be a great Discouragement When they stay long or get but little, the Rest go▪ a digging Shell fish: and thus we live the Summer; only sending 1 or 2 to range the Woods for Deer, they now and then get one, which we divide among the Company: and in the Winter are help'd with F••wl and Ground-nuts. (B)

At length we receive Letters from the Ad••venturers in Eng••and of Dec. 22 and Apr. 9 last, wh••rein they say, I•• r••j••iceth us much to hear those good Reports that divers have bro't home

of you: and give an Account, that last Fall (B) Octob. 16 (ps) a Ship the Parragon, sail'd from London with Passengers (B) 37 (sm) or r ••her 67 (ps) for New Plimouth: being fitted ••ut by Mr. Iohn Pierce, in whose Name our first ••a|tent was taken, his Name being only used in Trust: but when He saw we were Here hope|fully s••ated, and by the Success GOD gave us had obtai••ed Favour with the Council for New-England, He gets another Patent of a larger Extent, meaning to keep it to Himself, allow us only what He pleas'd, hold us as his Tenants and sue to his Courts as chief Lord: But meet|ing with tempestuous Storms (B) in the Downs (mn) the Ship is so bruis'd and leaky that in 14 Days she Return'd (B) to London (mn) was forc'd to be put into the Dock, 100 Pounds laid out to mend Her, and lay 6 or 7 Weeks to Dec. 22, before she sail'd a second time: but being half way over, met ••ith extream tempestuous Wea|ther about the middle of Feb which held 14 Days, beat ••ff the Round-House with all her upper Works, oblig'd them to cut her Mast and ••••turn to Portsmouth; having 109 Souls aboard, with Mr. Pierce Himself. Upon which great and repeated Loss and Disappointment, He is prevail'd upon for 500 Pounds to resign his Patent to the Company * 1.57 which cost Him but 50 Pounds: and the Goods with Charge of Passengers in this Ship cost the Company 640 Pounds: for which they were forc'd to

hire another Ship, viz. the Ann of 140 Ton to Transport them, viz 60 Pass••ngers with 60 Tons of Goods; hoping to sail▪ by the end of April. (B)

June e. Arrives a Ship with Capt. Francis West who has a Commission to be Admiral of New Eng••land, to restrain such Ships as come to Fish an•• Trade without Licence from the New England Coun••il, for which they shou'd Pay a round Sum of Money: tell us they spake with a Ship at Sea and were aboard her, having sundry Pas••sedgers, bound for this Plantation, but lost her Mast in a Storm which quickly follow'd, won••der she is not arriv'd and fear some Miscarriage which fills us with Trouble. But Mr. West finding the Fishermen stubborn Fellows and to•• strong for Him, sails for Virginia; and thei•• Owners complaining to the Parliament, procur•• an Order that Fishing should be Free. (B)

July m. Notwithstanding our great Pains and Hopes of a large Crop, GOD seems to blast them an•• threaten sorer F••min•• by a Great Drought an•• Heat from the t••ird Week in May to the mid••dle of this Mon••h * 1.58 so as the Corn wither•• (B) both the Blad•• and Stalk, as if 'twere ut••terly Dead: Now are our Hopes overthrow•• and we discouraged, our Joy, being turned int•• Mourning: and to add to our sorrowful State our Hearing the Supply sent us in Compan•• with anothe Ship 300 Leagues at Sea, and now

in three Months see nothing of Her, only Signs of a Wreck on the Coast, which we can judge no other than She: The most couragious are now discouraged. Upon this the Publick Authority (W) sets apart a solemn Day of Humiliation and Prayer to seek the LORD in this Distress who was pleased to give speedy Answer, to ou•• own and the Indians Admiration: For tho' i•• the former Part of the Day, it was very clea•• and hot, without a Cloud or sign of Rain; yet towards Evening (B▪ W) ••efore the Exercise is over, the Clouds gather and next Morning distill suc•• soft (W) & gentle (B) Showers (B. W) as give cause of Joy and Praise to GOD: they come without any Thunder, Wind, or Violence, and by Degrees and that Abundance (B) conti••nuing 14 Days with seasonable Weather (W) as the Earth is thoroughly soaked, and the de|cayed Corn and other Fruits so reviv'd, as is wonderful to see, the Indians are astonished to behold, and gives a joyful Prospect of a fruit••ful Harvest. (••) At the same time, Capt. Stan••dish, who had been sent by the Governor to buy Provisions, returns with some, accompanied with Mr. David Tompson abovesaid. (W)

Now also we hear of the third Repulse* 1.59 our Supply had, of their safe tho' dangerous Return to England, and of their Preparing to to come to us. Upon all which, another Day is set apart for solemn and Publick Thanks••giving. (W)

••uly e. (W) Aug (B) comes in the expected Ship the Ann Mr. Wm. Pierce Master: * 1.60 and about a Week or 10 Days after (B) Aug. b. (W) ar|rives the Pinnace (B) nam'd the Iames, Mr. Bridges Master (mn) which they had left in fowl Weather, a fine new Vessel of 44 Tuns which the Company had built to stay in the Country: they bring about 60 Persons for the General (B) being all in Health but one who soon Recovers, (W) some being very useful and beome good Members of the Body (B) of whom the Principal are Mr Timothy Hatherly and Mr. George Mor|ton, who came in the Ann; and Mr. Iohn Ien|ny, who come in the Iames (mn) Some were the Wives and Children of such who came before: and some others are so bad we are forc'd to be at the Charge to send them Home next Year (B)

By this Ship R. C [i. e. doubtless Mr Cus••••man their Agent] writes, Some few of your old Friends are come: they come dropping to you; and by Degrees I hope ere long you shall enjoy them all, &c (B)

From the General, subscribed by 13 we have also a Letter wherein they say▪— Let•• it not be grievous to you, that you have been Instruments to brake the Ice for others who come after with l••ss Difficulty: the Honour shall be yours to the World's End: we bare you always in our Breasts and our hearty Affection is towards you all, as

are the Hearts of Hundreds more which never saw your Faces, who doubtless Pray your Safety as their own. (B)

When these Passengers see our poor and low Condition ashore, they are much dismayed and full of sadness: only our old Friends rejoice to see us & that 'tis no worse, & now hope we shall enjoy better Days together. The best Dish we cou'd present them with, is a Lobster, or Piece of Fish, without Bread, or any thing else but a Cup of fair Sp••ing Water: and the long continuance of this Diet with our Labours abroad has somewhat abated the Freshness of our Complexion; but GOD gives us Health, &c. (B)

Aug. 14. The fourth Marriage is of Gov. Bradford to Mrs. Alice Southworth, Widow. (bg)

Sept. 10. (W) The Pinnace (B) being fitted for Trade & Discovery to the Southward of Cape Cod, is now ready to sail * 1.61: and this Day, the Ann, having been hired by the Company, sails for London (W) being laden with Clap boards, and all the Beaver and other Furts we have: with whom we send Mr. Winslow, to in••form how Things are and procure what we want. (B)

* 1.62[Here Ends Mr. WINSLOW's Narrative: and there with also PURCHAS's Account of NEW ENGLAND. And from this Time forward I shall chiefly confine my self to the MANUSCRIPTS.]

Now our Harvest comes; instead of Famin•• we have Plenty, & the Face of Things is changed to the Joy of our Hearts: nor has there been any General Want of Food among us since to this Day. (B) * 1.63

Sept. m Capt. Robert Gorges Son of Sir Ferdinand with Mr. Morell (B) an Episcopal Miinister (msl) and su••dry Passengers and Families arrive in the Massachusetts Bay, to Begin a Blantation There * 1.64 Pitches on the same Place Mr Weston's People had forsaken; has a Commis••sion from the Council for New England (B) to be their Lieutenant General (gr) or General Go••vernor of the Country; and they appoint for his Council and Assistance, Capt. West the aforesaid Admiral, Christopher Levit, Esq and the Go••vernor of Plimouth for the Time being, giving Him Authority to chuse others as He shou'd find fit; with full Power to Him and his As••sistants, or any 3 of them, whereof Himself t•• be one, to Do what they shou'd think good 〈◊〉〈◊〉 all Cases, Capital, Criminal, Civil, &c. H gave us notice of His Arrival by Letter: an•• before we cou'd visit Him sails for the Eastwar•• with the Ship He came in: but a Storm rising the y bare into our Harbour, are kindly enter••tained and stay 14 Days. Mean while Mr

Weston, having recovered his Ship, & coming in Here, Capt Gorges calls Him to Account for some Abuses laid to his Charge: with great Difficulty Governor Bradford makes Peace be|tween them. Shortly after, Gov. Gorg••s goes to the Mass••chus••tts by Land, being thankful for his kind Entertainment. His Ship staying Here, fits for Virginia having some Passengers to deliver There. (B)

The Pinnace being sent about the Cape to Trade with the Narragansetts, gets some Corn and Beaver: yet makes but a poor Voyage; the Dutch having used to furnis•• them with Cloath and better Commodities; whereas she had only Beads and Knives, which are not There much esteemed. (B)

Nov. 5 (mn) Some of the Seamen roystering in a House and making a Great Fire in very cold Weather, it brakes out of the Chimney into the Thatch, consumes the House with 3 or 4 more and all the Goods and Provisions in them (B) * 1.65 to the value of 500 l. (sm) the Dwelling where it begun being right against the House which contain'd 〈◊〉〈◊〉 common Store and Provi|sion, was like to ••e consum'd, which wou'd have overthrown our Plantation: But through GOD's Mercy by the great Care and Diligence of the Governor and others about Him, is saved.

Some wou'd have had the Goods thrown out; which if they had, much wou'd have been stolen by the rude People of the 2 Ships, who were almost all ashore. But a trusty Company was plac'd within, as well as others who with wet Cloaths and other Means kept off the Fire without: For we suspected malicious Dealing if not plain Treachery: For when the Tu|mult was greatest, was heard a Voice, though from whom unknown—Look well about you, for all are not Friends that are near you. And whenthe Vehemence of theFire was over, Smoak was seen to rise within a Shed adjoining to the Store House, which was wattled up withBoughs, in the withered Leaves whereof a Fire was kin|dled; which some running to quench, found a Fire-brand of an Ell long, lying under the Wall on the Inside, which must be laid there by some Hand▪ in the Judgment of all who saw it. But GOD kept us in the Danger what|ever was intended (B)

Capt. Gorges Ship sailing for Virginia, sun|dry of those whom the Company had sent over Returned in Her: Some because of the Fire, which had burnt both their Houses and Provi|sions (B) one of whom was Mr. Hatherly (mn) and other•• out of Discontent and Dislike of the Country. (B)

* 1.66TOwards the Spring, after Capt. Gorges and Mr. Weston had been to the Eastward, Mr. Weston comes again to Plimouth, then sails for

Virginia. * 1.67 And Capt. Gorges not finding the state of Things to answer his Quality, with some who depended on Him, Returns to Eng|land: some of his People go to Virginia; and some f••w remain, who are help'd with Supplies from Hence. But Mr. Morrell stays about a Y••ar after the Governor, and then takes ship|ping Here and returns. At his going away, told some of our People, He had a Power of Superintendency over the Churches Here, but never show'd it. And thu•• the second Planta|tion at the Massachusetts Ended. (B)

This Spring there go about 50 English Ships, to Fish on the Coasts of New England. (sm)

[This Spring] within a Year after Mr. David Tompson had began a Plantation at Pascataqua, He removes to the Massachusetts Bay and pos|sesses a fruitful Island a••d very desireable Neck of Land, which is after confirmed to Him by the General Court of the Massachusetts Colony. (H)

About this Year [and I conclude this Spring] the Fame of the Plantation at New Plim••uth being spread in all the Western Parts of Eng|land; the Rev▪ Mr White (H) a famous Puri|tan Minister * 1.68 of Dorchester, excites several Gentlemen There to make way for another Set|tlement in New England: who now on a com|mon Stock, send over sundry Persons to Begin a Plantation at Cape Ann: employ Mr Iohn Tilly their Overseer of Planting; and Mr. Thoma•• Gardener, of the Fishery for the pre••sent Year. (H)

This Y••ar [and I suppose this Spring] Mr. Henry Iacob who had set up an Independant Church in England in 1616, with the Consent of his Church goes to Virginia: where soon after He Dies: But upon his Departure, his Congregation chuse Mr. Lathrop their Pastor. * 1.69 [I conclude He is the same Mr. Iohn La|throp, who about 10 Years after comes to Sci|tuate in Plimouth Colony]

The Time of our Electing Officers for this Year arriving, the Governor desires the People, both to change the Persons and add more As|si••tants to the Governor for Council and Help: showing the Necessity of it; that if 'twere a Benefit or Honour, 'tis fit others shou'd be Par|takers; or if a Burthen, 'tis but equal others shou'd help to bare it; and that this is the End of Yearly Elections. (B. mn) Yet they chuse the same Governor, viz. Mr. Bradford: (H) But whereas there was but 1 Assistant, they now chuse 5 and give the Governor a double V••ice (B. mn)

Mar. b We send our Pinnace to the Eastward a fishing: but arriving safe in a Harbour near Damarin's Cove, where Ships used to ride, some Ships being There already arriv'd from England; soon after, an extraordinary Storm drove Her against the Rocks, broke and sunk Her There: the Master and 1 Man drowned; the others sav'd; but all their Provisions, Salt and Lading lost Shortly after, (B) viz in

Mar. (mn) Mr. Winslow (B) our Agent, (mn) comes over in the Ship Charity and brings a pretty

good Supply of Cloathing, &c. the Ship comes a Fishing, a Thing fatal to this Plantation He also brings a Bull and 3 Heisers, the first Cattle of this kind in the Land: but therewith a sad Account of a strong Faction among th•• Adventurers against us, and especially against the Coming of Mr. Robinson and the Rest from Leyden. (B)

By Mr. Winslow we have several Letters (1) from Mr. Robinson to the Governor, dated Ley••den, Dec. 19 [I suppose New Style; but in ours, Dec 9] 1623: wherein he writes with great Concern and Tenderness about our Killing the Savage Conspirators at the Massachusetts; says, O how happy a thing had it been that you had converted some before you had killed any! &c * 1.70 (2) From the same toMr. Brewster, Dated Leyden Dec. 20 [I suppose New Style; but in ours, Dec. 10] 1623. whereinHe writes of the deferring of their desired Transportation, thro' the Opposition of some of the Adventurers: 5 o•• 6 being abso|lutely bent for Them above all others; 5 or 6 are their professed Adversaries; the rest more indifferent, yet influenc'd by the latter, who above all others are unwilling that HE shou'd be Transported, &c. (3) From R. C. [I con|clude Mr. Cushman at London, dated Ian. 24 1623, 4; wherein He writes, they send a CA••|PENTER to build 2 Ketches, a Lighter and 6 or 7 Shallops; a SALT-MAN to make Salt; and •• PREACHER, tho' not the most eminent, for whose Going (says He) Mr. Winslow and I gave way

to give Content to some at London: the Ship to be laden as soon as you can and sent to Bilboa: to send Mr. Winslow again: We have taken a PATENT for CAPE ANN, &c. (B)

This Spring the People requesting the Gov. to have some Land for Continuance, and not by Yearly Lot as before; He gives every Person an Acre to Them and Theirs, as near the Town as can be; and no more till the 7 Years expire, that we may keep close together for greater Defence and Safety. (B)

The Ship is soon discharg'd and sent to Cape-Ann a fishing, and some of our Planters to help build her Stages to their own Hindrance: but thro' the Drunkenness of the Master which the Adventurers sent, made a poor Voyage; and wou'd have been worse, had we not kept one a Trading There who got some Skins for the Company. (B)

The Fishing Masters sending us Word, that if we wou'd be at the Cost, they wou'd help to weigh our Pinnace near Damarin's Cove, and their Carpenter shou'd mend Her; We there••fore sent: and with several Tun of Cask fastened to Her at low Water, they buoy her up, hale her ashore, mend her; and our People bring her to us again. (B)

June 17. Born at Plimouth to Governor Bradford, his Son William; who afterwards becomes Deputy Governor of the Colony. * 1.71

This Month, Dies Mr. George Morton, a gra••cious Servant of GOD, an unfeigned Lover and Promoter of the common Good & Growth of thi•• Plantation & faithful in what ever Pub••lick Employment He was entrusted with. (mn)

The SHIP CARPENTER sent us is an honest and very industrious Man, quickly builds us 2 very good and strong Shallops▪ with a great and strong Lighter, and had he••n Timber for 2 Ketches; but this is spoilt; for in the Hot Season of the Year, He falls into a Feaver and Dies to our great Loss and Sorrow. (B)

But the SALT-MAN is an ignorant, foolish and selfwill'd Man; who chuses a Spot for his Salt-Works, will have 8 or 10 Men to help Him, is confident the Ground is Good, makes a Carpenter rear a great Frame of a House for the Salt and other like Uses; but finds Him|self deceiv'd in the Bottom; will then have a Lighter to carry Clay, &c. yet all in vain: He cou'd do nothing but boil Salt in Pans. The next Year, is sent to Cape Ann; and there the Pans are set up by the Fishery: but before the Summer is out, He burns the House and spoils the Pans: and there's an End of this Charge|able Business. (B)

The MINISTER is Mr. Iohn Lyford, whom a Faction of the Adventurers send, to hinder Mr. Robinson. At his Arrival appears exceed|ing complaisant and humble, sheds many Tears, blesses GOD that had brought Him to see our Faces, &c: we give Him the best Entertain|ment we can; at his Desire Receive Him into our Church, when He blesses GOD for this Op|portunity and Freedom to enjoy his Ordinance••

in Purity among his People, &c; we make Him larger Allowance than any other; and as the Governor used in weighty Matters to con|sult with Elder Brewster with the Assistants, so now He calls Mr Lyford to Council also. But Mr. Lyford soon joins with Mr. Iohn Oldham a private Instrument of the Factious Pa••t of the Adventurers in England, whom we had also called to Council in our chief Affairs without Distrust: yet they fall a Plotting both against our Church and Government, and endeavour to overthrow them. (B)

••uly. * 1.72 At length, the Ship (B) wherein Lyford came (mn) setting sail towards Evening; the Governor takes a Shallop, goes out with Her a League or 2 to Sea, calls for Lyford's and Oldham's Letters, opens them, and finds their Treachery: Mr. Wm. Pierce now Master of th•• Ship, who was aware of their Actions, rea|dily helping. The Governor returns in the Night, brings some of their Letters back, but keeps them private, till Lyford and his few Accom••plices which the Factious Part of the Adventur|ers sent, judging their Party strong enough, rise up, oppose the Government and Church, draw a Company apart, set up for themselves, and He wou'd minister the Sacrament to them by his Episcopal Calling, &c. (B)

Upon this the Governor calls a Court, sum••mons the whole Company to appear, charges Lyford and Oldham with Plotting and Writing against us; which they Deny. The Gov••rnor

then produces their own Letters: they are confounded and convicted: Oldham being outragious wou'd have rais'd a Mutiny; but his Party leaves Him: and the Court Expell•• them the Colony: OLDHAM —presently, tho' his Wife and Family have Leave to stay the Winter, or till he can make Provision to re••move them comfortably▪ He goes and settles at Natasco (B) i. e. Nantasket (mn. H) [at the En|trance of the Massachusetts-Bay] where the Plimouth People had before set up a Building to accommodate their Trade with the Massa|chusetts: and there Mr. Roger Conant and some others with their Families retire and stay a Year and some few Months. (H) LYFORD has Leave to stay six Months; owns his Fault before the Court, that all He had written is False, & the Sentence far less than He deserves; afterwards confesses the same to the Church with many Tears, begs Forgivness, and is re|stored to his Teaching. (B)

Aug. 5. The ninth Marriage at New Plimouth is of Mr. Thomas Prince with Mrs. Patience Brewster, (bg) [He is afterwards Governor: and by thi•• only Hint I find He was now in the Country.]

Aug. 22. Notwithstanding Lyford's Protestations and the Kindness shown him; He in a Month or 2 Relapses; and thisDay, writes by the Pinnace another Letter to the Adventure••s against us; but the Party entrusted gives it to the Governor. (B) [This Pinnace seems to sail for London and Mr. Winslow in Her.]

This Year comes some Addition to the few Inhabitants of Wessagusset, from Weymouth in England: who are another sort of People than

the Former (msl) [& on whose Account I con|clude the Town is since called Weymouth] * 1.73

At New Plimouth, there are now about 180 Persons; some Cattle & Goats, but many Swine and Poultry; 32 Dwelling Houses: the Town is impaled about half a Mile in Com|pass: on a High Mount in the Town, they have a Fort well built with Wood, Lime and Stone, and a fair Watch Tower. The Place it seems is Healthful: for in the 3 last Years, notwithstanding their great Want of most Necessaries, there hath not one Died of the first Planters: And this Year, they have freight|ed a Ship of 180 Tuns, &c. (sm)

The General Stock already employed by the Adventurers to Plimouth, is about seven thou|sand Pounds. (sm)

At Cape Ann there is a Plantation begin|ning by the Dorchester Men, which they hold of those of New Plimouth; who also by them have set up a Fishing Work (sm)

* 1.74[And Here SMITH Ends his Account of NEW ENGLAND]

* 1.75

THis Winter Mr. White with the Dorchester Adventurers, hearing of some Religious Persons lately remov'd from New-Plimouth to Nantasket fromDislike of their rigid Principles, among whom was Mr. Roger Conant, a pi|ous,

sober and p••udent Gentleman; they chuse Mr. Conant to manage their Affairs at Cape Ann, both of Planting and Fishing: and Mr. White engages Mr. Humphry their Treasurer to signify to Him the same by Writing. They also invite Mr Lyford to be Minister to the Plantation, and Mr Oldham to manage their Trade with the Natives. (H)

Mar. 27. Lord's Day, King JAMES I, of Great Bri|tain Dies * 1.76 [AEt. 59: havingReigned over Eng••land 22 Years and over Scotland above 57] and his only Son CHARLES I, AEt. 25 succeeds * 1.77 i•• whose Reign the Reformation degenerates, and the Prelates load us with more Popish In••novations, and bind the Burthens more straitly on us. * 1.78

This Year, (mn) comes over Capt Wollaston, with three or 4 more of some Eminence * 1.79 and a great many Servants, Provisions, &c. to Begin a Plantation. They Pitch on a Place in the Massachusetts-Bay, (B) since named Brain••trey (mn) on the Northerly mountainous Part thereof (msl) which they call Mount Wollaston: among whom is one (B) Thomas (mn) Morton: who had been a kind of petty Fogger at Fur••nival's Inn. (B)

This Spring, at our Election Court, Oldham, tho' forbid to Return without Leave; yet o|penly

comes, and in so furious a manner re|viles us▪ that even his Company are asham'd of his Outrage. Upon which we appoint Him to Pass thro' a Guard of Soldiers and every one with a Musket to give Him a Blow on his hinder Part, is then convey'd to the Water Side, where a Boat is ready to carry Him away. (B)

While this is doing Mr. Winslow and Mr. Wm Pierce land from England, and bid them spare neither Him nor Lyford: for they had pla••'d the villians with us; and their Friends in England had the like Bickerings with ours There about Lyford's calumnious Letters, &c▪ after many Meetings and much Clamour against our Ag••nts for accusing Him; the Controversy was referr'd to a further Meeting of most of the Adventurers to hear and decide the Mat••ter Mr. Lyford's Party chose Mr. White a Councellor at Law; the other chose the Rev▪ Mr. H••oker, Moderator; and many Friends on bothSides coming in, there was a great Assem|bly: In which Mr. Winslow made so surprizing a Discovery of Lyford's Carriage when Mini••ster in Ireland, for which He had been forc'd to leave that Kingdom, and coming to England was unhappily lit on an•• ••••nt to N••w Plimout•• as struck all his Friends 〈◊〉〈◊〉, made 'em asham'd to defend Him: and the Moderators Declared, that as his Carriage with us gave us cause e|nough to do as we did; so this new Discovery renders Him unmeet to bare the Ministry more. (B) * 1.80

Hence therefore Lyford with some of his Friends, go after Oldham to Natasco, (B) where receiving the Invitation of the Dorchester Gen••tlemen, Mr. Lyford removes with Mr Conant to Cape Ann: but Mr. Oldham chuses to stay a•• Nantasket and Trade for Himself. (H)

But upon this Decision, the Company of Ad••venturers to Plimouth brake in Pieces; two Thirds of them deserting us: yea some of Ly••ford's and Oldham's Friends set out a Ship •• fishing (B) under one Mr. Hewes, (H) and getting the start of ours, they take our Stage and other Provisions made for Fishing at Cape Ann the Year before to our great Charge, and refuse to restore it without Fighting: Upon which we let them keep it, and our Governor sends some Planters to help the Fishermen build ano|ther. (B) * 1.81

