A relation of the troubles which have hapned in New-England, by reason of the Indians there. From the year 1614 to the year 1675. : Wherein the frequent conspiracyes of the Indians to cutt off the English, and the wonderfull providence of God, in disappointing their devices, is declared. : Together with an historical discourse concerning the prevalency of prayer; shewing that New Englands late deliverance from the rage of the heathen is an eminent answer of prayer. / By Increase Mather teacher of a church in Boston in New-England. ; [Nine lines of quotations]

A RELATION OF THE FIRST TROUBLES IN New-England By reason of the INDANS there

IT is now above seventy years, since that Part of this Continent which is known by the name of NEW-ENGLAND, was disco|vered, and possession thereof taken by the English. No man that hath made it his Concern to be acquainted with things of this na|ture can be ignorant, that the Northern, (or to us Northeast) parts of this Land were the first wherein were English Inhabitants; whence it was for some years known by the name of the Northern Planta|tion, until such time as King Charles the first (then Prince of Wales) gave it the name of New-England.

For in Anno 1602. and in the year following, some of our Countrey|men made notable discoveryes in that Land which lyeth North and by east of Virginia, between the degrees of 43▪ & 45. Northern Latitude.

Four or five years after this that noble Lord, Sr. John Popham (then Lord chief Justice) sent ou•• a ship into these parts to make further disco|very, who arriving at the place designed, quickly returned, and made such a report of what they had seen, ••s did greatly animate the Adventurers to go on with their begun undertaking; whereupon in Anno 1607. A Gen|tleman

whose name was Popham was sent into these Coasts, with two ships and an hundred Land-men, and Ordnance, and other things necessary for their sustentation and defence, in order to the making way for the settle|ment of a F••antation. But that noble Lord being taken out of the world by sudden death, also the Planters here meeting with ••ad disasters (for in the depth of winter, their lodgings and stores were burnt, and Capt. Pop|hom dyed amongst them) when the next year a vessel arrived bringing the news of the Lord Pophom's death, the whole company of the English re|solved upon a return home, which proved the death of the English Plan|tation, at that time designed in these parts of the world. Only Sr. ••r. Popham (son to the Lord chief Justice) sent diverse time▪ to those coasts for trade and Fishing.

As yet there was not (so far as I can learn) any disturbance from the In|dians, then the only Natives of this Land. But not long after this, an un|worthy Ship-Master whose name was Hunt, being sent forth into these Coasts on the account of the Fishing trade, after he had made his dispatch and was ready to sail, (under pretence of trucking with them) enticed In|dians into his vessel, they in confidence of his honesty went aboard, to the number of twenty from Patu••••••, since called Plimouth, and seven from Nosset (now known by the name of Es••••am) these did this Hunt seize upon, stowed them under hatches, and carried them to the streights of G••bral|tar, and there did he sell as many as he could of them for 20l. a man, un|till it was known whence they came; for then the Friars in those parts took away the rest of them, that so they might nurture them in the Popish Re|ligion. The pernicious and avaritious ••elony of this Ship-Master, in stealing and selling the Indians to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, as hath been expressed, laid the foundation to great troubles which did after that befall the En|glish, especially in the North-east parts of this Land. Yea that inhu|mane and barbarous Fact was the unhappy occasion of the loss of many a mans estate and life, which the Barbarians in those beginning times did from thence seek to destroy.

For when the Gentlemen Adventurers did again dispatch a vessel hither commanded by Capt. Hobson in order to erecting a Plantation and setling a Trade with the Natives here, Hunt's forementioned scandal, had caused the Indians to contract such a mortal hatred against all men of the English Nation, that it was no small difficulty to settle any where within their Ter|ritoryes, And whereas there were two Indians called Epenow and Ma|naw••••, who having been carried out of these parts of the world into Eng|land. had learned to speak English, that were returned in Hobsons vessel, as hoping they might be serviceable toward the design on foot, it

fell out otherwise, since being exa••perated by what Hunt had done, they contrived with their Country-men how to be revenged upon the English. Mana••et dyed within a short time after the ships arrival. Epenow se|cretly plotted to free himself out of the English hands, which he effected though with great hazard to himself and other Salvages that were his fel|low Conspirators, which came to pa••s after this manner.

Upon the Ships arrival, many of the Indians (some of them being Epe|nows kinsmen) came aboard and were kindly entertained by the Captain; at their departure they promised to return the next day, and bring some Trade with them. Epenow had not liberty granted him to go on shear, only much discourse (and probably a contrivement for his escape) was be|tween him and the other Indians in the vessel, which no body but them|selves could understand. The Indians returned at the time appointed with twenty Canoos, but were shy of coming aboard. Epenow cunningly called to them as if if he would have them come into the vessel, to trade, and suddenly did himself leap overboard: He was no sooner in the wa|ter, but me Indians sent a shower of arrows into the vessel, and came des|perately near to the ship, and (in despight of all the English Musketiers aboard) went away with their Country-man Epenow.

Diverse of the Indians were then ••••a••n by the English, and the Master of the English vessel, and several of the Company wounded by the Indians.

Hereupon the Captain and the whole company were discouraged, and returned to England, bringing nothing back with them but the news of their ••ad success, and that there was a War broke out between the En|glish and the Indians. The time when these troubles hapned, is contro|verted more then the things themselves. Johannes de Laet in his descrip|tion India Occidentalis, writeth that it was between the years 1608 & 1615 So doth Pur••hase. Sr. Ferdinando Gorges relates that he sent Capt. Hob|son into these parts in Anno 1614, and what Hunt did was before that, as being the Grand procuring Cause of the Broyle between the English and the Indians, which first began in that year.

After these things another vessel was sent into these Northern parts un|der the Command of Capt. Rocraft, he designed to winter there, but some of his own ships Company conspired against him, intending his death, he having secret intelligence of this plot against his life, held his peace un|till the day was come wherein the intended mischief was to be put in exe|cution, then unexpectedly apprehended the Conspirators; he was loth himself to put any to death, though they were worthy of it. But there|fore he resolved to leave them in the Wilderness, not knowing but they might haply discover something which might be advantageous.

Accordingly he furnished them with ammunition, and some victuals for their present subsistence, and turned them ashore to Sacode••••ck,himself with the rest of his Company departing to Virginia. Those English Mu|tineers got over to the Island of Mo••heg••n,three leagues from the Main, where they kept themselve•• safe from the Fury of exasperated Indians, un|til the next Spring, when a vessel that came on the Coast on a Fishing voy|age, ••ound them all (except one person that died of sickness in this inter••m) alive, and carried them away back for England.

Not many years after this, viz. in Anno.1619 a Gentleman whose name was Darmer was sent to prosecute the design of plan••ing and setling a Trade in New-England, and to endeavour that a right understanding of matters between the Indians and the English might be accomplished.

He therefore brought with him an Indian called Squantum, who was one of those that Hunt had treacherously carried away from Patuxet, but was bought by an English Merchant, and lived some time with Mr. Slany a Gentleman in Cornhil, until he could speak broken English, and after that at New found-land, where Capt. M••••son was then Governour, who was willing that Mr. Da••m••r should take Squantum with him to New-England. Upon his arrival here, he told his Countreymen very strange storyes, giving them to understand what kind usage he had met with a|mong the English where he had been, and how much the wicked Fact of that covetous Hunt was condemned, so that many of them began to con|verse with, and become friendly toward the English, and Mr. Darmer conceited that he and S••uantum had made a firm peace between the Na|tions. But, manet alta m••nte repostum—Indians are not wont to forget injuries, when once they have sustained any: so did that Gentleman find it to his after sorrow: For being near the place where Hunt had for|merly betrayed the Indians abcard his vessel, they treacherously set upon him, and gave him fourteen wounds, so that he had much adoe to escape with his life, And though he got to Virginia after this, some write that he never recovered of those wounds which he received o•• the Nausi•• Indians. And Epenow (before mentioned) was the cause o•• Capt. Dar••ers being so assaulted, whom he hapned to meet with at his first landing in that place: The Indian being able to speak English, reported to Capt. D••••mer the story of his escape out of Capt. Hobsons vessel, laughing heartily at the conceit of it. The Captain told him that Sr. Ferdinando Gorges was much troubled that he should meet with such ill usage as to put him upon a temptation to steal away. This Salvage after some enquiries 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sr. Ferdinando (and his Family) with whom he had sometimes lived in Eng|land, belike suspecting that Captain Darmer had a purpose to surprize

him, he conspi••ed with some of his Follows to take the Captain, and said hands on him, who did with his sword manfully defend himself against those barbarous and treacherous Assa••lan••s. What other particular mis|chiefs were done by the Northern In••••••ns (or others) about this time, I cannot lear•••• Only Capt. Smith writeth that he met with many of their silly Excounte••punc; (as he cals them) but without any hurt. Also, a little before the first planters in Plymouth Colony arrived in this land, three En|glishmen belonging to Sr. Ferdinando Gorges, were killed by these salva|ges, and two more narrowly escaped with their lives. And thus far vice have a Cold account of the design respecting the advancement of a plan|tation in the Northern parts of New-England.

In Anno 1620. A company of Christians belonging to the Northern parts of England, who proposed not so much worldly as spiritual ends in their undertaking, ayming at the Conversion of the Indians, and the esta|blishment of the worship of God in purity, did therefore transport them|selves and familyes into this Howling wilderness. The first land they made was that of C••p•• Co••, Novemb. 9. where they came to an Anchor, and went on shore, Novemb. 11. Perceiving the In••••mmodiousness of that place for planting, they resolved to seek out, for another that might be more accommodate. But their Shallop not being in trimm to be sent out upon discovery, some were desirous to improve the time, in making what searches they could upon the land thereabout.

Novemb. 5. Sixteen men well armed were set on shore under the conduct of Capt. Miles Standish. After they had gone about a mile near the shoar, they descryed five or six Indians, who like wild creatures ran away from them at the first sight, they followed them by the trace of their footings, about ten miles, til night came on, but could not come to any speech with them.

At last they met with a kettle, wherein was Indian corn, which after much consultation they seized upon, resolving that if they could come to speak with Indians, they would return them their Kettel, and give them full satisfaction for their corn, which they intended for planting, not knowing how else to be supplyed. So did they return the next day, but lost themselves awhile in the woods, and as they were wandring up & down, they hap••ed to espy a small tree that was bowed down, and some Acorns strewed underneath, whilst they were viewing of it, and wonder|ing what it should mean, it gave a sudden jerk, whereby one of the Com|pany was caught up by the leg, it being an Indian Deer-trap; the rest loos|ed him, and at last they found their way to the ship again.

After this, their Shallop being fitted for the purpose, they went a coast|ing

upon discovery, but of some dayes could meet with no Indians. Al|beit they found old deserted Indian Forts, and more of their corn and baskets, and a bottle of oyle which doubtless some how was brought out of Europe.

About the tenth of December, they discerned the track of Indian feet upon the sand, and followed it, till they perceived where it struck up in|to the woods, at last they light upon an Indian path, which led them a great way up into the woods, and saw where there had been corn planted, and found Indian gra••es &c. but no man appeared.

So they returned to their Shallop, and some watching, others betook themselves to their rest. But in the night they were alarmed by the Sen|tinels crying Arm, Arm, supposing Indians to be near them. They heard a most hideous howling, but one in the Company perswaded the rest, that it was the noyse of wolves and Foxes, which used (as he said) to make such a noise in New found•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 where he had been, two gunns were shot off, at which the noise ceased.

But betimes in the morning, on a sudden they heard the same voices a|gain, and one of the company cryed Indians▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and immediate|ly arrowes came pouring in upon them. This barbarous 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was amazing to the English, but that which did most of all terrine was the hor|rid cry of those Salvages, whose note was after this manner, Woach woach ha ha ••och woach. A stout Indian who was thought to be their Captain, standing behind a tree let fly his arrows apace, and stood three shotts of a musket, untill one took full aim at him, and (as tis supposed sorely wounded him, upon which he gave an extraordinary shriek, and went a|way, and all the other Indians fled with him. Providence so ordered, as that none of the English received any hurt, though afterwards they ga|thered up eighteen arrows, (and many more were shot at them) some whereof were headed with brass, others with Harts-horn, others with Eagles Claws, and sundry of the English had their coats shot through & through.

Decemb. 19. The English-landed and resolved to endeavour the setling of a plantation, at that place which is now called Plymouth. No indians there as yet appeared to give them any disturbance: Yea though some were sent out to seek after them, they could find none.

There were not many dayes after this, two Englishmen who being by the side of a pond, hapned to see a Deer, and having Dogs with them, they pursued the Deer until such time as they lost themselves in the woods, where they were forced to lodge that night, and were terrified with the yelling (as it seemed to 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 of two Lions, who roared exceedingly, and

a third that they thought was very neer them: they betook themselves to a tree, purposing if the Lions should come, to climb that for their securi|ty; but they saw none. The next day they perceived that Indians had made fires thereabouts, but it was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 they met not with any until they came home, being than unarmed and not fit for encounter with such Ene|mies.

Now it was that a special providence of another nature hapned: For the English having built an house in Plimouth, a spark of fire flying into the thatch, it was instantly burnt down: Mr. Carver and Mr. Bradford were then sick, yet if they had not risen with good speed, they had been blown up with powder. The house was full of beds as they could lye one by another, and their muskets charged, yet (through the good pro|vidence of God, no hurt done.

Febr. 16. An English-man that was gone forth upon a fowling design, espyed twelve Indians marching toward the English plantation, and heard the noise of many more not far off, he lay close untill they were gone by, and then with all speed returned home and gave the alarm, but no Indians followed, only they took away the tools of those English, that had been at work in the woods.

The next day two Indians presented themselves on the top of an hill; two English went out to parly with them, but they ran away, and the noise of a multitude of them was heard on the other side of the hill.

In the beginning of March an Indian called Samoset came boldly a|long the houses, which were newly built in Plimouth and to their great a|mazement, spake to them in English, saying, Welcome Englishmen; This In|dian was a Sagamore belonging to the Northern parts, about Monhiggen, where he had often conversed with English Fishermen, and had learned to speak broken English; Hee was the first Indian that they of Plymouth had opportunity to discourse with. Hee could tel them of the Huggery (as he called it) i. e. Fight, which the English had with the Nausset Indians; and that the name of that place was called Patuxe••▪ where a multitude of In|dians had formerly lived, but they were all dead of the plague which had been there a few years before the English came. This Samoset within a few dayes after his departure returned again, and brought Squantum (whom that wicked Hunt had stolen away and sold for a slave) along with him; which Squantum was born in that place. Sam••••••t and Squ••ntum made it their business to bring the English into acquaintance with the next neigh|bouring Indians: wherefore they undertook to bring M••ssas•••• (〈◊〉〈◊〉 •• to that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 who began the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with the English 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 24. 1075) to ••eat with the English at Plymouth.

Accordingly, March 22. Massasoit with his brother Quadeguina came accompanied with about sixty of his men; and an agreement of peace be|tween the English and Indians was then concluded on. This peace was in more respects then one singularly advantagious to the English, whilst they were thus but few in number, and strangers in this land.

And as for the reasons inducing Massa••o•••• to this accord with the En|glish, there were several things that prevailed with him thereunto; For Squantum had told him what a great Prince King James was, and how well he would take it if his Subjects were kindly entertained, and how ill if otherwise, and how easy it was for him to send over ships and men e|nough to destroy Massasoit and all his people. At that time also there was enmity between Massasoit, and the Narragansets, so that he hoped the English might be a defence to him against them. Thus did the feud which was kindled amongst the Indians one against another, advantage the poor Church in Plymouth. Sic Canes lingunt ulcera Lazari. Moreover the consideration of the Guns, and other warlike Weapons, which ours brought with them, was terrible to the Indians, yet they had more formidable apprehensions thereof, then there was real cause for: They imagined that the English could by their great Guns cause the trees to fall down and kill the Indians. Furthermore Squantum did wickedly possess them with one delusion about the English, which had dismal ••m|pressions upon the minds of these ignorant Barbarians; For whereas the plague (a disease which was never known in this land either before or since) had newly been raging amongst them, whereby many of their towns were totally depopulated, and desolated: he made them beleive that the English kept the pla••ue in a place under ground, and that they could let it loose upon the Indians when they would. An Indian called Hob|bom••ck being one of Massaso••••s Counsellors, observing in one of the Eng|lish houses a kind of a Cellar, where some barrels of powder were be|stowed, enquired of Squantum what that was, To whom he replyed, that there the English kept the plague that he told them of, which they could let loose upon Indians at pleasure. When this Hobbomock became acquainted with the English, he seriously asked them whether they had any such power, they answered him truly that they had not, but withall added that the God whom they served had power to send that or any o|ther disease upon those that should doe any wrong to his people. The Consideration of that also, was▪ some terror to the Indians.

In the Moneth of June 10 〈◊〉〈◊〉. The English sent Messengers with a Pre|sent to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at 〈◊〉〈◊〉, By the way they were accos••••d with seve|ral of the Indians, who having them at an Advantage as they passed

through a River, were ready to shoot at them: Only having Indian Guides and Interpreters in their Company, who gave them to under|stand that they were friends, no hurt was done. Being come to Massa|s••it, they presented him with a red Cotton Coat, whereon was some Lace, this he accepted with great thankfulness, and having put it on (saith my Author) He was not a little proud to behold himselfe, and his men also to behold their King so bravely attired. He then promised to continue in amity with the English, and to take care that his men should not be Injurious.

About this time it was that an English lad (one John Billington) lost himselfe in the woods, living five days upon Berries untill he fel into the hands of the Indians. Some were (upon Massasoits Information) sent to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to seek after him, when they came thither the Indians flocked together, many not having seen Englishmen before: Amongst others there was an old woman, judged to be an hundred years old, who when she saw the English fel into an extream passion of bitter wee ping, the reason whereof being demanded, answer was made, that she had three sons once living in that place, but they were all stolen away by that Hunt (before mentioned) and now she had no more left to re|leeve her in her old age: The English were much grieved to see the poor Creature in such a passion, but telling her that it was only one wicked man who did that Fact, and that they abhorred it, and withal giving her some trifles, she was satisfied. In fine the English lad was brought al bed••cked with Pea••, and the Sachim of that place (called Aspinet) made peace with the English.

Now it was, that an Indian called Coubatant (who, though a petty Sachim under Massasoit, secretly conspired with the Narragansets a|gainst his Master) occasioned some disturbance, seeking to destroy those Indians that were friends to the English, especially H••bbomock & Squantum, saying if these were dead the English had lost their tongue, watching his advantage at a time when those Indians were at Nanasket Co••••atant took Squa••tum prisoner, and held a knife at Hobbom••c••s breast, who brake from him, and gave the English at Plymouth to un|derstand what had hapned; whereupon 14. men were sent armed to Nama••ket, in order to revenging Squantum's supposed death. They surprized the house where Coubatant was thought to be, declaring the end of their coming, & that they would hurt no man but him char|ging all others not to stir at their peril til they had searched for their e|nemy; Consternation and trembling seyzed on the Indians: yet some of them violently brake away, whence they were wounded (and after|wards

healed) by the English. Coubatant was not there, but fled to another place, but within a while Squaut••m was brought forth alive and set at liberty. After this diverse other Sachim sent gratulations to the English; yea those of the Isles of Capa••ack entreated their friendship. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 used the mediation of Massasoit to make his peace.

Things being brought to this peaceable state, so did they continue for a little space, the Church in Plymo••th being preserved by a miracle of providence, like a flock of sheep amidst a thousand wolve; much what as Luther saith the Church should be pictured. Their next neigh|bours amongst the Heathen did as hath been expressed•• of enemyes be|come their friends, not shewing any acts of Hostility.

