A narrative of the troubles with the Indians in New-England, from the first planting thereof in the year 1607. to this present year 1677. But chiefly of the late troubles in the two last years, 1675. and 1676. : To which is added a discourse about the warre with the Pequods in the year 1637. / By W. Hubbard, Minister of Ipswich. ; [Twelve lines of quotations] ; Pnblished [sic] by authority.

KNown unto God are all his works from the foundation of the world, though manifest to us, only by the events of time, that fruitful mother of all things, which in the former age did bring forth, at least did bring to light the knowledge of this western World, called America, that in all foregoing times and ages, lay hid in this obscure and remote Region, covered with a veyle of ig|norance, and looked up from the knowledge of all the rest of the Inha|bitants of the Earth. To whom the honour of its investigation doth of eight more properly belong, is sufficiently declared by the Hystory and Reports of such as were ey witnesses thereof, and not in ended to be any part of the pre••ent disquisition. The most considerable part of all the North side of America, is called New England. In the fertility of the Soyle, salubriousness of the Air, and many other commodious advantages, most resembling the Country from whence it borrowed its appellation. For the knowledge thereof the World is most behol|ding to the discoveries of the English, under the conduct of Sebastian Cabbot a famous Porreguez about the year 1497. though since much

perfected by the industry and travels of Captain Gosnold, Captain Hud|son, Captain Smith, and others of the English Nation. North-America this posthumous birth of time, is as to its na••••vity, of the same stand|ing with her two elder Sisters Peru and Mexico, yet was suffered to ly in its Swadling-clothes, one whole Century of years, nature having pro|mised no such Dowry of rich Mines of Silver and Gold to them that would espouse her for their own, as she did unto the other two, which possibly was the reason why she was not so hastily deflowred by her first discoverers, nor yet so early courted by any of the Princes of Europe, lying wholly neglected as it were, until a small company of Planters, un|der the command of Captain George Popham, and Captain Gilbert were sent over at the charge of Sir Iohn Popham in the year 1606 to begin a Colony upon a Tract of Land about Saga de hoch, scituate on the south side of the River of Kennibeck and about that called Shipscot River, a|bout twenty miles south-West from Pemmaquid, the most Northerly bound of all New-England. But that design within two years expiring with its first Founder, soon after some honourable persons of the West of England, commonly called the Counsel of Plimouth, being more certainly informed of several Navigable Rivers and commodious Ha|vens, with other places fit either for Traffick or Planting, newly disco|vered by many skilful Navigators, obtained a Grant by Patent, under the great Seal from King Iames of blessed memory, of all that part of North America, called New-England. From the 40 to the 48. gr ••of North Latitude. From which Grand and Original Patent, all other Charters ••nd Graunts of Land from Pemmaquid to Delaware Bay, along the Sea-coast, derive their Linage and Pedigree; thus was that vast tract of Land, after the year 1612. cantoned and pa••celled out into many les|ser Divisions and parcels, according as Adventurers presented, which said Graunts being founded upon uncertain, or false Descriptions, and Reports of some that Travelled thither, did many of them interfere one upon another, to the great disturbance of the first Planters, and preju|dice of the Proprietors themselves, as is too well known by any that have had occasion to stay never so little amongst them, many of whom are yet surviving. For notwithstanding the great charge and vast expences the first Adventurers were at, the first Proprietors of the whole Province of Mayne and others (reaching from the head of Casco Bay North-east to the mouth of Pascataqua River about sixty miles Westward) and the hopes they migh have conceived of being the first Founders of New|Colonies, and of enlarging their Estates and Inheritances by those new acquired possessions and Lordships, there was little profit reaped from

thence, after the rich fleeces of Beaver were gleaned away, nor any great improvement made of those large portions of Lands, save the erecting of some few Cottages for Fishermen, and a few inconsiderable Buildings for the Planters, which were on those occasions drawn over the Sea, to settle upon the most northerly parts of New-England.

But whither it were by the imprudence of the first Adventurers, or the dissoluteness of the persons they sent over to manage their Affairs, or whither want of faithfulness or skill to manage their trust, they were by degrees in a manner quite deserted almost of Laws and Government, and left to shift for themselves, by which means at last they fell under the Jurisdiction of the Massachusets Colony, not by Usurpation, as is by great mistake suggested to his Majesty, but by necessity, and the earnest desire of the Planters themselves, to accept of whom, those of the Massachusets Colony were the more easily induced, in that they appre|hended the bounds of their own Patent, by a favourable Interpretation of the words describing the Northern Line [Three miles beyond the most Northerly branch of Merimack River] do reach somewhat be|yond Pemmaquid, the North-west limits of all New-England.