Yet some of the Adventurers still cleaving to us, they by Mr. Winslow write on Dec. 18. 1624▪ as follows—We cannot forget you, nor our Friendship and Fellowship we have had some Years—our hearty Affections towards you (un••known by Face) have been no less than to our nearest F iends, yea to our own selves.—As there has been a Faction among us [at London] more than 2 Years; so now there is an utter Breach and Sequestration.—The Company's DEBTS are not less than 1400 l. and we hope you will do your best to free them.—We are still perswaded, you are the People that must make a Plantation in those remote Places when all others fail. We have sent some Cattle, Cloaths, Hoes, Shoes Lea|ther, &c; but in another Nature than formerly, having committed them to the Charge of Mr. Al|lerton and Win••low, to sell as our Factors, &c. The Goods are order'd to be sold at 70 per Cent Advance—a thing tho't unreasonable and a great Oppression. The Cattle are the best Commodity. (B)

They send also 2 Ships a Fishing upon their own Account: the one is the Pinnace which had been sunk & weigh'd as before; the other a large Ship, which makes a great Voyage of good dry Fish, that wou'd fetch 1800 l. at Bil••boa or St. Sebastian's, whither her Owners had ordered Her: but there being a Rumour of a War with France, the Master, timerous, ••ails to Plimouth & Portsmouth, whereby He l••oses the Opportunity to their great Detriment. The lesser Ship is fill'd with goodly Cor fish took on the Bank, with 800 Weight of Beaver, be|sides other Furr from our Plantation. The•• go

joyfully together Homeward▪ the bigger Ship towing the less••r all the way till they are sho•• deep into the English Channel, almost within sight of Plimouth: when a Tu••ks Man of War takes the lesser and carries Her ••ff to Sally, where the Master and Men are made Slaves, and many of the Beaver Skins sold for four Pence a pi••ce, (B)

In the bigger Ship, Capt. Standish goes ou•• Agent, * 1.82 both to the remaining Adventur••ers for more Goods, and to the New England Council to oblige the others to come to a Com••position: but arriv'd there in a bad Time, the State being full of Trouble and the Plague very hot in London; there Die such Multitudes Weekly, that Trade is dead, little Money stir|ing, and no Business can be done. However, He engages several of the Council to Promise their Helpfulness to our Plantation: but our remaining Adventurers are so much weakened by their Loss of the Fish, and of the Ship the Turks had taken, they can do but little. (B)

Mean while GOD gives us Peace and H••alth with contented Minds, and so succeeds our Labours that we have Co••n sufficient and som•• to spare, with other Provisions: nor had we ever any Supply [from England] but what we first bro't with us. After Harvest, we send a

Boat Load of Corn 40 or 50 Leagues to the Eastward up Kennebeck River; it being one of those 2 Shallops our Carpenter built the Year before, for we have no larger Vessel. We had laid a Deck over her Mid ship to keep the Corn dry: but the Men were forc'd to stand in all Weathers without any Shelter, and the Time of Year begins to grow tempestuous: but GOD preserves and prospers them; fo•• they bring home 700 Weight of Beaver besides other Furr, having little or nothing but our Corn to Purchase them. This Voyage was made by Mr. Winslow and some old Standards; for Seamen we have none. (B)

Some time this Fall * 1.83 Mr. Lyford's Peo••ple at Nantasket remove to Cape Ann, a Place more convenient for the Fishery; and there stay about a Year But Mr. Conant finding a more commodious Place for Plantation a little to W••stward, on the other Side of a Creek call'd Naumkeak; secretly conceives in his, Mind, that in after times, as is since fallen out it may prove a Receptacle for such in England as on the Account of Religion wou'd be willing to settle in these Parts of the World; & gives an Intimation of it to hisFriends in England. (H)

Dec. 23 From Dec. 22. 1624. to this Day, there Die of the Plague in London and Westminster, 41, 313. (Howes)

* 1.84UPON a Year's Experience, the Dorchester Adventurers being disappointed of their Expectations, throw up their Business▪ But the Rev. Mr. White, a chief Founder under GOD, of the Massachusetts-Colony, being griev'd so good a Work shou'd fall to the Ground, writes to Mr. Conant, not to desert the Business; and Promises that if Mr. Conant with 3 others whom He knew to be honest and prudent Men, viz. Iohn Woodberry, Iohn Balch, and Peter Palfreys, wou'd stay at Naumkeak, He wou'd procure them a Patent, and send them Men, Provisions, and whatever they write for to trade with the Natives. (H)

This Spring a French Ship is cast away at Sa|gadehock: wherein are many Biscay Rugs and other Commodities, which fall into the Hands of the People at M••nhiggen and other Fisher|men at Damarin's Cove. (B)

About a Year after we had sent Oldham a|way; as He is sailing for Virginia, being in extream Danger; He makes a free and large Confession of the Wrongs He had done the Church and People at Plimouth; and as He had sought their Ruin, the LORD might now destroy Him; bes••eching GOD to forgive Him, making Vows if He be spared, to carry other|wise: and being spared He after carrie•• fairly to us, owns the Hand of GOD to be with us, seems to have an honourable Respect for us▪ and we give Him Liberty to come and con|verse with us when he pleases (B)

Apr. b. We hear of Capt. Standish arriving in •• Fishing-Ship, send a Boat to fetch Him, and

welcome He is: had taken up for us 150 l. tho' at 50 per C••nt; which his Expence deducted, He laid out in suitable Goods, and has prepare•• the Way for our Composition with the Compa••ny. But the News He brings is sad in many Regards;—not only of the Losses mention'd, whereby some of our Friends are disabled to help us, and others Dead of the Plague; but also that our Dear Pastor Mr. ROBINSON is Dead, (B) about the 50th Year of his Age, (H) which strikes us with great Sorrow. His & our Enemies had been continually Plotting, how they might hinder his coming Hither; but the Lord ha•• appointed him a better Place. (B)

Mr. Roger White in a Letter from Leyden of Apr. 28, [i. e. Apr. 18 our Style] 1625, to the Governor and Mr. Brewster, has the following Words—It has pleas'd the Lord to take out of this Vale of Tears, your and our Loving and Faithful Pastor, Mr. ••obinson,—He fell Sick Saturday Morning, Feb. 22. [i. e. Feb. 12. our Style, 1624, 5] Next day Taught us Twice—On the Week grew Weaker every Day, feeling little or no Pain—Sensible to the last—Departed this Life the first of March [i. e. Saturday, Feb. 19 ourStyle, 1624, 5] Had a continual inward Ague— All his Friends came freely to Him— And if Prayers, Tears or Means wou'd have sav'd his Life, He had not gone Hence—We still hold close together in Peace-wishing that you and we were again together, &c▪ (B)

Our other Friends at Leyden also write us many Letters full of Lamentations for their

heavy Loss: and tho' their Wills are good to come, yet see not ho••. (B) * 1.85

Our Captain also brings us Notice of the Death of our ancient Friend Mr. Cushman▪ who was our Right Hand with the Adven|turers, and for diverse Years has manag'd all our Business with the••, to our great Advan|tage. He had wrote to the Governor a few Months be••ore of the sore Sickness of Mr. Iames Sherley; who was a chief Friend of the Plantation, and lay at the Point of Death, de|claring his Love and Helpfulness in all Things, and bemoaning our Loss if GOD shou'd take Him away, as being the Stay and Life of the Business; as also of his own Purpose to come this Year and spend the rest of his Days with us. (B)

These Things cou'd not but cast us into great Perplexity: yet being stript of all Humane Help and Hopes; when we are now at the lowest, the Lord so helps us, as we are not only upheld, but begin to rise, and our Proceedings both honoured and imitated by others. (B)

Having now no Business but Trading and Planting, we set our selves to follow them. The People finding Corn a Commodity, having Sold it at six Shillings a Bushel, they use great Diligence in Planting: and the Trade being retain'd for the general Good, the Governor and other Managers apply it to the best Ad••vantag••. For, wanting proper Goods, and un|derstanding the Plantation at Monhiggon, be|longing to some Merchants of Plimouth [in Eng|land] is to brake up, and divers Goods to be sold; the Governor with Mr. Winslow, take a Boat and with some Hands go thither; Mr. David Thompson, who lives at Piscatoway, going with us on the same Design, we agree to buy all their Goods and divide them equally. Our Moiety comes to 400 l. we also buy a Parcel of Goats which we destribute to our People for Corn to their great Content. We likewise buy the French Goods aforesaid, which makes our Part arise to above 500 l: and which we mostly Pay with the Beaver and Commo|dities we got last Winter, and what we had ga|thered this Summer. (B)

After Harvest, with our Goods and Corn, we get such Store of Trade, as to discharge some other Engagements, viz. the Money took up by C••pt. Standish, with the Remains of former

Debts, to get some Cloathing for the People, and have some Commodities beforehand. (B)

This Year [and I suppose in the Fall] we send Mr. Allerton to England, to finish with the Adventurers, take up more Money, and buy us Goods. (B)

Sometime this Fall, Mr. Conant with the People who came to Cape Ann, Remove a third time, viz. to Naumkeak aforesaid, on a pleasant and fruitful Neck of Land, embrac'd on each Side with an Arm of the Sea, since nam'd SALEM; answer Mr. White that they will stay on his Terms (H) and Mr. Lyford removes with them. (B)* 1.86

Captain Wollaston having continued at Mount Wallaston some Time, and finding Things not answer his Expectation, He car|ries a great Part of the Servants to Virginia, writes back to Mr. Rasdall one of his chief Partners to carry another Part, and appoints Mr. Fitcher his Lieutenant till He or Rasdall returns. But Rasdall being gone, Morton ex••cites the Rest to turn away Fitcher and set up for themselves; forcing Fitcher to seek his Bread among his Neighbours, till he can get •• Pass to England▪ After this they fall to great Licentiousness and Prophaness. (B) * 1.87

Finding we run great Hazards in going such long Voyages in a little open Boat, especially in the Winter Season, we consider how to get •• small Pinnace. And having no Ship-Builder, but an ingenious House Wright, who wrought with our Ship Carpenter, deceased; at our Re••quest He tries his Skill, saws our bigger Shallop across the middle, lengthens her five or six Foot, strengthens Her with Timbers, builds Her up, decks and makes her a convenient Vessel. The next Year we fit Her with Sails and Anchors, and She does us Service seven Years (B)

In the Beginning of Winter, a Ship with many Passengers bound to Virginia, the Master Sick, loose themselves at Sea; have neither Beer, Wood, nor Water left: In fear of starving Steer towards the Coast to find some Land: run over the dangerous Shoals of Cape Cod in the Night, they know not how: come right before a small obscure Harbour about the middle of Monamoy|ack Bay; at high Water, touch the Bar; towards Night beat over it into the Harbour, and run on a Flat within close to the Beach; where they save their Lives and Goods. Not knowing where they are, as the Savages come towards them in Canoes, they stand on their Guard: but some of the Indians asking if they are the Gov•• of Plimouth's Men, and offering to bring them or their Letters, they are greatly revived: send a Letter with 2 Men to the Governor, intreating Him to send them Pitch, Oakum, Spikes, &c. to mend their Ship, with Corn to help them to Virginia. Those being abroad a Trading, who were fit to send, the Governor goes himself in a ••oat with the Materials wrote for, and Com••modities

proper to buy Corn of the Natives. And it being no Season of the Year to go with out the Cape, He sails to the Bottom of the Bay within, into a Creek call'd Naumskaket; whence 'tis not much above 2 Miles across to the Bay where they are: has Indians to carry the Things: is received with Joy: buys of the Natives as much Corn as they want: leaves them thankful: returns to the Boat, goes into other adjacent Harbours, buys and loads with Corn and comes Home. (B) * 1.88

* 1.89

NOT many Days after the Governor came Home, the People at Monamoyack 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Him Word that their Ship being mended, •• Great Storm drove her ashore and so shattered her as to make her wholly unfit for Sea; beg Leave and Means to transport themselves and Goods to us, and be with us till they find Pas|sage to Virginia. We readily help to transport▪ and shelter them and their Goods in our Houses▪ The chief among them are Mr. Fells & Sils••y, who have many Servants. Upon their coming to Plimouth and being somewhat settled, seeing the Winter before them, and like to be th•• latter End of the Year before they can get to Virginia; the Masters desire some Ground to employ their Servants, clear, plant, and help

bare their Charge: which being Granted, they raise a great deal of Corn. (B)

[About mid March] we receive Messengers from the Governor of the Dutch Plantation, with Letters written in Dutch and French, Dated from the Manhatas in the Fort Amster|dam, March 9 1627, [i. e. New Style, which is Feb 27. 1626, 7] Sign'd Isaac de Rasier, Secre|tary. * 1.90 They had Traded in those Southern Parts divers Years before we came; but Began no Plantation There till 4 or 5 Years after our Coming. In their Letter, They congratulate us and our prosperous and praise worthy Undertak••ings and Government of our Colony, with the Praesentation of their Good Will and Service to us, in all friendly Kindness and good N••ighbour••hood: Offer us any of their Goods that may be serviceable to us, declare they shall take them••selves bound to accommodate & help us with them, for any Wares we are pleased to deal for. (B)

Mar. 19 We send the Dutch our obliging Answer, express our thankful Sense of the Kindness•••• we receiv'd in their Native Country & ou••grate••ful Acceptance of their offered Friendship (B)

This Spring, at the usual Season of the Ships Coming▪, Mr. Allerton Returns: having taken up for us 200 l at 30 per Cent, laid them out in suitable Goods▪ and brings them to the great Content of the Plantation. With no small

Trouble & the Help of sundry faithful Friend•• who took much Pains, He made a Composition with the Adventurers on October 26 last, which they Sign'd November 15; a Draught of which, He brings for our Acceptance: wherein we allow them 1800 l. Paying 200 at the Royal Exchange every Michaelmas, the first Payment to be in 1628: in Consideration of which the Company sell us all their Shares, Stocks, Mer|chandizes, Lands and Chattels: which is well approv'd and agreed to by the whole Planta|tion; tho' they scarce know how to raise the Payment, discharge their other Engagements, and supply their yearly Wants; seeing they are forc'd to take up Monies or Goods at such high Interests: yet they undertake it; and 7 or 8 of the chief become jointly Bound in behalf of the rest to make said Payments: wherein we run a great Venture, as our Con|dition is, having many other heavy Burthens upon us, and all Things in an uncertain State among us. (B)

Upon this, to make all Easy, we take every Head of a Family, with every young Man of Age and Prudence, both of the first Comers and those who have since arriv'd, into Partner|ship with us; agree the Trade ••hall be manag'd as before, to Pay the D••bts; that every single Freeman shall have a single Share, and every Father of a Family also Leave to Purchase a Share for Himself, one for his Wife, one for every Child living with Him; and every one shall Pay his Part toward the Debts according to the Shares He holds; which gives Content to all. We accordingly Divide one Cow and two

Goats by Lot to every six Shares; and Swine, tho' more in Number, in the same Proportion: to every Share 20 Acres of tillable Land by Lot, besides the single Acres (B) with the Gardens and Homesteds (mn) they had before; the most abutting on the Water Side, five in Breadth and four in Depth: but no Meadows laid out till many Years after, because being strait of Meadow, it might hinder Additions to us; tho' at every Season, all are order'd where to mow, in Proportion to their Number of Cattle. (B)

Morton and Company at M Wallaston, hav|ing got some Goods and acquired much by trading with the Natives; they spend the same in Rioting and Drunkenness; drinking 10 l. worth of Wine and Spirits in a Morning: set up a May-Pole, get the Indian Women to drink and dance about it, with worser Practices; as in the Feasts of Flora, or like the madBacha••nalians; and change the Name to Merry•• Mount, as if this Jollity were to last for ever. (B) * 1.91

[May and June] * 1.92 For greater Convenience of Trade, to discharge our Engagements & main••tain our selves, we build a small Pinnace at

Monamet, a Place on the Sea, 20 Miles to the South: to which by another Creek on this Side, we transport our Goods by Water within four or five Miles, and then carry them over Land to the Vessel; thereby avoid our compassing Cape Cod with those dangerous Shoals, and make our Voyage to the Southward, with far less Time & H••zzard. For the Safety of our Vessel and Goods, we There also build a House, and keep some Servants; who Plant Corn, rear Swine, and are always ready to go out with the Bark: which takes good Effect, and turns to Advantage (B)

June 27. * 1.93 * 1.94 * 1.95 Wednesday * 1.96 the Duke of Buckingham * 1.97 * 1.98 * 1.99 with 100 Ships * 1.100 * 1.101 sails from Portsm••uth [in England] for the Isle of Rhee on the Coast of France, and Begins the WAR with that Kingdom * 1.102 * 1.103

July. But besides the Discharge of our heavy En|gagements, our great Concern is to help over our Friends at LEYDEN; who so much desire to come to us, as we desire their Company. The Governor therefore, with Mr. Edward Winslow, Th••mas Prince, Myles Standish, Wm. Brewster, Iohn Alden, Iohn Howland, and Isaac Allerton, now run a great Venture; and hire the Trade of the Colony for 6 Years, to begin the last of next September: and for this with the Shallop ••all'd the Bass Boat, and Pinnace lately built at Monamet, with the Stock in the Store-House; we this Month, undertake to Pay the 1800 l. with all other Debts of the Plantation amount|ing

to 600 more; bring over for them 50 l a Year in Hoes and Shoes, sell them for Corn at 6 s. a Bushel; and at the End of the Term return the Trade to the Colony. (B)

The latter End of the Summer, the Virginia People at Plimouth, sell us their Corn, go Thi|ther in a couple of Barks; and afterwards, se••veral of them express their Thankfulness to us. (B) And [now it seems] Mr Lysord sails with some of his People also to Virginia, (H) and there shortly Dies. (B)

With the Return of the Ships we send Mr•• Allerton again to England. (1) To conclude our Bargain with the Company and deliver our nine Bonds for the Paying the 200 l. at every Michaelmas for 9 Years. (2) To carry our Bea|ver and pay some of our late E••gagements; for our excessive Interest still keeps us low. (3) To get a Patent for a fit Trading Place on Kennebeck River; especially since the Planters at Pascatoway and other Places Eastward of 'em, as also the Fishing Ships envy our Trading There, and threaten to get a Patent to exclude us; tho' we first discover'd and began the same, and bro't it to so good an Issue. (4) To deal with some of our special Friends in London to join with the said eight Undertakers, both for the Discharge of the Colony's Debts, and the help••ing our Friends from L••yden. (B)

Nov. 6. Mr. Allerton concludes our Bargain with the Company at London delivers our Bonds and receives their Deed. (B)

Dec 27. Mr. Sherley from London writes to the Plmouth People, as follows▪ —The sole Cause why the greater Part of the Adventurers ma••lign

me was, that I ••ould not side with them against you and the coming over of the LEYDEN PEOPLE—and assuredly unless the LORD he mer••ciful to us and the whole Land in Gener••l, our Condition is far worse than yours: wherefore if the LORD shou'd send Persecution Here, which is much to be feared, and should put into our Minds to fly for Refuge; I know no Place safer than to come to you &c. (B)

About this Year, ••ome Friends being toge••ther in Lincolnshire, fall into Discourse about New England & the Planting of the Gospel there: and after some Deliberation, we [says D••puty Governor Dudley] impart o••r Rea|sons by Letters and M••ssages to some in Lon••don and the West Country: where it is at length so ripened as to Procure a Patent [for the MASSACHUSETTS COLONY] * 1.104

* 1.105

MR. Allerton having settl'd all Things in a hopeful way, Returns in the first of the Spring with our Supply for Trade. The Pisher|men with whom He comes, us'd to set forth in Winter, and be Here betimes. He has Paid the first 200 l. of our 1800 to the Adventurers; as also all our Debts to others, except Mr Sherley, Beachamp and Andrews, to whom we now owe but 400 and odd Pounds: informs that our said three Friends and some others will join us in our six Y••ars Bargain, and will send to Leyden for a Number to come next Year.

brings a competent Supply of Goods; with a PATENT for KENNEBECK, but so strait an•• ill bounded, as we are forc'd▪ to get renew'•• and enlarged next Year, as also THAT we have at HOME to our great Charge. He likewise brings us one Mr. Rodgers, a young Man, fo•• Minister. (B)

Mar. 19 The Council for New England sell to Sir H••nry Roswell, Sir Iohn Young, Knights, Tho|mas Southcoat, Iohn Humphry, Iohn Endicot and Simon Whetcomb, Gent. * 1.106 about Dorches••ter in England (H) their Heirs and Associates that Part of New England between Merrimack Riv••r and Charles River in the Bottom of the Massachusetts Bay; and 3 Mile to the South o•• every Part of Charles River and of the Souther•• most Part of said B••y; & 3 Miles to the North of every Part of said Merrimack River; and in Length within the Breadth aforesaid from the Atlanti••k Ocean to the South S••a, &c. * 1.107

After some time, Mr. White brings the Dor|chester Grantees into Acquaintance with several other Religious Persons in and about London, who are first Associated to them, then buy their Right in the Patent * 1.108 and consult abou•• settling some Plantation in the Massachusetts Bay on the Account of RELIGION; wher••

Nonconformists may Transport themselves & enjoy the Liberty of their own Perswasion in Matters of Worship and Church Discipline. Soon after, the Company chuse Mr. (H) MATTHEW (Mcr) CRADOCK, Governor, Mr. (H) THOMAS (Mcr) GOFF, Dep. Governor, with other Assistants (H)

The New Plimouth People having obtain'd their Patent for Kennebeck, now erect a House up the River, in a convenient Place for Trade: and furnish it both Winter and Summer, with Corn and other Commodities, such as the Fish|ermen had traded with; as Coats, Shirts, Rugs, Blankets, Bisket▪ Pease, Prunes, &c: what we cou'd not get from England, we buy of the Fishing Ships; and so carry on the Business as well as we can. (B)

This Year [and I conclude this Spring] the Dutch send to us again from their Plantation, both kind Letters and div••rse Commodities; as Sugar, Linnen, Stuffs, &c: come with their Bark to our House at Manomet: their Secre|tary Rasier comes with Trumpeters, &c; but not being able to travel to us by Land, desires us to send a Boat within side [the Ca••e] to fetch Him: so we send a Boat to Manonscusset, and bring him with the chief of his Company to Plimouth After a few Days Entertainment, He returns to his Bark: some of us go with Him, and buy sundry Goods. After which Beginning, they often send to the same Place; and we trade together divers Years, sell much Tobacco for Linens, Stuffs, &c; which proves a great Benefit to us, till the Virginians find out their Colony (B)

But that which in Time turns most to our Advantage is, their now acquainting and enter••ing us in the Trade of WAMPAM: telling us how vendible it is at their Fort Orania, and perswading we shall find it so at Kennebeck Upon this we buy about 50 l. worth. At first it sticks, and 'tis 2 Years before we can put it off; till the Inland Indian: come to know it, and then we can scarce procure enough for many Years together. By which and other Provisions we quite cut off the Trade both from the Fishermen and straggling Planters And strange it is to see the great Alteration it in a few Years makes among the Savages: For the Massachusetts and others in these Parts had scarce any; it being only made and kept among the Pequots & Narragansetts, who grew Rich and Potent by it; whereas the Rest who use it not are poor and beggarly. (B)

Hitherto the Natives of these Parts have no other Arms but Bows and Arrows, nor many Years after. But the Indians in the Eastern Parts, having Commerce with the French▪ first haveGuns of them, and at length they make it a common Trade. In Time our English Fisher••men follow their Example: but upon Com••plaint against them, the KING by a strict Pro••clamation forbid the same, and commanded that no sort of Arms or Munition be traded with them. (B) * 1.109

June 20. Capt JOHN ENDICOT, with his Wife and Company. This Day sails in the Ship Abigail, Henry Gauden, Master, from Weymouth in Eng|land, for Nahumkeak in New England, (Mcr) * 1.110 being sent by the Massachusetts Patentees at London, to carry on the Plantation There, make Way for the settling a Colony, and be their Agent to order all Affairs, ••ill the Patentees th••mselves come over. (H)

Sept 13. Mr. Endicot writes of his safe Arrival at N••umkeak, to Mr. Matthew Cradock one of the Massachusetts Company in London, which Mr. CRA••OCK receives on Feb. 13 following. * 1.111 With Mr. Endicot come Mr. Gott, Brackenbury, Davenport, Capt. Trask and others: who go on comfortably in Preparing for the NewColony. (H)

Among those who arrive at Naumkeak, are Ralph Sprague, with his Brethren Richard and William; who with 3 or 4 more, by Governor Endicot's Consent, undertake a Journey, and travel the Woods above 12 Miles Westward.