Only in the latter end of the next year, Canonicus the Narragans••t Sachim, sent an Indian to them, who enquired for Squantum, at that time gone somewhither else, whereupon the Indian left a bundle of Ar|rows, wrapped in a rattle snakes skin, and departed. When Sq••antum was returned, He informed the Governour, that the rattle snakes skin signified Enmity, and that the designe of this bruitish salutation was to intimate a challenge, wherefore the Governour filled the snakes skin with powder and shot, and sent it back again, withal giving Canoni|cu•• to understand, that it ••e had shipping at hand, he would endeavour to beat him out of his Countrey. The Indians durst not let the powder & shot continue in their houses, but every one was afraid to meddle with it, at last it came back again to plymouth. And there was an end of that matter. Only they at Plymouth were by this Bruit awakened to Impale their Town, and fortify, lest there should be an Onset from the enemy.

In the mean while Hobbomo••k (who resided with the English) infor|med that there was reason to suspect that the Massachuset Indians were Consederate with the Narragans••ts in their bloody designes; And Squantum in wicked ••••btilty, laboured to make the English beleive that Massasoit was false to them. Capt. Stan••ish with ten men was sent to Massachu••••••ts: they had no sooner turned the point of the Harbour but th•••• came an Indian running to some of the English that were from home, having his face wounded, and the blood fresh on the same (Zopirus-like) calling to them to repair home, and oft looking behind him, as if he had been pursued by enemyes, saying, that at Namesket there were many of the Narragan••••••, and Coubatant, and that Massasoit was Confederate with them, purposing to assault the town in the Captains absence, professing that he had recei|ved that wound in his face, because he had spoken on the English ••••eir

be halfe. Whenas all this was a piece of artificial and mischievous dissi|mulation, whereby the English were put into a sad fright, and the great Guns were discharged to remand the Captain back again, who immediately returned. Hobbomock was confident that that Indian di|ssembled, for he was assured▪ of Massasoits fidelity; however that he would not engage in a thing of that nature, without consulting him who was one of his Panies's i. e. Champions and Counsellours, and it was against the Indian custom for a Sachim to involve himselfe in War without them. Wherefore, Hobbomock privately, upon the Governours advice sent his Sq•••••• to Mass••soit at Pocan••ket, who seemed to be much troubled that the English, and he himself should be so abused. And upon enquiry, it was found to be Squa••tum's knavery, who sought his own end, and plaid his own Game; for he would in a clandestine way, make the Indians beleive, that the English were resolved to cut them off, only he could prevent it, and so would obtain gifts from his countreymen to prevent their destruction by the English, insomuch that the blind salvages began to have him in greater veneration then their Sachims, taking him for their Protector. And he would deal with no lesse falsness towards the English then towards those of his own nation.

When Massasoit understood these things, he repaired to the English plantation, endeavouring to clear his innocency, desiring the Gover|nour that Squantum, who had thus abused both English and Indians, might be put to death for his Treason. The Governour pacified him as much as he could for the present, and though he deserved to dy both in respect or English & Indians, yet desired he might be spared, because else they should want an Interpreter.

But not long after this, Massasoit sent diverse Indians, who brought to the Governour, their Sachim own knife (according to the Indian mode) that his enemyes head and hands might be cut▪ off therewith▪

At that instant when he Governour was about to deliver Squantum into the head•• of his executioners, a boat was seen at sea, & there being even in those daye•• Jealousies, that the French would join with the Indi|ans to mischief the English,& some supposing that it might be a French vessel, he told the Indians, he would see what that was, before he de|livered Squantum up to them. So did they go away displeased.

But this wrought well for the English; For it made Squantum be ho|nest whether he would or no; inasmuch as his own countreymen sought his life; he saw how it was his Interest to adhere to the English.

As for the boat mentioned, it proved to be one that belonged to a ship that was fishing about 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

These things hapned in May, 1622. in which year it was that Mr. Weston (a merchant of good note in London) attempted the advancing a plantation in this Massachusets Bay. He sent over two ships, and a|bout sixty men to make a beginning. The most of them were for the present refreshed at Plymouth, whilst some few Coasters went out to seek a convenient place to sit down in. They pitched upon a place with|in Massachusets Bay, then called by the Indians 〈◊〉〈◊〉, at this day known by the name of We••mo••th.

Mr. Winslow (who was afterwards Governour of Plymouth Colony) reports that the Westonians instead of proving an help to the other En|glish Colony, had like within a few moneths to have brought ruine not only upon themselves, but upon their friends also: For complaints were quickly brought to Plymouth, that the English at Wessegusquaset, did abuse the Indians by stealing their corn from them, yea and one of them was so bruitish as to turn Indian.

Others of them were of such servile and slavish dispositions, as that they became servants to the Indians, who would hire them to work with them in making Canoos, which Canoos were intended for the sur|prizal of the English ship, in the day when they would execute their ••••|signed Massacre.

Some of the Theeves were stockt and whipt, yea one of them was at last put to death, to satisfie the Indians, but it was then too late.

By the end of February, they had spent all their bread and corn, not leaving any for seed, nor would the Indians be induced to lend or sel them any, upon any terms, hoping they would be starved to death.

Wherefore, they purposed to take away the Indians store from them by violence, and therefore made preparations accordingly. Only some of the Company (at leastwise one of them who is yet alive) being more honestly minded then others were, advised John Saunders their Over|seer, to write to Plymouth before they did actually attempt anything, which being done, they received letters from the Governour there, sig|nifying great disapprobation of their intended proceedings, whereupon they desisted.

These motions must needs cause ill blood between the Nations: so that the Indians grew very insolent in their carriage, and there were se|cret conspiracyes to cut off the English. And inasmuch as they thought that if they should destroy the Westonians, and leave he Plymoutheons (who had not wronged them) alive, these would take an opportunity to be revenged for those; wherefore they concluded to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 all before them, as was afterwards revealed by Massasoit, and by another Sachim

called W••ssapinawet, brother to Obtakiest, the then Sachim of the Massachusets.

The English of Plymouth as yet being Ignorant of the bloody mis|chief, which the Treacherous hearts of the Indians had concluded a|gainst them, attended the•• occasions as formerly.

Upon a time Capt. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 going with some men in a Shallop, to buy Corn of the Indians at N••ss••••, one of them stole certain trifles out of the Shallop; whereupon the Captain repaired to the Sachim, and told him, that if he did not immediately restore those things, he would re|venge it before his departure, and so took leave for that night.

The next morning, the Sachim came accompanied with his train of salvages, saluting the Captain in such a manner as was hugely ridicu|lous to the English; For he put out his tongue, that one might see the root of it, and so licked the Captains hands, al his men doing the like, and endeavouring (according to the rude information they had recei|ved from Squantum) to make him a leg, he did perform his Ceremony after such an odd manner, as the English were hard put to it to refrain from open laughter.

Spectatum admissi••ri••um ten••atis Amici?

After these Complements were over, he restored the things that were lest; withal declaring, that he had much beaten the Indian that did Commonten (i.e. steal) the trifles mentioned.

But not long after this, the Captain was in no smal hazard of his life in another place; For going to Manomet (now called Sandwich) and being there entertained in the house of Kuna••um, the Sachim there the Indians designed to cut off him and his men.

There was with him at this time, a Cap-Indian called Paomlt, who pretended friendship to the English, but was secretly joined in the bloody Confederacy. That he might not be suspected, he professed spe|cial affection towards the Captain, and would, as a gift, bestow some Corn upon him, and help him to carry the Corn to his beat, and would lodge in the Wigwam with Capt. Standish, to manifest what love and honour he did bear towards him, having in the mean time promised the Indians to kil him that night, and when he was killed the rest were to dispatch his men.

Also whilst he was entertained in the Sachims house, there came in two Massachuset Indians, being desperate bloody villains. The name of the Chief of them was 〈◊〉〈◊〉, who took a dagger from about his neck, and presented it to the Sachim, and made a speech to him(which the Captain could not understand) boasting of his own valour,

and how he had been the death of Christians both French and English and what pittifull weak Creatures they were, that when they were kil|ling, they died crying, and made sower faces, more like children then men, and that whereas they were determined to kil the English (who had injured them) of Mr. Westons plantation, the best way for their own security was, to kill them of Plymouth too, now their Captain being in their hands, having but six men with him, two or three in the Wigwam, and no more in the shallop, it was a good opportunity to begin.

The murderous Counsel of this Audacious Bloud-sucker, was highly applauded; and the Indians waited when Capt. Stan••ish would fall a|sleep, that they might attempt the bloudy Tragedy. But God so or|dered that he could not sleep that night. Also, an Indian secretly stole some Beads from him; which when the Captain perceived, he immedi|ately called his six men together, and they beset the Sachims house, pro|fessing to him that as they would not doe wrong to him, so neither would they receive any, and therefore as they valued their lives, they should forth with restore the stolen goods. Hereupon the Sach•••• be|stirred himself to find out the Thief, and having done so, he cometh to the Captain desiring him to look into his boat, if the beads that he missed were not there, who looking found them lying openly on the Cuddy, the Indians having ••lily conveyed them ••hither. However this did so daunt the courage of the treacherous and cowardly Indians, that they attempted not their designed mischief.

All this while, they of Plimouth Colony had no certain knowledg of the evil that was intended against them, by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Heathen albeit the Con|spiracy was very strong, for the Indians at Nosset, Paomet, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Manomet, Mattachi••••t, Agara••, were all in this Confederacy to cut off the English. But God who hath a special eye of providence over his people: did at that time so order, that Massasoit fell sick, whereup|on the Governour that then was, desired Mr. Wi••st••••, and another Gentleman to give the sick Sachem a visit, and administer some Physick to him. As they were upon their journey toward Pocanoke••, the place of Massasoit•• residence, the Indians by the way told that he was dead and buried. Which caused Hobbomock (their guide through the woods) to break form into bitter Lamentations crying out N••en 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••agi|m••s!

O my loving Sachim, O my loving Sachim, thou wast no Lyar, not cruel like other Indians, thy passion was soon over, thou would|est heaven to reason from the meanest Subject thou didst love En|glishm••n; among Indians I shall never know the like to thee.

So that it would have made the hardest heart to have relented to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him. Yet they proceeded in their journey, being come so far as 〈◊〉〈◊〉, they understood that Massasoit was not quite dead, but 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hopes of his life.

When they came to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, they fo••••d the Indians Pow••wing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Massaso••••, making such an hellish noise as was enough to make 〈◊〉〈◊〉 man sick, and therefore was very unlikely to make him that was ••wel.

H••bbomock told him that the Governour of Plymouth had sent some ••nds to visit him in his sickness, and that they had brought some ••askiet i.e. Physick, for him. Upon the re••eit of which, he suddenly 〈◊〉〈◊〉 strangely revived, and before their departure gave them great ••anks for their love, saying, that now he saw that the English at ply|mouth were his real friends.

As they were ready to return home, he privately told Hobbomock of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 plot among the Massachusets, and other Indians, to destroy the English, and how they had sollicited him to join with them, but he 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that neither he, nor any of his men were in their Combination. He advised, that the Governour of plymouth would without delay, send ••nd take off the Principal Actors in this wicked designe, and then the ••est would be afraid. And whereas the Governour had sometimes said they would not begin with the Indians, until the Indians began with them, he earnestly counselled him not to stay for that, left it should be too late.

The first day whilst their journey back again, they were accom|panyed with Co••batant the Sachim of Metapoy••et (before mentioned) who was a politick and jocofe Indian, and stil suspected to be false to the English; He asked Mr. Winslow, how they, being but two, dared ••o trust themselves amongst so many Indians. Answer was made that ••ove was without fear, and they wished wel to the Indians, and there|fore did not fear evil from them. But then, said the Indian, what is the reason, that when we come to Patuxet, you hold the mouthes of your guns against us; he was told, that was the English manner of en|tertaining their friends. At which the Sachim shaked his head, withal declaring, that he did not like such salutations. The next day, Hobbo|nock acquainted the English, with what Massasoit had revealed to him.

So then being returned to plymouth, It was on March 23. resolved, to hear••en to Massaloits advice; many other things at that juncture ap|pearing, which confirmed the truth of what was by him discovered.

And considering, that there was no dealiug with Indians (as other na|tions do one with another) above board, it was thought most expedient by policy, to catch them at unawares, as they are wont to do by others Wherefore Capt. Stan••••••h made choice of eight men, to go with him to Wesegusquaset, pretending to trade with them, and then to take his opportunity to seyze upon the Ringleader▪ amongst the Conspirators.

Being arrived at the Massachusets Bay, Two principal Conspira|tors behaved themselves very insolently. One of them called P••cksu••t, who was a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or Counsellour, Jeered at Capt. Standish, because he was a man of little stature, and yet a Captain. Another called Wit|tawamat (before mentioned) cast out bloody expressions, shewing a sharp knife, which had a womans face pictured on the handle, saying, that he had killed French men, and English too, with that ••nife, and that he had another knife, which had a mans face pictured on it, and his two knives should marry shortly, and that by and by it should ••at, though not speak. Likewise another Indian, and Wittawamat, brother, who in bloodiness was like unto him, being present; Capt. Standish snatched Pick••ot•• knife from about his neck, and killed him with his own knife. At the same time his men fell upon Wittawa••at, and the o|ther Indian, and slew them, and took Wittawamats brother, and han|ged him.

After this they set upon another company of Indians, and killed two or three of them, seeing stil after more. At length they espied a file of Indians making towards them, but as the English came to the en|counter, they (i.e. the Indians) ran behind the trees, and shot at Capt. Standish, until one as he was shooting, had his arm broke by a bullet, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 one of Capt. Standish his souldiers, whereupon he, and the rest fled into a Swamp. The Captain dared the Sachim to come out, and fight like a man, but in vain.

At the time of these skirmi••hes, there was an Indian youth, who not|withstanding the slaughter made amongst his countreymen, came run|ning to the English, desiring that he might be with them. He confessed that the Indians had resolved to cut off Mr.W••st••ns men and that they only stayed for the finishing of two Canoos more (which if Capt Stand|ish had not so unexpectedly come upon them had been finished) that were intended for the surprizal of the English ship in the harbour.

Also an Indian S••ye, who was taken prisoner and detained at Pli|mouth, when he saw Cap. Standish return with Wittawamats Head, look|ed on it with a guilty, gastred countenance, and then confessed the Plot that was in hand to destroy the English, and that Pick••u••ot and

Wittawamat, together with three Powaws, were the principal Conspi|rators. He was released, and sent to Oktakiest, the Sachim of the Mas|sachusets, to signify what he must look for, in case he should continue in hostility against the English. The Sachim being amazed, and terri|fied with the English successes, humbly begged for peace, pretending that he could not keep his men in order, and that it was against his will that evil had been done to, or designed against the English.

Furthermore, the effect of these things was, that the rest of the Indians were stricken with such terror, and dread of the English, that they left their houses, and betook themselves to live in unhealthful Swamp••, whereby they became subject to miserable diseases, that proved mortal to multitudes of them. Particularly, Kunacum Sachim of Manomet, Aspinet Sachim of Nosser, janowgh Sachim of Mattachiest, these all fell sick & died. This last Sachim said, that the God of the English was offended at the Indians, and would destroy them in his anger. And these signal appea|rances of God for his Church in Plymouth, must needs be a great con|viction to the Heathen. Howbeit these motions ended in the subversion and ruine of Mr. Westons plantation; God who determines the bounds of mens habitations, having appointed, that another people out of England should come afterward, and possess that place, as at this day.

And thus far is Mr. Winslo••s Relation of these first Troubles by In|dians in these parts, which I take to be undoubted verity: For he was one that had particular knowledge of those things, and a man of truth, and conscience, that would not for the world willingly falsify in any particular.

There is an old Planter yet living in this countrey, being one of those that were employed by Mr. Weston, who also hath given some account of these matters.

He doth relate, and affirm, that at his first coming into this coun|trey, the English were in a very distressed condition, by reason of fa|mine, and sickness which was amongst them, whereof many were alrea|dy dead; and that they buried them in the night, that the Indians might not perceive how low they were brought.

This Relator doth moreover declare, that an Indian Panies, who se|cretly purposed bloody destruction against the English, and made it his design to learn the English tongue, to the end he might more readily accomplish his hellish devices, told him, that there had been a French vessel cast away upon these coasts, only they saved their lives and their goods, and that the Indians took their goods from them, and made the Frenchmen their servants, and that they wept very much, when

Indians parted them from one another, that they made them eat such meat as they gave their dogs. Only one of them having a good Ma|ster, he provided a Wife for him, by whom he had a Son, and lived longer then the rest of the French men did; and that one of them was wont to read much in a Book (some say it was the New-Testament) and that the Indians enquiring of him what his Book said, he told them it did intimate, that there was a people like French men that would come into the Country, and drive out the Indians, and that they were now afraid that the English were the people of whole coming the French man had foretold them. And that another ship from France came into the Massachusets Bay with Goods to Truck, and that Indian Panies propounded to the Sachim, that if he would hearken to him, they would obtain all the French mens Goods for nothing, namely, by coming a multitude of them aboard the vessel, with great store of Bea|ver, making as if they would Truck, & that they should come without Bows and arrows, only should have knives hid in the flappets which the Indians wear about their loins, and when he should give the Watch|word, they▪ should run their knives into the French mens bellyes, which was accordingly executed by the Indians, and all the French men kil|led, only Mounsier ••inch the Master of the vessel being wounded, ran down into the Hold, whereupon they promised him that if he would come up, they would not kill him, notwithstanding which, they brake their word, and murdered him also, and at last set the ship on Fire.

Some enquiring of him how long it was since the Indians first saw a ship, he replyed that he could not tel, but some old Indians reported, that the first ship seemed to them to be a Floating Island, wrapped to|gether with the roots of trees, and broken off from the Land, which with their Canoos they went to see, but when they found men there and heard gunns, they hasted to the shore again not a little amazed. (Some write that they shot arrows at the first ship they saw thinking to kill it)

This Relator doth also affirm, that after ••eal••••sies began between the English of Mr. Westons plantation and the Indians, they built diverse of their Wigwams at the end of a great Swamp, near to the English, that they might the more suddenly and effectually doe what was secret|ly contrived in their hearts: and an Indian Squaw said to them that ere long Aberkiest would bring many Indians that would kill all the English there and at Ratuxet. After which the Sachim with a compa|ny of his men came armed towards them, and bringing them within the Pale of the English Plantation, he made a speech to the English with

great gravity saying,

When you first came into this land, I was your friend, we gave gifts to-one another. I set you have land as much as we agreed for, and now I would know of you if I or my men have done you any wrong.

Unto whom the English replyed, that they desired, that he would first declare whether they had injured him.

The Sachim roundly▪ rejoyned, that either some or all of them had been abusive to him; for they had stolen away his corn, and though he had given them notice of it times without number, yet there was no satisfaction nor reformation attained.

Hereupon, the English took the principal Thief and bound him and delivered him to the Sachim, with all declaring, that he might do with him what he pleased. Nay (said he) Sachim▪ do justice themselves upon their own men, and let their neighbours do justice upon theirs, otherwise we conclude that they are all agreed, and then fight.

Now the Indians some of them began to tremble, and beholding the Guns which were mounted on the English Fort, they said one to ano|ther (in their Language) that little guns would shoot through houses, and great guns would break down trees, and make them fall and kill Indians round about. So did they depart at that time dissatisfied and enraged.

The English now perceiving that the Indians were fully purposed to be revenged on them, they resolved to fight it out to the last man.

As they were marching out of the Fort, seven or eight men stood stil▪ saying, this is the second time that the Salvages had demanded the life of him that had wronged them, and therefore they would have him first put to death, and if that would not satisfy, then to fight it out to the last, wherefore he was put to death in the sight of the Heathen; after which the English marched out towards them, but they dispersed themselves into the woods.