This was the first begining of things in New-England, at which time they were not unlike the times of old, when the people of Iudah were said to be without a Teaching P••iest, and without Law; and no wonder things were no more successfully carried on.

In the Year 1620. a Company belonging to Mr. Robinsons Church at Leyden in Holland, although they had been courteously entertained by the Dutch, as Strangers sojourning amongst them, yet foreseeing many inconveniencies like to increase, and that they could not so well provide for the good of their Posterity, under the Government of a forreign Nation: they resolved to intreat so much favour from their own Sove|raign Prince King Iames, as to grant them liberty under the shelter of his Royal Authority, to place themselves in some part of New-England, then newly discovered; wherefore having obtained some kind of Patent or Graunt, for some place about Hudsons River, they set sayle from Pli|mouth in September for the Southern parts of New-England, but as they intended to bend their course thither ward, per varios casus, per tot dis|crimina rerum; they were at last cast upon a bosome of the South Cape of the Massachusets Bay, called Cape Cod, about the 11th of November, from whence the Winter so fast approaching, they had no opportunity to remove; and finding some incouragement from the hopefulness of the Soyle, and courtesie of the Heathen, they resolved there to make their abode for the future, which they did, laying the foundation of a new Co|lony,

which from the remembrance of the last Town in England they sailed from, they called New-Plimouth; containing no very considerable Tract of Land, scarce extending an hundred miles in length through the whole Cape, and scarce half so much in breadth where it is broadest. The first Founders of that Colony aiming more at Religion then Earthly Poss••ssions, aspiring not to any large dimension of Land, in their setling upon those Coasts.

At Weymouth also was a Plantation begun by Mr. Weston in the year 1622. but it came to little.

The North and South Border of the Massachusets Bay being thus planted, the middle part was the more easie to be filled up, which thus was brought about. Some Gentlemen and others, observing how it fared with those of New-Plimouth, were desiring upon the like ground to make the same attempt for themselves, wherefore having by a consi|derable sum of money purchased of the Councell of Plimouth, all their right and interest in a Plantation there begun in the Massachusets Bay, and having attained a confirmation thereof by Patent from King Charls of famous memory, in the year 1628, they sent over a Governour with several persons to lay some foundation of an other Colony in the Mas|sachusets Bay: and in the year 1630, more of the persons interested in the said Patent (thence commonly called Patentees) with several other persons, intending to venture their lives and all with them, trans|ported themselves and their Families into the said Massachusets, who did in a short space of time by the accession of many hundreds, who e|very year flocked after them, make such increase, that in the space of five or six years, there were twenty considerable Towns built and peo|pled, and many of the Towns first planted, became so filled with Inha|bitants, that like Swarms of Bees they were ready to swarm••, not only into new Plantations, but into new Colonies, insomuch that in the year 1635 a new Colony began to be planted upon Connecticut River, partly by combination amongst themselves, removing from some Towns about the Massachusets Bay, and partly by the interest of a Patent purchased of that honourable Gentle man Mr. Fennick, Agent for the Lord Sey, and Lord Brook, the Lords Proprietors of the said River Connecticut, at the mouth of which River they had built a fort, (called after their own titles Sey-Brook Fort) commanding the passage of the said River. Yea such was the Confluence of people making over into those parts, that in the year 1637 a fourth Colony began to be planted, bearing the name of Newhaven from the first Town erected therein, seated near the mid|way betwixt•• Hudsons River and that of Connecticot. The Sea coast from