light on a Neck of Land call'd Mishawum, be|tween Mistick & Charles Rivers, full of Indians, named Aberginians. Their old Sachem being Dead, his Eldest Son call'd by the English JOHN SAGAMORE is Chief; a Man of a gentle & good Disposition: by whose free Consent they settle Here; where they find but one English House, thatch'd and pallizado'd, possess'd by Thomas Walford a Smith. * 1.112

That worthy Gentleman Mr. Endicot, coming over for the Government of the Massachusetts * 1.113 visits the People at Merry Mount causes the May-Pole to be cut down, rebukes them for their Profaneness, admonishes them to look there be better Walking, and the Name i•• changed to Mount Dagon. (B)

But Morton and Company, to maintain their Riot, hearing what Gain the French and Fisher|men made by selling Guns, with Powder and Shot to the Natives; He begins the same Trade in these Parts, teaches how to use them, employ•• the Indians in Hunting and Fowling for Him; wherein they become more active than any English, by their swiftness of Foot, nimblenes•• of Body, quicksightedness, continual Exercise. and knowing the Haunts of all sorts of Game. And finding the Execution Guns will do and

the Benefit thereby, become mad after them and give any Price for 'em. Morton sells them all He can spare, and sends to England for many more. The neighbouring English who live scattered in diverse Places and have no Strength in any, meeting the Indians in the Woods thus arm'd, are in great Terror: and those in remo|ter Places see the Mischief will quickly spread if not forthwith prevented. Besides, they see they shou'd not keep their Servants: for Mor|ton receives any, how vile soever; and they with the discontented will flock to Him, if this Nest continues: and the other English will be in more Fear of this debauched and wicked Crew than of the Savages themselves. The chief of the straggling Plantations therefore, from Pascatoway, Naumkeak, Winisimet, Wesa|guscusset, Natasco and other Places, meet, and agree to solicit those of Plimouth, who are of greater Strength than all, to join and stop this growing Mischief, by suppressing Morton and Company before they grow to a further Head. Those of Plimouth receiving their Messengers and Letters, are willing to afford our Help•• However, first send a Messenger with Letters to advise Him in a friendly Way to forbare those Courses. But he scorns their Advice, asks Who has to do with Him; declares He will tradePieces with the Indians in Despight of all, &c. We send a second time, to be better advis'd; for theCountry can not bare the Injury; it is against their common Safety, and the King's Proclamation. He say••, The King's Proclama••tion is no Law, has no Penalty but his Displea••sure, that the King is Dead and his Displeasure

with him; and threatens, if any come to molest Him, let them look to themselves, He'll prepare for 'em. Upon this, they see no Way but Force: and therefore obtain of the Plimouth Governor to send Capt. Standish with some Aid to take Him. The Captain coming, Morton arms his Consorts, heats them with Liquor, bars his Doors, sets his Powder and Bullets on the Table ready•• The Captain summons Him to yeild: but has only Scoffs, &c. At length Morton fearing we shou'd do some Violence to the House, He and some of his Crew come out to shoot the Captain: At which the Captain steps up to Him, puts by his Piece, takes Him, enters the House, disperses the worst of the Company, leaves the more modest There, brings Morton to Plimouth: where he is kept till a Ship going from the Isle of Shoals to England, He is sent in Her to the New England Council, with a Messenger and Letters to inform against Him, &c: yet they do nothing to Him, not so much as rebuke Him, and he returns next Year. (B)

This Year [and I suppose this Fall] we send Mr. Allerton our Agent again to London; to get our Kenebeck Patent enlarg'd and rectified, as also This at Home enlarg'd, and help our Friends from Leyden (B)

This Year, Dies Mr. Richard Warren; a useful Instrument, and bare a deep Share in the Difficulties attending the first Settlement of New Plimouth. (mn)

This Year, the Massachusetts Patentees at London send several Servants to Naumkeak: but for want of wholsome Diet and convenient Lodgings, many Die of Scurvys and other

Distempers. (H) Upon which Mr. Endicot hearing w•• at Plimouth have a very skilful Doctor, viz Mr. Fuller (B) Deacon of Mr. Ro••binson's Church, skill'd in the Diseases of the Country which the People at Naumkeak are fill'd with, (H) sends to our Governor for Him, who forthwith sends Him to their Assistance. (B) * 1.114

* 1.115

Feb. 16. MR. Cradock, at London, in his Letter to Capt. Endicot at Naumkeak says,

We are thoro'ly inform'd of the safe Arrival of your self, your Wife and the rest of your good Company in our Plantation, by your Letters of Sept. 13, which came to hand the 13th I••••stant— Our Company are much enlarged since your Departure— There's 1 Ship bought for the Company, of 100 Tuns, and two more hired of 200; 1 of 19, the other of 20 Ordnance: in which Ships are like to be sent between 2 and 300 Persons to reside There, and about a 100 Head of Cattle— I wrote you by Mr. Allert•••• of New Plimouth in November— It is resolv'd to send 2 Ministers at least with the Ships now to be sent— Those we s••nd shall be by Ap••probation of Mr. White of Dorchester and Mr▪

Davenport— I account our Ships will be ready to sail Hence by the 20th of next Month. (cl)

The Massachusetts Company, for promoting their great Design, first consider where to find 2 or 3 able Ministers to send: not doubting but if they meet with such, they shall have a considerable Number of Religious People to go with them; especially if there be grounded Hopes of an Orderly Government, to Protect the People and promote the Cause of RELIGION among them, as well as their civil Rights and Liberties. For which they with one Consent agree to Petition the King to Confirm their afor••|said Grant to themselves and Associates by a ROYAL CHARTER, (H) Mr. White an honest Councellor at Law, and Mr. Richard B••lling••ham furthering the same. (j)

Mar. 2. Monday, at a Meeting of the Massachusetts Company in London, Present the Governor, Dep, Mr. Wright, Vassal, Harwood, Coulson, Adams, Nowell, Whetcomb, Perry & Huson,* 1.116 when Mr Coney propounding in behalf of the Boston Men that 10 of them may subscribe 10 l. a Man in the joint Stock, and with their Ships to adventure 250 l. more on their own Account, and provid|able Men to send for managing the Business it is condescended to (M••r)

Mar. 4 At the Petition of the Massachusetts Compa|ny, K. CHARLES by CHARTER confirms their Patent of the MASSACHUSETTS COLONY to them, i. e. to the aforesaid Sir Henry Rosewell, Sir John Young, Thomas Southcot, Iohn Hum••frey, Iohn Endicot, Simon Whetcomb, and their Associates, viz. Sir Richard Saltonstal▪ Knight. Isaac Iohnson, Samuel Aldersey, Iohn Ven, MAT••THEW CRADOCK, George Harwood, Increase Nowell, Richard Perry, Richard Bellingham, Nathaniel Wright, Samuel Vassal, Theophilus Eaton, THOMAS GOFF, Thomas Adams, Iohn Brow••, Samuel Brown, Thomas Hutchins. Wm•• Vassal, Wm. Pynchon and George Foxcroft, their Heirs and Assigns for ever: that they and all who shall be made free of their Company, be for ever a Body Corporate and Politic, by the Name of the Governor and Company of the MAS••SACHUSETTS BAY in NEW ENGLAND, & have perpetual Succession: that there shall be for ever a Governor, Deputy Governor, and 18 As••sistants chosen out of the Freemen of said Com••pany: that MATTHEW CRADOCK be the first and present Governor; THOMAS GOFF 1st Dep. Governor; and the 18 Printed in Italica, be the first Assistants: that on the last Wednesday in Easter Term yearl••, the Governor, Dep. Governor, and all other Officers, shall be in the General Court held that Day, newly chosen by the greater Part of the Company: that they may have 4 General Courts a Year, viz. the last Wed••nesday in Hillary, Easter, Trinity and Michael 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Terms for ever; which may admit Free m••n, remove and chuse Officers, order Lands▪ and m••ke Laws not repugnant to the Laws of

England: that the Governor and Company and their Successors and Assigns may carry Peo••ple who are willing out of any of the King's Dominions Thither, transport Goods, have all the Privileges of natural Subjects in all the King's Dominions: that their chief Comman|ders, Governors, other Officers, and others under them, may by Force of Arms encounter all who shall attempt any Detriment or Annoyance to them, and take their Persons, Ships, Armour, Goods, &c: But that Fishing shall be Free, &c. (bc) * 1.117

Mar. 9 At a Meeting of the Massachusetts Company in London, Iohn Washborn entertained Secretary for one whole Year; and directed to call on all such as have Charge of Provision for the Ships now bound to New England, that they may be dispatch'd by the 25th of this Month at furthest. (M••r)

Mar. 10 At a Meeting of the Massachusetts Com••pany in London; Mr. Thomas Graves of Grave•• send, Gent, agrees to go to New England, and serve the Company, as a Person skilful in Mines of Iron, Lead, Copper, mineral Salt and Allom, Fortification of all So••ts, Surveying, &c. (Mcr)

Mar. 16. Estimate of Charges for 100 Passengers and their Provisions at 15 l. a Man

1500 l.

Freight of the Ship Talbot 5 Months at 80 l.

400

Her Victuals & Wages for 32 Men at 70 l.

350

Lyon's Whelp set to Sea

500

20 Cows and Bulls at 4 l. 80 l.

610

10 Mares and Horses at 6 l. 60

610

Charges of them 470

610

(Mcr)

3360 l.

Mar. 23. Governor CRADOCK sworn in Chancery (H) Dep. Governor GOFF and eleven Assistants sworn, as also Mr. George Harwood sworn Trea|surer. * 1.118 At a Meeting of the Massachusetts Company this Day at London, Mr. Nowell giving Intimation by Letters from Mr. Iohnson, that Mr. HIGGINSON of Leicester, an able (Mcr) and eminent (H) Minister (Mcr) Silenc'd for Non|conformity, wou'd be likely (H) to go to our Pl••ntation: who being approv'd for a Rev. Grave Minister, fit for our Occasion; it is agreed to intreat Mr. Humfrey to ride presently to Leicester: and if Mr. Higginson can conve|niently go this present Voyage, to deal with Him, first if his Remove may be without Scan|dal to that People, and approv'd by some of the best affected among them, with the Ap|probation

of [the Rev. and Fam••us] Mr▪ Hilder sha•• of Ashley, de la Zouch. (Mcr) * 1.119

Mr. Higginson being address'd both by Mr. Humfrey and White, He looks upon it as a Call from GOD: and in a few Weeks, is with his Family, ready to take hisFlight into this Savage Desart. (H)

Apr. 8. At another Meeting of the Massachusetts Company in London; Mr. FRANC••S * 1.120 HIGGIN••SON, Mr. SAMUEL SKELTON, (Mcr) another Nonconformist Minister of Lincolnshire, (H) and Mr. FRANCIS BRIGHT entertain'd by said Com|pany as Ministers for the Plantation, to labour both among the English and Indians: Mr. Hig••ginson having 8 Children, is to have 10 l. a Year more than the others: Mr. RALPH SMITH a Minister, is also to be accommodated in his Passage thither. (Mcr)

Apr. 16. Sixty Women and Maids, 26 Children, and 300 Men with Victuals, Arms, Apparel, Tools, 140 Head of Cattle, &c, in the Lord Treasurer's Warrant [to go to New England] (Mcr) * 1.121

Apr. 17. The said Company's Committee Date thei•• Letter at Gravesend to Mr. Endicot; whereit they say,—

For that the Propagating of the Gospel is the thing we profess above all, i•• settling this Plantation, we have been careful to make plentiful Provision of Godly Ministers viz. Mr. SKELTON, in the George Bonaventure▪ Mr. HIGGINSON, in the Talbot; and in the Lyon's Whelp, Mr. BRIGHT, trained up unde•• Mr. Davenport: And as the Ministers have declar'd themselves to us to be of one Iudg••ment, and to be fully agreed in the manne•• how to exercise their Ministry; we have good Hopes of their Love and unanimous Agree••ment, &c * 1.122 * 1.123

Apr. 21. The Georg•• now rides at the Hope; the Talbot and Lyon's Whelp at Blackwall * 1.124

Apr. 30. * 1.125 At a General Court of the Massachu••setts Company in London. There are 3 Ships now to go to NEW ENGLAND—And the Compan•• order that 13 in their Plantation shall have the sole Ordering of the Affairs and Government There, by the Name of the Governor and Coun|cil

of LONDON'S PLANTATION in the MASSA|CHUSETTS BAY in NEW ENGLAND: Elect Mr. ENDICOT Governor, and Mr. Higginson, Skelton, Bright, Iohn and Samuel Brown, Tho|mas Graves and Samuel Sharp to be of the Council: the said Governor and Council may chuse 3 others; the Planters chuse 2 more: of which 1•• Councellors, the Governor and major Part may chuse a Deputy Governor and Secre|tary: that they all continue a Year, or till this Court appoint others: that the Governor or in his Absence the Deputy may call Courts at Discretion; and therein, the greater Number whereof the Governor or Deputy to be always one, have Power to make Laws not repugnant to the Laws of England. Order Copies of this Act be sent by the first Conveyance (Mcr) and a Commission is accordingly sent to Mr. Endi|cot, &c. (H)

〈◊〉〈◊〉 4 The George Bonaventure sails from the Isle of Whight: May 11, sail from Thence the Ly|on's Whelp and Talbot (scr) Being all 3 full of Godly Passengers (cm) with the 4 Ministers, for the Massachusetts: (Mcr. H) the Planters in the Lyon's Whelp go from Somerset and Dorset (csr) and within a Month (cm) are 3 more Ships to follow. (Mcr)

〈◊〉〈◊〉 10. Lord's Day; PEACE between GREAT BRITAIN and FRANCE Proclaim'd at London (hs) * 1.126

* 1.127

Dr. Fuller of Plimou•••• being well vers'd in the Discipline of Mr. Robinson's Church, and ac|quain••ing Mr. Endicot therewith; on

May 11. Governor Endicot writes a most grateful and Christian Letter to Gov. Bradford; wherein He says — I acknowledge my self much bound to you for your kind Love and Care in sending Mr. Fuller among us: and rejoice much that I am by Him satisfied touching your Iudgments of the outward Form of GOD'S WORSHIP. It is as far as I can yet gather no other th••n is warran|ted by the Evidence of Truth: and the same which I have professed and maintained ever since the LORD in mercy reveal'd Himself unto m••: being far from the common Report that hath been spread of you touching that Particular: but G••D's Children must not look for less here below, &c (B)* 1.128 And as this is the Beginning of their Acquaintance and closing in the Truth and Ways of GOD, (B) 'tis the Foundation of the future Christian Love & Correspondence which are ever after maintain'd between the 2 Gover|n••rs and their respective Colonies. (H)

May 13. At a General Court of the Massachusetts C••mpany in London, Mr. CRADOCK (M••r) a pru|dent and wealthy Citizen (H) chosen Governor; M••. G••FF, Deputy; Mr. HARWOOK, Treasurer; Mr. WM BURGESS, Secretary, for the Year en••suing: and the same Assistants; only Mr. En••dic••t and Mr. Iohn Brown being out of the

Land, Mr. Iohn Pocock and Mr. Chr. Coulson are chose in their Room. (Mcr) * 1.129

May 21. At a Court of Assistan••s of the Massachu••setts Company in London: For the present Ac••commodation of the People lately gone to the London Plantation in NEW ENGLAND▪ order••ed that the Governor, Dep. and Council There, allot Half an Acre within the Plat of the Town•• and 200 Acres more to every 50 l. Adventure•• in the common Stock, and so in Proportion: that for every Servant or others they carry, the Master shall have 50 Acres more to Himself▪ and those who are not Adventurers in the com••mon Stock, shall have 50 Acres for themselves or more, as the Governor and Council There thin•• necessary. (Mcr) * 1.130

May 25 Mr. Sherley writes from London to Governo•• Bradford—

Here are now many of your an•• our Friends from Leyden coming over—A good Part of that End obtain'd, which was aimed at (by us) and has been so strongly oppos'd by some of our former Adventurers— With them we have also sent some Servants in the Talbo•• that went Hence lately: but these come in the May Flower. (B)

June 3. The Committee of the Massachusetts Com|pany at London, write from Gravesend, to Gov. Endicot and say—

We now send 3 Ships; the

May-Flower, Four Sisters, and Pilgrim.—The Charge of their Freight, Men and Victuals stand us in 2400 l, &c. (scr) and they sail from England before Mr. Allerton can get ready to come away (B)

June 24 Mr. Higginson (cm) & [either the same Day, or] some time this Month (mn) the other Ministers with the People in the 3 first Ships, arrive a•• Naumkeak, which they now name SALEM, from that in Psal. lxxvi. 2. (H)

Mr. Graves, with some of the Company's Ser|vants under his Care, and some others, remove to Misha••um; to which with Gov. Endicot's Consent, they give the Name of CHARLES|TOWN. Mr. Graves lays out the Town in two Acre Lots to each Inhabitant: and [after] builds the Great House for such of the Company a•• are shortly to come over; which becomes the House of Publick Worship. (tcr) * 1.131

Of the 4 Ministers, Salem needing but 2; (H) Mr. Smith goes with his Family to some strag••gling People at Natasco: (B) but Mr. Bright disagreeing in Judgment with the other two, removes to Charlestown: where he stays above a Year. (H)

Some Plimouth People putting in with a Boat ••t Natasco, find Mr. Smith in a poor House that

wou'd not keep him dry: He desires them to carry Him to Plimouth: and seeing Him to be a grave Man, and understanding he had been a Minister, they bring Him Hither; where we kindly entertain Him, send for his Goods and Servants, desire Him to exercise his Gifts among us; afterwards chuse Him into the Ministry; wherein He remains for sundry Years. (B)

••uly 20 Governor Endicot at Salem sets apart this Day for solemn Prayer with Fasting, and the Trial and Choice of a Pastor and Teacher: th•• Forenoon they spend in Pra••er and Teaching: the Afternoon, about their Trial and Election: chusing Mr Skelton Pastor, Mr Higginson Teacher: and they accepting: Mr. Higginson, with 3 or 4 more of the gravest Members of the Church lay their Hands on Mr. Skelton with solemn Prayer: then Mr. Skelton, &c the like upon Mr. Higginson: & Thursday Aug 6, is appointed another Da•• of Prayer and Fasting, for the Choice of Elders and Deacons, and Ordaining them. (B) * 1.132

••uly 28. Tuesday, at •• General Court of the Massa••chusetts Company at London; Governor Cradock reads certain Proposals conceiv'd by Himsel••; viz That for the Advancement of the Plantation, the inducing Persons of Worth and Quality to transplant themselves and Families Thither, and

other weighty Reasons mention'd; To Trans••ferr the Government to Those who shall inhabit There, and not continue the same subordinate to the Company Here This occasions some Debate: but Defer the Consideration and Conclusion to the next General Meeting: and agree to carry the Matter secret, that it be not divulged (Mcr)

The Religious People at Salem, designing to settle in a Church State, as near as they can to the Rules of the Gospel, apprehend it needful for the 30 who Begin the Church, to enter so|lemnly into COVENANT one with another in the Presence of GOD, to walk together before Him according to his Holy Word, and then Or••dain their Ministers to the several Offices to which they had been chosen. Mr Higginson being desired, draws up a Confession of Faith and Church Covenant according to Scripture: thirty Copies are written, one delivered to every Member: and the Church at Plimouth invited to the Solemnity, (mn. H) that the Chur••h at Salem may have the Approbation and Concur|rence if not Direction and Assistance of the other. (H)

Aug. 6 (B. mn) * 1.133 Being Thursday (B) the ap••pointed Day being come, after the Prayers and Sermons of the two Ministers; in the End of the Day (mn) the said Confession and Covenant being read in 'the Publick Assembly, are solemnly consented to: and they immediately proceed to Ordain their Ministers; (mn. H) as also Mr. Houghton a Ruling Elder; being seperated to

their several Offices by the Imposition of the Hands of some of the Brethren appointed by the Church thereto; * 1.134(msl) Gov Bradford and others, as Messengers from the Church of Pli••mouth, being by cross Wind•• hindered from be|ing present in the former Part of the Service; come time enough to give them the Right Hand of Fellowship, wishing all Prosperity to these hop••ful Beginnings. (mn. H)

But two of the Passengers observing the Mi••nisters used not the Common Prayer nor Cere••monies, but professed to exercise Discipline upon s••andalous Persons, and that some scandalous Ones were d••nied Admission into the Church; begin to raise some Trouble, to gather a sepa|rate Company & read Common Prayer. Upon which the Governor convents the 2 Ringleaders before Him: and finding their Speeches and Practices tend to Mutiny and Faction; send those two back to England at the Return of the Ships the same Year, and the Disturbance c••a••es (mn)

••••g. 28. At a General Court of the Massachusetts Company at London; ordered that Mr. Wright, E••t••n, Adams, Spurstow, with others they think

fit, consider Arguments against Removing the chief Government of the Company to NEW ENGLAND; and that Sir R. Saltonstall, Mr. Iohnson, Capt. V••n, with others they think fit, prepare Arguments for the Removal; that both Sides meet to morrow Morning at 7, con••fer and weigh their Arguments, and at 9, make Report to the whole Company. (M••r)

Aug. 29. The said Committee's Meeting and mak••ing Report; the Generality of the Company VOTE, That the Patent & Government of the Plan••tation be Transfer'd to NEW ENGLAN••. (Mcr)

Aug.—Thirty five of our Friends with their Fami••lies from Leyden arrive at New Plimouth. They were shipp••d at London in May with the Ship•• that came to Salem: which bring over many Pious People to Begin the Churches There and in the Massachusetts Bay. So their being th••s long kept back is now recompenc'd by Heaven with a double Blessing: in that we not only enjoy them beyond our late Expectation, when all Hope seemed to be cut off; but with them many more Godly Friends and Christian Bre••thren, as the Beginning of a larger Harvest to CHRIST, in the Increase of his People and Churches in these Parts of the Earth, to the Admiration of many and almost Wonder of the World. (B)

The Charge of our Leyd••n Friend•• is reckoned on the severa•• Familie••: s••m•• 50l. so•••• 40l some 30 l as their Number & Exp••nces we••e: which our Undertakers Pay for Gratis; besid••s giving them Houses, preparing them Grounds to Plan•• on, and maintain them with Corn &c above 13

or 14 M••nths before they have a Harvest of their own Production. (B)

An infectious Sickness grew at Sea among the Salem Passengers, which spread among those ashore, whereof many Died; some of the Scur|vy, others of an infectious Feaver; which con|tinued some time among them; while the Ley|den People thro' the Goodness of GOD escaped it. (B)

Mr. Allerton returns without accomplishing the Enlargement and Confirmation of our Plimouth Patent But gives great and just Offence this Y••ar, in bringing over Morton, using Him as hi•• Scribe, till caus'd to pack Him away: upon which He goes to his old Nest at Merry Mount. (B)

This Year [and I suppose this Fall] w•• send Mr. Allerton again for England, to conclude our Patent, &c. and Mr Rodgers, the Minister which Mr. Allerton brought over last Year, proving craz'd in his Brain, we are forc'd to b•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 further Charge to send Him back this Year, and loose all the Cost expended in bringing Him over; which was not small, in Provision, Ap|parel, Beding, &c (B)

〈◊〉〈◊〉. 19 At a General Court of the Massachusetts Company at London; Letters read from Capt En|dicot, & others—by the Lyon's Whelp & Talbot, now come ••aden from NEW ENGLAND. (Mcr)

〈◊〉〈◊〉 29 Tu••sday, at a General Court of the Massa|c••usetts Company in London—Desire the Go|vernor to buy the Ship Eagle of 400 Tuns, for the Safety, Honour and Benefit of the Planta|tion. (Mcr)

Octob. 15. Thur••day, at a G••neral Court of the Mas••sachusetts Company in London—Agree tha•• the Charge of Ministers and Building conveni••ent Churches * 1.135 be born, Half by the joint Stock for 7 Years, and Half by the Planters. (Mcr)* 1.136

Octob. 19. Monday, at a Meeting at the Dep Gov'▪ House—Agree, that at the General C••urt t••••morrow, the Governor and Assistants be chosen fo•• the Government [of the Massachusetts Colony] in NEW ENGLAND. (Mcr) * 1.137

Octob. 20. Tuesday, at a General Court of the Mas|sachusetts Company at London, chuse a Committe•• for the Planters, another for the Adventurers, to draw up Articles betw••••n them; and Mr. White of Dorchester with Mr. Davenport to be Umpires between them. * 1.138 And the Governor representing, the special Occasion of summon••ing this Court, was for the Election of a New Governor, Deputy, and Assistants▪ the Govern|ment being to be Transfered to NEW ENGLAND; the Court having receiv'd extraordinary great Commendation of Mr. JOHN WINTHROP, both

〈◊〉〈◊〉 his integrity and Sufficiency, as being One very well fitted for the Place; with a full Consent chuse Him Governor for the ensuing Year, to Begin this Day▪ who is pleased to accept thereof: with the like full Consent chuse Mr. HUMPHREY Dep. Governor: and for As|sistants, Sir R. Saltons••all, Mr Iohnson, Dudley, End••c••t, Nowel, W▪ V••ssal, Pinchon, Samuel Sharp▪ Edward R••ssi••er, Thom•••• Sharp, Iohn R••vell, Cradock, G••ff, Alders••y V••nn, Wright, E••ton, Adams. Mr Harwood still Treasurer, (Mcr) [and by the same kind of Writing I sup••pose Mr. Burgess Secretar••]

Nov. ••0. Friday, at a Court of Assistants of the Mas••sachusetts Company in London—Mr. Cradock informing of 1200 l. still owing for Marine••s Wag••s and Freight on the Ships, Talbot, May-Flower, and Four Sisters; order it to be Paid before other Debts. (Mcr) [By which it seems that ••ll those Ships are now returned to England].