This Relator endeavoured to give notice to them in Plymouth, how that the Indians had contrived their ruin, but he missed his way between Weymouth and Plymouth; and it was wel he did so; for by that means, he escaped the savage hands of those Indians, who immediately pursued him, with a murderous intention Ere he could reach Plymouth, they were informed by Massaso•••• (as hath been declared) concerning what was plotted amongst the Indians.

Finally there were (as this Relator testifieth) three several skirmishes with the Indians. One at Wesegusquaset, before mentioned▪ another at a place where the town of Dorchester is since planted; and lastly at the Bay of Agawam or Ipswich; in all which engagements, the Indians

were notably beaten, and the English received no considerable damage, so that the Sachims entreated for peace, nor were the English, (provi|ded it might be upon terms safe and honourable) averse thereunto, Pacem t•• poscimus omnes.

These dark clouds being thus comfortably dispelled, and blown o|ver, the first Planters in this Country received no considerable distur|bance from the Indians a long time. It is true, that soon upon these motions, (viz. in August, Anno 1623.) a Gentleman arrived here out of England (namely Capt. Robert Gorges) being attended with ma|ny servants, as purposing the settlement of an English plantation in this Bay of Massachusets; and although that plantation was▪ quickly deser|ted and dissolved, other things, and not any anoyance from the Natives here caused those designs to prove abortive.

The like is to be affirmed concerning Mr. Wollas••ons plantation. For whereas he with several others, being persons of quality, did (in the year 1625) with a multitude of servants come into this Massachu|s••t•• Bay, as intending to settle a plantation therein, they met with such cross providences as did discourage them, and at last dissipate them, yet nothing from the Indians.

I have been informed, that this Gentleman considering the unhappy Catastrophe's attending Mr. Weston and Mr. Gorges, their plantings at Wesegusquaset, conceited that the Indian Powaws had brought that place under some fascination, and that Englishmen would never thrive upon Enchanted ground, and therefore they would pitch down their stakes in a place nearer to Boston; even where the town of Brantree hath since flourished; but the difficultyes of a Wilderness were▪ too hard for them, that Mr. Wollaston removed a great part of his servants to Virgi|nia, not having (so far as I can understand) received any molestation from the Indians here.

In Anno 1628. Mr. Endecot (who deserves to be honourably menti|oned, as having been a Patriot in New-England) arrived here 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Patent for the Government of the Massachusets. He and others with him sat down at a place called Nahumkeik (as in a Parenthesis let me here observe, that that Indians word is also Hebrew, 〈in non-Latin alphabet〉〈in non-Latin alphabet〉 Nahum signifieth Consolation, & 〈in non-Latin alphabet〉〈in non-Latin alphabet〉 k••ik is hebrew for a Boosome, or haven, and it so fals out, that the English have hapned to call that place by another name which is also Hebrew, viz. Salem) There did they enjoy Peace. How|beit there are Antient Planters, who testifie that the Indians being pos|sessed with some fears lest the English should in time take their Coun|trey

from them, were conspiring to destroy them. And the small handfull of Christians then in Salem, were alarmd with the report of no less then a thousand Barbarous Natives, coming to cut them off, and that upon a Lords day, whereupon they discharged several great guns, the small shot▪ wherein made such a terrible ratling amongst the trees a|far off, that the amazed Indians returned not a little affrighted. And it was a wonderfull providence of God, now to restrain the Heathen, since it so hapned that about this time there were some Tumults a|bout the English themselves. For whereas Mr. Wollaston. and his Part|ners left some of their servants here; and gave order that a man whose name was Filcher, should command and oversee them. There was an|other whose name was Thomas Morton, he would needs take upon him to be Lord of Mis-rule, and having gained much by trading with the Indians, this Morton and his drunken Companions quickly wasted all in riotous living.

This was the man that taught the Indians in these parts the use of Guns, how they should charge and discharge them, and imployed them in Hunting for him: And when they were instructed in the use of these instruments of death, they would purchase them at any rates, whereby the safety of the English was not a little hazzarded.

In conclusion, the English at Plymouth and Salem, agreed to seyze upon this Morton, which was done Vi & armis, and he was sent over to England, there to receive such punishment as by the honourable Council for New-England should be thought meet.

All these tumults notwithstanding, the over-ruling providence of God kept the Indians quiet.▪

It is to be wondred at, that the Church in Plymouth should be pre|served when other English Plantations could not subsist in this Coun|trey, but either the Indians, or the Lords own hand brought them to a sudden end from time to time. But God who saw that they designed something better then the world, in their planting here, brought it to pass by such wayes as these,

1. Massasoit (as was hinted before) was perswaded by Squantums information, that if the English should be his friends, he need not fear any enemies in the World, so did he become a wall to the English at Plymouth against other Indians. The Earth helped the woman that was fled into the Wilderness, whom the Dragon would have swallow|ed up.

2. The Lord made them very successful in their expeditions against those enemies that first sought their destruction.

3. They prevailed with God by Fasting and Prayer to look upon them and bless them with special mercy when it was a time of need, which did greatly affect and astonish the Indians: some of them there|fore conceiving high thoughts concerning the English mans God, and his love to his people, that truly fear and serve him. That which Mr Winslow (and since him another) doth publickly testifie concerning this matter, deserveth Commemoration, namely, that whereas after the First Indian Troubles were over, there was a sore drought on the land continuing for the space of six Weeks, insomuch that it was judged by some that the corn was withered and dead, past recovery, the Church in Plymouth set themselves by Fasting and Prayer, to seek mer|cy from the Lord in this thing. And although in the morning when they assembled themselves, the heavens were clear, and the drought as likely to continue as ever, yet before their solemn Exercise was ended, the heavens grew black with clouds, and the next morning these clouds distilled rain, and for the space of fourteen dayes together there were moderate showers, so that the drooping corn was revived to admi|ration.

A friendly Indian, before mentioned, known by the name of Hobbo|mock, living in the town of Plymouth, enquired why the English met together in that manner, it being but three dayes after the Sabba••••; and being informed of the true cause thereof, and observing the graci|ous effects that followed, he was greatly affected, and told other Indi|ans of it, who were also smitten with deep conviction, and the more in that, albeit in times of Drought the Indians are w••nt to Powaw and cry to their gods, sometimes for many dayes together, yet if rain follow, it is wont to be accompanied with terrible Thundring and Lightning and tempests, which often do more hurt then the rain doth good: whenas it was otherwise with respect to the showers which at this time came from Heaven, in answer to the Prayers of the Church in Plymouth, So that the Heathen confessed that the English mans God was better then theirs. And some amongst the Indians became faithfull to the English, though as yet but a very few,

Apparent rari Nantes in Gurgite vasto.

There having been (as was said) a Patent for the Massachusets Go|vernment by royal Grant obtained, many out of England flocked into this Country almost every year. And for the most part, not so much on the account of Trade, or to prosecute any worldly interest, as on the account of Religion. These did God own, having wonderfully made way for their planting here by casting out the Heathen before them,

with mortal Diseases, especially by the Plague amongst the Indians in Plymouth Colony, and the Small Pox among the Massachusets.

In Anno, 1631. New jealousies arose concerning the treacherous Indians. Capt. Walker one evening had two arrows▪ shot through his that, which caused an Alarm at Lyn, then known by the name of Saw|••••••: but no lives were lost, nor is there any certainty to this day who 〈◊〉〈◊〉 those arrows, whereby the Captains life was so eminently endan|••••••ed.

About the same time the Indians began to be quarrelsome touching 〈◊〉〈◊〉 bounds of the Land which they had sold to the English; but God 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the controversy by sending the small pox amongst the Indians at August, who were before that time exceeding numerous; whole towns 〈◊〉〈◊〉 them were swept away, in some of them not so much as one Soul 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the destruction. There are some old Planters surviving to this 〈◊〉〈◊〉, who helped to bury the dead Indians, even whole fa••••••yes of them 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dead at once. In one of the Wigwams they found a poor infant sucking at the breast of the dead mother, all the other Indians being dead also.

Not long after this, when the town of Ipswich was first planted, it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vehemently suspected that the Tarratines (or eastern Indians) had a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ign to cut off the English there. For a friendly Indian called Robin 〈◊〉〈◊〉 me to an Englishman whose name is Perkins, acquainting him that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Thursday there would come four Indians to draw him to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 side under pretence of trucking with him, and that they had pre|pared forty Canooes which should ly out of sight under the brow of an ••ll, full of armed Indians to cut off the English. The four Indians 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at the time, and to the person mentioned, He instead of going to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 water side to truck with them, spoke roughly to them, and caused 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Alarm, so they immediately returned, perceiving their Plot was discovered, and presently fourty such Canooes as the friendly Indian 〈◊〉〈◊〉 given warning of, were discovered.

Besides the Particulars which have been insisted on, I cannot under|stand that there was any general disquietment raised by the Indians, un|•••••• the year 1636. It is true that some particular mischiefs and private Murthers were committed before that, after the forementioned trou|bles were allayed.▪ For Mr. Weston, who himself, (under another name and the disguise of a Black-Smith) arrived here not long after his plan|••••tion▪ was ruined, suffering ship wrack near Pascataqua hardly escap|ed with his life, in respect of the Indians, who took his Goods from 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and stripped him of his very cloathes to the shirt on his back.

About eleven years after that, Capt. Stone, and Capt. Norton, with all their ships company, were barbarously murdered by the Pequ••t In|dians (as is in the sequel more fully related.)

And two yeares after that, Mr. John Oldham was massacred by the Indians of Munisses, now called Block-Island; which things made way for the Pequot War, whereby the whole English Interest (yea the Interest of Christ, who had ere that taken possession of this land, and gloriou•••••• began to erect his own kingdome here) was threatned and endangered.

Great pit••y it is, that although it be now fourty years since those mo|tions, and albeit the works which God then wrought for his people were admirable, yet that no Co••pleat Memorial thereof, hath been publi|shed to this day. It is then high time, that something more should be done therein, that so both we and our Children after us, may see what great things, the Lord God of our fathers hath done for them, and for us.

And there is a Gentleman in this country (namely Mr. John Allyn, who is Secretary to the Council at Hartford, and one of the worthy Magistrates of that Colony) who hath been Industrious in gathering up the truth of things, about those troubles, being under peculiar advan|tages thereunto, by informations from him, who was principally instru|mental in fighting the Lords battels at that time against the Heathen.

This Narrative of Mr. Allyns I shall here insert and publish, as I re|ceived it, without making the least alteration as to the sence, and very little as to the words. It is that which followeth.

Some Grounds of the War against the Pequots.

In or about the year 1633. One Capt. Stone arrived in the Massa|chusets, in a ship from Virginia, who sometime after was bound for Virginia again, in a smal Bark, with one Capt.Norton, who sailing up Connecticut River, about two leagues from the entrance, cast An|chor; there coming to them several Indians belonging to that place, whom the Pequotts tyranized over, being a potent and a warlike peo|ple they being accustomed so to deal with their neighbouring Indians. Capt. Stone having some occasion with the Dutch, who lived at a Tra|ding house, near twenty leagues up the River, procured some of those Indians to go as Pilots with two of his men to the Dutch; but they be|ing

benighted, before they could come to their desired port, put the Skiffe, in which they went, ashore; where the two Englishmen falling asleep, were both murdered by their Indian guides, there remaining with the Bark, about twelve of the aforesaid Indians, who had in all probability, formerly plotted their bloody designe, and waiting an opportunity when some of the English were on shore, and Capt.Stone asleep in his Cabin, set upon them and cruelly murthered every one of them, and plundered what they pleased, and afterward sunk the Bark.

These Indians were not native Pequots, but had frequent recourse to them, to whom they tendered some of those goods, which were ac|cepted by the chief Sachem of the Pequots: and some of the Goods were tendered to the Sachim of Niantick who also received them.

The Honoured Council of the Mass••chusets hearing of these pro|ceedings of the Pequots, sent to speak with them▪ & had some Treatyes, but no issue was made to satisfaction.

After which, Capt.John Endicot was sent forth Commander in chief, with Capt.Underhill, Capt.Turner and about an hundred and twen|ty men, who were firstly designed against a people living on Block|Island, who were subject to the Narraganset Sachem, they having taken a Barke of Mr. John Oldam, murthering him and his Compa|ny. They were also to call the Pequots to an account about the mur|thering of Capt. Stone: who arriving at Pequod, had some Conference with them, but little was effected, only one Indian slain, and some Wigwams burnt.

After which the Pequots grew enraged against the English who in|habited▪ Connecticut, being but a small number, about two hundred & fifty who were there newly arrived, as also about twenty men at Sey|B••ook under the command of Leiut. Lion. Gardner, who was there placed by several Lords and Gentlemen in England.

The Pequots observing Lieut. Gardner going to fire the Meadows about half a mile off the Fort, with ten men with him, was violently assaulted by the Pequod Indians, so that some were slain, the rest were rescued by the Souldiers issuing out of the Fort upon the said Pequots who fled. They also seized some that were passing up Connecticut River, and tortured them in most cruel manner, with most barbarous and inhumane crueltyes; roasting of them alive &c.

They also lay sculking about the Fort almost constantly, that the English could not go out of the Fort, but they were assaulted by the Pequods, so that Connecticut out of their small numbers, constrained

themselves to send Capt. John Mason with twenty men to secure the place. But after his coming, there did not one Pequod appear in view for a moneths ••pace about the Fort, which was the time he there re|mained.

In the interim, many of the Pequods went to a place now called We|th••rsfield on Connecticut, and having confederated with the Indians of that place (as it was generally thought) they lay in ambush for the English people of that place, and diverse of them going to their la|bour in a large field adjoyning to the town, were set upon by the In|dians, nine of the English were slain upon the place, and some horses, and two young women were taken Captive.

The Pequo••s at their return from Wethersfield, came down to the River of Connecticut, (Capt. Mason then being at Saybr••••k Fort) in three or more Canooes, with about an hundred men, the English es|pying of them, concluded they had been acting some mischief against us, and therefore prepared one of their great Gunns, and made a shot at them, which shot strook off the head of one of their Canooes wherein the two Captives were, although the shot was made at them at a great distance, near three miles: but seing▪ it was so placed, they hastned to the shore, and drew their Canooes with what speed they could over a narrow Beach and so got away.

The English of Connecticut being so alarmed by these insolen••yes of the Pequods, saw meet to call a Court, which met in Hartford upon Connecticut the first day of May 1637. who seriously considering their condition, which did look very sad, since the Pequods were a great people, fortified; cruel, warlike, munitioned &c. and the English but an handful in comparison of them. But their outragious violence a|gainst the English (having murthered about thirty of them) their great pride and insolency, and their constant pursuit in their malici|ous courses, with their endeavours to ingage other Indians in their Quarrel against the English, who had not offered them the least wrong,

These things being duly considered, with the eminent hazzard and great perill the people of Connecticut were in, it pleased God so to stir up the hearts of all men in general, & the Court of Connecticut in special, that they concluded it necessary that s••me Forces should be sent forth speedily▪ against the Pequots, their grounds being just, and necessity enforcing them to engage in an offensive and defensive War, the management of which Warr, with the good success the Most High was pleased to crown his people withall, we are nextly to relate.

A BRIEF HISTORY Of the War with the Pequot Indians in New-England; Anno 1637.

IN the beginning of May, 1637. there were sent out by Connecticut Colony ninety men, under the command of Capt.John Mason (after| wards Major Mason, and Deputy Governour of Connecticut Colony,) against the Pequots, with whom went Un••as an Indian Sachem of M••|heag, who was newly revolted from the Pequots.

This small Army was shipped in one Pink, one Pinnace & one Shal|lop, some of which vessels in their passage down Connecticut River, fell on ground, by reason of the lowness of the water, and the unskil|fulness of the English in the channel. The Indians not being wont|ed to such things with their small Canooes, and also being impatient of all delayes, desired they might▪ be set on shore, promising they would meet our Army at Seybrook; which request of theirs was grant|ed: and they being set at liberty hastning to their Quarters at Say|brook, met with about thirty or fourty of the Pequots, near S••ybrook, and ingaged them, and slew seven of them upon the place, and had only one of their own wounded, who was conveyed back to Connecti|cut in a Skiffe.

Capt. Underhill hearing of the approach of the Army, went & met them and informed them what was performed by Unc•••• and his men, which news was welcome to them, and looked upon as a special pro|vidence; for before they were somewhat doubtful of the fidelity of their Indian Volunteers.

Capt. Underhill hearing of the design our Army was upon, very freely offered his Service with nineteen men to go along with them, if Leiut. Gardner would allow of it (who was chief Commander at Saybrook Fort) which motion was no sooner propounded to Lieut. Gardner, but he readily approved of it, and our Council of War ac|cepted of it also; who in liew of those twenty, immediately sent back

twenty of theirs to Connecticut to help guard the women and chil|dren &c.

Upon a wednesday our Army arrived at Saybrook, where they say wind-bound till Friday, in which time the Council of War consulted how and in what manner they should proceed in their Enterprize, which was accompanied▪ with much difficulty; their Commission order|ing them to land their men in the Pequit River, against which were these difficultyes.

First. The Pequods kept a continual Guard upon the River, night 'and day in a constant course.

Secondly. Their numbers far exceeded ours; they had also sixteen gunns with powder and shot, besides their Indian Artilery, as our Councill of War was informed by the two captive maids (mentioned where we declared the Grounds of this War) who were redeemed by the Dutch, and restored now to us at Seybrook, which was a very friendly office, and not to be forgotten.

Thirdly. They were on Land, and being swift of foot, might much impede the landing of our men, and dishearten them, they continu|ally guarding that River, and our men not knowing where to land nearer then Narraganset.

Fourthly. It was alledged that if our Army landed at Narra|ganset, they would come upon their Backs, and possibly might sur|prize them unawares; at worst they should be on firm Land as well as the enemy.

Notwithstanding these reasons, the Council of Warr, all of them except the Captain, were at a stand, and could not judg it meet to fail to Narraganset. Capt. Mason in this difficult case, went to the Reverend Mr. Samuel Stone, late Teacher to the Church of Christ at Hartford, who was sent as Preacher to the Army, and desired him that he would that night commend their case and difficultyes before the Lord, and seek direction of him in the matter, how and in what manner they should demean themselves. He retired himself from them aboard the Pink the remaining part of that day, and the follow|ing night was not wanting in spreading the case before the Lord, and seeking his direction, in the morning he came on shore to the Cap|tains chamber, and told him he had done as he desired him, (and though formerly he had been against sailing to Narraganset and land|ing there, yet now he was fully satisfied to attend it.

The Councel being again called, and the matter debated, & rea|sons considered, they agreed all with one accord to sail to Narragan|set,

which the next morning they put in execution, which proved very succesfull, as the sequel may evidently demonstrate. What shall I say? God led his people through manifold Difficultyes and Turnings, yet by more then an ordinary hand of Providence, He led them in a right way.

On Friday morning, they in pursuance of their design set sail for Narraganset Bay, and on Saturday toward evening they arrived at their desired Port, where they kept the Sabbath.

On Munday the wind blew so hard at Norwest that they could not go on shoar, as also on Tuesday till it was near Sunset, but the wind abating, they and their design being commended to God by Mr. Stone, Capt. Mason and his Company landed, and marched up to the place of the chief Sachims residence▪ and told him, that they had not an op|portunity before, to acquaint him with their coming armed into his countrey, yet they hoped it would 〈◊〉〈◊〉 accepted by him, there being amity between us and them, and also that the Pequots and they were enemies, and that he could not be unacquainted with those intolerable wrongs and injuries, those Pequots had lately done unto the English▪ and that they were now come (God assisting) to avenge ourselves upon them, and that they did only desire free passage through his country.

The Sachim returned this Answer, that he did accept of their com|ing, and did also approve of their designe, only he thought our numbers were too weak to deal with the enemy, who were(as he said) very great Captains, and men skilful in war, thus he spake somewhat slightingly of our men.

On Wednesday morning they marched from thence, to a place called Niantick, it being about eighteen, or twenty miles, distant, where another of those Narraganset Sachims lived in a Fort, it being a frontier to the Pequots. They carried it very proudly to our men▪ not permitting any of them to come into their fort.

Capt. Mason beholding their carriage, and knowing the falshood of the Indians, fearing left they might discover them to the enemy, es|pecially the Indians having many times some of their neer relations a|mongst their greatest Foes, saw cause to set a guard about their fort that no Indian might oass in or out, and charged the Indians not to pass out upon the peril of their lives. And there they Quartered that night, the Indians not offering to stir out all the while.

In the morning came to the Army several of Miantinomie his men▪ who told them they were come to assist them in the expedition, which encouraged diverse Indians of that place to engage also, who drawing

into a 〈◊〉〈◊〉, one by one, made solemn protestation how gallantly they would demean themselves, and how many men they would kill.

On Thursday, about eight of the Clock in the morning, they mar|ched thence towards P••q••ot, having about five hundred Indians with them. In which march, through the heat of the weather, and want of provision, some o•• our men fainted▪ but when they had marched a|bout twelve miles, they came to Paw••••tuck River to Foord, where the Indians said the Pequots did usually fish. There they made a stand and stayed some small time; but the Narraganset Indians manifested great fear, and many of them returned, although they had despised our men, an said they dur•••• not look upon a Pequot, and vaunted what great things they themselves would do.

Capt. John Mason saw reason then to acquaint the Indians that they were come on purpose, and were resolved (God assisting) to see the Pequots, and to fight with them before they returned, although they perished; and then he enquired of Uncas what he thought the Indians would do; who said the Narrigan••ets would all leave them, but as for himself, he would never leave them, and so it proved.

After they had there refreshed themselves with their mean Com|mons, they marched about three miles, and came to a field which had been planted with Indian corn, where they made another 〈◊〉〈◊〉: and suppos••▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that they drew neer to the enemy, who, as they were 〈◊〉〈◊〉, 〈…〉〈…〉 almost impregnable, which did no way, dis|courage the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, but rather animated them, insomuch that they resolved to assault both the sorts at once; but the Council of War ha|ving 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the matter, understood that one of the forts; in which the bloodiest 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 resided, was so remote that they could not possi|bly come up with it in season, and seeing some of the souldiers spent in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with extream heat, and want of necessaries, concluded and resolved to assault, and storm the nearest fort.

Then they marched on in a silent manner; The Indians that remai|ned▪ who in the march hitherto kept the Van, (being surprised with great fear felt all into the Reer. They continued their March till about an hour in the night, & then coming to a little Swamp between two hills, there they pitched their little Camp, being much wearied with hard travell; supposing (by the Relations of the Indians) they were near the Fort, which proved otherwise. The rocks were their pillows, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 rest was sweet and pleasant to them. The night proved comfortable being clear and Moonlight. They appointed their Guards, and placed them Sentine••s at some distance, who heard their

enemies, singing in their Fort until midnight, with great insulting and rejoycing (as they were afterwards informed by W••qrash a Pequot Cap|tain, who was revolted from the Pequots, and was one of their Guides in this march▪ For they seeing our pinhaces sail by them a few days be|fore concluded they were afraid of them, and durst not to come near them.

Towards morning Captain Mason being awakened, and seeing it very light, supposed it had been day, and so they might have lost their opportunity, having determined to make their assault before day and therefore immediately roused up his Souldiers, and briefly com|mended themselves and Designe to the guidance and Protection of the Lord, and went to the assault.

Their Indian Guide shewing them a path said it led directly to the Fort; they took the path, and marched on the best part of two miles, wondering that they saw not the Fort; and fearing that their Indian Guide might delude them; but coming to a place where corn was newly planted at the foot of a great hill, supposed the Fort was not far off, a champion Country being round about them. There the Captain caused his Company to make a stand; and gave order that the Indians should come unto him; at length Un••••s & W••quash came up, of whom he demanded where the Fort was; they answered, on the top of that Hill: He also enquired where the rest of the Indians were; they answered behind exceedingly afraid; he then desired them to tel the rest of their fellowes that they should by no means fly, but stand at what distance they pleased, and see whether English men would now fight or not. Then Capt. Underhill came up into the Front, & after Capt. Mason had commended their case to God (their being two entrances into the Fort, they divided their men; & Capt. Mason lead up to that entrance on the North-east side, who approaching with|in a rod of the entrance a dog bark'd, and an Indian cryed Wanux wa|nux. He commanded his Souldiers to close up to the Fort, and fire upon them through the palizadoes, which they did, the Indians be|ing in a dead and indeed in their last sleep. The Souldiers having fired wheeled off and came to the main entrance, which was blocked up with bushes about breast high, over which Capt. Mason very couragiously leaped▪ and stood to make good the entrance, and com|manded his Soldiers to follow him, one of which endeavouring, was entangled in the bushes, but getting back, pulled out the bushes and so the Souldiers followed their Captain into the Fort with their Swords 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for they had concluded to destroy them with the

sword, and so to save the plunder.

The Indians as yet kept their Wigwams; Capt. Mason entred a Wigwam, and his Guard not seeing him, passed away from him, where he was strongly assaulted by many Indians, but he bravely de|fended himself, and slew several of his opposers; at last William Heyden perceiving the place where the Captain went in, essayed to go in himself, but in his entrance stumbled upon a dead man, but soon recovering himself, he fel upon the Indians. The Indians some were slain, some fled, others crept under their beds, where they slept their last; the Captain going out of the Wigwams met with many of them and put them to the sword; In which time of fight several English were wounded. Capt. Mason perceiving his men wounded, and the ene|my not yet routed, saw cause himself to go into a wigwam, and fetch out a firebrand, and putting it in one of the mats with which the wig|wams were covered, commanded one of his souldiers to throw some powder upon it, which set the mat on fire, which the wind taking; it was quickly thoroughly kindled, which made the Indians run as men most dreadfully amazed.

And Indeed such a dreadfull terror did the Almighty let fall upon their spirits, that they would fly from the sword, and cast themselves into the very flames, where many of them perished.

The fort being fired, the Captain commanded that all should march out of the fort, and surround it; which was readily attended by all, only one Arthur Smith was so wounded that he could not move out of the place, who was happily espyed by Leiut. Tho. Bull, and by him rescued from the flames, which otherwise had consumed him.

The fire was kindled on the Northeast side to windward, which did swiftly over run the whole Fort, to the extream amazement of the ene|my, and great rejoycing of our soldiers; some of the enemy climbed to the tops of the pallizadoes, where they were shot down, others ga|thered to the windward side of the Fort, and lay pelting at our men with their arrows, who repaied them with their smal shot, others of the stoutest issued forth of the Fort, about fourty of them who fell by the sword.

Capt. Underhil and those with him acted their parts in this trage|dy, especially one Mr. H••dge, who was the first that entred that gate to which Capt. Underhil led up; the fire was no sooner kindled but the smoke and flames were so violent, that they were constrained to desert the Fort and keep them in.

Thus were they now at their wits end, who not many houres before exalted themselves in their great pride, threatning and resolving the utter ruin and destruction of all the English, exulting and rejoicing with songs and dances; but God was above them, who laughed his enemyes and the enemyes of his people to scorn, making them as a fiery oven; thus were the stout hearted spoiled, having slept their last sleep, and none of their men could find their hands; thus did the Lord judge among the heathen, filling the place with dead bodyes.

And here we may take notice of Gods judgement upon this bloody Generation, in sending the very night before the assault an hundred and fifty men from their other fort to join with this fort, who were design|ing (as some of themselves have related) to go forth against the English at that very instant when this stroke came upon them, where the most of them perished with their fellows, so that the mischief they inten|ded against us came upon themselves; they were taken in their own s••ate and we through the mercy of God escaped. And thus in little more then one houres space was their Impregnable fort, with themselves utterly destroyed, to the number of five or six hundred, as hath been confessed by the Pequots who escaped. There were seven taken captive, and about eight escaped; and of the English there were two slain outright, and above twenty wounded. Some of our soldiers ••ain|ted for want of such comforts and necessaryes as were needful in such a case. The Chyrurgion was much wanted▪ who was left with the Barks in Narraganset Bay, with order there to remain until the night before they intended the assault.

And thereupon grew many difficultyes amongst the Army, their pro|vision and ammunition being neer spent, and they in the enemyes coun|trey, who did far exceed them in numbers, being much enraged, and most of our Indian friends having left them, and our pinnaces at a great distance from them, and their coming uncertain.

But as they were consulting what course to take, it pleased God to discover our vessels to them under a fair Gale of wind failing into the Pequot Harbour, to their great rejoicing.

They had no sooner discovered our vessels, but immediately came up the enemy from the other fort about three hundred of them. Capt. Mason led forth a file or two of men to skirmish with them, which stopt their Carrier, and put them to a stand, and then they prepared to march towards our vessels, but four or five of our men were so wounded that they were fain to be carried, with the Armes of about twenty more which took up so many of the souldiers, that there was not above forty

men free, but at length they hired several Indians to carry the woun|ded men, who cased them of that burthen, and carried their woun|ded men for them.

And when the souldiers had marched about a quarter of a mile, the enemy came to the place where the fort had stood, and when they beheld the ruines thereof, and the carcases of their friends lye some upon the earth, others scorched, and some almost consumed, with the fire, they stamped and tore the hair from their heads, and ran mouting down the hill in their full Carreer, and the loss they met withal made them wary not to come near.

The souldiers then meeting with a small brook at the foot of the hil being very dry, sat down and refreshed themselves, the enemy being grown by this time so wary they durst not come too neer, to di|sturb them.

Then they marched on towards Pequot Harbour, and meeting with▪several Wigwams in the way they burnt them; the enemy followed them, and some lay in ambush behind rocks and trees, often shooting at them, yet God so covered them, that not one of them was hurt, and when they came to any swamp or thicket, they made some shot, and cleared a passage, and some of the enemy fell, which our Indians see|ing, would give a great shout, and then venture to fetch their heads, and thus they continued, till they came within two miles of Pequot Harbour, where the enemy gathered themselves together, and left our army, they marched on to the top of an hill adjoining to the har|bour, with their colours flying, (as for their Drum, it was lost, or at least left by their Drummer at the place where they kept their ran|dezvouze the night before) where they saw our vessels riding at An|chor to their great rejoicing, and when they had marched to the wa|ter side, there they sat down in quiet.

Capt. Patrick being there arrived (with our vessels) with forty men sent by the Massachusets Colony upon some service against the block-Islanders or Pequots, came to the shore in a shallop, with some of his men, as he said, to rescue our Army, supposing they had been pur|sued, although there did appear no sign of any such thing.

But Capt. Patrick could not be prevailed with by any means to ven|ture himself on shore while our wounded men were carried on board, which was troublesome, not only to our souldiers, but to his own men also, who manifested their dislike of his carriage; at length our men were fetched aboard our vessels, to the great rejoicing of their friends, where they did with one heart blesse the Lord, for his mercy & good|••ess unto them.

I might here relate •• contest that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 between Capt. Underhill and Capt. Patrick, about Capt. Underhil's claiming an Interest in the Bark in which Capt. Patrick sailed, which by the mediation of Capt. Mason was issued, and that being the place of Randezvouze, where vessels were expected from the Massachusets, it was agreed that Capt. Patrick should there ride in that Bark, and secure the Narraganset Indi|ans untill our vessel could carry our wounded men to Seybrook, and our Pink return to carry home the Narraganset Indians.

After this agreement, Capt. Underhill set sail for Sey brook in our Bark, but before he was out of sight, Capt. Patrick signified by writing to Capt. Mason that he could not attend that Service he had ingaged for he must with his company wait at Seybrook, for some vessels he ex|pected from the Bay; advising Capt. Mason seeing he had obtained the honour of that Service, he would compleat it in securing the Nar|raganset Indians, &c. Which indeed was a hard task and difficult; for the Pink could not entertain them, and to march by land was dan|gerous, it being near twenty miles, and in the enemies country, and their numbers being small; for they had sent home about twenty men to help strengthen the Plantations on Connecticut, for fear of the Pe|quods invading of them, but at last, seeing they were necessitated to march to Seybrook by land, they went ashoar with the Indians, and be|gan their march; Capt. Patrick seeing what they were about, came a|shoar also with his men; and although Capt. Mason told him he did not delight in his company, yet he would and did march along with them.

In their march, about the mid-way between that and S••ybrook, they fell upon a people called Nianticks, belonging to the Pequots, who fled to a swamp for refuge; but when they heard or saw this small troop they fled, who pursued them awhile by their track as long as they kept together; but the day being much spent, Sabbath drawing on, & themselves much spent with their former travel, and service, they left their pursuit, and marched on towards Seybrook, and about sun-set they arrived by Connecticut River side; where they were welcomed by Lieut. Gardner, with many great Gunns, but were forced there to take up their Quarters that night. On the morrow morning they were all fetched over, where they kept the Sabbath, and were nobly entertai|ned by Lievt. Gardner, from whom they received many Courtesies.

And when they had taken order for the safe conduct of the Narra|ganset Indians to their Country, Capt. Mason with his men returned to Connecticut the place of their abode, where they were entertained with

great triumph, and rejoycing and praising of God, for his goodness to us in succeeding our endeavours, in crowning them with success, and in restoring our small Army with so little loss.

Thus was God seen in the mount, crushing his proud enemies, and the enemies of his people, so that they who were ere while a terror to all that were round about them, who resolved to destroy all the En|glish, and to root their very name out of this Country, were by weak meanes thus vanquished and destroyed, and the mischief they plotted, and the violence they offered, was brought upon their own heads in a moment; for the Lord burnt them up in the fire of his wrath, & dung|ed the ground with their flesh, it was the Lords doing, and it is marve|lous in our eyes. It is He that hath made His work wonderfull, and therefore ought to be remembred.

Suddenly after this, the whole Body of the remaining Pequots re|paired to that Fort where S••ss••••ous the chief Sachim did reside, and charged him that he was the only cause of all their troubles that be|fell them, and therefore they would destroy both him and his; yet by the entreaty of his Counsellors, they spared his life; and consulting what course to take, concluded there was no abiding any longer in their Country, and so resolved to fly into several parts. The greatest body of them went towards, Manadus, and in their passage over Con|necticut River, they met with three English men in a shallop going for Seybrook, and sought them, who resisted them stoutly, and killed & wounded many of them, but their shallop falling on ground, they were all three slain.

About a fortnight after our souldiers were returned home from Mi|stick Fight, we heard of the arrival of several 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 he Massa|chusets Colony in Pequot River; Capt.〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 being Comman|der in chief, and with him about 120 men, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 were sent by that Co|lony to prosecute the War against the peq••ots; and although the main Body of the Pequots were fled, yet some straglers remained in that Country, some of whom were discovered by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and by them discovered to the Massachusets Forces, by whom they were both sur|prised and taken, and several of which, to the number of about twenty three, were put to death; the rest were sent to the Bay.

The Colony of Connecticut hereupon sent forth Capt. Mason again with forty men, as also several Gentlemen, (as the Honour'd John Haines & R••ger Lud••ow Esqrs.) to meet with those of the Massachusets to consult and determine what was further necessary to be attended▪ who meeting with those of the Massachusets in the Pequot harbour,

after consultation, concluded to pursue the Pequots (who as you heard before were fled towards the Menados) and so began their march after them, and discovered several places where they had rendevowed and lodged not far distant one from the other, for they could make but little hast, by reason of their ancient people and children, and their want of provision, being forced to gather clams, and such other things as the wilderness afforded for their relief. The vessels sailed along by the shore. In the march, some were gleaned, but within the space of three dayes, or thereabouts, they arrived at a place then called Quinipiag (now New-haven) and there espying a great smoke in the woods, not far distant, supposing the Pequots might be there, they went to discover them; but they quickly discovered them to be Con|necticut Indians. From thence they sent a Pequot captive (whom they named Luz) upon discovery, who brought them tidings of the enemy which proved real. The Pequots were so terrified in their flight, that a Moheag Indian (named Jack Eaton) meeting in this pursuit with three ••equots, took two of them and brought them to the English.

But to return, they having tidings where the Pequots were, hastned toward the place where they heard they were, and at last coming into a corn field, several of the English espyed some Indians, who fled from them. They pursued them▪ and coming to the top of an hill, saw se|veral wigwams just opposite, only a swamp intervening, which was almost divided in two parts. One Serjeant Palmor hastning with a|bout twelve men (who were then under his command) to surround the smaller part of the swamp that so he might prevent the Indians fly|ing. But Lievt. Davenport, Serjeant Jefferyes &c. going up to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 were there assaulted by the Indians. In this Skirmish the 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 few, two or three of themselves were wounded, the 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 Army coming up, the swamp was surrounded.

〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 being called, the question was propounded how they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 proceed? Capt.Patrick advised that they should cut down the swamp, (they having taken many Indian hatchets) Others propounded to hedge in the swamp, which others judged would be to no purpose, and therefore strongly opposed it, Some other advised to force the swamp, having time enough (it being about three a clock in the afternoon) but that being opposed, it was then propounded that the men should be drawn up close to the swamp, which would have le••ned the circumference, and then to fill up the open passages with bushes, that so they might secure them till the morning, and then con|sider farther about it. But neither of those would pass, so different

were their apprehensions, which was very grievous to some, who con|cluded the Indians would make an escape in the night, as easily they might, & did, the swamp being large and their numbers so small that they were forced to stand at a great distance one from another, which made their escape more easie.

Capt. Mason took order that the narrow passage in the swamp should be cut through, which would much shorten the leaguer, which was accordingly attended and resolutely performed by Serjeant Davis and some others with him.

Mr.Thomas Stanton a man well acquainted with the Indians lan|guage and manners, perceiving the Counsell of War loth to destroy Women and children, (as also the Indians of that place) freely offer|ed his service to go into the swamp and treat with them, which the Councel were somewhat backward to, by ••eason of some hazard he might be exposed to, but his importunity prevailed, who going to them did in a short time come to the Councel with near 200. old men, women and Children, who delivered themselves to the mercy of the English, most of which brought their small present with them, and laid it down before the Councell. Now night drawing on, they did beleaguer the swamp as strongly as they could.

But above hal••e an hour before day the Indians that were in the swamp, attempted to ▪break through Capt. Patricks Quarters, But were beaten back several times; they made a great noise, as their man|ner is at such times, which sounded round about the leaguer; Capt. Mason sent Serjeant Stares to assist those against whom the Pequots pressed to come out by, at which time also Capt. Track came in to their assistance, but the tumult encreasing, the siege was raised, and they marching up to a place at a turning of the swamp, the Indi|ans were forcing out upon them, but they fired upon them, and sent them back by their small shot; Then they waited a little for their se|cond attempt, but the Indians facing about, and pressing violently u|pon Capt.Patricks Quarters, brake through, and so escaped about seventy of them, as the Indians informed; the swamp was searched; there were but ••ew found slain. The Captives that were taken were a|bout an hundred and eighty, which were divided between the two Colonyes, and they intended to keep them as servants, but they could not endure that yoke, for few of them continued any considera|ble time with their masters.

'Thus did the Lord scatter his enemyes with his strong arm.

The Pequots now became a prey to all Indians; happy were they

that could bring in their heads to the English, of which there came al|most dayly to Windsor, or Hartford; But the Pequots growing weary hereof, sent some of the chief that survived to mediate with the En|glish, offering that if they might but enjoy their lives, they would be|come the English vassals, to dispose of them as they pleased.