Nov. 25. Wednesday, at a General Court of the Mas|sachus••tts Company at London—Read a Letter of Sept. 5, from Governor Endicot and others in NEW ENGLAND. Mr. White moving, that the Business may be proceeded in with the first In|tention, which was chiefly the Glory of GOD; and to this Purpose that their Meeting may be sanct••fi••d by the Prayers of some faithful Mi|nisters resident in London, whose Advice wou'd be likewise requisite on many Occasions; the Court admits into the Freedom of this Company, Mr. Io. Archer and Mr. Philip Nye, Ministers in London: who being present, kindly accept thereof. Mr White also recommends to them, Mr. Nathaniel Ward of Standon. (Mcr)

Dec. 1. The General Court of the Massachusett•• Company in London, chuse 10 Undertakers; who with much Intreaty accept the Charge of the sole Management of the Ioint Stock for 7 Years; Mr. Aldersey to be their Treasurer: and order them to Provide a sufficient Number of Ships of good Force for Transporting Passengers, at 5 l. a Person & Goods at 4 l a Tun, ••o be ready to sail from London by the 1st of March: that sucking Children shall not be reckon'd; those und••r 4 Years old, 3 for 1 Person; under 8, 2 for one; under 12, 3 for 2: that a Ship of 200 Tun shall not carry above 120 Passengers com••l••a••▪ & others in like Proportion: that for Goods Homeward, the Freight shall be; for Furr, 3 l a Tun; for other Commodities, 40 s a Tun▪ for Assurance, 5 l. per Cent: that the Undertakers furnish the Plantation with all Commodities they send for, at 25 per Cent above all Charges: but the Planters are free to dispose their Half Part of the Furr, and to fetch or send for any Commo••dities as they please, so as they Trade not with Interlopers. (Mcr)

* 1.139This Year, the Inhabitants on PISCATAQUA RIVER enter into a Combination for the Erect••ing a Government among themselves. (msl) * 1.140

* 1.141

J••n. 13. THE Council for NEW ENGLAND, in con|sideration that WILLIAM BRADFORD and his Associates have for these nine Years

lived in NEW ENGLAND; and have there Pl••nted a Town called NEW PLIMOUTH at their own Charges; and now seeing by the special Providence of GOD and their extraor••dinary Care and Industry, they have increased their Plantations to near 300 People, and are on all Occasions able to relieve any new Planters o•• others of his Majesty's Subjects who may fall on that Coast; therefore seal a PATENT to the said William Bradford, his Heirs, Associ|ates and Assigns of all that Part of NEW ENG|LAND between Cohasset Rivulet towards the North, & Narraganset•• River towards the South, the Western Ocean towards the East, & between a straight Line directly extending up into the main Land towards the West from the Mouth of Narragansett River to the utmost Bounds of a Country in NEW ENGLAND called Pacanokit alias S••wamset Westward, and another like straight Line extending directly from the Mouth of Cohasset River towards the West so far into the main Land Westward as the utmost Limits of the said Pacanokit or Sawamset extend: as also all that Part of NEW ENGLAND between the u••m st Limits of Capersecont or Comascecont which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the River K••nn••beck, and the Falls of Negumk••, with the said River it self and the space of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Miles on each Side between the Bounds abovesaid: with all Prerogatives, Rights, R••yalties, Jurisdictions, Privileges, Franchises▪ Liberties and Immunities, and also marine, L••••••rties, with the ••••cheats and Casual|ties thereof (the Admiralty Jurisdiction ex|cepted) with all the Interest, Right, &c. which

the saidCouncil have or ought to have thereto, with Liberty to Trade with the Natives and Fish on the Seas adjoining: & it shall be lawful for them to INCORPORATE themselves or the People there inhabiting, by some fit Name or Title; with Liberty to them & their Successors to make Orders, Ordinances and Constitutions, not contrary to the Laws of England for their better Government, and put the same in Ex••|cution by such Officers as He and th••y shall authorize and depute; and for their Safety and Defence, to encounter by Force of Arms by all Means by Land and Sea, Seize and make Priz•• of all who attempt to inhabit or trade with the Savages within the Limits of their Plantations or attempt Invasion, Detriment or Annoyance to their said Plantations, &c (bc) * 1.142

Feb. 10 Wedn••sday, at a General Court of the Massa••chusetts Company at London—Forasmuch as the Furtherance of the Plantation will require a great and continual Charge that cannot be defrayed out of the Ioint Stock, which is order'••

for the Maintenance of Trade; it is propounded that another common Stock be rais'd from such as bare good Affection to the Colony and the Propag••tion thereof; to be employed in De••f••••••ment of Publick Charges, as maintaining M••nist••rs, transporting poor Families, Building Churches & F••••tifi••ations, and all other Publick and nec••ssa••y Occasions of the Colony: or••d••••'d that 20•• Acres of Land b•• allotted fo•• every 50 P••un••s, and s•• proportionably for what Sums shall come in for this Purpose: and Mr•• H••rwoo•• chosen Treasurer for this Account. Mr•• R••ger Ludlow now also chosen and sworn As|si••tant, in the R••om of Mr S. Sharp, who by reason of Absence had not taken the Oath (Mcr) * 1.143

••. e. Here is [i. e in England] a Fleet of 14 Sail furnish'd with Men, Women, Children, all Ne|cess••ries, Men of Handicrafts; & others of good Condition, Wealth and Quality, to make a firm Plantation in NEW ENGLAND, between 42 and 48, North Latitude: but stay at South Hampton and thereabouts till May, to take ••60 Kine with other live Cattle, &c. (hs) * 1.144

The latter End of 1629 * 1.145 a Congregational Church (msl) is by a Pious P••opl•• * 1.146 Gath••red (msl) in the New H••spital at Plimouth in Eng|l••nd: when they keep a Day of solemn Prayer and Fasting; that worthy Man of GOD, the Rev. Mr White of Dorch••ster being present Preaches in the Fore Part of the D••y; and in the After Part the People solemnly chuse and call those Godly Ministers the Rev. Mr. I••hn Warham a famous Preacher at E••••••er, and the Rev. Mr. Iohn Maverick a Minister who lived 40 Miles from Exeter, to be their Offi••ers: who expressing their Acceptance (crc) are at the sam•• time ordain'd th••ir Ministers. (msl) * 1.147

This Winter Die in the Massachusetts Col••ny above 80 English (dd) and among the rest, Mr. Houghton a Ruling Elder of the Church of Salem: But Mr. Samu••l Sharp chosen Ruling El••er There, serves in the Office till about 1657, 8. (msl) * 1.148

Mar. 8 Mr. Sherley at L••ndon, writes to Gov Brad|ford, &c.

Those who came in May, and thes•• now sent, must some while be chargeable both to you and us.

This is another Company o•• our Leyden Friends, who are ship'd in th•• Beginning of March, & arrive [in NEW ENG••LAND] the latter End of May: and the Charg of this last Company comes to above 550 l: i. e. of transporting them from Holland to Eng••land, their lying There, with Cloathing and Passage Hither; besides the fetching them from Salem and the Bay▪ where they and their Goods are landed: all which the New Plimouth Un|dertakers Pay Gratis; besides the providing them Housing, preparing them Ground, and maintaining them with Food for 16 or 18 〈◊〉〈◊〉, before they have a Harvest of their own; which comes to near as much more—A rare Exam••ple of Brotherly Love and Christian Care in performing their Promises to their Brethren, even beyond their Power. (B)

Mar. 18. At a Meeting of the Massachusetts Assistants at South H••mpton — Present the Governor, Si•• R Saltonstall▪ Mr. Iohnson, Dudley, Humfrey▪ No••rell, Pin••hon, G ff; they chuse Sir Brian•• Ianson, Wm Coddington and Simon Bradstreet' G••ntlemen, to be Assistants in the Room of Mr E••ton and G ff of Lond••n, and Mr Wright, all Merchants: and Sir Brian is accordingly swor•• this Day. (M••r) * 1.149

Mar 19. Mr. Sherley [at Bristol] 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Governor Bradford, &c.

That Mr Allerton got G••anted from the Earl of Warwick and Sir F. Gorges, all that Mr. Winslow desir'd in his Letters and more: then sued to the KING to Confirm their Grant and make you a Corporation, and s•• en|able you to make and execute Laws in such ample manner as the Massachusetts: which the King Granted, referring the Lord K••eper t•• order the Sollicitor to draw it up: the Lord Keeper further'd it all He cou'd and so the Sol|licitor: But as Festus said to Paul, With no small Sum I obtain'd this Freedom; many Rid|dles must be resolv'd, and many Locks must be opened with the Silver, nay the Golden Key: For when it came to the Lord Treasurer for his Warrant to Free the Custom for 7 Years inward and 21 outward, He refus'd, but re|ferr'd it to the Council Table: and there Mr Allerton attended Day by Day when th••y sat but cou'd not get his Petition Read: and be••cause of Mr Pierce's staying at Bristol with all the Passengers, He was forc'd to leave th•• Prosecution of it to a Sollicitor: but 'twill be needful He shou'd return by the fi••st Ship from NEW ENGLAND.

N B. The Clause about the Customs was not tho'•• of by the Colo|ny, nor much regarded, but unhappily put in by Mr. Allerton and Sherley's Device: * 1.150 or the Charter without all Question had been then finished, having pass'd the King's Hand: but by

that means this Opportunity being Lost, it was never accomplished, but above 500 l. vainly and lavishly cast away about it. (B)

Mar. 19 Mr. Sherley and Hatherly at Bristol, write to the Plimouth Unde••tak••rs,

That they two with Mr Andrews and Beauchamp of London, have taken a PATENT for PENOBSCUT, to carry on a Trade with the Natives There; that they employed Mr. Edward Ashley a young Man to manage it, and furnish'd Him with large Provisions; that Mr. Wm Pierce is joined with them, because of Landing Ashley and his Goods There, & will bend his Course accordingly; with 4 or 5 stout Fellows, one of them a Carpenter, with a new Boat & Boards to make another; and moving us to join them. (B)

Mr. Allerton accordingly returns (this Spring) to NEW ENGLAND: and as soon as Ashley lands at Penobscut, about 80 Leagues (North East) of Plimouth, Ashley writes, and after comes to be supplied with Wampampeag & Corn against Win|ter: so with much Regret we join, and give 'em Supplies to our great Prejudice: but with Ashley we consort Thomas Willet, a discreet▪ honest young Man come from Leyden, in whom we can confide. (B) * 1.151

〈◊〉〈◊〉 20. The Rev. Mr. Warham and Maverick with many Godly Families and People under their Care (crc) from Devonshire, Dorse••shire and So|merse••shire (msl) with M••. R ssiter and Ludlow, two Assistants of the Massachusetts Company (crc. H) and Mr. Roger Clap, AE•• 21 [afterwards Capt. of the Castle in Boston Harbour] this Day sail from Plimouth in England (crc) in the Mary and Iohn (H) a Ship of 400 Tuns, one Squeb Master▪ for the Massachusetts (crc)

Mar 23 Mr. Coddington, Bradstreet and T Sharp, formerly chosen Assistan••s of the Massachusetts Colony, now take their Oath [••t South Hampton] And this Day, at a Court of Assistants on Board the Ar••ella; P••esen••, Gov. Winthr••p, Sir R. Saltons••all. Mr Io••nson, Dudl••y, Coddington, T. Sharp, W Vassall, & Bradstreet; Mr. Humfrey being to stay behind, is discharged of his Depu|t••ship, and in his Place Mr. DUDLEY chosen Deputy Governor. (Mcr) * 1.152

Mar. 29. M••nday, the 4 Principal Ships; viz the Ar|b••lla of 350 Tuns, 28 Guns, 52 Seamen. * 1.153 the Talbot, the Ambrose, and the Iewel, now riding at Cowes, and ready to sail; Mr. Crad••••k this Morning being aboard the Arbella, advises them to sail; the Rest viz. the May Flower, the Whale, the William & Francis▪ the

Tryal, the Charles, the Success & the Hopewell, being at Hampton not yet Ready; and takes Leave of his Friends: At 10 they weigh (H) [and g••t to Y••rm uth in the Isle of Wight]

Apr. ••. G••v. Win••hrop, Dep. Gov. Dudley, Sir R. 〈◊〉〈◊〉, I Iohns••n, W. Coddington, Charles Fines, E••quires, with the Rev. Mr Ge••rge Phillips, on board the Arbella at Yarmouth, sign an Hum••ble R••q••est of His M••jesty's L••yal Subjects the Gove••nor and Company late gone for NEW ENG|LAND to the R••st of their Brethren in and of the CHURCH of ENGLAN••; for the Obtaining of their Prayers, and the Removal of Suspicions and Misconstructions of their Intentions: Printed in 4•••• London, 16••0.

This is commonly said to be drawn up by that Learn••d, Holy, Rev and Famous Mr White of D rchester, (H) [and having sign'd this, they set sail aga••••] But having been told at the Isle of Wight, that 10 Ships at Dunkirk [which then belong'd to Spain] with Brass Guns, the least of which had 30, were waiting for us; we on

Apr. 10 Discover several sail of Ships baring towards us, and provide to Fight 'em: * 1.154 but drawing nearer, find them to be the rest of our Fleet, with whom we clear the Channel on the 12th

of April: * 1.155 and the Arbella being Admiral, steer our Course for the Massachusetts, (H) but make a very troublesome and costly Voyage: For as they had been Wind bound long in Eng••land; so after they had set sail, are hindred with cross Winds, and so scattered with Mists and Tempests that few of them arrive together (dd)

About April and May, is a Great Conspiracy of the Indians in all Parts from the N••rra••gansetts round about to the Eastward, to cut off the English; which Iohn Sagamore, who always lov'd us, reveal'd to the Inh••bitants of Charles|town. Their Design was ch••••fly laid against Plimouth, not regarding our Paucity at the M••ssachusetts: to be effect••d under Colour of having some Sport at Plimouth which the Gov refusing them, they told him. If th y might not come with Leave, they w••u'd without: upon this He sends their Flat bottom'd Boat which is all they have to Salem for Shot and Powder. At this time the People of Charl••stown agree to make a small Fort with Pall••zid••••s & Flank••ers on the Top of the Town Hill, which is perform'd at the Dir••ction of Mr. Graves, by all Hands, viz. of Men, Women and Children, who labour in digging and building till th•• Wo••k is done. But the People at Sal••m shoot••ing off their Great Guns to clear them, th••

Report so terrifies the Indians, that they dis|perse and run away: their Design breaks up: and tho' they come flattering afterwards and call themselves our good Friends; yet this Plot obliges us to be in continual Arms. (c••r) * 1.156

[May, Latter End] the Lyon, Wm. Pierce, Master, arrives in Salem Harbour, though none of the Fleet expected. (H) * 1.157

May 29. Saturday, Prince CHARLES Born, (hs) [after|wards King Charles II.]

May 30. [Lord's-Day] Mr. Warham, Maverick, Ros|siter and Ludlow, arrive at Nantasket. Captain Squeb [I suppose on Monday, &c.] puts Them and their Goods on Shore at Nantasket Point, and leaves them to shift for themselves. But getting a Boat of some old Planters, they lade Her with Goods, & some able Men well arm'd go up to Charlestown; where we find some Wigwams, some few English, and one House, with an old Planter who can speak Indian. We go up Charles River till it grows narrow and shal|low;

There with much Labour land our Goods, the Bank being steep. At Night we are told of 300 Indians hard by: but our Planter going and desiring them not to come near us, they comply. Our Capt. is Mr. Southcot a brave Low Country Soldier, but we not above 10 in Num+ber. In the Morning, some of the Natives stand at a Distance looking at us, but come not near till they had been a while in view: and then one of 'em holding out a Bass towards us, we send a Man with a Bisket and change 'em. After which they supply us with Bass, giving a Bass for a Bisket, and are very friendly. And by our Diligence we get up a Shelter to save our Goods. But are not there many Days before we have Order to come away from this Place, which is after called Watertown, to Matapan, because there's a Neck fit to keep our Cattle on; so we remove to Matapan (crc) Begin the Town, name it Dorchester, (msl) and Here the Natives are also kind to us. (crc) * 1.158

June 12. * 1.159 Saturday, at 2 in the Morning, the Arbella, Admiral of the NEW ENGLAND Fleet,

finding her Port near, shoots off 2 Pieces of Ord|nance: and descrying the Lyon, Wm. Pierce Master, who had arrived there some Days be|fore, sends the Skiff aboard; stands in towards the Harbour: and some Shallops coming, by their Help she passes thro' the narrow Strait between Baker's Island & another Little Island, and comes to an Anchor a little way within said Island. Mr. Pierce comes presently to us, but returns to fetch Mr. Endicot, who with Mr. Skelton and Capt. Levit, come aboard us about two a Clock. And with them, this Afternoon, the Governor with those Assistants on board the Admiral, and some other Gentlemen and Gentle|women, go ashore to their Friends at Salem: many of the other People also landing on the Eastern Side of the Harbour, regale themselves with Strawberries, wherewith the Woods are every where in these times replenished. (H)

Next Morning, MASCONOMO, the Sagamore or Lord Proprietor of that Side of the Country towards Cape Ann, with one of his Men, comes on board the Admiral to bid Him welcome, stays all Day: and in the Afternoon arrives the Iewel. (H)

••une 14. [Monday] Morning, the Admiral weighs, is warped into the inner Harbour: and this After|noon, most of the Passengers go ashore. (H) But find the Colony in an unexpected and sad Con|dition: above 80 of 'em being Dead the Winter before; many of those alive, Weak and Sick; all the Corn among 'em hardly sufficient to feed 'em a Fortnight: so that the Remains of 180 Servants we had sent over the two Years before,

coming to us for Victuals, we find ourselves unable to feed 'em, by Reason that those we trusted to ship their Provisions sail'd and le•••• them behind: whereupon Necessity forc'd us to give them all Liberty to our extream Loss, who had cost us 16 or 20 l. a Person, furnishing and sending over. (dd)

Jun•• 17. Thursday, the Governor with the chief of the Gentlemen travel to the Massachusetts, to find out a Place for Settlement: but return on Saturday; taking Nantasket in their Way; where they met the Mary and Iohn, the Ship that sail'd from the West Country, and brought Mr. Rossiter and Ludlow with other Passengers; who missing Salem, needed the Help of the Governor and other Assistants, to make up the Difference between the Master & other Gentle••men, which was composed on this Occasion (H)

The Ambrose arrives at Salem before the Go••vernor and Company returned from the Mas••sachusetts. (H)

July 1. Arrive the May Flower and Whale in the Harbour of Charlestown: the Passengers all in Heal••h; but most of their Cattle Dead. Iuly 2, comes in the Talbot: which had been sore vi••sited with the Small Pox, whereof 14 Died at Sea. In one of these Ships came Mr. Henry Win••throp, the Governor's second Son, a sprightly and hopeful young Gen••leman; who was un|happily drowned in a small Creek on Iuly 2 the very next Day after his Landing, to the no small Grief of his Friends and the rest of the Company. (H)

July 3. Arrive the William and Francis: Iuly 5. the Tryal and the Charles: and Iuly 6, th••

Success. So as now the WHOLE Fleet being safely come to Port; they on

July 8 [Thursday] keep a PUBLICK DAY OF THANKSGIVING thro' all their Plantations, to Praise Almighty GOD for all his Goodness and wonderful Works towards them. (H)

[By this it seems as if the Hopewell also were now arriv'd, tho' not mentioned; or at least that She arriv'd before Iuly 11 by the follow|ing Passage in Mr. Hubbard—]

There were no less than 10 or 11 Ships employ'd to trans••port the Governor and Company with other Planters at this Time to NEW ENGLAND: some of 'em Ships of good Burthen, that car|ried over about 200 Passengers a Piece: who all by the good Providence of GOD arrive at their desired Port before the 11th of Iuly, 1630. (H)

[By the 10 or 11 Ships Mr. Hubbard must mean only Those which came from South Hamp••ton and that arrived at the Massachusetts before Iuly 11: and if the Hopewell was not then ar|r••v'd, there were 10; but if She was—there were 11.]

These Ships are filled with Passengers of all Occupations, skill'd in all kinds of Faculties needful for Planting a new Colony. Some set forth from the West of England: but the greatest Number c••me from about London; tho' South H••mpton was the Place of Rendevouz where they took Ship. The 3 bigest bro't over the Patentees and Pe••sons of greatest Quality; with Governor WINTHROP that famous Pattern of Piety, Wisdom, Justice and Liberality; which advanced Him so often to the Place of Govern••ment

by the annual Choice of the People; and Deputy Governor DUDLEY, a Gentleman, who by reason of his Experience, & Travels abroad, as his other natural and acquired Abilities, qua••lified Him next above others for the chief Place of Government. (H)

With these in the same Fleet there came se|veral other Gentlemen of Note and Quality; (H) as Sir R. Saltonstall, Mr. Ludlow, Rossiter, Nowel, T. Sharp, Pynchon, S. Bradstreet, [whom I find at the first Court in Charlestown, Aug. 23.] as also Mr. Iohnson and Coddington [whom with Mr. Endicot I find at the second Court There. Sept. 7.] (Mcr) * 1.160 with other Gentlemen of the Civil Order. As also some eminent and noted MINISTERS: as Mr. [JOHN] WILSON, who had formerly been a Minister of one of the Parish Churches in Sudbury in the County of Suffolk; Mr. GEORGE PHILLIPS, who had been Minister of Bocks••ed in Essex; with [the aforesaid] Mr. JOHN MAVERICK & Mr [JOHN WARHAM, who had been Ministers in the West Country. (H) These were they who first came to set up Christian Churches in this Heathen Wilderness, and to lay the Foundation of this renowned Colony.

SECT. II.

From the Beginning of the Settlement of the MASSACHUSETTS or second Colony, to the Settle|ment of the seventh and last, by the Combination of Forty-one Persons into a Form of Government, on Piscataqua River, Octob. 22 1640, afterwards called the PROVINCE OF NEW HAMPSHIRE.

_BEING now arriv'd from England with another Colony of Pious People and on the known Account of Religion only; for the Information of the present Age as well as Posterity, we must here ob|serve, They were of a Denomination somewhat different in those early Times from them of Plimouth: Those of Pli••mouth being then called Separatists; these of the Massachu|s••tts, with the following Colonies issuing from them,— Pu|ritans. The former having about 28 Years before, separated fr••m the C••urch of England; as what, on the Account of the ••mpure Mixture of unscriptural Inventions in Religious Worship, as well as the Admission of the scandalous to the Sacrament•• of Baptism and the Lord's Supper, with the ••lmost intire Refusal of Discipline, they cou'd not therefore in Conscience join with: but the latter were till now professed Members of the Church of England.

But that the Reader may more clearly see the Difference then between them, with the Occasional Causes of their Transmigrations; we must retrace them to their Origine

in England, and take a summary View of their gradual Progress to this memorable Period. And tho' I might spare much Labour by citing only out of Dr. E. Calamy, Mr. Pierce, Benn••t, Neal, &c; yet to avoid Exception, I rathe•• chiefly use those noted Church of England Writers, Fox, Camb|den, Fuller, Burnet, Strype and Eachard: which I have taken no small Pains in searching and comparing.