Whereupon Uncas and Miantonimo were sent for, who with the Pequots met at Hartford▪ The Pequot•• being demanded, how many of them were then living, They answered, about an hundred and eighty or two hundred; Then were there granted to Uncas Sachim of Moheag eighty, and to Miantonimo Sachim of Narraganset eighty, and to Ninnicraft twenty men, when he should satisfy for a mare of Eltwood Pomeryes, killed by some of his men; The Pequots likewise were by covenant bound, that they should no more inhabit their na|tive countrey; nor should any of them be called Pequots but Moheags and Narragansets for ever; Shortly after about forty of them went to Moheag, others went to Long-Island, others setled at Pawcatuck, a place in the Pequot country, contrary to their covenant and agreement with the English so lately made, which Connecticut taking into consi|deration, and well weighing the inconveniences that might ensue; for the prevention whereof, they sent forth forty men under the command of Capt. Mason, to supplant them▪ by burning their wigwams, and bringing away their corn, except they would desert the place: Uncas with about one hundred of his men in twenty cannoes also went to assist them in the service; as they sailed into Pawcatuck Bay, they met with three of those Indians whom they sent to inform the rest with the end of their coming, and also to tell them that they desired to speak with them or some of them, they promised to doe the message, and speedily to return; but they forgot to keep their word, for they came not.

Then they went up into the River in their vessel, but by reason of f••ats were forced to land on the Westside of the River, their Wigwams be|ing on the East-side, just opposite▪ where they saw the Indians running up and down, ••eering at them.

Then they landed, and went up into a narrow place in the River be|tween two rocks, where they drew up the Indian Cannooes, and got suddenly over the River, sooner then they were expected, and march|ed up to the Wigwams, where the Indians were all fled, except some old people that could not

They were so suddenly upon them, that they had not time to convey away their goods; There was plenty of corn, it being the time of har|vest;

and when they had viewed it, they were passing to the water side to the pinnace, halfe of U••cas his men being with them, the rest were plundering the Wigwams; and as they were marching they looked behind them, and saw about sixty Indians running towards them, un|til they came within forty paces of the Indians, then they run and met them, and fell on pell mell, striking and cutting with bowes and hatchets and knives &c. after their feeble manner, Indeed it did not deserve the name of fighting. They then endeavoured to get be|tween the Indians and the woods, that so they might prevent their flying, which the Indians perceived, and endeavoured speedily to get away under the beach, but our men made no shot at them, but they laid hold on about seven of them, who were Ninnicrafts men, who grew very outragious; the Captain told them if they were not quiet they should be made shorter by the head; and when they were going to put it into execution, Otash Sachim of Narraganset; and brother to Miantonim••, stepped forth to Capt. Mason, and told him, those men whom he was going to execute, were his brothers men, who was a friend to the English, and if their lives might be spared, he would engage to deliver so many murtherers heads in lieu of them to the English; The Captain granted his desire, and the men were deli|vered to Uncas to be secured till Otash his engagement was per|formed.

Then they drew up their Bark into a Creek the better to defend her, there being some hundreds of Indians within five miles, waiting their motions.

But there they quartered that night. In the morning as soon as it was light, there appeared in armes at least three hundred Indians on the other side the Creek, upon which the Captain commanded his men to stand to their Armes, which the Indians percieving▪ some of them fled, others crept behind the rocks and trees, not one of them were to be seen.

They then called to them, saying, they desired to speak with them, and that they would lay down their armes for that end, whereupon they stood up: The Captain told them that the Pequots had violated their promise and Covenant▪ with the English, in that they were not there to inhabit, and that he was sent to supplant them; The Indians answered, the Pequots were good men, their friends, and they would fight for them and protect them; which words moved the Captain, who told them it was not far to the head of the creek▪ where he would meet them, and then they might try what they could do;

The Indians replyed, they would not fight with 'Englishmen, for they were spirits; but they would fight with Uncas. The Captain told them he thought it was too early for them to fight; but they might take their opportunity and fight when they saw cause, for they should be burning their Wigwams, and carrying their corn aboard all that day, and presently caused the Drum to be beat up, and fired their Wigwams in their view▪ But as they▪ marched along, there stood two Indians upon an hill jeering & reviling of them; Mr. Sta••ton the inter|preter marching at liberty, desired leave of the Captain to make a shot at them; the Captain demanded of the Indians, who they were; they answered that they were murtherers; The Captain then gave Mr, Stanton leave to make a shot at them, who did so, and shot one of them through both his thighes, which was to the wonderment both of English and Indians, it being at such a vast distance.

They then proceeded and loaded their Bark with Indian Corn, and their Cannoes, about thirty of them▪ with Indian Trayes, Kettles, Mats, and other luggage, and then went on board, and made homeward, and it pleased God to prosper them, so that in a short time they all arrived in safety at the place of their abode; Though they were in hazard by the vessels striking upon a rock, and sticking thereon a while in their return, yet the Lord bore them in his own armes, and preserved them from danger.

Thus we may see how the face of God is set against them that do e|vil, to cut off their remembrance from the earth.

Our tongues therefore shall talk of his righteousness all the day long, for they are confounded, they are brought to shame that sought our hurt. Blessed be the Lord God of Israel, who only doth won|drous things,& blessed be his holy name forever, Let the whole earth be fil|led with his glory; for the Lord was pleased to smite our enemyes in the hinder parts, and to give us their land for an inheritance, who re|membred us in our low estate, and redeemed us out of our enemies hands; Let us therefore praise the Lord for his goodness and his won|derful works to the Children of men.

Upon the whole it may not be amiss to gather out some specialtyes of providence, that so the goodness of God may be taken notice of, & our hearts enlarged in the praise and service of that God who hath wrought so wonderfully for our fathers and for us.

Those who were employed in this service were not many, their Commons were very short, there being then a general scarcity through out this Colony of all sorts of provision, it being upon our very be|ginnings

on the place, they had but little refreshment with them in their long march from Narraganset to Pequot; but one pint of liquor which was moderately dealt out to such as fainted in the way, by reason of the extremity of the heat and sore travel: after the liquor was spent, the very smelling to the bottle was effectual for the revi|ving of the fainting souldiers. They walked in an unknown path, yet God guided them in the way they should got, though they knew not where the Forts were, nor how far it was to them, nor the way that lead to them otherwise then what they had from their Indian Guides, in whom they durst not confide, and that in their so long a march a|mong a treacherous people, who had several relations amongst our enemies, and that in their march, and allodgment in the enemies coun|try, which was very populous, they should not be discovered, but brought to their enemies in the fittest season, when more of them then usually were together, and that they should be so succeeded in their design, (as you have heard) is matter of wonderment.

What shall I say? God was pleased to hide them in the hollow of his hand. It was a Saying of Mr. Hooker, that man of God, in his en|couragements to the Souldiers, as they were going forth to those in|gagements, that the Pequots should be bread for them; and the Lord made good his Sayings.

It may not be amiss here also to remember Mr. Stone (the famous Teacher of the Church of Hartford) who was sent to preach & pray with those that went out in these engagements against the Pequots; He lent his best assistance and counsel in the management of those designs▪ and the night in which the engagement was, (in the morning of it) I say that night he was with the Lord alone, wrestling with Him by Faith and Prayer; and surely his Prayers prevailed for a blessing; and in the very time when our Israel were ingaging with the bloud-thirsty Pe|quots, he was in the top of the mount, and so held up his hand, that Is|rael prevailed.

In those ingagements some men had special deliverances. There were two men, being one mans servants, who were both shot in the knotts of their neck-cloathes about their necks, and received no hurt. Also Li••ut, Si••ly, was shot in the eyebrow with a flat headed arrow, the point turning downward, the Captain himself pulled the arrow our. Lieut.Bull was also shot on the back with an arrow, which met with an hard piece of cheese and went no further, which may verify the old Saying a little armour would serve if a man kn••w where to place it.

Thus the Lord did great things for his people among the Heathen whereof we are glad, Praise ye the Lord.

The year following, the Colony of Connecticut being in great want of provision, Indian corn being at twelve shillings the bushel: The Court of Connecticut imployed Capt. Mason &Mr.William Wads|worth, and Deacon Edward Stebbing, to make a trial what providence would afford for their relief, in this great streight; who notwithstand|ing some discouragements they met with from some English, went to a place called P••comptuck, where they procured so much corn at rea|sonable rates, that the Indians brought down to Hartford and Windsor fifty cannoes laden with corn at one time, never was the like known to this day, so that although the Lord was pleased to shew his people hard things in their beginnings, yet did he execute judgment for the oppressed, and gave food to the Hungry, affording them his continued protection and and blessing, in the bountifull supply of the good things of this life, with the continuance of his gospel and ordinances, and a plentifull Increase of their number, from four Plantations which was then the alone number of the Colony of Connecticut; to twenty four towns, which is the present number of towns in this Colony; and from three Churches to nineteen, which is the number now setled in this Colony.

Thus farr is Mr. John Allyn his Narrative of the Pequot troubles, which I take to be the most perfect account thereof that is extant, or that probably will be now attained, since few of those who were per|sonally concerned in that war, and who are fit to give a Relation there|of, are at this day in the land of the living.

Nevertheless I have met with a Manuscript, in the Library of a learned and worthy person deceased, wherein the passages of the Pe|quot war, are described. The Author of the script▪ I know not, nor can conjecture, saving that it was one who had a particular and per|sonal acquaintance with those affairs. It doth in substance agree with that of Mr. John Allyns: only in some particulars, a more full account of proceedings, is expressed. For, this Manuscript Anonimus doth Relate as followeth, viz. That 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Anno 1634. a Bark wherein was Capt. Stone, and Capt. Norton, with six men besides going up Con|necticut River, were all killed by the Pequot Indians, and the Bark sunk near a steep Rock, which to this day bears the name of Capt. Stones Rock. In the year following a Bark going from the Bay, bound to Virginia, was by a Tempest c••••t away at Long-Island, certain Pequots there killed two Englishmen, the rest escaping.

In Anno 1636. A Vessel going from Connecticut towards the Bay, putting in at Block Island, the Indians coming aboard to trade, killed the Master. Another vessel coming from Connecticut, taken with a cross wind, intended to put in at Narraganset, but could not; being therefore forced upon Block-Island, they saw a bark with her sayls up, driving too and fro, they hailed her, but no Answer was given; per|ceiving her full of Indians they suspected the English belonging to the Vessel were murdered, whereupon they discharged their guns, shooting bullets amongst the Indians, who, many of them immediately leaped overboard. The Master entred the Vessel, and lifting up a Cloth saw an Englishman dead, and discerning that many Indians were still in the hold, he returned to his own Vessel again, from thence pouring in small shot upon the Indians, for a while, until the wind coming fair; he failed away to Boston, informing the Governour and Council there, concern|ing what he had seen, whence about an hundred Souldiers were forth|with sent to Block-Island. As they were landing, the Indians came down and shot violently at them, wounding▪ one man, but as soon as one Englishmen was landed, they ran away. The English pursued them two dayes, burning their Corn and Wigwams, but the Indians be|took themselves to Swamps, thereby escaping with their lives. After this they resolved for the Pequot Country, having received some Intel|ligence of the Insolency and outrage of those Indians. As they were sailing up the River, many of the Pequots on both sides of the River cal|led to them, desirous to know what was their end in coming thither, they were told that they desired to speak with 〈◊〉〈◊〉, one of their Sachems; the Indians said he was gone to Long-Island; then it was de|manded that Momanottuck another of their Sachems should appear. It was pretended that he was not at home neither. The English went a shore, and required the Indians to deliver up those that had murder|ed Capt. Stone, It was Answered, that they were also gone from home, but they would send after them, and deliver them to Justice, and that they might the better keep the English in parley, they said that their Sachem would presently come and treat with them. In the mean time they transported their goods, women and Children to another place.

At last one of the Indians declared plainly, that Momanottuck would not come. Immediately a Skirmish followed, wherein one Indian was killed, and an English man was wounded. The Indians fled, the Eng|lish pursuing, set fire to their Wigwams, and destroyed their Corn, so did they return to their Vessel. A few dayes after this, going on shore

again, as they were loading themselves with Corn, the Indians violently assaulted them, so that they were forced to leave their Corn, and stand to their Arms, At this time an Indian was killed, and two English men sorely wounded. The Indians attempted the Vessels, but were entertained with such Volleys of smal shot, as made them afraid to board any, so the Barks arrived safe at Say-br••ok Fort. The next day some of the Fort going up the River to fetch Hay, the Pequots privily came upon them took one man and afterward roasted him alive, ano|••her shot with five Arrows lived fourteen weeks and dyed, the rest esca|ped with much danger. After this the Pequots came near the Fort & destroyed many of the English Cattel. About two miles distant from the Fort there was an English house wherein were Souldiers. Their Commander charged them not to go out of doors, yet three of them would venture, and as they were a musket shot from the house, the In|dians encompassed them, and took two of them alive, the third being wounded did with his naked Sword escape through them to the house, relating to the Company the sad Event, and that one of those English that were taken did first kill two Indians. The next day all the Eng|lish deserted that house, and repaired to the Fort. The Indians then quickly burned that, and two other houses. They made towards the Fort as if they would have done some great matter; but a great Gun be|ing discharged at them, they went quite away, and were no more seen at Say-brook for the greatest part of that winter. Only three miles up the River two men going in a Canoo to shoot Geese, the Indians hear|ing the Report of their Guns, came upon them. Those two English sought to save their lives by padling, but the Indians pursued them with another Canoo shot at them and wounded one in his head, who fell overboard, the other shot stoutly at the Indians, but at last being wounded and wearied, the Indians overtook him, he with his paddle cleft one of the Indians heads, but the rest took him, and tortured him to death.

Feb. 22. The Lieut. with nine Souldiers well armed, went out of the Fort to burn the woods thereabouts, being gone half a mile from home they were besett with about seventy Indians, who let fly their Ar|rows very fiercely; the English retreated, one man presently was shot in the neck and then did they lay hands on him, he drew his Sword, but that was taken from him; Then would he (as the Indians afterwards testified) have killed himself with his own knife, but that also did the In|dians deprive him of, and cut off his nose and hands, and put him to a cruel death; They shot down another English man with three

Arrows, and a third had one of his ribs cleft with an Arrow, so that he died immediately. A fourth was mortally wounded, and though he got home alive, he died within fourteen hours, a fifth was sorely woun|ded, but afterwards recovered, and lived (the next year) to behead that very Indian who had shot an arrow into him. Yea, the Lieut. himself was wounded in this Skirmish. After this the Indians kept Leaguer be|fore Say-brook Fort.

March.9. A body of Indians consisting (as was conjectured) of two or three hundred came within musket shot of the Fort, challenging the English to come out and fight, mocking and upbraiding them with such words as the English used when by them tortured to death, and bragged that they could kill English men all one flyes: But two great Gunns loa|den with Carthages of musket bullets being fired at them, away they went, and hearing that the Narragansets were invading their country, they visited Seybrook no more.

After these things, a shallop coming down from Connecticut, with three men rowing, was set upon by several canoes of Indians, the En|glish sought stoutly so long as they could, but one of them being shot through the nose, so as the arrow went out at the crown of his head, fell overboard and dyed: The other two were taken▪ by the Indians, who ripped them up from the bottom of the belly to the throat, and cleft them down the back throughout, and afterwards ••ung them up by the neck on a tree by the River side, that the English might see them as they passed by; the shallop they drew ashore and set on fire.

May. 15. 1637. Some of Uncas his men being then at Saybrook, in order to assisting the English against the Pequots, espyed seven Indians, and slily encompassing them, slew five of them, and took one Prisoner, and brought him to the English Fort, which was great satisfaction and encouragement to the English, who before that exploit had many fears touching the fidelity of the Moheag Indians. He whom they took Prisoner, was a perfideous Villain, one that could speak English well, having in times past lived in the fort, and knowing all the English there, had been at the slaughtering of all the English that were slaugh|tered thereabouts; He was a continual spy about the fort, informing Sassacus of what he saw or could learn. When this bloody traitor was executed, his limbs were by violence pulled from one another, and bur|ned to ashes; some of the Indian executioners barbarously taking his flesh, they gave it to one another, and did eat it, withall singing about the fire.

It is also reported that before the Mistick fight, a friendly Indian

that was sent thither as a secret spy, brought word that the Pequots were singing, and dancing, and be••••ing their God, in that they sup|posed the English were gone from them; and that in the ••ight the En|glish came upon them, they were fallen into a deep sleep, by reason of their long dancing the night before, and their s••ntinel was gone out of his place to light a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Tobacco, just as the English surprized them, and when our souldiers gave fire there was not one that missed; the Pequots so alarumed, in horrour and amazement, crying Wannocks Wannocks, i.e. Englishmen, Englishmen; some of the old men taking hold of others that were willing to run away, and saying, as we have lived together, so let us dy together, the Wigwam which was first set on fire, being to the windward side carried all before it, (as is in the Narrative intimated) At that time there were two English men slain, (one of which was thought to be shot by an English man) and twenty four wounded, whereof one dyed within few dayes. Also fourty Indians that were friends to the English were hurt in that en|gagement. It was supposed that no less then five or six hundred Pe|quot souls were brought down to Hell that day. Moreover, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 therein added, that as the English marched towards their vessels in the River, still as they came near any swamp, they sent in a volley of shot▪ lest the enemy should haply he in ambush in those dark places of the earth, and some Indians have related that the English did by that means kill more men of war in their marching away, then in the fight at the Fort, whereby also Sassacus his plot to cut off the English as they passed by swamp▪ambushments was utterly and happily frustrated.

It is further said▪ that an Indian called Wequosh did direct the English to the Fort at Mistick, which Wequosh was by birth a Sachim of that place but upon some disgust received he went from the Pequots to the Narra|gansets▪ and became a chief Captain under Miantonim••; and that there were with those eighty English Souldiers, who engaged in this expedi|tion against the Pequots, at first four hundred Indians, whereof three hundred were Narragansets. The day before the fight there was some agitation which Fort should be first assaulted, whether that of Mistick, or another eight miles further, where Sass••acus himself resided. The English were an end to be upon Sassacus, but the Indians were a|fraid saying, that Sassacus was all one God, and no body could kill him; this made the English yet more desirous to try what power was in this imaginary Deity, and that was the conclusion, whereupon many of the Narragansets▪ withdrew, and returned all home, reporting that the En|glish were cut off by the Indians; the same of which was quickly at

Boston; to the great affliction of the English until such time as the truth of things was certainly known. In this Interim one of Capt. Underhils Souldiers fell lame, not being able to go so far as the place where Sassa|c•••• was supposed to be; whence the Captain changed his purpose, and determined for Mistick; and Capt. Mason was not willing they should part asunder, so did they agree to make their Assault there; few or none of the Indians which were in the Fort escaped, whole companyes of them gathered together and were burnt to death; those that escaped the Fire, the English without the Fort slew them with the sword, so that round about the Fort, dead men lay, hideous to behold.

The Indians Go••••ah, even their only Champion, being a man of huge stature was then slain, he brake through the souldiers, and al|though one Sergeant stroke him on the neck with his Cutlash, he got by him, and by five souldiers more, but the sixth killed him.

And those that escaped the sword, the friendly Indians that encom|passed the English took as Captives to the number of eighteen.

This was done upon Friday, May, 26. Anno 1637. A Memora|ble Day.