On Iune 9. 1536, * 1.161 as Fuller says, Begins the first Reformed Convocation of the Clergy in England; in which the Lord Cromwell prime Secretary, sets in State above all the Bishops, as the King's Vicar, or Vice-Gerent General in all Spiritual Matters: and Bp. Burnet tells us, That by King Henry's Order, He declares, It was the King's Pleasure that the Rites and Ceremonies of the Churc•• shou'd be Reformed by t••e Rules of SCRIPTURE, & that not••ing was to be maintained which did not rest upon that Authority.

Now this is the Grand Principle of Puritanism: Upon this, as the Scriptures were more searched and known, the Re••formation gradually went on to the Death of K. Edward VI and had the Governors of the Church adhered strictly to this one Principle, kept close to the Scriptures & reformed the Worship as well as the Doctrine by them, i. e. purged out of the Church whatever they themselves acknowledge is not pre|scrib'd in Scripture; the whole Church had then been Pu|ritan, and had never driven such Multitudes from her Communion.

Fuller also tells us, that

Mr. JOHN ROGERS and Mr. JOHN HOOPER were the Heads of those Reformers called Puritans.

Mr. Eachard, that highflying Writer, calls Mr. ROGERS

A learned Man and Prebendary of St. Paul's London.

Bp. Burnet calls Mr. HOOPER

A pious, zealous and learned Man, first Bishop of Glocester and then of Worcester.

Fuller says,

He was bred at Oxford, well skill'd in Latin, Greek and Hebrew.

And K Edward in his Letter to Cranmer of Aug. 5. 1550, writes, We by the Ad|vice of our Council have chosen our right well beloved and well

worthy Mr. JOHN HOOPER, Professor of Divinity, to be our BP. of Glocester; as well for his great Knowledge, deep Iudgment and long Study, both in the Scriptures and profane Learning, a•• also for his good Discretion, ready Utterance and honest Life for that kind of Vocation. * 1.162 These two led the Van of the Martyrs under Queen Mary I; Mr Rogers being the first who Died at the Stake, and Mr Hooper the first Bishop Burnt in her Reign, if not the first Bishop that was ever Burnt in the World. And from Fuller and Burnet we learn that in 1550, under the Reign of Edward VI, we must Be|gin the AERA of the English Puritans: and not in 1554, among the Exiles at Franc••ort; and much less lower down in Queen Elizabeth's Reign, as Eachard and others place it; who seem to write as if they had not a very exact Acquain|tance with the Religious History of England.

For Bishop Burnet tells us.—

That on April 1. 1550, Ridley was made Bishop of London, orders Altars to be pulled down and turned to Communion Tables; and that this Change was universally made in England this Year: that on Iuly 3 ensuing, King Edward appointed HOOPER to be Bishop of Glocester; who refuses on these two Ac|counts, (1) The last 6 Words in the Oath of Supremacy— so Help me God, all Saints and the holy Evangels; which all the Bishops had sworn by before. (2) The Popish Habits [such as Rocher, Chimere, Square C••p, &c (Fox & Fuller] still requi••'d by Law. Upon this Hooper is cited be|fore the King in Council, who sees so much of the Rea|sonableness of his Objections, that (1) He strikes those six Words out of the Oath with his own Hand. (2) The Law threatning a Praemunire, He writes a Warrant to Arch Bp. Cranmer to consecra••e Him without the Habits: that Cranmer was willing to yield: that Cox the King's Praeceptor, writes to Bullinger, 'I think all Things in the Church ought to be pure and simple, removed at the greatest Distance from the Pomps and Elements of this World; but in this our Church what can I do in so low a Station? That the famous Professors of Divinity, Bucer in Cambridge, and

Martyr in Oxford being consulted, express their Dislike of the Habits, and wish them remov'd by Law, though till then advise to use them▪ that Ridley was very earnest Hooper shou'd be made a s••op; and that both Ridley and Goodrick Bishop of Ely wish the Habits abolished; but think the breaking thro' the Law, so bad a Praecedent and may have such ill Consequences, they cannot consent: that Hooper declaring Himself for another Way of Ordination is committed to the Fleet [Prison] Ian. 27, but is at length prevail'd upon and consecrated in March ensuing; upon Allowance of Liberty to lay by the Habits on common Occasi|ons, tho' to ware them when He Preach'd in Publick.

And the Treatise of the Troubles at Francford, Printed in 1575, says, This was to the common Grief of all Godly Minds.

Burnet also says, that 'In 1551, the Common Prayer Book was a second time revised and corrected; and in 1552, authoriz'd by Parliament: But Pointer and Eac|hard, that therein was neither Confession nor Absolution: Dr. Layton, that it thus expresly spake concerning the Ceremo|nies—As for Kneeling, the Sign of the Cross, the lifting up of the Hand, smiting of the Breast, and Gestures of the like Nature; It shall be left free for every one to do as He list: And Dr. E. Calamy, That in the Days of King Edward VI, the Liturgy was for the most part used, and what was Matter of Scruple omitted, without Molestation; nor cou'd be find any Subscription ••equired to the Book of Common Prayer, the Articles of Religion, or any Thing else.

Thus the Puritans continued, and both They and the Re|formation grew in the Church till the Decease of K. Edward VI, on Iune 6. 1553: by which time Arch Bishop Cranmer, Bp. Ridley, Bp. Latinier, Dr. Taylor, Mr. Philpot, Bradford, ••nd other glorious Martyrs, as Mr. Neal from Fox and Hey••lin observe••, came into the sameSentiments with Hooper about the Popish Habits; and the four first treated them with great ••••ntempt at their Degr••dations. Nor were they Puritan only in respect to the Popish Habits, but also in removin•• Crosses Copes and Altars, as well as Images and Pictures out of C••urches, and setting CommunionTables in convenientPlace.* 1.163

But Queen Mary I succeeding, soon reduc'd the Church to Popery, and Burnt to Death those most eminent and zealous Reformers. Then Fox and Burnet tell us, Ridley in Prison wrote to Hooper,

That He was intirely knit to Him, tho' in some Circumstances of Religion, they had formerly jarr'd a little: It was Hooper's Wisdom and his own Sim••plicity that had made the Difference▪

And Fox informs us,

That when they came to be Degraded, they were forc'd to be cloathed with the Popish Habits in order to be stript, as a Token of their being Deprived of their Offices: that thenRIDLEY did vehemently inveigh against all thatFool|ish Apparel, calling the Apparel foolish and abominable, yea too fond for a Vice in a Play: that when they were put on TAYLOR, He walked up and down and said to Bonner— How say you my Lord, am not I a goodly Fool?—If I were in Cheap [Side] shou'd I not have Boys enough to laugh at these apish Toys and toying Trumpery?—That CRANMER said, at his Cloathing and Stripping, All this needed not; I had my self done with this Gear long ago:

And Neal from Fox in Latin, which I have not seen, says

That LATIMER at his De|gradation also derided the Garments; for when they pull'd off his Surplice—Now, says He, I can make no more Holy Water.

And then the Treatise of the Troubles at Francfort tells us,

That Mr. Wm. Whittingham and other [famous Puritans] with their Company flying the Kingdom; they on Iune 27. 1554, enter Francfort in Germany, being the first Eng••l••shmen that There arriv'd to remain. Iuly 8, They appli••ed to the Magistrates for a Church wherein they might have GOD's Word truly Preached and the Sacraments sincerely [i. e. purely] ministred in their natural Tongue. Iuly 14, They obtained their Request: and then [forming themselves into an Independent Church] consult what Order of Service to use: and the English Order being perus'd, they by general Consent conclude, that the answering aloud after the Minister shou'd not be used, that the Li|tany, Surplice and many other Things be omitted, that in the Sacraments also sundry Things be omitted, as Super|stitious and Superfluous: And having chosen their Mi••nisters and Deacons, they enter their Church on [Lordsday] Iuly 29: and thus continue, till [Wednesday] March 13

following, when Dr. Cox and others with Him come to Francfort out of England, and begin to break their Order: On the Lord's Day following, one of his Company without the Consent and Knowledge of the Congregation, getting up suddenly into the Pulpit reads the Litany, and Dr. Cox with his Company answer aloud after the Minister, con|trary to the Church's Determination: and being admo|nish'd by the Seniors of the Congregation, He with the rest who came with Him answer, They wou'd do as they had done in England, &c.

* 1.164

Upon this, there rises a grievous Controversy about the Ceremonies, which broke the Church to pieces, and drove many of the Puritans▪ viz Fox [the Martyrologist] with some to Basil, and Knox [the famous Scotch Reformer] with Mr Christoph••r Goodman, W••ittingham and others to Geneva; where they form 2 other Churches. In the mean while, Cox with those who are for the Common Prayer & Ceremonies, staying at Francfort, form a second [Independent] Church, and chuse Mr. David Whit••ea••, Bishop or Superintendant; to whom at length they agree to give the Title of Pastor, with 2 Mi|nisters, 4 Seniors or Elders and 2 Deacons: the Pastor to Prae|side in Preaching, ministring the Sacraments, Example of good Life, in Exhorting, Admonishing, Rebuking, and as the chief Mouth of the Church to declare all Orders taken by Him and the Elders; the 2 Ministers to assist the Pastor in Preaching and Administring the Sacraments; the Elders to assist the Pastor in O••ersight and Discipline; and the Deacons, to care for the Poor, visit the Sick, and if requir'd to assist in Catechizing. * 1.165

Other Exiles out of England, set up another [Independent] Church at Embden in East Friesland, whereof Bishop Scory was the Superintendent. * 1.166 Others form another [Independent] Church at Wes••l in Westphalia, to which Bp Coverdale Preaches: but he being call'd away; they remove to Arrow in Switz|erland, under theConduct of Mr. Thomas Leaver: * 1.167 Others

settle at Zurich, Strasburgh, Worms, Manheim, and Do••s|burgh (tf) But whether at all these Places—in a Church State, seems uncertain.

But I must now surprize the Reader with some Observati|ons of matter of Fact which have been overlook'd by our Historians both Conformists and Nonconformists; and which have opened clearly to me upon my nicely Examining the aforesaid Authors and comparing them together.

For in the Francfort Tract I find

That on further Con|sultation, even the second Church There, under theConduct of Mr. Whithead, A. Nowel and others, in a little while became also Puritan, agreed on a pure Scheme of Dis|cipline; and tho' they kept the Form and Order of Ministra|tion of the Sacraments and Common Prayer as set forth in King EDWARD'S last Book, yet they left out certain Rites and Cere|monies in it: That towards the End of Q Mary's Reign, the Grudge between those and those of the first Church who removed to Geneva, seem'd to be almost quite forgotten: That 〈◊〉〈◊〉 before and after Queen Elizabeth's Accession, mutual Letter•• of Christian Love pass'd between them—That in one before, those of the said second Church Promised to forget all Displeasures afore conceived; and in another, of Ian. 3, 1558, 9, six Weeks after her Accession, they proceed to say—We trust that true Religion shall be Restored, and that we shall not be burthened with unprofitable Ceremonies—And if any shall be obtruded that shall be offensive; at our Meeting with you [i. e. you of Geneva] in England, which we trust will be shortly, we will brotherly join with you to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for the Reformation and Abolishing of the same. (tf) And by comparing this Tract with Strype, I find that soon Returning to England, they were as good as their Word.

For Strype informs us, that Queen Elizabeth ascending the Throne on Nov. 17▪ 1558, her first Parliament meets on Ian. 23▪ 1558. 9, her first Convocation of the Clergy on the next Day, and they both hold to May following: that the Convocation being intirely Papists, vote for Transubstantiation, the Sacrifice of the Mass, with the Pope's Suprema••y; and yet the Parliament passed the Acts of the Queen's Supremacy and of Uniformity, which last restored King Edward's Li••turgy with some Alterations, before one Protestant was made a Bishop, and while all the Bishops in Parliament were Ro|man

Catholicks: That in May, 1559, all the Bishops except Kitchin of Land••ff, refusing the Oath of Supremacy, are in a short time after expuls'd their Bishopricks: And that the Act of Uniformity taking place on Iune 24, the Queen's Commissioners soon after, visited the Kingdom to administer the Oath and see the Order for Uniformity observed; when several of the Popish Clergy refus••••g, were depriv'd, and so made Way for Protestants to take their Places. Then, Neal informs us, that those famous Puritans, Mr. Whithead was offered the Arch Bishoprick of Canterbury; Bishop Co|verdale to be restored, and Mr. Kno••, Sampson and others were offered Bishopricks; but refused on the Account of the Popish Habits and Ceremonies. And Strype,—That on Dec 17, was Matthew Parker Queen Elizabeth's first Protestant Bishop, Consecrated: and that by April 19, 1562, were Consecrated 22 Bishops more: of which says Neal, that Grindal, Parkburst, Sandys, Pilkington and others, accepted their Bishopricks with Trembling, in Hope•• to obtain an Amend|ment in the Constitution: and from Burnet, Pierce and Strype, * 1.168 that both Arch Bishop Parker, with the Bishops, Horn, Iewel, Grindal, Pilkington, Gu••st and San••ys, 'were at first a|gainst the Habits, and cites their Writings. And Strype expresly says—

The first Bishops made by Queen Elizabeth, as Cox, Grindal, Horn, Sandys, Jewel, Parkh••rst, Ben|tham, upon their Return, la••our'd all they cou'd against receiv|ing into the Church the Papistical Habits, and that all the Ceremonies shou'd be clean laid aside; but they cou'd not obtain it from the Queen and Parliament.

Strype also says, That on Ian. 12. 1562, 3, Q. Elizabeth's first Protestant Convocation met, * 1.169 which agreed on the 39 Articles: but the Beginning of the 20th Article be|ing this, That the Church ••••th Power to Decree Rites and Ce|remonies, and Authority in Controversies of Faith; Fuller tells

us, That both the English and Latin Articles set forth in 1571, when they were first ratified by Act of Parliament, in Arch Bishop Parker's Time, are without this Passage; and this Published Book being just before the Act confirm|ing it, must be the Book confirm'd, and not the private Manuscript attested only by a Publick Notary. * 1.170 He also says this Passage appears in the Editions of 1593 in Whit|gift's Time, of 1605 in Bancroft's Time, & of 1612 in the Be|ginning of Abbot's Time; tho' Dr. Mocket, Chaplain to Arch Bishop Abbot, left it out of his Latin Translation of 1617: And Fuller leaves the Matter undecided. Yet Strype says, the Clause appears i•• two Copies Printed in 1563; but these were in Latin, & there's nothing of it in the Original Manuscript itself subscrib'd by the Convocation, and now in Bennet College Library: by which he seems to decide the Matter and make it a Forgery.

Having finished the Articles of Faith, Strype says, the Convocation proceeded to the Reformation of Ceremonies in the Publick Liturgy: That Bishop Sandys advised (1) That Private Baptism may be taken out of the Common Prayer, w••ich has respect to Women, who by the Word of God, cannot be Minis••••••s of the S••craments. (2) That the Collect for Crossing the Inf••••t at Baptism may be blotted out as Needless and very Su|perstitious: And that 33 * 1.171 of the Lower House Sign'd a Request, (1) That Playing withOrgans may be remov'd. (2) That none but Ministers may be allow'd to baptize, and may leave off the Sign of the Cross in Baptism. (3) That Kneeling at the Com|munion may be left indifferent to the Discretion of the Ordinary (4) That the Use of Copes and Surplices may be taken away, and that Ministers use a comely Side Garment, as they commonly do in Preaching. (5) That Ministers be not compelled to wear suc•• Gowns and Caps, as the Enemies of Christ's Gospels have chose to be the special Array of their Priesthood. (6) That in the 33d Ar|ticle * 1.172 the Clause about Traditions & Ceremonies may be left out, &▪

(7) That all Saints Holy Days, as tending to Superstition, b•• clearly abrogated. And to these subscribed

Deans.

• 1 Dodd•• Gregory, Dean of Exeter.
• 2 Ellis or Ellys Iohn, Dean of Hereford.
• f 3 Nowel Alexander, Dean of St. Paul's London, Prol ocutor.
• f 4 Now••l Lawrence, Dean of Litchfield.
• 5 ••ampson Thomas, Dean of Christ's Church, Oxford.
• 1 D••y or Day William, ••rovost of Eaton College.

Arch Deacons.

• z 1 Bem••nt Robert, Arch Deacon of Huntingdon.
• f 2 Crol••y Robert, Arch Deacon of Hereford.
• •• 3 Heton [or Eaton] Guido, Arch Deacon of Glocester.
• 4 Kemp David, Arch Deacon of St. Albans.
• z 5 L••ver Thomas, Arch Deacon of Cov••ntrey.
• 6 Longland Iohn, Arch Deacon of Bucks.
• f 7 Mullins John, Arch Deacon of London.
• 8 Prat Iohn, A rch Deacon of St. David's.
• g •• Pullan Iohn, Arch Deacon of Colchester.
• ...•• •••• Rogers Richard, Arch Deacon of St. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• ...•• •••• Spencer Thomas, Arch Deacon of 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪
• f 12 Watts Thomas, A••ch Deacon of Middle 〈◊〉〈◊〉

Proctors [or 〈…〉〈…〉

• 1 Avis Robert, Proctor of the Chu•••••• of 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• 2 Bonner W, Proctor of the Clergy of Somerset.
• 3 Calfhil Iames, Proctor of the Church of Oxford.
• 4 Hill or Hills Iohn, Proctor of the Clergy of Oxford.
• 5 Nevyns••n Steven, Proctor of the Clergy of Canterbury
• 6 Reeve Richard, P. of theDean & Chap. of Westminster.
• •• 7 Renyger Michael, P. of theDean & Chap. of Winchester.
• 8 Roberts Thomas, Proctor of the Clergy of Norwich.
• 9 Savage G••orge, Proctor of the Clergy of Glocester.
• f 10 Saul Arthur, Proctor of the Dea•• & Chap. of Glocester.
• 11 Tr••mayn Richard, Proctor of the Clergy of Exeter.
• 12 Walker Iohn, Proctor of the Clergy of Suffolk.
• 13 Wiburn Percival, Proctor of the Church of Rochester.
• f 14 Wilson or Wylson Tho. P. of the Church of Worcester.

Strype and Burnet also tell us,

That on Feb. 13, the six following Articles were bro't into the Lower House, the Determination whereof depended on a narrow Scrutiny. (1) That allSundays and principalFeasts of Christ ••e kept Holy

Days, and all other Holy Days, abrogated. (2) That the Mi|nister in common Prayer turn his Face to the People and distinctly read the Service. (3) That in Baptism, the Ceremony of making the Cross on the Child's Forhead may be omitted, as tending to Superstition. (4) That at the Communion Kneeling may be left to the Discretion of the Ordin••ry. (5) That it be sufficient in Time of saying Divine Service and ministring the Sacraments, to use a Surplice, and none to say Divine Service, or minister the Sacraments but in a comely Garment. (6) That the Use of Organs ••e removed.

That upon this arose a great Contest: and when they came to Vote, Those who were against the Articles carried it, tho' with great Difficulty; there being 43 for them and 35 against them: yet the 43 producing but 13 Prox|ies, and the 35 producing 24 Proxies; the latter carried it but by a single Proxy [of a Person absent who had no Opportunity of being enlightened by the Consultation: * 1.173 The 4 in the List above in Roman Character, happening then to be abs••nt; the 43 Approvers were the 28 There P••••nted in Ita••••c••, with these 15 below.—

• f. 1. Pedder Iohn, Dean of Worcester.
• 1. Bradbridg William, Chancellor of Chichester.
• 1. Lancaster Tho. Treasurer of Sarum.
• 1. Tod William, Arch Deacon of Bedford.
• 2. Weston Ed. Arch Deacon of Lewis.
• f. 3. Wisdom Robert, Arch Deacon of Eli.
• f. 1. Besely Richard, Proctor of the Clergy of Cant.
• 2. Bowre Gualter, Proctor of the Clergy of Somers••••.
• 3. Coccrel Ra. Proctor of Sur••e••.
• 4. Ebden Iohn, Proctor of Winchester.
• 5. Godwin Tho. Proctor of the Clergy of Lincoln.
• 6. Proctor Iames, [Proctor] of the Clergy of Sussex.
• f. 7. Soreby Tho. Proctor of the Clergy of Chichester.
• 1. Becon Thomas, [I suppose of Canterbury]
• 2. Burton, [uncertain]

TH••S•• were some of the Principal Fathers of the EnglishLow Church & Puritans: & in thisCompany I observe, (1) There

were 6 Deans, 1 Provost, 1 Chancellor, 1 Treasurer, 15 Arch Dea••cons, 21 Proctors, & 2 uncertain. (2) I find but 1 of the English Church of Geneva, marked g. (3) There were 12 of the second Church at Francfo••t, marked f; 3 of Zurich, marked z; and 2 of Strasburgh, marked s; which 17 were all for K. Edward's Book in Germany, (tf) but yet for removing the Ceremonies and promoting a further Reformation. Hence see how much those Writers are mistaken who pouring out their Spleen against Geneva, tho't they were only or chiefly the Exiles returning Thence, who were for a further Reforma|tion than Q. Elizabeth's first Parliament Began while there was not one Protestant Bishop in it (4) Of many of those in the Lists above who were for Removing the Ceremonies, Strype gives great Characters for Learning, Piety and Use|fulness.

Of the 35 OPPOSERS, I observe, (1) There were but 4 Deans, 14 Arch Deacons, 10 Proctors, and 7 uncertain. (2) I find not one of the Church of Geneva, nor of the 1st or 2d Church of Francfort, nor of Strasburgh, nor Zurich, (3) Of the most of the Opposers, Strype gives indifferent or no Cha|racters. (4) He informs us,

That two of the Deans viz. Per•• and Turnbull, and 2 Arch Deacons, viz. White and Cotterel had complied with the Popish Religion, were in Place and Dignity under Q. Mary, and even adher'd to Popery till Iune 24. 1559, when they were oblig'd to leave it or loose their Places: That another, i. e. Bridgwater, afterwards went over Sea, carried several young Men with Him, and turned Papist: that Pern was Q. Mary's Chaplain, and had been named by her to the Pope, to be B••shop of Sarum a little before her Death: that White is mention'd in a Letter of Bishop Grindal's, wrote to the Secretary soon after the Synod, as a Great Papist; but yet in the Convo••cation, and was afterwards reprov'd by a Popish Writer as dissembling in Religion against his Conscience: that Bridgwater produc'd 1 Proxy and Cotterel 3

[And these were they who help'd to stop the Reformation and retain the Popish Ceremonies as a perpetual Fountain of Offence, Con|tention and Division to this very Day.] Yea Sampson & Hum••f••••y in Burnet, write, That many Things were agreed to in this Convocation that wou'd have tended to the great Good of the Church, but were Suppressed, &c.

Strype also tells us,

That besides these Conforming Pa|pists, there were divers others in Convocation of the sam•• Character; [which he seems to have known and yet con••cealed. However by comparing Cambden, Burnet, Stryp•• and Eachard, I think I have found 'em.]

••or from the Rise of the English Reformation, there ap|pe••r••d two Sorts of People who divided the Church thro' the successive Changes in theReigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Q. Mary I, and Q. Elizabeth. (1) Those both Protestants and Papists, who were so CONSCIENCIOUS in their several Religions, as both to quit their Places, and either fly o•• suffer, when the Publick Alteration turn'd against them (2) Both Protestants and Papists IN DISGUISE, who rather than suffer or loose their Places, openly submitted to the Publick Changes while they inwardly retain'd their form•••• Principles.

Of the FORMER Sort, the more Consciencious Papists refusing▪ the Oath of Supremacy, lost their Preferments though no many; and some of them in Henry VIII's Time theirLives▪ ••ho' none at the Stake. Of the more Consciencious Protestants; many were burnt in the Reigns both of Henry VIII & Mary I; many conceal'd themselves in the Kingdom; & others fled as we observ'd before; but returning at Q. Elizabeth's Accession, were advanc'd in the Church; by Disputing, Preaching, good Life and Writing, greatly help'd her Refor|mation, and wou'd have thoroughly reformed Her, but were for ever hinder'd by the Queen and Others.

As to the LATTER Sort; Eachard says, upon Henry VIII'sBe••ginning theReformation

All the Bishops, Abbots & Priors in England, except Fisher Bp. of Rochester, were so far satisfied, or so u••willing to leave their Preferments that they resolv'd to Comply with the Changes the King was resolv'd to make; and that the Convocation, the Universities and the inferiour Clergy, Renounc'd the Pope's and own'd the King's Suprem••cy.

Burnet tells us, that in the farther Reformation of Edward VI,

He cou'd not find one Head of a College in either University turn'd out: for tho' they generally lov'd the old Superstition, yet they lov'd their Places much better: and indeed the whole Clergy did so readily conform to every Change, that it was not easy to find Colours for turning out BONNER and GARDINER.

Upon Q. Mary's Accession, Burnet says,

All who adhe••'d t•• the Reformation were sure to be excluded all Favour; and that the reformed Bishops of St. Davids, Exeter, and Glocester, [Who were Farrar, Coverdale and Hooper] with Taylor, Philpot, Bradford, Crome, Sanders, Rogers & Lawrence, in their Paper of May 1554, Declare, that the Universities were their open Enemies and condemn'd their Cause, contrary to the Word of GOD and the Determinations they had made in K. Edward's Time.

Fuller says, that

On Octob. 1••. the Con|vocation meeting, there were found but 6 therein who opposed the Reduction of Popery—and that all the Bishops but 13 returned to it.

Arch Bishop Parker, in Burnet and Ea|chard, says,

That of the 16000 Clergymen then in the Nation, about 12000 were turned out for being Married

By Dr. Tanner's Account in Burnet,

There were not above 3000 for that Cause ejected.

[4000 then, or more of K. Edward's

Clergy seem to keep their Places in Q. Mary's Reign, and the Vacancies of Others must needs be filled with the most zealous Papists.]

Upon Q. Elizabeth's being Proclaim'd in London, Eachard says,

The Joy of the City was such as gave the melan••cholly Priests just Cause to fear a new Revolution in Re|ligious Affairs—That the Priests were forc'd to vent their Griefs in private Corners—And the Queen had Reason to expect the Clergy and those employ'd in the late Reign wou'd oppose the Change.

From Strype, we learn that her first Convocation meeting Ian. 24. 1558, 9, both Vote for Popery and beseech Her not to change it. May 20. 1559, Cox in Burnet writes,

That the Clergy stand as stiff as a Rock, and not one of them is yet come over [i. e. from Popery to the reform'd Religion.] May 22, Iewel in Burnet writes— Besides those who had been always our Enemies, the Deserters who left us in the former Reign are now our most bitter Enemies, and the Universities are universally cor|rupted. Iune 24. Q. Elizabeth's Act of Uniformity takes place; when the English Common Prayer Book is to be used thro the Kingdom, upon Pain of Loss of Benefices and Promotions: the like Loss are they also subject to who Refuse the Oath of the Queen's Supremacy.* 1.174

And now!—the sudden Change! For Stryp•• informs us That soon after this, the Queen's Commissioners go through the Kingdom to administer the Oath and see the Act of Uniformity observ'd: And then Eachard from Cambden and Burn••t, tells us,

The Oath of Supremacy was offered to the Popish Bishops and all other Ecclesiastical Persons: that as many as refus'd the Oath, were turn'd out of all their Preferments: and that of the 9400 Benefices then nam'd in England, 14 Bishops, * 1.175 6 Abbots, 12 Deans, 12 Arch Deacon••, 15 Heads of Colleges, 50 Prebendaries, and 80 Rectors of Parishes [but 189 in all] was the whole Number that were Depriv'd;

Or as Bp Burnet expresse•• it, Left their Benefices on the Account of Religion. Strype says, That D'Ews Journal reckons but 177, who left their Livings; but that a Volumn in the Cotton Library reckon•• 13 Deans and 14 Arch Deacons; and so 192 in all: And that a Book supposed to be Cardinal Allen's, reckons 12 Deans, 14 Arch Deacons, above 60 Canons, above 100 Priests, and 20 Doctors.

Now there being about 14 Roman Catholick Arch Deacons Depriv'd in 1559, and 15 Protestant Arch Deacons about three Years after in the List above, of those who were for Re|moving the Ceremo••••es and carrying the Reformation fur|ther; of whom 10 at least had been famous Exiles; It seems that most of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Arch Deacons in the Convocation with others among th•• ••••••ctors in Proportion, who stifly ad|her'd to the Ceremo•••••••• ••ere of the Popish Clergy Cox had written of, who stood like Rocks till Iune 24 or May 20, 1559, and then came over to save their Places

To this Account, Mr. Cambden adds—

Most of the Popish Priests tho't it more behooveful for themselves and their Religion to sware Obedience to their Prince, re|nouncing the Pope's Authority, were it for nothing else but that they might shut the Protestants out of their Chur|ches, and with all be able to relieve the Wants of those of their own Side who were thrust out: and this they tho't to be pious Wisdom and in a manner meritorious.

Bur|net

adds,

The Popish Clergy, when they saw no Appear••ance of any new Change, did generally comply with the L••ws then made; but in so untoward a Manner that they made it very visible that what they did was against their Heart and Conscience:

So compliant were the Papists generally: and indeed the Bishops after this time had the same Apprehension of the D••nger into which Religion was bro't by the Juglings of the greatest Part of the Clergy, who retain'd their Affections to the old Superstition which those in K. Edward's Time had.

And Eachard adds,

'Twas strongly believ'd that the greatest Part complied against their Consciences and wou'd have been ready for another Turn if the Queen had Died while that Race of Incumbents liv'd, and the next Suc|cessor had been of another Religion

But every knowing Reader may likewise add, That as This is indeed agreable to the common Practice of Man|kind in Publick Changes of Religion, as well as the known Characters of that Race of Ministers who kept their Places in those Religious Revolutions: so if Preferments kept the Lovers of the Popish Superstition in the Church; for the same Reason these Preferments wou'd successively d••aw in their Relatives, Friends and others of the ••••me Principles and Spirit, who wou'd be as averse as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to any 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Re|formation. And if we allow but 800 ••••••rgymen 〈◊〉〈◊〉 England, which is but Half Arch Bishop 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Number; then 39 to 1 of those stiff Roman Catholicks, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••hat time conform'd ••o keep their Places. And These, with their Successors▪ were the Highflying. Party in the Church of England, stiff Adherers to the old Popish Ceremonies, Opposers of a thor|ough Reformation, and Haters of those who laboured for it. It is therefore rather a Wonder that so many Refor|mers got into the Convocation of 1562, 3; and that so many joined with them in the Purity of Doctrin, as express'd in the Original of the 39 Articles.

But, as Fuller tells us, Tho' none of these Articles were ratified by Parliament till 9 Years after; yet the Bishops conceiving themselves empowered by their Canons, begin to show their Authority in urging the Clergy to subscribe to the Liturgy, Ceremonies and Discipline; and such as refuse are branded with the Name of PURITANS. And from this Time forward, the

C••urch divided into these two Parties, (1) The CONFORMI••TANS, who were for Retaining the unscriptural Ceremonies. (2) The PURITANS, who were for Rejecting them and car|rying the Reformation toPerfection, conforming Her intirely to SCRIPTURE RULE, and reducing Her to the Apostolical Purity in Discipline and Wo••sh••p, as well as Doctrine. Of the Co••formitans, there were these two Subdivisions, (1) The High-Flyers were for retaining them as Things they tho't venerable for Antiquity, tho' not bro't into the Church in the Apostles Times, but after she declined from her primitive Simplicity; as also on the Account of their imagin'd Decency, they judged them expedient to be added to the Christian Instituti|on (2) Others were more Low and moderate, as being of the same Opinion ••nd Desire with the Puritans; but were for retaining them at present for Prudential Reasons only; partly to gain the Papists, of whom there were then great Numbers in the Kingdom, and partly in Submission to the Queen, who appeared fond and zealous for Pomp and Ceremony in Re|ligious Matters; but were in Hopes of removing them after|wards: as appears from Bp. Iewel, Bp. Horn and Bp Grin|dal's Latin Letters in Strype and Burnet. The Puritans there|fore found themselves embarrassed not only with the High-flying Party in that and the following Reigns; but even the QUEEN herself and her Successors JAMES I. and CHARLES I. were their continual Prosecutors.

As to Q ELIZABE•••• Cambden tells us,

That to seve•• Protestants she 〈◊〉〈◊〉; others into her Privy Council, who were of Q. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Council before and of the same Religion with Her: That she had no contemptuous [i. e. she had a high] Opinion of the Cross, of the Virgin Mary and th•• Saints [i. e. the Saints canoniz'd by Popes and worshi••ed by Papists] and wou'd not suffer others to speak unreverently of them.

Iewel in Burnet on April 10. 1559, laments,

The want of Zeal in promot|ing the Reformation, that the Queen had softned the Mass much, but there were many Things amiss left in it; and that she cou'd not be prevail'd upon to put the Crucifix out of her Chapel.

And Eachard says,

She lov'd Magni|ficence in Religion, which made her inclinable to some

former Ornaments, * 1.176 and even Images in Churches.

Yea she grew so superstitious, that when she was above 60 Years old and her decaying Nature required; yet she wou'd not eat a B••t of Fl••sh for the 40 Days of Lent, as being against the Canons, without a solemn Licence from her own Arch-Bp. Whitgift, [who depended wholly on Her for the Power to grant it] nor wou'd she be easy with one General Li|cence, but must have it renewed every Year for several Years before she Died: as we learn from Fuller. At first indeed she indulg'd the Puritans who were known to be her steady Friends: But on Ian. 25. 1564, 5, she be|gan to grow severe upon 'em, and Arch Bishop Parker, with some other Bishops follow'd her Directions; yea when she and her Council flag'd, the Arch Bishop stir'd them up to give Him further Power to vex them.

The Puritans seem'd at first for retaining Episcopacy in the Diocesan Form in General: For they accepted of Prebendships, Arch Deaconries, Deaneries, Bishopricks, and Grindal of Arch-bishopricks: tho' they knew these were not of Divine Ap|pointment; yet they seem'd to judge 'em as Prudential Me|thods for preserving Order; and so intervoven with the na|tional Constitution, they cou'd not well be sundred But they insisted the Hierarchy ought to be Reformed: that the Spi|ritual Courts, the Com••issary Courts, the Courts of Faculties, &c invented in the Times of Popery, and manag'd according to the Canon Laws, which are the Decr••••s of Popes, almost infi••nite in Number, all with their Processes in Latin, and exceed|ing intricate; who for Money give out Licenses and Dispen••sations even from the said Laws themselves, and change th•• Penances of Crimes for Money, &c. that these Offences t•• pious People be removed: That Nonresidence of Ministers i•• ••heir Parishes, with their Pluralities of Benefices, be disallow••ed; and that the Godly Discipline in the Primitive Church s•• often wish'd for in the Common Prayer, might be revived, and exercised not according to the Popes Decrees, but according to the Scriptures only: That Ecclesiastical Censures be merely

Spiritual, & for none butCrimes condemn'd in Scripture: That the Power of Chusing Parish Ministers before they be Presented by the Patrons to the Bishop•• for Ordination, be restor'd to the Parochial Churches; and that their Ministers and Church Wardens be allow'd to admonish and suspend immoralMem|bers from their Communion.

If now the ••••scriptural Parts of the Common Prayer had been removed, or the Ceremonies left indifferent, the Popish Habits chang'd for more comely Garments, the Pope's De|crees, with the Inquisition Oath call'd Ex Officio, abolished, * 1.177 and the Hierarchy thus reformed; the General Frame of Diocesan Episcopacy had no doubt remain'd untouched, and al|most all the People of England had continued in it without Uneasiness. But the Qu••••n with some of the superiour C••••rgy opposing such a Reformation, they employ their Power to crush the Puritans; by requiring their Ministers Subscription to the Habits, the Ceremonies in the Common Prayer, all the 39 Articles and the Queen's Injunctions; tho' the Parlia|ment had yet appointed no Subscription.

Upon this, as Strype relates, Those 2 eminent Men of Ox|ford and Heads of the chief Colleges, Dr. Sampson Dean of Christ's Church, with Dr. Humfrey, President of Magdalen College & Regius Professor of Divinity, appear at the Head of the Puritans. In March, 1564, 5, Dr.Sampson is Deprived▪ and about 30 [Neal from Strype's Life of Parker, says 37▪] Ministers in London alone, are Suspended, and some of them De|prived. And thus the Severities on the Puritans begin: wherein some of the Ministers were Suspended; some De|prived; some are Fined; some Imprisoned; yea in 1566, Sampson and Humfrey in Burnet write, that

Many of the People are put in Prison, because they wou'd not provide Godfathers and Godmothers for Baptizing their Children.

But while the Puritan Ministers are Deprived, the Papists comply and triumph: and an Author who Strype supposes

was Sir T. Smith, or Secretary Cecil, says, that

In 1569 and before, Papists were frequent in Church, in Court, i•• Place; that Popish Priests still enjoy the great Ecclesiast••••cal Livings, without Recantation or Pen••ance; yea in Simoniacal Heaps Cathedral Churches are stuffed with them; the very Spies and Promoters of Q. Mary's Time are cherished, &c.

Yea Strype informs us, That notwith|standing the repeated Risings of the Papists against the Queen in 1569 & 70, defacing and taring Bibles, &c; she on Iune 15. 1570

Declar'd in the Star Chamber, that she wou'd not have any of their Consciences unnecessarily si••ted, to know what Affection they had to the old Religion

However, the more the Puritans suffer, the more the Peo|ple search the SCRIPTURE, to which Appeals are made in these Religious Matters: and the more they grow acquainted with this inspired Rule of Worship; the more they discover of the Popish Superstitions, the more abhor them, the more prefer the Divine Institutions, the more pure they desire the Worship of the Church to be: And Strype inform•• us▪

That the Puritans grew both in City and Country, and not only among the lower Sort, but also in the Universities: that in December 1565, the Fellows and Schollars in St Iohn's College in Cambridge, with the Allowance of Dr. Long|worth the Master, to the Number of near 300, threw off the Surplice with one Consent: that in Trinity College, all but 3, by Mr. Cartwright's [Influence] and many in other Colleges were ready to follow their Example.

And from Fuller and Strype we learn, That the House of Commons in the Parliaments of 1566, 1571, 1572, 1575, 1580, 1585, and 1587 labour'd earnestly for a further Reformation; but the Queen wou'd never allow it.

The only Act that establish'd the Articles in that and the ••wo following Reigns was made in 1571; and yet this Act takes so much Care of the Puritans, as to require no more of Ministers, then to Declare their Assent before the Bishop of the Diocess to all the Articles of Religion which ONLY concern the Confession of the true Christian Faith, and t••e Doctrine of the Sa|craments compriz'd in the Book imprinted entituled Articles, &c, and to subscribe the same. Yet now, Fuller says, The Bishops urge Subscription to the 39 Articles more severely than before: And Strype, that by Force of this Act many Ministers were depriv'd in

this and the following Years. The Puritan Ministers were in|deed as ready as any to subscribe according to the s••id Act; i. e. To all the Articles of Religion which ONLY concern the Con|fession of the true Christian Faith and the Doctrine of the Sacra|ments: which are commonly called the Doctrinal Articles. Yet under Colour of this Act, the Bishops Deprive them for not subscribing to all the other without Exception.

But the Queen and Bishops growing more severe on the Pu|ritans, it only alienates them more from the Hierarchy, as well as the Ceremonies, and turns their Minds to the Presby|terian D scipline. And tho' many of their Clergy were De|priv'd and Silenc'd; yet many others, by theFavour of seve|ral Great Men in Court and Council, * 1.178 stay in their Places upon using the less offensive Parts of the Liturgy, without Subscription. And now Bancroft & Cowell tell us, * 1.179 that

On Nov. 20. 1572, this Puritan Part of the Clergy began to Erect a Presbytery at Wandsworth in Surrey

: which Fuller says,

Was the first Born of all Presbyteries in Eng|land, and names 16 of the Clergy belonging to it; that May 8. 1582, there was a Synod of three score Ministers [i. e. Church Ministers] of Cambridgshire, Suffolk and Norfolk, at Cockfield in Suffolk; and the Summer following another in Cambridge at the Commencement; that April 10. 1588, was another of the Warwickshire Classis at Coventry; that by Sept. 1. 1590, the Presbyterian Discipline so grew in the Church, that their Classes spread into diverse other Parts of the Kingdom, and had their Assemblies at Lon|don, Cambridge, Oxford, Northampton, Kittery, Warwick, Rutland, Leicester, Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, and other Pla|ces; but in 1591, the High Commission and Star Cham|ber Courts dissolv'd them: that in the Spring of 1603▪ there were 750 Ministers [i e. Church Ministers] in 25 of the 40 Counties of England, and 12 of Wales, who Peti|tion'd King Iames I, to remove the Ceremonies, the

Publick Reading the Books of Apochrypha, Non-Residence, Pluralities, and the Popish Canons.

And Rushworth tells us that

in 1626, the Country was so overspread with Puritans, that Williams Bp. of Lincoln would not meddle against them, and said He was sure they would carry all at last.

Yet all this while, there were but few SEPARATIONS from the Church established. Nor wou'd the Law allow them in England till K. William's Time. Upon the first Depriving the London-Ministers in the Spring of 1566, Neal and the Register say,

their Churches were shut up and their People scattered.

Bp Grindal on Aug. 27. 1566, writes,

that many of the more learned Ministers seem'd to be about leaving their Ministry: and many of the People consulted of making a Secession from us and of gathering in private Assemblies; but the greater Part is come to a better Mind. * 1.180

Yet as the Register tells us,

In the Spring of 1567, an Hundred of them absenting from the Parish Churches, gathered together many times and made Assemblies, using Prayers, Preaching, and ministring Sacraments after the Geneva-manner: but on Iune 20, many are seiz'd, and put in Prison; next Day bro't before theBp of London & other of the Queen'sCom|missioners': and Neal from Strype's Life of Grindal, says that Bolton with 23 other Men and 7 Women, were for this sent to Bridewell and kept there a Year:

which seems to brake up their Assembly: and This I suppose was the same sepa|rate Church Mr. A••••sworth mentions, whereof Mr. FITS was Pastor and Bolton one of the Elders, in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign. * 1.181 Yet Fuller observes,

Tho' the Queen proceeded severely against them, their Party daily increased.

The next Separation made was by ROBERT BROWN, who as Fuller says,

was bred at Corpus Christi College in Cambridge, began to Preach at Norwich in the beginning

of 1581, against Bishops, and Ordination of Ministers as well as Ecclesiast cal Courts and Ceremonies: And Neal, that some|time after,

He denied the Established Church to be a tru•• Church and her Ministers true Ministers, renounc'd Communion with her not only in Ceremonies and Sacraments, but even in Hearing the Word and Publick Prayer▪ and gather'd a separate Church of his own Principles; but were quickly forc'd to fly and settle at Middleburgh in Zealand: and from him the Seperatists were at first call'd Brownists; till Mr. Robinson reduc'd them to milder Principles and Tempers

But the Bishops violentMeasures, [as Neal observes] in|stead of reconciling the Puritans to the establish'd Church, drove them further off, and carried many into a total Separation from Her. For in 1592, a Company set up another Church at London; chusing Mr. Francis Iohnson Pastor, and Mr. Greenwood Teacher: who with 54 of their Church were soon seiz'd by the Bishop's Officers and sent to several Goals: where some were loaded with Irons, some shut up in Dungeons, some beat with Cudgels, some both Men and Women Perished, Mr. Greenwood & Bar|row executed: Others kept in close Prison for 4 or 5 Years; and then being banish'd, [as we learn from Bai|ley,] Mr. Iohnson with some of his People set up their Church at Amsterdam: where he was succeeded by the learned Ainsworth; and He by Mr. Cann, the Author of a valuable Margin to our English Bible.

In 1596, they Publish their Confession of Faith, with the Grounds of their Separation; Reprinted with their Apology in 4to. 1604

But their Sufferings and Writings soon increas'd their Numbers; and more of the warmer Puritans embrac'd their Doctrines, left the Publick Churches, and met in Private Houses for a Purer Worship. But then they lost the name of Puritans, and received that of the Separatists: the far greater part of the Puritans remaining still in the Church; writing with Zeal against the Separation; and as Sprint, on their behalf in 1608, expresses it: —

A Se|paration we deny not from the Corruptions of the Church wherein we live; in Judgment, Profession, Practice — for which so many of Both Parts [or Par••ies i. e. of Pu|ritans and Separatists] have suffered and do suffer so many

T••••••igs: But the Difference i••, We [i. e. the Puritan••] suffer for separating i•• the Ch••••ch; You, [i. e. the Sepa••ratists] out of the Church &c.

By comparing their ancient Writings, I find the Sepa••ratists and Puritans agreed in these two Particulars (1) in their Belief of the same Doctrinal Articles of the Church of England. (••) in their Offence with her unscriptura•• Parts of Worship, unscriptural Canons and Courts of Disci••pline, and unsc••iptural Power of Bishops. But in this they chiefly differ'd —

That whereas the People in ev'ry Parochial Congregation thro' the Kingdom, containing all Sorts of Persons both R••lig ous and Pro••ane, make up a Parochial C••urch under one Presbyter▪ and greatNumbers of these Parochial Churche•• make up a Diocesan Church under one Diocesan Bishop; and several of these Diocesan Churches make up a Provincial C••urch under one Arch Bishop; and the two Provincial Churches in the Kingdom, viz. of York and Canterbury make up a Na••ional Church under one Primate, viz. the A. Bishop of the latter; in which National Church there were about Forty different Sorts of Officers, as among the Papists: The Separatists held that neither of these Churches were such sort of Churches, not their Officers such sort of Officers as CHRIST has instituted, neither for Matter, Form, nor Power: The Matter of Right, Christian Churches being only visible Saints separate from the Rest of the World, or as the 19th Article of the Church of England has it, a Congregation of Faith••ul Men, or Faithful Christians; the Form being a voluntary Consociation of such faithful Christians, not forced by Humane Sanctions; and their Powers being confined to the meer Laws of CHRIST, both in Worship, Government, and Discipline. From such un••scriptural Churches, they therefore judg'd themselves ob|liged to seperate: and set up such sort of Churches and Church Officers, Discipline, and Worship ONLY as they found in the Apostles Days. And then the Church of England Order, Discipline and Worship being not according to CHRIST's Pure Appointment, but polluted with Humane Mixtures which she refused to leave; the Separatists at first went further, and rigidly renounc'd Communion both with Her and her Officers, us Popish and Antichristian, and

even with those who held Communion with Her. But as for their Censoriousness, I cannot find but the Church of England Writers against them were as censorious and ••igid in those Times as Theirs.

But the Puritans allow'd the Faithful Christians of the se|veral Parishes to be true Christian Churches, and their quali|fied Ministers to be true Christian Ministers: that neither their being restrain'd by Humane Laws in the Exercise of the Powers and Priviledges CHRIST had given them; nor their having by such Laws, both corrupt Members, Canons and Ways of Worship impos'd upon them, neither destroy'd their Rights nor Christian Character: and that since a Se|paration was not allow'd by the then reigning Powers, and their setting up Purer Churches within the Kingdom was no•• practicable; they therefore judg'd they ought to re|main in the Church Established, groaning under their Burthens, and labouring for her Reformation.

Mr. Robinson at first indeed went off among the more rigid Separatists in 1602: but as Bailey informs us, by conversing in Holland with Dr. Ames and Mr. Parker, He grew more moderate; as we observ'd before; yet insisting that the unscriptural Ceremonies, Canons, and mixt Communion in the Church of England, were sufficient Grounds of Separating from Her, and of erecting Churches on the Scripture-Bottom; without Denying Communion to her Pious Members when they desir'd it of Him.

But how strenuously so ever the Puritans oppos'd the Separation; yet He was so well acquainted with them, that in his Answer to Mr. Barnard in 1610. He says,—

I doub•• not but Mr. Barnard and a Thousand more Ministers in the Land, were they secure of the Magistrates Sword, and might they go on with his good Licence; wou'd wholly Shake off their Canonical Obedience to their Ordi••ari••s▪ neglect their Citations and Censures, and refuse to Sue in their Courts: Could they but obtain Licence from the Magistrate to use the Liberty they are perswaded CHRIST has given them; they wou'd 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••••ke 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Prelates Yoke, and draw no longer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••he sam•• in spiritual Communion with all the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the Land but would brake those Bonds of Iniq••i•••• &c

Go•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 also tre••ting of the Afflic••ion•• o•• M•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉

P••••ple in Holland and of the Grounds of their Removing to America, says—

It was tho't that if a better and easier Place of Living could be had, it wou'd draw many and take away those Discouragements: yea their Pastor wou'd often say, that many of those who ••••th wrote and preached now against them, if they were in a Place where they might have Liberty, and live comfortably; wou'd do as they did.

But a farther Account of the Rise, Sufferings, Principle•• and Progress, both of the Puritans and Separatists, I must refer to the Authors beforementioned; especially Mr. N••AL's elaborate and valuable History of the Puritans in 2 Octavos: which was a Branch of English History the Nation wanted, and which ought to be read by every Lover of Religious Liberty.