Upon this notable victory Sassac••s his heart failed him, his men of war being many of them cut off, so that he fled his Country, breaking down his Forts, and burning his Wigwams himself, he marched away by land, with some men, women and Children, their goods being sent away in Cannoo's. The English at Say-brook had notice of the Cannoos, and an advantage to stop their passage, but Capt.Kilpatrick delayed until the opportunity was gone, so that Sassacus with his routed train coming up to the Cannoos six miles from Say-brook Fort, was transported over the River, and fled towards Quinipiack. Being now inraged he sollicited his men of War, that they might go, and fall upon the English at Connecticut, but some of them not consenting, that design of his was not put in execution; he therefore fled to the Mohawks, who (being as is supposed excited thereto by the revengfull Narragansets) cut off his head.

Many of the Pequots before Sassacus his death returned to their Country again; but souldiers being sent from the Massachusets the re|turned Pequots were presently distressed, ours ran sacking their country, and ••••tling a garrison therein, quickly came back to Sey|brook, with one of the Pequot Sachims, and other Indian Captives. Af|ter which a supply of men from Connecticut coming to the Massachu|set Souldiers, they sailed westward in pursuit of the Pequots who were fled that way, sailing along to the westward of Mononowuttuck, the

wind not answering their desires, they cast Anchor, where two Sachems from Long-Island came to them, desiring peace and promising to deli|ver up whatever Pequots should fly to them for shelter, some scattering Pequots were then taken and s••ain, as also the Pequot Sachem, before ex|pressed, had his head cut off, whence that place did bear the name of Sa|chems head. Being come near to Quinipiack observing a smoak, it was conjectured that the Enemy might be thereabouts, whereupon Indians were set on shore to hunt after them, but they could find no more then two, one of which was the Sachems son of that place, supposed to be Confederate with the Pequots. They promised to conduct the Eng|lish to the Enemy, but failed in performance. After that they took a|nother Indian Captive, who likewise engaged to lead the English upon the Pequots, but he directed them into a quite contrary way, for which his life was deservedly taken from him. But an Indian called Luz, who was before taken Captive by our Souldiers in the Pequot Country, with two other Indians that were his kinsmen, promised if the English would give him, and his kinsmen their lives, He would conduct them to the Enemies they sought after. He did so, the Pequots with other Indians belonging to those parts, were found near a Swamp, into which they did betake themselves for safety, upon the approach of the English Souldiers. After a while, an Indian came out of the Swamp un|armed, with a present of Wampam, The English declared to him that they came not to take away the lives of the Indians nor their goods, if they would deliver up the murtherers that were amongst them. After which ninety nine came forth with their Sachim, who offered as a pre|sent all the Estate he had to dispose of, and that was nothing but the Coat on his back, being a Bears Skin. He was sent into the Swamp again to signify to the Pequots there lurking, that if they would bring forth the murderers it should be better for them, which they would not do, but at last professed they had lived together, and they would dy together

There were about seventy or eighty Indians in the Swamp, amongst whom there were twelve murderers. So then the English besett the Swamp; and shot in upon them, and the Indians at them, some of which were furnished with Guns. One in special that was climbing up a Tree to shoot at the English, was espyed by a Souldier, who sent a Bullet into him before the other could make his shot. In the night time the Indians brake away. Diligent search was the next day made in the Swamp for dead Indians, Not many, (as some have made Nar|ration) but seven, and no more could be found. As for the Captives a

Guard was appointed to look after them, they were charged upon pe|ril of their lives not to attempt running away; yet one of them betook himself to his heels, but a Souldier shot after him, and killed him, which struck a Terror into the rest of the Captives, that no man durst make an offer to escape. These things do I find related by A••onymus, There is not much more additional to what is expressed in Mr. Allyns Narrative, some of these particulars insisted on confirming the truth of that. Only one thing more is conteined therein which I have not elsewhere 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with, which therefore it may not be amiss here to take notice of. It is this, Whereas on April 23. 1637. The Indians coming upon the English at Wethersfield killed nine persons, and took two young wo|men alive, and carried them away Captives, means were used to effect their deliverance, but at first, in vain.

On May 8. A Dutch Sloop came by Saybrook Fort, having on Board an Indian Captive, who said she was Momonottocks Squaw. The Eng|lish there desired the Dutch-men to let them have the Squaw in order to redeeming the English Captives, offering to give them to the value of two hundred pound, provided that those Captives might be set at li|berty. The Dutchmen hoping to gain much by such an Indian were some of them lo••h to part with her. In Conclusion Capt. Underhil (who then commanded the Fort) having obteined the Consent of the Master of the Vessel, did Vi & armis take the Squaw out of the Sloop. Afterwards when the Moheags came to Saybrook that Squaw appeared to be one belonging to them, whom the Pequots had Captivated, and she made the Dutch believe she was Momonottocks Squaw, hoping that thereby she should obtein the more courteous usage amongst those into whose hands she was fallen, so that the contest between the English and Dutch about her was needless. In the Interim the Dutch Governour sent another Sloop, with order to redeem the English Captives if possi|ble, and those Dutch did in Conclusion wilily accomplish their design. For being arrived in the Pequot Country, certain Indians coming aboard to trade with them after they had been trafficking they were clapt un|der Hatches, and told they should not be set at liberty, except they would deliver the English▪ maids that were Captivated, and presently hoysted Sayle, as if they would be gone. The Pequots on shore called to them, declaring that if they would come to an Anchor, the English Captives should be brought to them, which was done, and the men whom the Dutchmen had secured in their Sloop given in Exchange for the English Captives, who were also brought safe to Saybrook, May, 10. where our Souldiers waited for a wind to carry them to engage with

the Pequots, and that Wind which for a few dayes kept the English from going upon their expedition, brought that Dutch Sloop to redeem those Captives, concerning whom there was no other hope (and that was a trouble to some) but that the English would be necessitated to de|stroy them amongst the Indians, in the day when their Fort should be attacqued.

Some have thought tha•• in these Narratives, there is not due notice taken of what was done by the Massachuset Forces. The Truth is, the Conquest obteined over the ••equot•• was wonderfully the Lords doing, nor may we ascribe much to man therein, yet must it be acknowledged (and the Narratives deny it not) that Capt. Underhil (and those under his Command) who was sent from the Massachusets did acquit himself worthily, when the Indians at Mistick Fort were cut off. It must also be owned that the Massachuset Souldiers did glean the Pequots af|ter that, (and we know who to pa••ify those that were unreasonably dissatisfied, was ready to say, Is not the gleaning of Ephraim better then the Uintage of Abiener;) Likewise they had an equal hand with others in the Service done at the Swamp, where such a multitude of In|dians were either slain or taken as Captives.

And besides these things insisted on there are who have taken notice of some other specialtyes of Divine providence, relating to those Commotions which have been of momentous consideration, to the peo|ple inhabiting this wilderness, which it may not be amiss here to re|mark. It is then worthy our observation, that the guilty bloody Pe|quots after they had treacherously murthered Capt. Stone and his Com|pany, brought presents of Wampam and Bever to the English at Boston, desiring their Friendship, pleading that Stone had (who was like e|nough to do it) offered some abuse to them, in surprizing divers Indi|ans, and binding them, and forcing them to shew him the way up the River, &c.—wherefore a peace was concluded upon condition they would suffer the English who desired to inhabit Connecticut, there qui|etly to live, and also deliver up those men who had been guilty of Stones death. These things were not performed by the Pequots. The Rea|son why they were the more willing to have peace with the English was, in that they were fallen out with the Dutch at Monhatus, as also with the Narrhagansets who were then potent and numerous; and at first they thought scorn to make Overtures of peace to them, proudly designing the subjugation of all their neighbour Indians, which wrought well for the English. Howbeit not unlike him that said,—Flectere ••i|nequeo superos Ach••ronta movebo. When they saw they could not attain

their Ends with the English, except they would ••et Justice have a free passage, and having Contracted fresh bleeding guilt upon them|selves, by new and outragious murthers, and crueltyes, they ear|nestly sollicited the Narragansets to joyn with them in their wicked Con|federacy against the English, Satan suggesting to them such Arguments as did almost prevail. For they told the Narragansets that if they joyned with the English, they did but make way for their own Ruine, since after the Pequots were conquered, they would find an occasion to fall upon the Narragansets, and that they should not need to come to open battel with the English, only fire their Houses, and kill their Cat|tel, and lye in ambush to shoot them as they went about their occasions, so would they quickly be forced to leave this Country, and the Indians in the mean while not exposed to any great hazard. Had the Narra|gansets been overcome by these Arguments, it would have occasioned far greater Trouble and hazard to all the English Colonyes, newly set|led in this Land; But therefore God in mercy to his people prevented it. Commissioners were then sent from Boston into the Narragansett Country, to endeavour that those Indians might be kept from Comply|ance with the enemy. There is one who having a little enquired into these things, doth Relate that the old Kanonicus did disswade the Pe|quots from war, advising rather to deliver up the murderers. They made believe as if they would do so, and when a Band of Souldiers was sent into the Pequot Country for that end, they bid them stay a while, and the murderers should be brought to them, and certain Indians conversing with our Souldiers, did very much observe the Armor which was upon them▪ and would point where they should hit them with their Arrows, notwithstanding. In fine, when a great Body of Indians ap|peared on an Hill not far off, those that were with the Souldiers went over to them, when they all came together they gave a scornful shout, and so ran all away, making their boast to others, how they had delu••ed the English; So that Canonicus his advise to the Pequots took no effect. After which the Narragansett, were not only prevailed with to decline joyning with the enemy, but (as is intimated in the above written Narrative) they pretended they would fight for the English; albeit when it came to in good earnest, they proved themselves Cowards do|ing little against the enemies, except by unmanly insultations when they saw them in misery: For whereas it was customary with the Pequots, when they had overcome their enemies insultingly to tri|umph, saying, O brave Pequots! The Narragansets seeing them wounded or consuming to death in their burning wigwams, would taunt

at them and vaunt over them▪ saying, O brave Pequots! O brave Pe|quots! The more of a divine hand is there to be taken notice of in over|coming the Pequots by a small number of English and Indians. Also the Pequots were more furnished with Armes then before times they had been; since the Dutchmen had sold some Guns to them; and be|sides their bowes and arrows they had an abundance of small hatchets, and Mohawgs▪ hammers made of stone, yet God would not suffer them to find their hands.

What special acts of valour were manifested by any of our Comman|ders or souldiers in this expedition, beyond what is expressed in the forementioned Narrattve, I am not able to Relate; Nor am I (though willing that mens vertues should be duely acknowledged▪) disposed to say much on those accounts, respecting such as are yet alive, as know|ing that however it may please some by nourishing a proud humour, it would be nauseous to others, and deemed adulatory by wise and im|partial Readers.

Only I remember Capt. Davenport (that good man, who was after|wards Commander of the Castle at Boston, and there slain by lighten|ing) once told me, that himself, with two or three more, engaged with no lesse then thirty Indians, and that there were seventeen arrows hot into his Coat, but having on a Coat of Male, none of those ar|rows hurt him, only one that happened to strike where he was not de|fended by his Coat.

Also he rescued a poor souldier, that was in extream danger of be|ing devoured by those Wolves; For two Mastive-Indians that lay in ambush, as a party of souldiers passed by, supposing they had been all past, snatched hold of him whom they thought to be the last man, and were running away with him upon their shoulders▪ Capt. Daven|port followed them with his drawn Cutlash, but still as he lifted up his hand to strike at them these Gigantine Salvages held up the poor man they were running away with, whereby for a while they secured their own bodyes from the blow, until at last missing the Englishman, Capt. Davenport smote one of the Indians, whereupon they threw down their prey, and ran for their lives.

He that giveth account of this last passage, doth also Relate another particular no lesse pleasant; namely, that whereas the Pequots obser|ved, that the English, being willing to shew as much mercy as would stand with justice, did only captivate and not kill the Squaws, some great Indian Boyes would cry, I Squaw, I Squaw, thereby thinking to escape with their lives.

But to be serious. That which Governour Winthrop writeth in his Letter, published by Mr. Morton, is very memorable, viz. that in one fight, though the Indians coming up close to our men, shot their Arrows thick upon them, so as to pierce their hat brims, and their Sleeves, and Stockings, and other parts of their Cloaths, yet so miraculously did the Lord preserve them, as that (excepting three that rashly ventur|ed into a Swamp after them) not one of them was wounded. And tru|ly to set aside carnal Considerations, there are two Reasons obvious, that may be assigned as causes of that glorious and speedy success, which God gave to the English against the Pequot Indians.

1. The blasphemy of those Enemies. For some of them said, that English mans God was one Flye, which execrable blasphemy the blessed God would not bear from those his Enemies. Also when some English were cruelly tortured to death by them▪ they would in a way of derision bid them call upon God now, and blasphemously mock at them when they did so. Therefore did the Lord bring those bloody blas|phemers in a moment down to Hell, yea, and damned them above ground, when they lay frying in the Fire that was kindled upon their houses, and making horrible Outcries.

2. There was a mighty Spirit of Prayer and Faith then stirring, both in those that staid at home, and in some what ventured their lives in the high places of the Field. That Reverend man of God Mr. Wilson (who excelled in those graces of Faith and Love) went forth with the Soul|diers that were sent from this Colony. I think I have my self heard him say, (or if I have not, others have) that he was before he went out, as certain that God would give the English the Victory over those Ene|mies, as if he had seen the Victory already obtained. Such great Faith did the Lord stir up in the Heart of that Holy man, and of other his Ser|vants, and by Faith did they turn to Fight the Armyes of the Aliens. So then, these Enemies being subdued, in such wayes and by such means as hath been expressed, the Terror of God fell upon all the Heathen round about, and the English were dreadful to them: when they heard that the English had slain, and taken Captive seven hundred Indians, and killed Thirteen Sachims, (who are their Kings) there was no more Spirit left in them. The Pequots best friends were afraid to receive such as fled to them for Refuge. But happy was he counted that could make friendship with the English, so that two of the Sachims in Long-Island came to that worthy Gentleman Captain (afterwards Lieut. Colonel) Stoughton, entreating that they might be under our protection. Also two of the Napannet Sachims, addressed themselves to Governour Win|throp,

seeking to be in favour with the English. These things de|serve to be mentioned amongst the Magnalia Dei, which he hath wrought for his New-England-People.

Matters being again reduced to this peaceable state, that Land rested from war, and that for the space of almost forty years together. How|beit Jealousies amongst the English grounded upon Treacheries and Conspiracies amongst the Indians, (and some particular acts of Hostility and Outrages by them committed) there have been, more than once or twice, since the Pequot-Troubles were ended.

For in Anno 1638. the publick peace was endangered by occasion of a murder committed by an English man upon an Indian. Thus it was. One Arthur Peach a young Desperado, who had been a Souldier in the Pequot war, and done notable Service, being bold and forward in any desperate Attempt▪ after he was returned home he was loth to go to work, wherefore he resolved to go to the Dutch Plantation, and enti|ced three persons, that were other mens servants, to run away with him. As they were travailing through the woods, they met a Narra|ganset Indian, and desired him to take a pipe of Tobacco, which the In|dian was willing to do, Peach told his Comrades, be would kill him; they were afraid to do that, but let him alone to do as he would. When he saw his Time, He ran the Indian through with his Rapier, and took away his Wampam from him, supposing he had left him dead, but after they were gone, the Indian made a shift to get home, where he dyed of his wound within few dayes; But told other Indians that such and such Englishmen had mortally wounded him; The Sachims therefore pre|sently found out these men (only one of them escaped) who had done the murder, and carried them away to the English at Aquidnet Island, where they were examined and committed. In the mean time the Narragansets were about to rise in Arms, some of them conceiving that they should find the Pequots words true, that the English would fall up|on them, now the other were vanquished. To be short, the murder be|ing confessed by the partyes guilty, the Court in Plymouth did by ad|vice from Magistrates and elders in the Bay, condemn and see executi|on done upon those three English men for murdering that one Indian, whereupon the other Indians magnifyed the Justice which they saw amongst the English, and peace was continued. Yet after this new fears and troubles did arise upon other accounts. For although the Narragansets, and the Mo••eags did Anno 1638. come under solemn promise that they would not engage in a war, either amongst themselves or with other Indians, until they had advised with, and obt••ined appro|bation

from the English, Nevertheless M••antonimo, the chief Nar|raganset Sachim, was continually picking quarrels with the Moheags, designing to make them become his Vassals. Some (viz. Mr. Gorges and Mr. Johnson) have related that Miantonimo was set on by certain vagabond English, known by the Name of Gortonians, who being deep Apostates from, and bitter enemies unto the wayes of Christ, professed by our Fathers, might easily be induced to animate motions of that nature, However Miantonimo chose rather to accomplish his ends upon the Moheags by Treachery, than by open war; and hired a Pe|quot Indian who was subjected to Uncas (the Moheags Sachim) to as|sassinate him that was become his Lord, which the Indian attempted ac|cordingly; insomuch as on a certain evening as Uncas was passing from one Wigwam to another, he was shot into the arm by an arrow, but recovered the house he intended, without receiving further hurt.

The Indian who was suspected about this matter, being called to an account about a great summ of Wampam-peag, by him possessed, could not give any tolerable account, how he came by his money, which augmented jealousies of his being hired by Miantonimo to kill Uncas. Uncas then made his complaint to the English; the issue was, that Mi|antonimo and the suspected Indian came to Boston, where he was exami|ned, at first in the presence of Miantonimo, by whose help he had framed an Artificial Lye, saying, that one night as he came out of a thick swamp, Uncas desired him to say that he was hired by Miantonimo to kill Uncas, and that therefore he cut his arm with the flint of his Gun, that men might think he had been shot with an arrow. This pittiful story made the English suspect Miantonimo more vehemently then ever, and upon a further private examination (much against Miantonimo's mind) they saw cause to believe that he was secretly designing mischief against the English, as well as against Uncas. Nevertheless, it was thought best to dismiss him for the present, only with an engagement to remit the suspected Pequot to his Master Uncas: He contrary to his promise, as he was returning home cut off the poor Pequots head, where|by he was made uncapable of discovering any thing further about matters between Miantonimo, and him.

Being come home, he forthwith resolveth to be revenged upon Uncas, and with a thousand Narragansets gave him battel, but the Moheags, (though not half their number) worsted the Narragan|sets, and took Miantonimo, their chief Sachem, prisoner, and brought him to the Town of Hartford, desiring advise from the English con|cerning the disposal of him. The Commissioners of the united Colo|nies,

considering that Miantonimo had shed blood by raising an unjust war against the Moheags their friends, to whom they had engaged protection, & that he was treacherous to the English, & peace not like to be setled among the Indians, nor continued with the English except he were dispatched (together with some other reasons, more fully expressed on the Declaration published by the Commissioners, Anno 1645.) they counselled Uncas to put him to death, withal prohibiting him to use any Crueltyes in the manner of his execution, it being customary with barbarous Indians (who like their Father the Devil are delighted in Crueltyes) to put their enemies to the greatest Tortures they can de|vise, when they kill them. The advice was followed. Vncas led away Miantonimo as if he would carry him to another place, for custody and safety, and by the way very fairly cut off his head, as he not a year be|fore had served one of Uncas his men. These things hapned Ann•• 1643.

In the next year the peace of two of these Colonies, viz, those of Connecticut and New Haven was disturbed by the Indians.

For, first an English man running away from his Master, out of the Massachusets was murdered in the woods near Connecticut by an Indian; & about six weeks after was discovered by another Indian, a Sagamore in those parts promised to deliver the murderer bound to the English; and having brought him to Uncaway a Connecticut Sachim, he was there unbound, it seems by their joynt consent, & left to shift for himself, where|upon ten English men, who were forthwith sent by Mr. Ludlow to the place, seeing the murderer was escaped, laid hold on eight Indians there present, amongst whom there was a Sagamore or two, and kept them in hold two dayes, until four Sagamores ingaged themselves within one Moneth to deliver the Malefactor unto Justice; About a week after which agreement an Indian came presumptuously, and in the day time murderously assaulted an English woman, in an house in Stamford, and by three wounds (supposed mortal) left her for dead, and robbed the house. The Indians generally in those parts demeaned themselves af|ter an hostile manner refused to come to the English, or to attend Trea|ties of peace, departed from their Wigwams, left their Corn unweeded, and shot off Guns near some English Plantations in a Tumultuary way, and some Indians informed that there was a purpose to fall upon the English; so that there was watching and warding day and night, New-Haven and Hartford were sent unto, that relief might be afforded to the weaker Towns, also application was made to the other Colonyes for Assistance. At last the Indians were perswaded to deliver the murde|rers up to Justice. So did these dark Clouds blow over.

Nevertheless, in this year (viz. in Anno 1644.) the Rage of the Narra|gansets against the Moheags did break out again in greater violence than ever before, insomuch that Unc••s was forced to betake himself to a Fort, and was there surrounded with multitudes of those Indians. The Eng|lish thought it their concern, not to suffer him, to be swallowed up by those Adversaryes, since he had (though for his own ends) approved himself faithful to the English from time to time. The Narragansets perceiving that the English did (as they had Reason to) favour Un|cas, began to be high and Insolent in their expressions & actions, threat|ning to destroy the English (only as to the English at Providence and Rhode-Island the Narraganset Sachims concluded a neutrality) as well as the Mo••eags.

Before these things, there being four Colonyes of English Inha|bitants setled in this Country, viz. Massachusets, Plymouth, Connecticut and New-Haven, (which is since become a part of Connecticut Colony) who were sensible of the common danger they were exposed unto, by reason of Indians throughout this Land, as also▪ in that Dutch and Swedes, and French had seated themselves not far off, who might some of them probably prove evil Neighbours, and withal considering that, as he in the famous Poet expresseth.

〈in non-Latin alphabet〉〈in non-Latin alphabet〉

〈in non-Latin alphabet〉〈in non-Latin alphabet〉

Vis unita fortior, if they were all consederate it would tend to the safety of the whole: Articles of confederation were agreed upon, whence these were called the United Colonyes: And now was there an opportunity for them to act as became such; wherefore each of the Colonies did proportionably first send out Souldiers to keep Garrison with Un••as, and after that ra••sed an Army in order to war with the Narragansets.

When a war was with good advice concluded on, forty men were immediately sent out of the Massachusets to relieve Uncas, who upon the departure of Connecticut Souldiers (their time appointed them to keep Garrison with Unc•••• being expired) was presently set upon by the Narragansets; but further attempts upon him were prevented, by the coming of these from the Massachusets. Also before the other Colonies could expedite what concerned the whole design, Forces were sent out of Plymouth, under the command of Capt. Standish, and mar|ched as far as Re••oboth, that being near the borders of the enemy.

That worthy Commander, Major Edward Gibbons, was appointed as General. Mr. Thompson Pastor of the Church in Braintree, being in

diverse re••••ects eminently fitted for such a Service, was to sound the silver Trumpet along with this Army. They did solemnly take their leave of their friends, and were solemnly commended to the Blessing of the God of Armies: But as they were just marching out of Boston, (their bagg••ge being sent before towards the enemies quarters) many of the principal Narraganset Indians, vizPessi••••s, Mexano, & Witawash Sagamores, and Awasequin deputy for the Ni••••sticks, these with a large Train came to Boston suing for peace, being willing to submit to what Terms the English should see cause to impose upon them.

It was demanded of them that they should defray the charges that they had put the English to and that the Sachims should send their sons to be kept as Hostages in the hands of the English until such time as the money should be payed. All this did the Narragansets yield unto,

Mel in ore, verbalactis, Fel in corde frans in factis.

Notwithstanding the Narragansets have dissembled friendship with the English, yet venome hath been in their hearts ever since these mo|tions: Nor was there any other then Fides Gr•••••• observed by them, in the performance of their engagements.

In the first place they endeavoured to play Leger de main in their sending Hostages▪ For instead of Sachems Children▪ they thought to send some other, and to make the English believe that those base pap••oses, were of a royal progeny, but they had those to deal with, who were too wise to be so eluded. After the expected Hostages, were in the hands of the English, the Narragansets notwithstanding that, were flow in the performance of what they stood engaged for. And when upon a partial discharge of the debt, their Hostages were restored to them, they become more backward than formerly, until they were by hostile preparations again and again terrified into better obedience. At last Major Atherton, (then Capt. Atherton) of Dorchester was sent with a small party of English Souldiers to demand what was due. He at first entred into the Wigwam, where old Ninnigret (the Nyantick Sachim) resided, with only two or three Souldiers, appointing the rest by de|grees to follow him, two or three dropping in at once, when his small Company were come about him that Indians in the mean time suppo|sing that there had been many more behind, he caught the Sachim by the hair of his head, and set a pistol to his breast, protesting who ever esca|ped, he should surely dy, if he did not forthwith comply with what was required. Hereupon a great trembling and Consternation surprized the Indians, alb••it multitudes of them were then present, with spiked arrows at their Bow-strings ready to lot fly. The event was, the In|dians

submitted, and not one drop of bloud was shed. Nor was there (so far as I am informed) after this any open discovery of enmity in the Narragansets against the English until such time as Philip began his his great Rebellion. Yet it is evident that there hath been treachery, and secret Treason against the English, amongst them.

Astutum vapido servant sub pectore Vulpem.

I have been told that a man of God (viz. Mr. Street, who formerly lived not far from those parts) observing the perfidiousness of those Narragansets, and their enmity against the Gospel, publickly decla|red that he foresaw the destruction of the Narraganset Nation, solemn|ly confirming his speech in saying, If God do not destroy that people, then say that his spirit hath not spoken by me.

Surely that holy man was a Prophet, 〈in non-Latin alphabet〉〈in non-Latin alphabet〉 Qui bene conjiciet, ••uno Vatem. And this is a Summary account of what hath in former years hapned between us and the Narragansets.

Considering, that the Narraganset Troubles have been of no small concernment, it would be worth the while a little more fully to relate the Truth about those motions. Only it is already done in good part by that Declaration which was published by the Commissioners of these united Colonies Anno. 1645. (together with the Articles then con|sented unto, and subscribed by the Narraganset Sachims) Whoso pleaseth to consult those things will receive satisfaction concerning the War which was at that time fully intended, but not actually prosecuted by reason of the Indians Complyance as hath been specified.

In Anno. 1646. They failed in the performance of their Covenant, above expressed, as to every particular therein contained.

It is also evident that they had by presents of Wampam been practi|sing with the Mohawks, and other Indians to engage them against Un|cas, unto whom they knew the English had promised protection. So that the English according to the Rules of Righteousness, might have righted themselves by the justice of War, yet being desirous rather to ma|nifest Long-suffering towards these Barbarians, the Commissioners of the united Colonies contented themselves with sending a Declaration to the Narraganset and Niantick Indians, signifying that they should no longer delay the performance of what they had bound themselves unto, as ever they would not be look'd upon as a trracherous and per|fidious people, no more to be treated with.

This Year also there was Trouble and fears raised in the Country, by reason of the River-Indians, at Waranoke, & Norwoottuck, who it seems were ••ecred▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Death of those famous Worthyes,

Mr. Hopkins, Mr. Hains, Mr. Whiting Magistrates in Connecticut Co|lony. For I find upon publick Record, that complaints and informati|ons about that matter (in September, 1646) were brought before the Commissioners then assembled at New-haven, where an Indian testified that Sequasson the Sachim of Waranoke, had given him a sum of money on condition that he would murther the Gentlemen mentioned.

Before the Commissioners convened, Mr. Haines had twice sent to Sequasson; but he neglected to make his appearance: Wherefore Jonathan Gilbert was sent to him again, to signifie from the Commissio|ners that they expected Sequassons appearance before them, and to answer what he was accused with, and they promised him free passage both to and from Newhaven, withall intimating that his withdrawing himself would greatly augment the suspition of his guilt.

The Messenger quickly returned, bringing word, that he could not speak with Sequasson, who he supposed had received notice of his coming by other Indians, and was thereupon ••led.

But a few days after, Nipnisoit and Naimetayhu two Sagamores, came with some other Indians to Newhaven, declaring that they were friends to Sequasson, and pretended great respect to the English, and that they had brought Sequasson to clear himself, and that although one of them had him by one arm, another by the other, when he was come near the town, he brake from them and was escaped.

The Commissioners told them they intended Sequasson no hurt; but desired to bring him and his accusers face to face, that he should have a just hearing in their presence.

Some other Indians informed that Sequasson was within a mile of Newhaven, and it was conceived that he would gladly make his peace by some other means, rather then by a due examination and Trial. The two Sagamores said he was much afraid, and durst not come, though they confessed it was just he should come and clear himself, if innocent; all which being considered, the Commissioners conceived that Sequasson whether guilty or afraid of the English, would still be plotting against them and so prove dangerous; wherefore they thought fit, and ordered that all just and prudent means should be used (his life being preserved) to bring him to a tryal, that the matter might be some way issued. In the mean time they thought good to examine Wotchiborow a Pocatuck Indian Sequassons accuser, who waited to give in evidence against him. He being warned by Thomas Stanton the Interpreter, to speak nothing but truth) affirmed, that being this last Spring at Waranoke, in a wig|wam with Sequasson, and ready to depart, Sequasson perswaded him to

stay three days, thence he drew him to the Falls above Mr. Pinchous; when they had been there four dayes, W••t••hiborow would have been gone to Moheag, to see some friends; Sequasson told him it was dange|rous travelling that way, he would be killed, walked along with him to a Spring, and there told him, that if ever he would doe the said Se|quasson a kindness, now was a time, he was almost ruined, and the En|glish at Hartford, the cause of it: He should therefore go to Hart|ford and kill Mr. Hopkins, Mr. Hains, and Mr. Whiting and he would give him a reward, and thereupon pluckt out of his bag three gir|dles of Wampam, and gave them to him, with a piece of a girdle of wam|pam to play, and promised him much more. Wotchiborow said it was dangerous to kill an English Sachim, they would find out the murde|rer and pursue him to death; what could then wampam doe him good? Sequasson said he had store of wampam, when the thing was done they would fly to the Mohawkes, but in the way, when they came to the Wampeag-Indians, he should give it out that Unc••s had hired him for so much wampam, and that would set the English against Unc••s, & then he the said Sequasson should rise again.

He further told this Examinate, that Naymetayhu, one of the fore|mentioned Sagamores that came on the behalf of Sequasson, and his fa|ther, knew and approved of the said murther.

Wotchiborow further saith that having taken the aforesaid wampam, he remembred that himself had formerly taken Busheag, and brought him to the English, who for a murderous attempt at Sta••ford was put to death at Newhaven, that if he should kill any English Sachim, he should goe in fear of death all the dayes of his life, and that for bring|ing in Busheag, he had a Gratuity from the English, and for the disco|very of this plot he should have their favour▪ and he thought the fa|vour of the English with security, would be better to him then Sequassons Wampam with fear and danger; he therefore came first to Tunks•••• and the next day to Hartford, and discovered Sequasions pra, ctice.

He said further, that Sequasson hearing of the discovery, spake to Romanoke an Indian, and he sent another Indian called Sixpence to this Examinate, desiring him to hide and conceal as much of the Plot as he could▪ and not to lay all open, but he in anger bad the said Sixpence hold his peace, he had discovered it, and would hide nothing.

Thus much doe I find upon Record, relating to Sequassons plot. What afterwards came of this business, or how it issued, I cannot say. There was also another trouble about the Indians this year.

For whilst the Commissioners were sitting at Newhaven, petitions were presented from Edward Elmere and some others, complaining that In|dians had wilfully and maliciously burned some quantity of pitch, and Tarr of theirs, together with some bedding, and a Cart with its furni|ture, and tooles &c. in value above an hundred pounds. And particu|larly they complained of one Wasemose, a Waranoke Indian as guilty therein, as by sufficient evidence they thought they could prove; and that he hath since avoided all the English Plantations; and that he being sent for by a warrant from one of the Magistrates of Connecticut, fled; but being overtaken and seized by some of the English, he was rescued by the Indians, and the English by them jeered and abused, and particu|larly Chickwallop Sachim of Norwootuck: Whereupon Jonathan Gilbert and John Grissin, were sent to Chickwallop and Manasanes.

At their return, they informed that they could not meet either with Chickwallop or Manasanes, but the Sagamores and Indians at Wara|noke carried it insolently towards the English, vaunting themselves in their Arms, bows and Arrows, hatchets and Swords, some with their Guns ready charged, before and in the presence of the English Mes|sengers, they primed and cockt them ready to give fire, and told them, that if they should offer to carry away any men thence, the Indi|ans were resolved to sight, yet the next morning the Sachim with some others offered the English Messengers eight Fathom of Wampam to|wards satisfaction, and promised to provide more. The Messengers not having any thing to that purpose in their Commission, advised the Sachim to send to the Commissioners, but he refused. Hereupon, Naymetayhu one of the Sagamores of Waranoke, who, as before, came on Sequasson▪ behalf, was questioned by the Commissioners about these proud Affronts to the English; At first he denyed what was charged, and excused some part, but one of the English Messengers being pre|sent, and he hearing the rest should be sent for, he fell under most of the charge, professing that he intended no harm to the English, Thus concerning disturbance by the Indians in the yerr, 1646.

In Anno, 1647. New fears and troubles arose by reason of the Nar|raganset Indians, there being credible Informations that they were plot|ting, and by presents of Wampam ingaging the Indians round about to combine with them against the English Colonyes, insomuch that a meet|ing of the Commissioners was called before the ordinary time; Being therefore convened at Boston, July 26. A Messenger was sent to Nar|raganset, signifying to Pesicut and other Sachims there, that the English Commissioners expected their appearance at Boston, and that if they

did refuse or delay, they should no more be sent unto, withal promising them safe conduct, inCase they duly attended. The Messenger being returned informed that Pesicus excused his not meeting the Com|missioners at New Haven the last year, from his ignorance of the time. when he should attend, though that was falsly pretended by him. He also desired excuse for his not appearing at this time, be|cause he said he was sick, and not able to come, (but the Messengers could not perceive that he was subject to any such sickness or disable|ment) Nevertheless, he had given full power to Ninnigret to act on his behalf. Moreover, he excused his not performing the Articles he had subscribed at Boston, two years before, by pretending that he was frighted into that Engagement, with the sight of the English Army, which was then ready to invade the Narraganset Country, and he thought they would follow him home, and there kill him if he did not promise to do as the English would have him.

August ••. Ninnigret with some Niant••ck Indians, and two of Pes|si••••s his men came to Boston. At first he (though against his Consci|ence) made as if he were ignorant, and never been informed of the Covenant which the Indians had made to the English, and seemed to wonder that the English should ask such a Sum of Wampam, saying that he knew not that the Indians were in the Englishmens Debt. He was then put in mind, how that formerly satisfaction had been deman|ded of the Indians for the breach of Articles; and how the English Mes|sengers had been ill intreated by them, and particularly by himself, who had used threatning and insolent, language, saying to the Mes|sengers, that he knew the Commissioners would endeavour to keep them from warring upon Uncas, but they were resolved they would do it for all that, and nothing but Uncas his head should satisfy them; and that if the English did not withdraw their Garrisons from the De|fence of Uncas, they would heap up their Cattel as high as their wig|wams, and that he was the man that had given out that an Englishman should not step out of doors to piss but they would kill him. Ninigre•• not being able to deny these charges, and somewhat appalled thereat, began to comply with the reasonable demands of the English. A dayes time was allowed to him for Consideration and advice with the rest of the Indian Deputyes that were then in Boston.

The next day he declared that he was resolved to give the English Colonies due Satisfaction in all things, and that he would forthwith send some of his men to gather up the wampam which was yet behind hoping that within ten dayes it might be obtained, and that himself

would stay with the English as security, untill the money was paid. Ac|cordingly, he dispatched his Messengers home for that end, who not many dayes after, came back to Boston, bringing with them two hun|dred fathom of Wampam, towards satisfaction of what they owed to the English. This falling very much short of what was expected, Ni|nigree pleaded that his personal absence from home was the cause of that defect, and therefore desired liberty to go home, withal adding, that if the whole were not paid by next spring, the English should take his head, and seize his Country. The Commissioners let him depart, and since he pretended so fair, did deliver to him the Children which were kept as Hostages, expecting from him, the more care to see engage|ments performed; and if they did find him real, that then former neg|lects should be charged upon Pesic••••, and that they should expect his assistance, when it should be required, in recovering the whole remain|der from Pesicus, all which things were cheerfully accepted by Ninni|gret.

This year other Troubles hapned by some of Vncas his Indians, who committed several Outrages upon the English in the Pequot Country. Mr. John Winthrop, & some with him, complained that Wowequay (Un|cas his brother) with about forty Moheags, behaved themselves inso|lently hovering against the English Plantation in a suspicious manner, to the afrightment of the Inhabitants there; Also, although Uncas at first seemed gladly to entertain the English plantation at Pequot, yet his carriage since was such as if he designed by Alarums to disturb and break that plantation. In fine, Uncas was censured, and required to ac|knowledge his fault to the English plantation, (which he did) and pay an hundred Fathom of Wampam to make amends for wrongs susteined.

In September 1648. New complaints were brought before the Com|missioners of the united Colonyes, (then sitting at Plymouth) against the Narraganset Indians Henry Bull of Rhode-Island petitioned for re|lief, informing that those Indians had beaten him, and other wayes been injurious to him. Also Messengers from the Town of Wa••wick came with complaints in behalf of the whole Town, alleadging that their neighbour Indians did kill their Cattel, abuse their servants when they took them alone,& sometimes would make forcible entry into their hou|ses, yea▪ and strike the masters thereof, and steal, and purloyne their goods at pleasure. At the same time, informations were brought before the Commissioners, that the Narragansit Indians, instead of paying the Wampam, that was due to the Colonyes, had improved their Wampam•• o hire Indians to invade Uncas, and in case the English should defend

him, to fight with them also. Particularly, tha•• Ninnigret had given out, that if the English did protect Uncas, he would quickly burn the houses at Connecticut. The Narragansets were withdrawing their old men, women, and children into swamps, hiding their corn &c. The mercenary Mohawks were said to be about four hundred in number, all armed with guns, and three pound of powder for every man.

These Counsils were so far ripened and prepared for execution, as that Thomas Stanton and other messengers from Connecticut, goeing to the Indians to enquire into▪ and (if it might be) stop proceedings, found them met at Pacomptuck their Randeavouze, who acknowledg|ed that they had received Wampam from the Narragansets to invade Uncas, and that they were met together to that purpose, expecting Mohawks and other Indians to make up their full numbers: But hea|ring that two Mohawk Sachims, were lately killed by the Eastern In|dians, and that the English, who they thought were a just and war|like people, would defend Uncas, they did therefore stop their inten|ded proceedings at this time.

But these things made it yet more evident, that the Narragansetts were a false and treacherous people, not to be trusted, nor worthy to be treated with.

An••••. 1649. Newhaven Colony was in apparent danger of being involved in trouble by reason of the Indians there: For at Stamford 〈◊〉〈◊〉 going forth to seek his cattle returned not home as was expected, nor could be found by the English that sought for him; but quickly after the Son of a Sagamore who lived near Stamford, came into the Town, and told the English that John Whitmore was murthered by an Indian called Toquattos, and to prove it, told them that Toquattos had some of his cloathes; and particularly his shirt made of Cotton-linnen. Hereupon the English and some Indians went into the woods to seek the murthered body for burial, but though they bestowed much time and labour, they could not find it. Diverse of the English at Stamford suspected the Sagamores son to be either the Author or accessory to the Murther, but had not satisfiing grounds to seize and charge him.