I shall only observe, that Arch Bishop PARKER Dying in May 1575; GRINDAL succeeded Him, who grew more moderate, and the Church enjoy'd some Quiet: For which ••ach••veral calls Him—That false Son of the Church and perfidi|ous Prelate. But he deceasing in Iuly, 1583, WHITGIFT is made Arch Bishop of Canterbury: who, as we learn from Fuller, Strype and the Register, persecutes the Puritans and Separatists with unr••lenting Rigour to his Death in February 1603, 4: as does also his Successo•• BANCROFT to his — in Nov. 1610. And then ABBOT 〈◊〉〈◊〉 set in his Place; tho' he shows no Mercy to those of the Separation; yet seeing the Puritans more strictly adhere to the Doctrinal Articles than the rest of the Church, grows more indul|gent to them till October 1627; when K. CHARLES I. Se••questers him from his Jurisdiction and transfers it to Bishop LAUD and others; as we read in Eachard. Who says, LAUD was an aspiring and fiery Man, a Lover of Pomp and Ceremony, an active Opposer of Antiarminianism, a mortal Op|poser of Puritans; that his Heart was entirely set upon the Advancement and Grandeur of the Church [i. e. not the Lai|cal, but Clerical Part; or as Eachard in another Place more clearly calls it — the Advancement of the Clergy's Grandeur] which the Arch B••shop brought to that Hight, as it shewed rather a Rivalship than Resemblance of the Church of ROME: In which He had the hearty Concurrence of the King; and grew in such Favour with Him, as to be made Bishop of Lon|don in 1628, Arch Bishop of Canterbury in 1633, and to

Govern without a Rival in Church and State. Fuller says He was over severe in his Censures; in the Star Chamber wa•• always observ'd to concur with the severer side; and that twas most apparent He endeavoured a Reconciliation between ROME and ENGLAND. And theContinuation of Baker's Chronicle* 1.182, — That He was a buisy Man, over-violent in his Proceedings, and never ceas'd to Persecute the PURITANS.

Of these Engl••sh Puritans were the greater Part of the Settlers of the MASSACHUSETTS Colony. They had been chiefly Born and Brought up in the National Church, and had hitherto lived in Communion with Her. As their Ministers had been Ordain'd by her Bishops, they had Offi|cia••ed in her Parochial Churches, and till now had made no Secession from them: tho' with Multitudes of others, labouring under grievous Impositions, conflicting with many Difficulties, and looking earnestly for better Times; till the High-flying Bishops both increased the Ceremonies, and grew so rigorous in imposing them, as to allow no Worship in the Church without them: yea so severely prosec••te those who could not in Conscience use them, as to let them live no longer in their Native Land in Quiet. Finding therefore the Impositions growing, loosing all fur••ther Hopes of Reformation and Indulgence There; and NEW ENGLAND opening Her Arms to embrace them: they judged they now ought to improve the Offer••▪ and rather chuse a hideous Wilderness Three Thousand Miles a|cross the Ocean; that Here being Free from all Restraint, they might set up Churches in their Worship, Matter, Form and Discipline, intirely after the New-Testament Model; en|joy these great and christian LIBERTIES without Distur|bance, and transmit them as what they accounted the Dearest Legacy to their perpetual Successors.

SECT. II.

_THE Scituation of Sal••m pleasing us not [for the Capital Town] we con|sult about some other: to this Pur|pose some are sent to the Bay to search up the Rivers for a conveni|ent Place; who returning, report they have sound a good one upon Mistick River: But others seconding these, find another we like better, 3 Leagues up Charles River: * 1.183 Whereupon we unship ourGoods into other Vessels, and in

Iuly With much Cost and Labour, bring them to CHARLESTOWN, on the North side the Mouth of Charles River (dd)

Iuly Arrive at CHARLSTOWN, Gov. Winthrop, Dep. Gov. Dudley, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Iohn|son, Ludlow, Nowell, Pynchen, and Bradstreet, with the Massachusetts Colony CHARTER; as also Mr▪ Wilson and Phillips Ministers, with about Fifteen Hundred People * 1.184 brought over in

12 Ships from England (tcr) * 1.185 But many o•• our People being Sick of Fevers & the Scurvy, we are thereby unable to carry up our Ordnance and Baggage so far (dd) the Governor and seve|ral Patentees dwell in the Great H••use last Year built by Mr. Graves, and the rest of their Ser••vants: the Multitude set up Cottages, Booths and Tents about the Town-Hill (tcr) and their Meeting Place is abroad under a Tree, where Mr. Wilson & Phillips Preach &c. (crc)

[The State of the Neighbouring Places on the MASSACHU|SETTS BAY at their Arrival.]

On Noddel's Island lives Mr. Samuel Maverick; a Man of a very loving and courteous Behaviour, very ready to entertain Strangers: On this Island with the Help of Mr. David Thompson, He had built a small Fort with four Great Guns to Protect him from the Indians▪ About a Mile distant upon the River runs a small Creek which takes it'sName from Mr. Edward Gibbons, who dwelt there for some Years after, and became Major General. On the South side of Charles River Mouth, on a Point of Land call'd Blaxton's Point lives Mr. Blaxton (j) where He only has a Cottage (tcr) the Neck of

Land from which the Point runs being in Indian named SHAWMUT, afterwards BOSTON (tcr) To the S. E. thereof near Thompson's Island, live some few Planters more. * 1.186 These were the first Plan|ters of those Parts, having some small Trade with the Natives for Bever Skins; which moved them to make their abode in those Places, and are found of some Help to the New Colony (j)

But having had a long Passage; some of the Ships 17, some 18 Weeks▪ a coming, many People arrive Sick of the Scurvy, which in••creases for want of Houses and by reason of wet Lodging in their Cottages (tcr) having no fresh Food to cherish them (j) And tho' the People are very pitiful and loving: yet the Sickness with other Distempers so prevails, that the Well are not able to tend them: Upon which many Die and are Buried about the Hill (tcr) yet 'twas admirable to see with what christian Courage many carry it amidst these Calamities. (j)

Iuly ••5▪ Lord's Day, after the Evening Exercise, Mr. Iohnson at Salem, receives a Letter from Gov. Winth••••p at Charlstown, representing the Hand of G••D upon them in the prevailing Sickness, whereby divers are taken away: signi••fying they had concluded He is to be sought in Righteousness: to this End, the next Friday is set apart to humble themselves before Him and seek Him in his Ordinances: that then

such Godly Persons among them as know each other, may Publickly at the End of their Ex••ercise make known their Desire & practice the same by solemnly entering into Covenant with Him to walk in his Ways: that since they live in three distinct Places, each having Men of Ability with them, there to observe the Days, and become three distinct Bodies: * 1.187 not then intending rashly to proceed to the choice of Officers, or admitting others to their Society but a few well known: Promising after to re|ceive in such by Confession of Faith, as shall ap••pear to be fitly qualified: they earnestly in••treat the Church of Plimouth to set apart the same Day for the same Ends; beseeching the Lord as to withdraw his Hand of Correction, so to direct and establish them in his Ways. (B) Iuly 30. Fryday, the Day of solemn PRAYER and FASTING kept at Charlestown: when Gov Winthrop, Dep. Gov. Dudley, Mr. Iohnson, and the Rev. Mr Wilson, first enter into Church Covenant, and l••y the Foundation of the CHURCHES both of Charlestown (B) [and after••wards of Boston]

Aug. 1. Lord's Day five more join to the Church at Charlestown (B) which by the Order in Boston Church Records, are Mr. Nowell, T Sharp, Brad|street, [Assistants] Mr Wm. Gager [Surgeon] and Mr Wm C••lborn [afterwards a Ruling Elder•• (cbr) who with others quickly added, chus•• Mr. Wilson for their Pastor: the greater Num••ber

at this Time intending no other than to settle Here, where the Governor orders his House to be cut and framed. But the Weather being hot, many sick and others faint upon their long Voyage, People grew uneasy for want of Water: For tho' this Neck abounds with good Water, yet they only found a brac|kish Spring by the Water side in the Sand on the W. side of the N W. Field (tcr) which was not to be come at but when the Tide was down (j) and could not supply half the Necessities of that Multitude: at which time the Death of so many was thought to be owing to the Want of good Water. (tcr)

This made several go aboard upon Discovery (tcr) Some go over to Shawmut on the South side of the River. (j) Some go without Charles|town-Neck and travel up into the Main till they came to a Place well watered: whether Sir R▪ Saltonstall with Mr. Phillips and several Others went and settled a Plantation, and call'd it WATERTOWN. In the mean time, Mr. Blackston of Shawmut coming over informs the Gov of an excellent Spring There▪ withal inviting & sollici|ting him Thither (tcr) [Upon which it seems that Mr. Iohnson with several others soon Remove and Begin to Settle on that side of the River.]

Aug. 2 One of Plimouth writes from Charlstown to his Friend at Plimouth —

The sad News Here is, that many are Sick and many are Dead: the LORD in Mercy look upon them: Some are entered into Church Covenant — and others 'tis like will add themselves to them daily: the LORD increase them both in Number and Holiness — Here is a Gentleman one Mr. Cot|tington

a Boston Man; who told me that Mr. COTTON's Charge at Hampton was,

That they should take Advice of them at PLIMOUTH▪ and should do nothing to offend them:

* 1.188

Here are divers honest Christians desirous to see us; some out of Love they bare us and the good Perswasion they have of us; others to see whether we be so ill as they have heard▪ We have a Name of Holiness and Love to GOD and his Saints; the LORD make us more and more answerable, that it may be more than aName &c (B)

Aug. 20 Arrives in Charlestown-Harbour another Ship, call'd TheGift: who tho' 12 Weeks atSea, yet lost but one Passenger (H) and Dep Gov Dudley says, that all the 17 Ships mention'd in Sec. I. Note 79, arrived safe in New-England for the increase of the Plantation here, this Year, 1630.

It having been reported in England, that there were now Provisions enough Here, divers Ships came not so well supplied as otherwise

they wou'd; and there being miserable Damage of our Provisions at Sea; and yet some imprudently selling much of the Remainder to the Indians for Bever; we fall into great and threatning Straits for want of Food. Upon which the Governour and other Gentlemen hire & dispatch away Mr. William Pierce with his Ship (tcr) the Lyon of Bristol (dd) of about 200 Tons, for Ireland, to Buy more (tcr) and come back with allSpeed; with whom goes Mr•• Revil, one of the five Undertakers here; Mr Vas••sal, one of the Assistants, with his Family, and Mr. Bright the Minister sent hither the Year before. (dd)

The M••rtality increasing many Died week••ly, yea almost daily: among whom were Mrs Pynchon, Mrs Coddington, Mrs▪ Phillips▪ & Mrs Alcock a Sister of Mr. Ho••ke•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 so that the Sh••p•• being now on their Return, some for England, some for I••eland, there was not much less than an Hundred, some think many more, partly ou•• of dislike of our Government, which restrain'd and punished their Excesses, and partly thro' Fear of Famin, not seeing other means than by their Labour to ••eed themselves, returned back: and glad were we so to be rid of them. Others also afterwards hearing of Men of their own Disposition at Pascataway, went from us t•• them: whereby tho' our numbers were lessen••ed, yet we accounted ourselves nothing weak••ned by their Removal (dd)

Aug. 23. The first Court of Assistants held at Charles••town (Mcr) on board the Arb••lla▪ (j) Presen•• Governour Win••••rop, Deputy Governour Dud••l••y, Sir R. Sal••onstall, Mr. Ludlow, R••siter

Nowell, T. Sharp, Pynchon, and Bradstreet: wherein the first thing Propounded is, How the Ministers shall be maintained! Mr. Wilson and Phillips only Proposed: and Order'd that Houses be Built for them with convenient speed at the Publick Charge. Sir. R. Salton|stall undertook to see it done at his Plantation for Mr. Phillips; and the Governour at the o|ther Plantation for Mr. Wilson: Mr. Phillips to have Thirty Pounds a Year, beginning at the first of September next; Mr. Wilson to have Twenty Pounds a Year till his Wife come over, beginning at Iuly 10 last; all this at the com|mon Charge, those of Mattapan and Salem ex••cepted. Order'd that Morton of Mount Wollas|ton be sent for Presently: and that Carpenters, Joiners, Bricklayers, Sawyers and Thatchers, take no more than two Shillings a Day, under Pain 〈…〉〈…〉 Shillings to Giver and Taker. (Mcr) and Mr. Bradstr••et chosen Secretary. (j) * 1.189

Aug. 27. F••yday, the first Ordination of an Elder in the Massachusetts Bay, viz Mr. Wilson (sd 47) who is [now] made Pastor [or Teaching Elder] of the Church at Charlestown (tcr) and whose Extent now reaches on both sides the River. (j)

Aug. e. About this Time, (dd) Dies at Salem, and is soon after interred There, the Lady ARBELLA, Wife of Mr. JOHNSON: who came from a Pa|radice of Delight and Plenty she enjoyed in

the Family of a noble Earldom into this Wil|derness of Straits; and now left her worthy Consort overwhelm'd in Grief and Tears. (H)

Sept. ••. Dies of a Fever, Mr. Gager, a skilful Surgeon, a right Godly Man, and one of the Deacons of our Church at Charlestown: as also the Rev. Mr Higginson of a Consumption (dd) the first Tea|cher of the Church a•• Salem (H) a zealous and profitable Preacher (dd) AEtat. 43 (cm) * 1.190

Sept. 7. The second Court of Assistants held at Charlestown: Present Governor Winthrop, De|puty Governor Dudley, Sir R. Saltonstall, Mr. Iohnson, Endicot, Sharp, Nowell, Codding|ton, Ludlow, Rossiter, Pynchon, Bradstreet: Order'd that Thomas Morton of Mount Wolaston shall presently be set in the Bilbowes, and after sent Prisoner to England by the Ship called the Gift now returning thither; that all his Goods shall be seiz'd to Defray the Charge of his Transportation, Payment of his Debts and to give satisfaction to the Indians for a Canoe he took unjustly from them; and that hisHouse be Burnt down to the Ground in sight of the Indians for their satisfaction for many wrongs he has done them. Order'd that no Person shall Plant in any Place within the Limits of this Patent without leave from the Governor and Assistants or major part of them: that a

Warrant shall presently be sent to Aggawam, to command those who arePlanted There forth••with to come away; and that Trimoun••••in be called BOSTON; Mattapan DORCHEST••R; and the Town upon Charles River WATER••TON. (Mcr)

Thus this remarkable PENINSULA, about two Miles in Length and one in Breadth, in those times, appearing at High Water in the Form of two Islands who's Indian Name was Shawmut; but I suppose on the account of three contiguous Hills appearing in a range to those at Charlestown, by the English call'd at first T••imountain, and now receives the Name of BOSTON. Which Deputy Governor Dudley says, they had before intended to call the Place they first resolv'd on: and Mr. Hubbard, that they gave this Name on the account of Mr. COTTON, [the then famous Puritan Minister of Boston in England; for whom they had the highest Reverence, and of whose coming over they were doubtless in some hopeful Prospect] And from the late Judge Sewall in comparison with the Charlestown Records, I learn, that this Town was settled under the Conduct of Mr. JOHNSON; whom Mr. Hubbard calls, a worthy Gentleman of Note for Piety and Wisdom; and the Rev. Mr. Danforth of Roxbury, styles him — a right Nathaniel, eminent for Piety and Virtue; and in another Place, a Gentleman of singular Piety and Sincerity. * 1.191

To this Town, the major Part of the Church in a little time Removes from Charlestown; and so 〈◊〉〈◊〉 increases, as that One Hundred fifty & one ••re admitted by Oct. 14 1632, when they peace|ably Divide into two Churches (tcr. c br.)

Thus out of small BeginningsGreat Things have been produced by HIS HAND that made all things, and gives Being to all things that are▪ and as one small Candle may light a Thousand; so the Light Here * 1.192 kindled hath shone to many, yea in some sort to our whole Nation: Let the Glorious Name of JEHOVAH have all the Praise. (B)

But this Composure growing beyond my Ex|pectation, and the Bookseller informing me that if I now proceed to the End of this Second Section, as intended, it will make the First Volume too unsizeable; I must ask the Reader to excuse my referring the Rest to the Second Volume, and cl••sing this with the ADDITION of some Passages Omitt••d in the Introduction, and the First Section of the II Part.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Agreable to this, we ••bserv'd in the Month of June this Year, while the English Leydeners were preparing f•••• their Voyage; that as Capt. Dermer Returned from Virginia to New-England, He met certain Hollanders sailing f•••• Hudson's River, where they had ••ad aTrade for se••eral Years
• * 1.2

  The same is Printed in Mourt's Relation, Purchas, Morton, and Neal; tho' the 2 latter with some small Variation from the other 3.
• * 1.3

  So Bradford, Mount & Purc••as; but Mor••on says Office••••
• * 1.4

  One of these was the Servant who died before their Arrival (B)
• * 1.5

  B••sides the Son, Born in Cape Cod Harbour, named Per••g••ine (B)
• * 1.6

  He was of Governor Carver's Family. (B)
• * 1.7

  One of these was a Son Born at Sea, and therefore named O••••nus (B)
• * 1.8

  Mr. Morton calls him Craxton.
• * 1.9

  Mr Morton seems to mistake in calling him Joses
• * 1.10

  Mr. Morton calls Him Digery.
• * 1.11

  Mr. Morton calls Him Bitteridge.
• * 1.12

  He was of Governor Winflow's Family. (B)
• * 1.13

  Mr. Morton seems to mistake in calling Him Doten.
• * 1.14

  They were of Mr. Hopkins's Family (B)
• * 1.15

  They were of Mr. Hopkins's Family (B)
• * 1.16

  Baylie's Disswasive from the Errors of the Times, Printed in 4to, London, 1645.
• * 1.17

  But Mr. Cotton, who was w••ll acquainted with Eld•••• B••ewster and t••e first Members of the Church at Plimout••▪ tells us,

  That by Prayer must not be understood the Com••mon Prayer Book, but of the Prayers conceived by t•••• Preacher before and after Sermon. (Way of Congr••••gational C••ur••••es cleared, in Answer to Baylie, &c. Printed in 4 to Londo••, 1648.)
• * 1.18

  Hornii His••••ria Ecclesias••ica & Politica.
• * 1.19

  Governor Winslow's Ground of Planting New Eng|land; at t••e End of his Answer to Gorton, Printed in 4t•• London, 1646.
• * 1.20

  By Private Communion, I suppose He means in Oppo••sition to the mix d Communion in the P••blick Chur|ches: i. e. He allowed all of the Church of England w••o were known to be Pious, to have Communion in his Private Church: For as Mr. Co••ton, writing of Mr. Robinson, says

  He separated not ••rom any C••urch, but from the ••orld.
• * 1.21

  Govornor Bradford, in a Manuscript Note in the Margi•• of Sir William Alexander's Description of New England▪ &c. Printed in 4to London, 1630, says, that

  Biencour•• ••ived at Port-Royal, when we came into the Country i•• 1620.

  By w••i••h it seems as if by Con••ivance of th•• Court of England, a small Planta••ion of the French 〈◊〉〈◊〉 suffered to continue at Port-Royal, after the Reduction b•• Capt Argal in 1613.
• * 1.22

  From a Manuscript Copy of the Charter it self in the Hands of the Honourable El••sha Cooke, Esq
• * 1.23

  Whether these were not Capt. Dermer's Compan•• mentioned after Iune 30 last Year.
• * 1.24

  Petavius.
• * 1.25

  Ri••iolius; who s••y March 31. But •• conclude they me••n N••w Styl••
• * 1.26

  Ri••iolius; who s••y March 31. But •• conclude they me••n N••w Styl••
• * 1.27

  The Printed Accounts generally spel Him— Massasoit, Governor Bradfo••d writes Him— Massasoyt and Massa••so••••t: But I find the ancient People from their Fathers in Plimouth Colony pronounce his Name Ma-sas-so-it.
• * 1.28

  Governor Brad••ord in 1645▪ observes, This League hath lasted this 24 Years. To which I may add, yea 30 Years longer, viz. to 16••5.
• * 1.29

  Sometimes called Sowams. and sometimes Pacanoki•• which I suppose is afterwards called Mount Hope; and since named Bristol.
• * 1.30

  Governor Bradford calls them Wheat and Pease; and says they came to no Good.
• * 1.31

  Mourt's Relation says, They set out Iune 10 But this being Lord's Day, is very unlikely, and is also inconsist|ent with the rest of the Journal: whereas Iuly 2 is Monday, when Governor Bradford says we sent &c; tho', to comport with the Rest of the Journal, I conclude that on Monday Iuly 2, they agreed to send, but set not out till the next Morning.
• * 1.32

  Mourt's Relation, and Purchas from it, places this on Iune 11. But this Date being inconsistent with several Hints in the foregoing and following Stories, I keep to Governor Bradford's original Manuscript, and Place it between the end of Iuly and the 13th of August.
• * 1.33

  Sometimes called Iyanough of Cummaquid, and some••••imes Iya••ough of Ma••aki••st; which seems to be the Country between Bar••st••bl•• and Yarmouth Harbo••••s.
• * 1.34

  Governor Bradford says nothing of this, nor of Ma••sassoit's being either seized or invaded by the Narra••gansetts.
• * 1.35

  The Relation Published by Mourt▪ with Smith and Purchas from it, call Him Coubatant, but Go••ernor Bradford plainly writes Him Corbitant; and Mort•••• follows Him
• * 1.36

  Taken from the LATIN PAT••NT in Purchas.
• * 1.37

  I suppose the s••m•• wi••h Corbi••ant.
• * 1.38

  I su••••ose the same as Obbatinua, who subscribed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Submission to King JAM••S on Sept. 13. last.
• * 1.39

  ••mith places this on Nov. 11; but Nov. 11 being L••r••'s Day, we discover hi•• Mis••••ke.
• * 1.40

  Gov. Brad••ord says, we Dispatched Her in 14 Days B••t Smith and Pur••ha•• saying she ••taid a Month, & M▪ E. W Dating his Letter by this Ship on Dec. 11▪ w•• m••y s••ppose Go•• B••••d••ord meant 14 Days from 〈◊〉〈◊〉 b••ing unl••den. Smi•••• & Pur••has say she was laden wit•• •• Hogsheads of Be••er Skins, Wainseot, W••lnut: an•• Pu••••••as says, som•• Saxaf••as.
• * 1.41

  1622.
• * 1.42

  This ••assacre was on March 22 last, (sm ps•• bein•• F••i••••y, 〈◊〉〈◊〉) and Smith and Purchas reckon up 347 Eng••l••••h People slain.
• * 1.43

  Smith and Purchas say there were 60 Passengers: Gov. Bradford says -about 60 s••out Men. But Morton mistakes in calling the Swan the Spar••ow: Smith & Purchas mistake in saying they come to Supply the Plantation▪ wherea•• they come from Mr. Weston to B••gin another▪ And as the Manuscript Letter tells us, They came upon noReligiousDesign, as did the Planters of Plimouth. (msl) so they were far from being Puritans.
• * 1.44

  Mr. Weston in a Letter owns, that Many of them are Rude and Profane Fellows: Mr Cushman in another writes. They are no M••n for us, and I fear they will hardly Deal so well with the Savages as they shou'd; I Pray yo•• therefore signify to Squanto, that they are a destinct Body from us, and we have nothing to do with them, nor must be blamed for their Faults, much less can warrant their Fide|lity: And Mr. Iohn Pierce in another writes—As for Mr. Weston's Company, they are so b••se in Condition for th•• most part, as in all Appearance not fit for an honest Mans Company; I wish they Prov•• otherwise. (B)
• * 1.45

  Mr. Winslow and Mr. Hubbard seem to mistake in thinking Capt. Iones was now bound for Virginia: and Mr. Morton, in thinking Mr. Porey was going Home in Mr. Weston's Ship, wherein his Men came [viz.—The Charity, which Mr. Winslow says sail'd for England at the end of S••pt or b. of October.] unless Mr. Por••y went in the C••a••ity from Plimouth to W••ssagusset, and there wrote his Letter of Aug. 28: and then both Mr Win|slow and Mr. Morton may be Right, but Governor Brad|ford mistaken in thinking He was going Home in I••ne••.
• * 1.46

  This seems to be about the latter End of October▪ for which Gov. Brad••ord seems to mist••ke in writing th•• latter End of September; when He ••••ys, 't••as aft••r Ha••••vest [i. e. Indian Harvest] th••t Mr. W••ste••'s P••ople b••••gan to perceive a Wan•• appro••ching▪ and wro••e to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 G••vern••r of Plimouth, to join in Trading for Corn, &••.
• * 1.47

  Gov. Bradford says, they get 26 or 28 Hogsheads of Corn and Beans in all, for both Plantations.
• * 1.48

  1623.
• * 1.49

  This is called Manomet Bay: tho' these new Comer•• seem ••o mistake it for Narraganset Bay, which is nea•• 20 Leagues to the W••stward.
• * 1.50

  This Creek runs out Easterly into Cape Cod Bay at Scus|set Harbour: and this River runs out Westerly into Mono|met Bay: the Distance over Land from Bay to Bay is but 6 Mil••s. the Creek and River nearly meet in a low Ground: and this is the Place thro' which there ha•• been a Talk of making a Canal, this 40 Years; which wou'd be a vast Advantage ••o all these Countries, by saving the long and dangerous Navigation round the Cape and thro the Shoals adjoining.
• * 1.51

  It seems as if the Captain went into Scussit Harb•••••• which goes up W••stward tow••rds Manomet.
• * 1.52

  Smith says, Sca•• a lusty Savage, &c. But Smith takin•• his History from this of Winslow's, I suspect the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mistook Scar for There in Smith's written Abridgme••••
• * 1.53

  Whither this was Succonest, since named Falmouth; or Seconet, since named Little-Compton, seems uncertain.
• * 1.54

  His Name was Phineas Prat (mn) & is living in 16••7 (H)
• * 1.55

  ☞
• * 1.56

  And so says Mr. Morton: Mr. Hubbard therefore seems to mistake in writing Ipswich Bay.
• * 1.57

  By this Company seems to be meant the Adventurers to Plimouth Colony.
• * 1.58

  Mr. M••rton mistaking Governor Bradford, wrongly plac'd this Droug••t in the preceeding Year: and Mr. Hubbard follows Mr. Morton's mistake.
• * 1.59

  Neither Governor Bradford nor Mr. Morton give any Hint of this third Repulse.
• * 1.60

  Governor Bradford and from HimMr. Morton, men|tioning Capt. West's sailing for Virginia, say, the Ann came in about 14 Days after: and Smith tells us the two Ships came in either the next Morning or not long after the Thanks••i••in••.
• * 1.61

  Smith says, under Capt. Altom; but either Smith or the Printer perhaps mistook the Name for Ald••n.
• * 1.62

  ☞
• * 1.63

  Gov Bradford's History reaches to the end of 1646
• * 1.64

  Sir F. Gorges says, His Son arrived at the Massachu••setts-Bay about the the beginning of Aug. and Mr. Hub••bard says in the end of Aug. But these seem unlikely; inasmuch as Mr. Winslow sailing from Plimouth on Sept. 10, for London, and There Printing an Account of N. E. to the very Day of his sailing, has not the least Hint of Capt. Gorges Arrival.
• * 1.65

  Smith says there were 7 Houses Burnt: But perhaps by mistake He may account therewith the 2 Burnt in 1621; and Mr. Hubbard seems to mistake in writing as if the Common House were Burnt, whereas the Fire was only right over against it, & greatly endanger'd it▪
• * 1.66

  1624.
• * 1.67

  He afterwards Dies of the Sickness at Bristol in Eng|land, in the Time of the Civil War. (B)
• * 1.68

  Echard's History of England.
• * 1.69

  Neal's History of the Puritans.
• * 1.70

  It is to be hoped that Squanto was converted.
• * 1.71

  From the said Deputy Governo••'s Original Table-Book written with a black Lead Pencil.
• * 1.72

  This Date I compute from the Article of August 22 following.
• * 1.73

  They have the Rev. Mr. Barnard their first Non•• conformist Minister, whoDies among them: But whether He comes before or after 1630, or when H•• Dies is ye•• unknown (msl) nor do I any where find the least Him of Him, but in the Manuscript Letter, taken from some of the oldest People at W••ymouth.
• * 1.74

  ☞
• * 1.75

  1625.
• * 1.76

  Howes Continuation of Stow's Annals.
• * 1.77

  Howes Continuation of Stow's Annals.
• * 1.78

  Mr. Benj Hubbard's Sermo Secularis.
• * 1.79

  Deputy Governor Dudley says there came 30 with Capt. Wollaston; in his Letter to the Countess of Lincoln, of March 28. 1631, Printed in 8 vo at Boston, 1696.
• * 1.80

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 this it seems as if the Rev. Mr. White and the Dorchester Gentlemen, had been impos'd upon with respect to Lyford and Oldham, and had sent Invitations to them before this Discovery. And as by many Pas|sages in Mr. Hubbard, it appears He had never seen Gov. Bradford's History; for want thereof he is sometimes in the Dark about the Affairs of Plimouth, and espe|cially those which relate to Lyford and Oldham, as also to Mr. Robinson.
• * 1.81

  Mr. Hubbard tells us, that Capt. Standish, who had been bred a Soldier in the Netherlands, arriving at Cape Ann, Demands the Stage in a peremptory Manner. And the others refusing, the Dispute grows hot, the Captain seems resolv'd to attack them and recover hisRight by Force of Arms: but thePrudence of Mr. Conant & the Interposition Mr. Wm Pierce who lay just by, pre|vents it; the Ship's Crew promising to help build ano|ther, ends the Controversy.
• * 1.82

  It seems most likely that Capt. Standish first went in the smaller Ship with the Furr, which at first was the only Ship bound for England; but after the Master of the greater Ship determin'd for England too, that the Captain got into Her, and so escaped the Slavery.
• * 1.83

  I gather this from Mr. Hubbard, who says that Mr▪ Conant and Lyford with their F••milies and those few who follow'd them, ••arried at Nantasket a Year & some few Months, till the Door was open'd for their Remove to Cape Ann.
• * 1.84

  ••626.
• * 1.85

  Contrary to Mr. Baylie's Suggestion, Gov. Bradfor•• and Gov. Winslow tell us, that Mr. ROBINSON & his People always liv'd in great Love and Harmony among thems••lves, as also with the Dutch with whom they sojour|ned. And when I was at Leyden in 1714, the most ancient P••ople from their Parents told me, that the City had such a Value for them, as to let them have one of their C••urches, in the Chan••el whereof He lies Buried, which th•• Engl••sh still enjoy: and that as He was had in high Esteem both by the City and University, for his Learn|ing, Piety, Moderation and excellent Accomplish|ments; the Magistrates, Ministers, Shollars, and mo•••• of the Gentry mourn'd his Death as a Publick Loss, and follow'd Him 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Grave. His Son ISAAC came over to Plimouth Colony, liv'd to above 90 Years of Age: a venerable Man, whom I have often seen, and ha•• left Male Posterity in the County of Ba••nslable.
• * 1.86

  Mr. Conant lives about Salem to 1680, when He deceases. (H)
• * 1.87

  It is by Guess I here insert this Article.— Because Mr. Hubbard says, The Capt. spent much Labour, Cost and Time in Planting at Mount Wallaston▪ (H) It seems most likely that He tried the Crop of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Summer: and the Aut••mn is the usual Time for t••e N. E. Fishing Ships to go to Virginia.
• * 1.88

  Though Gov. Brad••ord, and from Him Mr. Mort•••• place the ••hole Story under 162••; yet G••v 〈◊〉〈◊〉 says, This Part of it happen'd in the Begin••••••g of W••••|ter 1626.
• * 1.89

  1627.
• * 1.90

  Mr. Morton saying that de Rasier, not long after, comes to Plimouth; thence Mr. Hubbard mistakes in Thinking He comes this Year: whereas 'tis plain from Gov. Brad|ford, that he comes not Hither till the Year succeeding.
• * 1.91

  By Gues•• I also place this Here;—because of the Goods they had gotten of the European Ships, and the May-Pole now erected▪ which I suppose is the only one ever set up in New England.
• * 1.92

  I Place this in May and Iune; because in the Ar|ticle of Iuly following, this Pinnace is said to be lately Built at MONAMET.
• * 1.93

  Howes.
• * 1.94

  Continuation of Baker's Chronicle.
• * 1.95

  Rushworth.
• * 1.96

  Howes.
• * 1.97

  Howes.
• * 1.98

  Continuation of Baker's Chronicle.
• * 1.99

  Rushworth.
• * 1.100

  Howes.
• * 1.101

  Rushworth.
• * 1.102

  Continuation of Baker's Chronicle.
• * 1.103

  Rushworth.
• * 1.104

  Deputy Governor Dud••••y's aforesaid Letter to the Countess of L••ncoln
• * 1.105

  1628.
• * 1.106

  Manuscript Book of Charters in the Hands of the Hon. Thomas Hutchinson, Esq
• * 1.107

  Manuscript Book of Charters in the Hands of the Hon. Thomas Hutchinson, Esq
• * 1.108

  By the Massachusetts Colony Charter and Records, it seems the three former wholly sold their Rights; the t••r••e latter retaining theirs in eq••••l Par••nership with the s••id Associates.
• * 1.109

  By KING seems to be meant K. Iames: And the Massachusetts Colony Records of Iuly 28, 1629, as also Mr. Hubbard say, this Proclamation was issued in 1622.
• * 1.110

  The Bills of Lading being Sign'd on Iune 20 (Mcr) I Place their Sailing Here. But from the odd Way of reckoning the 4th of March next, to be in 1628; Dep. Governor Dudl••y, Mr. Hubbard and others wrongly place Mr. Endicot's Voyage, after the Grant of the Roy|al Charter, whereas He came above 8 Months before. And Dep Governor Dudley says, We sent Him and some with Him, to Begin a Plantation; and to s••r••ngthen such as He should find Here, which we send Thither from Dor|chester and some Places adjoining.
• * 1.111

  Mr. Crado••k's Original Letter among the Mcr compar'd with the Copies of Letters in the first Book of Record•• of the County of Suffolk.
• * 1.112

  Town of Charlestown Records; wrote by Mr. Increase Nowell, afterward Town Clerk of Charlestown and Secre|tary of the Massachusetts Colony.
• * 1.113

  Governor Bradford and Mr. Morton seem to mistake in saying, He came with a Patent under the Broad Seal for the Government of the Massachusetts.
• * 1.114

  Gov. Bradford, and Mr. Morton from Him, seem to mistake in blending the s••veral Sicknesses at Naumkeak of 1628 and 29 together; and writing a•• if Dr. Fuller went first Thither to help in the Sickness introduc'd by the Ships in 29: whereas by Gov. Endicot'•• Letter of May 11, 1629, it appears that Dr Full••r had been t••en to help them; which was abo••e a Month be|fore the Ships Arrival There in 29.
• * 1.115

  1629.
• * 1.116

  This is the first Account of Na••es s••t down at their Meetings, in the Mcr. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Governor i•• doubt••ess m••an•• Mr. Cradock; and by Dep. G••••ernor, Mr. G••ff: who seem to be chose to those Office•• by Vi••tue of their Pa••tent from the New England C••••••cil.
• * 1.117

  The Chronologies at the End of Mr. Danforth's Al|manack Printed at Camb••idge, N••w England, 1649: of Mr. I••ss••y's at London, 1651; and of Mr. Foster's at Boston, New England, 16••6; all greatly mistaken, in representing this Charter to be granted by Parliament.
• * 1.118

  Mr. Hubbard mistakes (1) in thinking Mr Cradock now chos••n Governor, (2) in omitting Mr. Nowell a|mong the 11 Assistants sworn, and (3) in writing that Mr. Harwood is sworn Treasurer on April 6.
• * 1.119

  Mr Iohn Davenport first time mention'd as Present a•• this Meeting: He is also at the Meetings of March 30▪ April 8, Aug. 28 & 29, Oct 15, 19 and 20, Nov. 25, and Dec. 15 following: In that of Oct. 20, He is stiled Clerk, and of Dec. 15, Minister (Mcr) By which I con••clude He is the same who afterwards comes over and becomes the famous Minister both of New Haven and of Boston in NEW ENGLAND.
• * 1.120

  Mr. Hubbard happens by mistake to call him Iohn.
• * 1.121

  Dep. Governor Dudley therefore seems too short in saying about 300 People, with some Cows, Goats and Horse••. (dd)
• * 1.122

  Suffolk County Records.
• * 1.123

  By this it appears, Mr BRIGHT was a Puritan; and Mr. Hubbard seems mistaken in supposing Him a Confor••mist, unless He means in the same Sense as were many Puritans in those Days; who by particular Favour omitted the more offensive Ceremonies and Parts in the Common Prayer; while for the Unity and Peace of the Church, and in Hopes of •• farther Reformation, they used the other.
• * 1.124

  Suffolk County Records.
• * 1.125

  Mr. Hubbard mistakes April 10 for April 30.
• * 1.126

  Po••••ter mistakes in saying March 20: and Salmon in saving May 20.
• * 1.127

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cotton Mather's Life of Mr. Higginson.
• * 1.128

  Mr. Hubbard mistakes in thinking this Letter wrote to obtain the Doctor's Help; when it plainly appears a Letter of Thanks for his Help received.
• * 1.129

  Mr. Hubbard styles This the second Court of Election; when by the Royal Charter, it is the first: tho' by Virtue of the former Patent from the New England Council, i•• seems the Company had chosen a Gov. &c the Y••ar before▪
• * 1.130

  Mr. Hubbard mistakes in placing this on May 13
• * 1.131

  The Charlestown Records Here mistake in placing thi•• in 1628; for Mr. Graves comes not over till Iun•• 1629 (Mcr) And as by Dep. Governor Dudley's Letter, there was a great Mortality among the Engilsh at the M••ssac••usetts Colony, in the Winter 1629, 30; so by Capt Clap's Acco••nt, there was but one House and some few English at Charl••stown in Iune succeeding.
• * 1.132

  This Article is no where ••ound, but in a Letter from Mr. Charles Gott, Dated, Salem, July 30▪ 1629, and pre|served in Gov. Bradford: and it bring wrote between Iuly 20 and Aug. 6, must be an undoubted Record of past Matter of Fact on Iuly 20.
• * 1.133

  Mr. Hubbard mistakes the 9th for the 6th of Aug.
• * 1.134

  As Mr. Sk••lton and Higginson had been Mini|ster•• Ord••ined by Bishops in the Church of England; t••is Ordination was only to the Care of this Particular Flock, founded on their free Election. But as there seem•• to be a repeated Imposition of Hands; the Former on Iuly 2••, may only signify their previous Separation ••or their solemn Charge; and this Latter of Aug. 6, th••i•• actual In••estiture therein
• * 1.135

  Thus Houses of Publick Worship are also called Chur|ches in the Record of Feb. 10 succeeding. (Mcr)
• * 1.136

  Mr. Dudley and Winthrop the first time mentioned at this Meeting: (Mcr) and Mr. Dudley says, that Mr. Winthrop of Suffolk, well known for his Piety, Liber••lity, Wisdom and Gravity, coming in to us, we come to such Resolution as to sail from England in Apr. 1630. (dd)
• * 1.137

  Mr Davenport, Mr. White the Preacher, Mr. White the Couns••llor, Mr. Winthrop, Dudley, &c. present ••t this Meeting (Mcr)
• * 1.138

  Mr. White and Davenport are Present, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cl••rk•• in the List of Members (Mcr)
• * 1.139

  ☞
• * 1.140

  〈…〉〈…〉 being uncertain from what 〈…〉〈…〉 rather adhere to their Combina•••••••••• 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.141

  1630.
• * 1.142

  Mr. Hubbard says that in 1629 [i. ••. according to th•• odd Account, but in the Iulian Year, 1630] the Plimouth People obtain another PAT••NT by the Earl of Warwi•••• and Sir F. Gorges Act; and a GRANT from the King for the Confirmation thereof, to make them a Corporation in as ample Manner as the Massachusetts. (H) Now This is t••e Patent; but the King's Grant miscarries. Deput•• Go••••rnor Du••l••y also mist••kes in t••inking the Plimouth Peo••le had ob••••ined succes••i••e Pa••en•••• from King 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and C••arles; their Pat••••ts being only from the Council for NEW 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.143

  This is their 〈…〉〈…〉 Court in England (Mcr)
• * 1.144

  Dep Governor 〈…〉〈…〉, that •• Ship sail'd in Feb [which I 〈…〉〈…〉 from Brist••l tha•• another sail'd in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 which I conc••ude is Capt. Squ••l. from Plimout•• th••t 4 〈…〉〈…〉, 8 in M••y, 1 in Iune▪ and 1 in 〈…〉〈…〉 Private 〈…〉〈…〉 in all (dd) 〈…〉〈…〉 seem to be meant by Howes.
• * 1.145

  The latter End of 1629 according to the odd way of Reckoning is the Beginning of 16•••• in the Iulian Year: And by Capt. Clap's Account; thi•• Transaction seems but just before their New England Voyage, & preparatory to it.
• * 1.146

  Capt. Rog••r Clap's Memoir•• in Manuscript.
• * 1.147

  These had also been o••dained Ministers by Bishops in the Church of En••land: and they are now only s••p••rated to the s••ecial C••re of thi•• People.
• * 1.148

  He was a Person of Note in the first Settlement (msl) and I conclude is the same who was chos••n Assistant. Apr. 20. and Oct. 20. 1629. But whether chosen Rul|ing Elder at the same Time with Mr. Houghton, or after his Decease seems uncertain.
• * 1.149

  Mr. Hubbard is mistaken in supposing these not chosen till March 23.
• * 1.150

  I suppose they took the Hint from the like Advan|tage given in the Massachusetts Colony Charter.
• * 1.151

  Dep. Governor Dudley telling of a S••ip that sail'd from England for NEW ENGLAND in F••b 1629, 30. It seems to be this Capt. Wm. Pierce with Mr. Allerton, Ashley, &c▪ But Gov▪ Bradford beginning 16••0 on the 25 of March, draws all thisAccount of the Charter, Allerton, Ashley, &c. into 1629.
• * 1.152

  This is the last Record of the Massachusetts Company in England.
• * 1.153

  Io••••son says this was the Eagle, now nam'd Arbella in Honour of the Lady Arbella, Wife to that piousGen|tleman Isaac Iohns••••, Esq and the Massachusetts Colony Records say, she was of 400 Tuns.
• * 1.154

  Iohnson writes but of 4 Men of War of Dunkirk who were said to lie in wait for their sailing; and but of 4 S••ips that now appeared to pursue 'em. But as Hubbard writes of 10 Ships at Dunkirk; so by his Account there seem to be 7 now bearing towards them▪
• * 1.155

  It seems strange that Dep. Governor Dudley shou'd not only be wholly silent in this Article, but a••so write of no more than 4 S••••ps sailing in April, & of the next 8 in May: But in Mr. Iohnson & Hu••bard we have two Witnesses.
• * 1.156

  This Account is no where found but in Charlestown Records: and tho' they place this History in April and May 1629; yet inasmuch as Mr. Graves comes not thither till Iuly 1629, I therefore place it in the April and May succeeding.
• * 1.157

  I Place his Arrival at this Time (1) Because Mr. Hubbard says He arrived in Salem-Harbour some Days before Iune 12. (2) Because this seems to be the same Ship mention'd under March 8 last, which Gov. Brad|ford says arrives the latter End of May; and I suppose He had now Landed Ashley at Penobscut.
• * 1.158

  By this Means Dorchester becomes the first settled Church and Town in the County of Suffolk: and in all Military Musters or Civil Assemblies where Dignity is regarded, us'd to have the Precedency (msl) and by this it appears that Iohnson and others are mistaken, who place the beginning of Dorchester Church and Town in 1631. But the Manuscript Letter is mistaken in sup|posing that this People remov'd to Matapan in the be|ginning of Iune.
• * 1.159

  Iohnson mistakes in saying Iuly 12, instead of Iune 12 and several Manuscript Letters mistake Iuly for Iune.
• * 1.160

  Mr. Hubbard also mentions Mr. W. Vassal: But tho' one of the Patentees and Assistants this Year, yet neither in all the Lists of the Courts nor any where els•• in the Massachusetts Colony Records, can I find hi•• Name mentioned after their Departure from England.
• * 1.161

  Fuller's Printer wrongly places this indeed under 1535: But Keeble and Burnet assure us it was in 1536.
• * 1.162

  The Letter is intire in Fox and Fuller.
• * 1.163

  See Slow and Burnet.
• * 1.164

  Treatise of the Troubles at Francfort.
• * 1.165

  Treatise of the Troubles at Francfort.
• * 1.166

  Fuller.
• * 1.167

  I call 'em all Independent Churches: For tho' their Historians give them not this Title, yet they were plainly such in Reality.
• * 1.168

  See Burnet, Vol. III, and Strype, Vol. I, under 1559 and 1560.
• * 1.169

  In Burnet and Strype we find that Mr. Alexander Nowel, that famous Puritan and Dean of St. Paul's, London, was chosen and approved PROLOCUTOR of the Lower House: But Burnet mistakes Ian. 13 for Ian. 12.
• * 1.170

  And yet the Act of Parliament confirms not al the Articles, but those which only concern the Con••ession o•• the true Christian Faith and the Doctrine of the Sacraments: the very Words of the Act in K••eble.
• * 1.171

  Tho' Strype says 33, He gives the Na••es of but 32
• * 1.172

  i. e. K. Edward's 33d, but Q Eliza••••th'•• 34••••▪
• * 1.173

  A Proxy is a Power of Voting for an absent Person.
• * 1.174

  Ke••ble.
• * 1.175

  Cambden numbers but 14 Bishops, and yet gives the Names of 15.
• * 1.176

  Burnet had call'd them some old RITES her Father had Retained: [which were C••ucifix••s. Lights, &c.] But Eachard gives them the finer Name of Ornaments.
• * 1.177

  By the Oath Ex Officio, the Swearers were oblig'd on Oath before the Ecclesiastical Courts, to answer every Question proposed, both against themselves and others, or go to Prison.
• * 1.178

  Such as the Earl of Leicester, Sir Francis Knollis, Se|cretary Walsingham and others. (See Strype & Fuller.)
• * 1.179

  A Bp Bancroft, in his Dangerous Positions; and William Cowell, D. D. a Writer against the Puritans, in his Ex|amination &c. Printed 4to, London, in 1604.
• * 1.180

  I rather more precisely follow Grindal's Latin, than Burnet's more loose Translation.
• * 1.181

  In his Counterpoyson, or Reply to Sprint, Barnard and Crawshaw. Printed Quarto 1608.
• * 1.182

  viz. That Edition of Baker's Chronicle, Printed in 1660.
• * 1.183

  I suppose this was at the Place whence the Dorchester People were ordered to remove.
• * 1.184

  By Mr. Wilson's Yearly Allowance out of the Pub|lick Treasury Beginning on Iuly 10, (Mcr) It seems as if on that Day, the Fleet arriv'd at Charlstown: and Iohnson, saying that

  Iuly 12, or thereabouts [this Peo|ple] first set foot on this Western End of the World; where arriving in Safety, Men Women and Children. On the North side of Charles River they Landed near Nod|del's Island.

  By this Western End of the World, He may mean at Charlstown: But if He meant at Salem, He should have said Iune 12.
• * 1.185

  By these Twelve Ships seem to be meant (1) The Mary and Iohn. (2) Arbella. (3) Iewell (4) Ambrose. (5) May flower. (6) Whale. (7) Talbot (8) William and Francis. (9) Tryal. (10) Charles. (11) Su••cess. (12) Hopewell. ••or the Lyon brought other People for Plymouth, or came on the Penobscut Business. But the Charlstown Records unaccountably mistake in placing all this History in 1629.
• * 1.186

  Whether he means the few People at Mount Wollas+ton, Weymouth and Nantasket, seems uncertain.
• * 1.187

  I suppose th••se three Places are Charlestown, Dorcheste•• and Sal••m
• * 1.188

  I suppose this should be Coddington; and by Boston I conclude He meant Boston in England; for Boston in New England seems not yet to be named. And as by this only Passage of a L••tter in Gov. Bradford's Mss History we find that the Rev. & famous Mr Cotton went from Boston in Lincol••sh••re to take his Leave of his departin•• Friends at South-Hampton; so by this we find he had better Ideas of the Plimouth People than had been re••presented by their Enemies: and perhaps the Letter•• from Mr. Endicot and others of Sal••m, might have give•• that Great and Learned Man with others in England a different and more agreable Apprehension of 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.189

  Iohnson says, Mr. WINTHROP was then chose Go|vernor, and Mr. DUDLEY Deputy Governor for the Re|m••inder of the Year [which seems unlikely, having be••n chose before in England.]
• * 1.190

  Mr. Morton says He Died about the same time of the Year after his Ordination, in August: Dr C Mather says, in August, and Mr. Hubbard on Aug. 6. But Dep. Governor Dudley writing about the same Time; I chuse to mention it in the same manner.
• * 1.191

  In his Chronological Articles at the End of his Alma|nacks, Printed in 1647 & 1649.
• * 1.192

  Gov. Bradford adding this immediately after the Ar|ticle of Aug: 2. It seems uncertain whether by Here He meant the Plimouth or Boston-Church: tho' I am apt to think the Latter.