About two or three months after, Uncas coming to Stamford, calling the Indians thither, and enquiring after the murdered body, the fore mentioned Sagam••res Son, and another suspected Indian called Kehoron fell a trembling, and hereby confirmed the suspition of the English, and wrought a suspition in some of the Mohegin Indians, so that they said these two Indians were Match••t, meaning they were guilty. Notwith|standing the Indians thereabouts excused the Sagamores Son, and accu|sed

Toq••attos, & intimated that if the Sagamores Son should upon sus|••ition be seized on by the English, the Indians would doe the like by ••••me English, untill he should be set at liberty.

Likewise as South-ham••ton in Long-Island, the English were exposed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 great difficulties and dangers by reason of a murder committed in ••••at Town, so that they were necessitated to Ar•• themselves, and stand upon their own defence for many dayes; the Indians being gathered to|gether in an hostile posture. This year also Uncas renewed his com|plaints against the Narraganset Indians, that notwithstanding all former ••ngagements, they are still undermining his peace, and seeking his ••uine, and in particular that to their late endeavour to bring the Mo|••awks upon him, when that failed, they sought by witchcraft to take a|way his life. A Narraganset Indian (called Cuitaquin) in an English Vessel in Mohegin River, ran a Sword into Uncas his breast, whereby 〈◊〉〈◊〉 received to all appearance a mortal wound, which murderous act, ••he Assailant then confessed, he was for a considerable sum of Wampam, ••y the Narraganset and Niantick Sachims hired to attempt, Ninnigret when examined utterly denyed his having an hand in that fact but affir|med that Cuttaquin, who accused himself, and the other Sachims, was drawn thereunto, by Torture from the Moheags,

About four years after this (viz. in Anno 1653.) there were great Troubles, and Commotions raised in the Spirits of men with reference to the Indians, it being generally believed that there was an horrid Conspi|racy amongst the Indians throughout this Land to cut off all the Eng|lish, and that they were animated thereto by the Dutch, there being at that time war between England and Holland. An Indian Squaw was sent by other Indians (that professed love and friendship) to one in Wethersfield on Connecticut, informing that there was a Confederacy between the Dutch and indians, to destroy the English Colonyes, and that the day of Election of Magistrates in the several Jurisdictions was intended for execution, because then the Towns would be left naked and less able to defend themselves. This Squaw moreover desired the English to remember, how dear their slighting of her former informati|on of the Pequots coming had cost them.

Also. Uncas addressed himself to the Governour of Connecticut Co|lony declaring that N••nnigr••t had that winter been at Man••atos, and that he had given the Dutch Governour a great present of Wampam, and received from him twenty Gunns, with powder and shot answer|able;

and that during his stay in those parts he went over Hudsons River, gathered as many Sachims together as he could, made ample Declaration against the English, desiring their aid and assistance against them.

Yea moreover, there were no less then nine Indian Sagamores, who lived near Manhatos, did voluntarily without any notice or reward from the English, send their Messengers to Stamford, declaring and af|firming (even after they were urged by the English to testifie nothing but the truth) that the Dutch had sollicited them by promising them Gunns, Swords, Powder, Wampam, Wast-coats and Coats to cut off the English. The Messengers added that they would not lye, & were as the mouth of the nine Sagamores, who All speak they no lye, they would affirm it to the Dutch Governours face, and if the Dutch were angry, and should fight with them▪ No force &c. The next day, one of those Sagamores, with the Son and Brother of another of them came themselves to Stamford, and confirmed what their Messengers in their names had before reported.

This Spring also, the Indians in the Northern & Eastern parts gene|rally grew insolent, and their carriage very suspitious, and they gave out threatning words, so that many Alarms were made, the peace of the English through the whole Country disturbed, they wearied with ex|traordinary Watchings and Wardings, hindred in their Plowing, Sow|ing preparations for Planting and other Occasions, to their exceeding great Damage. These things caused many sad thoughts of hearts, and some warlike Preparations; but when the Partyes accused were enqui|red of about these matters they would own nothing; as for Ninigret he pretended that his wintering amongst the Dutch was on the account of his health, and not at all out of design against the English. The rest of the Narraganset Sachims made themselves very ignorant of any Plot; the Dutch Governour likewise professed great abhorrency of so vile a thing as that would be, to hire barbarous Indians to murder Christians; withall adding, that if the Colonies fell upon him on that account, the righteous Judge would be his Defence, and that,

—Hic murus aheneus esto Nil conscire sibi nullâ pallescere culpâ.

Also glad tidings of peace between the Nations at home arrived here so did these troubles vanish.

Albeit not many years after these things, the Indians in those parts made an horrible slaughter, not of English-men but of Dutch-men, who were treacherously massacred by them.

In the latter end of this year it was, that the Mo••taukes or Long|Island Indians who were friends and Tributaryes to the English, com|plained that Ninnigret and the Nianticks had assaulted them, killing and taking Captive diverse of them. They were so far hearkned un|to, as that the Commissioners of the united Colonies did apprehend themselves called of God to wage Warr against Ninigret, and such Indians as should adhere to him in his bloudy proceedings, and accor|dingly did by vote conclude and determine the same, and that two hundred and fifty Souldiers should be forthwith raised, and sent forth by the several Colonies. But the Council at Boston not concurring in those Conclusions, the intended expedition failed at that time. Ne|vertheless the next year, it being known that Ninnigret persisted in his Warring upon the Long Islanders, and that he brake his Covenant, refusing to pay tribute for those Pequots that were by the English for|merly placed under him, and that the lenity of the Colonies was ab|used to heighten his pride and insolency; upon these Considerations it was agreed by the Commissioners that there should be two hundred and seventy Foot Souldiers, and forty Horse, raised out of the several Colo|lonyes, in order to reducing Ninnigret to subjection and better obedi|ence. Accordingly Forces were forthwith levied, and a small Army sent forth under the Christian and couragious Major Willard as Com|mander in chief.

Upon the approach of the English Army Ninnigret fled from the place of his usual Residence, and got into a Swamp, where it was not casie to pursue him. Most of the Pequots under his Jurisdiction then deser|ted him, and came to the English. Messengers were sent to demand a Treaty with him, but he was afraid to appear.

In fine, two Gentlemen, viz. Capt. Davis and Capt. Siely went to him requiring the delivery of the rest of the Pequots; to whom he replyed that they were gone on hunting, but ingaged that within seven dayes they should be delivered to Mr. Winthrop. He was moreover charged to forbear all acts of Hostility against the Long-Islanders, or any other Indians that were in amity with the English; and plainly told, that if he did not hearken to the advice and charge laid upon him, he must expect that ere long his head would be set upon an English pole.

So did the Messengers return and the Army also. These things hap|ned in October Anno 1654.

After the English forces were withdrawn, Ninnigret did according to his usual manner, observe Fidem punicam in keeping the promises which at that time he had made and set his hand unto.

Not many years after this the Indians in the Southern and Western parts of this Land were involved in broyles amongst themselves, raging with implacable feuds and wars one against another. The Nianticks, Maunta••kets, Mohegins, Norwootucks, all engaged in cruel and bloody quarrels. And the peace of these Colonyes was not a little disturbed and endangered thereby, inasmuch as the Indians would pursue one a|nother to the English plantations, and sometimes into the English hou|ses, and there kill one another. Some English at Wethersfield, and some inhabiting in the Moheag Country were by means here of put in|to sad frights. In special, in Anno 1658, sundry English in divers pla|ces were disquieted by the insolence and outrage of the Pacumptick In|dians. But when the Sachims were called to an account about it, they pretended that they were ignorant of what disorders were committed by their men, nor allowed of by them who desired to live in amity with the English, and were willing to give satisfaction for past injuryes, and to prevent the like abuses for the Future. So did those Troubles pass over. Not very long before this, at South-Hampton in Long Island some houses had been burned by a wicked Indian (and a Negro wo|man) who it seems after he had done this wickedness, desperately killed himself, to prevent just execution. It was at first thought that more of the Indians there had had an hand in that burning, whence they were condemned to pay seven hundred pound in seven years, but afterwards that penalty was taken off, since it was judged unreasona|ble that those Indians who were not proved to act in, or consent to the mischief that was done, should be made to suffer as guilty.

In Anno 1662, Plymouth Colony was in some danger of being invol|ved in Trouble by the Wam••anoag Indians. After Massasoit was dead, his two sons, called Wamsutta, & Metacomet, came to the court at Plymouth pretending high respect for the English▪ and therefore desired English names might be imposed on them, whereupon the Court there named Wamsutta (the elder brother) Alexander, and Metacomet (the younger brother) Philip; this Alexander (Philips immediate predecessor) was not so faithful and friendly to the English as his Father had been. For some of Boston having been occasionally at Narraganset, wrote to Mr. Prince who was then Governour of Plymouth, that Alexander was contri|ving mischief against the English, and that he had sollicited the Nar|ragangansets to ingage with him in his designed rebellion. Hereupon, Capt. Willet (who lived near to Mount-Hope, the place where Alex|ander did reside) was appointed to speak with him and to desire him to attend the next Court in Plymouth, for their satisfaction, and his own

vindication, he seemed to take the message in good part, professing that the Narragansets, who (he said) were his enemies, had put an abuse upon him▪ and he readily promised to attend at the next Court. But when the day for his appearance was come, instead of that, he at that very time went over to the Narragansets his pretended enemies, which compared with other Circumstances, caused the Gentlemen at Plymouth to suspect there was more of Truth in the Information given, than at first they were aware of. Wherefore the Governour and Magistrates there, ordered Major Winslow (who is since and at this day the Governour of that Colony) to take a party of men, and fetch down Alexander. The Major considering that semper nocuit differre parat is, he took but ten armed men with him from Marshfield, intending to have taken more at the Towns that lay nearer Mount-Hope. But divine providence so ordered, as that when they were about the midway between Plymouth and Briagwater, observing an hunting house, they rode up to it, and there did they find Alexander and many of his men well armed, but their Guns standing together without the house, the Major with his small party, possessed themselves of the Indians Arms, and beset the house; then did he go in amongst them, acquainting the Sachim with the rea|son of his coming in such a way, desiring Alexander with his Interpre|ter to walk out with him, who did so a little distance from the house, and then understood what Commission the Major had received con|cerning him. The proud Sachim fell into a raging passion at this sur|prise, saying that the Governour had no reason to credit Rumors, or to send for him in such a way▪ nor would he go to Plymouth but when he saw cause. It was replyed to him, that his breach of word touching ap|pearance at Plymouth Court, and instead thereof going at the same time to his pretended enemies, augmented jealousies concerning him. I•• fine, the Major told him, that his order was to bring him to Plymouth, and that (by the help of God) he would do it, or else he would dy on the place; Also declaring to him that if he would submit, he might ex|pect respective usage, but if he once more denyed to go, he should ne|ver stir from the ground whereon he stood, and with a Pistol at the Sa|chims breast, required that his next words should be a positive and clear Answer to what was demanded. Hereupon his Interpreter (a discreet Indian, brother to John Sausaman) being sensible of Alexanders passionate disposition, entreated that he might speak a few words to the Sachim, before he gave his Answer. The prudent discourse of this Indian pre|vailed so far as that Alexander yielded to go, only requesting that he might go like a Sachim, with his men attending him, which (although

there was some hazard in it, they being many, and the English but a few) was granted to him. The weather being hot, the Major offered him and horse to ride on, but his squaw and diverse Indian women be|ing in company, he refused, saying he could go on foot as well as they, entreating only that there might be a complying with their place, which was done, and resting several times by the way, Alexander and his Indi|ans were refreshed by the English; no other discourse hapning while they were upon their march, but what was pleasant and amicable. The Major sent a man before, to entreat that as many of the Magi|strates of that Colony as could; would meet at Duxbury; wherefore ha|ving there had some treaty with Alexander, not willing to commit him to prison, they entreated Major Winslow to receive him to his house, until the Governour (who then lived at Eastham) could come up. Accor|dingly he and his Train were courteously entertained by the Major. And albeit not so much as an angry word passed between them whilst at Marshfield, yet proud Alexander vexing and fretting in his spirit, that such a check was given him, he sudeenly fell sick of a fever. He was then nursed as a choice friend. Mr. Fuller (the Physitian) coming providentially thither at that time, the Sachim and his men earnestly desired that he would administer to him, which he was unwilling to doe, but by their importunity was prevailed with to doe the best he could to help him, and therefore gave him a potion of working Physick, which the Indians thought did him good; but his distemper afterward prevailing, they entreated to dismiss him, in order to a return home, which upon engagement of appearance at the next Court was granted to him, soon after his being returned home, he dyed.

And this is the truth and substance of what concerns Transactions with Alexander, concerning which so many fabulous storyes have been spread abroad.

Alexander being dead, his Brother Philip (of late cursed memory) rose up in his stead, and he was no sooner styled Sachim, but immedi|ately in the year 1662. there were vehement suspitions of his bloudy treachery against the English: Yet he professed otherwise, and ma|king his personal appearance at a Court holden at Plymouth, renewed that Covenant which his father and Brother had confirmed with the English there. This Covenant he per••idiously brake: For in Anno 1671. it was evident that he with other his Confederates had been conspiring against the Colony, under whose protection and Jurisdicti|on he had submitted himself. He then armed himself and acted like a Rebel that intended a speedy rising, yea he ordered (as some Indians

have since confessed) that if the English did send messengers to Treat with him, if above four came in company together they should be shot down, and appointed some to ly in ambush for that end; and behaved himself after a surly and provoking manner towards messengers that de|sired Treaty with him, and refused to appear, and give answer for his Insolencyes, his Covenant notwithstanding. Nevertheless, he at last conceded to meet the Governour and Magistrates of Plymouth, at Taun|ton; where sundry Commissioners of Boston were desired to be, and to hear the matters of difference between the English of Plymouth, and this Philip Sachim.—This meeting was attended in April, 1671. when Philip confessed his breach of Covenant, and that he had groundlesly taken up Arms against them, whom he had alwayes found friendly to him; And surrendred some of his Arms, engaging for the delivery of the rest in due time. The English being tender of shedding blood, let him go upon promise of better behaviour for the future. Soon after this, Philip (with some of his Counsellors) repaired to Boston, endea|vouring to possess the English there, with lying Informations, about In|juryes done to him by those of Plymouth. Wherefore the Council of that Colony entreated that Commissioners from Boston, and from Con|necticut also might be sent to Plymouth, that so a fair hearing of diffe|rences before all the world might be attended. So then in September following the Governour of Connecticut, and several Magistrates from the Massachusets, and some other Gentlemen met at Plymouth, where Philip appeared, and all his allegations were heard to the Conviction of Philip himself, and great satisfaction of all that Audience. The con|clusion was, Philip acknowledged his offence, and was appointed to give a sum of mony to defray the charges which his Insolent Clamours had put that Colony unto. The particulars which Philip then consent|ed to were these.

1. That he would for the future be subject to the Government of Plymouth, and to their Laws.

2. He engaged to pay the Colony an hundred pound towards repa|ration of such wrong as they had susteined by his misdemeanors.

3. He was under obligation to send five wolves heads every year to the Governour of Plymouth in Token of his f••alty.

4. That he would not make war with any without the approbation of that Government.

5. In case any future difference should arise between him and the English, he would repair to the Government there to rectify matters, before ingaging in any hostile attempts.

6. That he would not dispose of any of his Lands but with the appro|bation of the English government there▪ So was he dismis••ed. Some of these Covenants were in part observed by him, and some particulars not at all—Thus did things rest between the English and him, until the year 1674. when in January an Indian Preacher, known by the name of John Sausaman, addressed himself to the present Governour of Pli|mouth, informing him that the Indians were compl••tting the de|struction of the English, and that not only the Wompanoags, but the Narragansets, yea and the Mohegins were involving themselves in this Conspiracy. This Sansaman was by birth a Massachuset, his Father and Mother living in Dorchester, and they both died Christians. This their Son did for some time apostatize from his Christian profession, and lived like an Heathen, being Philips Secretary (for he could write a ve|ry legible hand) and one of his Counsellors, untill at last God convinced him of his misery, and he manifested such evident signs of repentance as that he was, after his return from pagan Philip, reconciled to the praying Indians and baptised, and received as a member in one of the Indian Churches, yea and imployed as an Instructor amongst them every Lords Day. Nevertheless, his information (because it had an In|dian original, and one can hardly believe them when they speak truth) was not at first much regarded, untill by relation of Circumstance••, he made it too apparent, that Philip was really hatching mischief. The effect was, the Governour of Plymouth advising with his Councill, resol|ved once more to send for Philip, and to enquire into the truth of things: But before that could be accomplished, an Indian called Tobi|as, with his Son, and another Indian named Matta••hinnamy, meeting with John Sausaman at a pond, cruelly murthered him; and that their villany might not be discovered, they cut an hole through the Ice, and put in the dead murthered Body, leaving his hat and Gun upon the Ice, that so others might think that he had drowned himself. It be|ing rumor'd that Sausaman was lost, the dead body was sought after, and found in the pond, and taken up and buried.

Jealousies being on the spirits of men that the other Indians had murthered him, on the account of revealing their Conspiracyes to the English: The Governour of Plymouth ordered the Constable of Mia|a••••bury (that being the nearest town to the Place where the murther was committed) to cause John Sausamans body to be taken up again, and to empanel a Jury as a Coroners Inquest, to make enquiry how he came by his death: And they found that he had been murthered, for his neck was broken by twisting of his head round; which is the

way that the Indians some times use when they practice murthers, also, his head was extreamly swollen, and his Body was wounded in several parts of it, and when it was first taken out of the pond, no water issued out of it, which argued that the Body was not drowned, but dead be|fore it came into the water.

Moreover, when Tobias (the suspected Murtherer) came near the dead body, it fell a bleeding on fresh as if it had been newly slain albeit it was buried a considerable time before that.

Afterward an Indian called Patuckson, came and testified to their fa|ces that he saw Tobias and the other Indians murthering Sausaman: He also himself before his death had declared, that he was afraid those very Indians would at last prove his Murtherers.

They were therefore apprehended & kept in Dura••ce untill Plymouth Court, which was held in June, 1675. and being found guilty of Sau|saman's Death, they were (one of them before his execution confessing the murther) condemned and executed. And then did philip, being (as was verily supposed) privy to what Tobias (his Counsellor) and those with him had perpetrated upon John Sausaman, fall to open Rebellion and bloodshedding amongst the English at Swanzy, who were his next Neighbours.

But of the special Occurrences attending the late (and not yet ended) War between the English and the Indians, I have elsewhere given a brief account, and therefore shall not here add anything, that not compor|ting with my present design.

The Particulars which have been mentioned, are the chief (if not the only) Troubles which have hapned by the Indians in New-England, from the first planting thereof by the English till the late Commoti|ons. Some few private Murthers there have been, which are not insi|sted on in this Narrative, as namely those at Nantucket, and that by Matoonas his Son; and that at Woburn, but the publick peace was not so endangered by those clandestine Revenges, as by the Conspiracyes, the ••elation whereof hath been described.

It is easy to observe; from the History of these Troubles, that whereas there have been two sorts of men designing settlement in this part of America, some that came hither on the account of Trade, and world|ly Interests, by whom the Indians have been scandalized, others that came hither on a Religious and conscientious account, having in their Eye, the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Heathen unto Christ; the former have

been attended with blasting ruining providences, these latter have been signally owned by the Lord Jesus; for the like hath been rarely known in the world, that a plantation should be raised out of nothing, and brought to such considerableness in so short a time, whereas in the close of the last Century, there was not so much as one Christian in this Land, there are now above Fourscore English, and Six Indian Churches therein, besides many other Congregations calling upon the Name of the True God in Jesus Christ, although as yet not brought into Church estate, according to the order of the Gospel.

This is the Lords doing, and it is marvellous in our eyes.

FINIS.