the pitch of Cape Cod to the mouth of Connecticot River, inhabited by several nations of Indians, W••mpanoogs (the first Authors of the present Rebellion) Narhagansits, Pequoes, Mohegins, as the more inland part of the Country by the Nipnets (a general name for all inland Indians betwixt the Massachusets and Connecticut River) The Sea-coast South|west from Plimouth was first possessed by some discontented with the Go|verment of the Massachusets Colony, from which some being exiled, o|thers of their friends accompanying of them, setled themselves upon a fair Island to the South-west of Cape Cod, now called Road-Island, others setled upon the Mayn, at a place called Providence, and so by degrees planting toward Narrhaganset Bay, made another Plantation called Warwick, which places are since by Patent conferred upon the Inhabi|tants of Road-Island; the rest of the Country from Pequod River to the River of Connecticot, falling within the bounds of Connecticot Colony by Patent also, since confirmed to the said Colony. Things had been very prosperously and succesfully carried on in all the foresaid Colonyes and Jurisdictions, from the year 1620, to the year 1636, at which time the Pequod Indians, the most warlike and fierce of all the Indians in that part of the Country, who had made all the rest of the Indians to stand in awe, having committed many barbarous outrages upon their neighbour Indians, both Narhagansets on the east side, and Mohegins on the west side of them: and also upon the English and Dutch, as they came occa|sionally to traffick with them: and in the year 1634, having barbarou|sly murthered Capt. Stone and Capt. Norton, as they were trading with them. Afterwards one Oldham coming amongst them upon the like account. In l••ke manner having committed several outrages upon the planters about Connecticut River, the Inhabitants of all the Colonyes, unanimously setting upon them in the beginning of the year 1637, they were easily suppressed, about 700 of them destroyed, the rest either fled to the Mohawkes, by whom they were all cut off that escaped, or else sheltring themselves under the Narhagansets & Mohegins their neigh|bours, they were by the power of the English all subjected to one of those two Nations of the Indians. Miantonimoh the chief Sachem or Lord of the Narhagansets, expecting to be sole Lord and Ruler over all the Indians, after the pequods were subdued, began to quarrell with the Mohegins upon the account of Soveraignty, notwithstanding a firm A|greement was made betwixt the English and the said Narhagansets in the year 1637, when they had helped to destroy the Pequods, and also notwithstanding the tripartite League between the said Narhagansets, the Mohegins, and the English at Hartford (the chief Town of Connecti|cut

Colony) made in the, year 1638, wherein the said Indians were so|lemaly ingaged not to quarrel either with the Mohegins, or any other Indians, untill they had first asked the advice of the English, to whose determination they had likewise obliged themselves to stand, in all fol|lowing Differences among them. Yet did these ambitious Narhagansets specially their chief Leader Miantonimob; bare such an•• inveterate hatred against the Mohegins, that they were every year picking quarrels with them. The Mohegins on the other side though not so numerous, yet a more warlike people and more politick, alwayes made their recourse to the English, complaining of the insolencies of the Narhagansets, con|trary to their League, so as they would hardly be kept from making open warre against them, when they say all other attempts to kill and de|stroy Vncas the Mohegin Sachem, by Treachery, poyson, & Sorcery prove ineffectual. Insomuch that at last the malice of Miantonimoh and his Narrhagansets grew to that height, that they began to plot against the English themselves, for defending of Vncas. But it being discovered by Vncas and some of his men to the English, Miantonimoh was sent for by the Massachusets Co••rt to come to Boston when he came there, he would have denyed those things laid to his charge, he was conv••cted by one of his own fellowers; and instead of standing to his promise, to deliver him to the Mohegin Sachem whose Subject he was, going home|ward he cut•• off his head, to prevent his telling m••re tales. And with great discontent as he was going home said he would come no more at Boston, wherein he proved a truer prophet then he himself believed when he uttered the words, for in the end of the same year 1643 making war upon Vncas, he was taken prisoner by him, and soon after by the advice of the Commissioners of the four Colonyes, (at that time united firmly into a League offensive and defensive, on which account they were after that time called the united Colonyes of New-England: though since that time they are reduced but to three Colonyes; that of New-haven and Connecticot by the last Patent being conjoyned in one) his head was cut off by Vncas, it being ju••tly feared, that there would never be any firm peace, either betwixt the English and the Narhagansets, or betwixt the Narhagansets and the Mohegins, while Miantonimoh was left alive: how|ever the Narhagansets have ever since that time borne an implacable malice against Vncas, and all the Mohegins, and for their sakes secretly against the English, so far as they durst discover it.

In the years 1645, and 1646. they grew so insolent, that the Commissioners of the united Colonyes were compel|led to raise Forces to go against them, but when they perceived that

the English were in good earnest, they began to be afraid, and sued for peace, and submitted to pay a tribute to satisfy for the charge of prepa|ration for the warr, but were alwayes very backward to make payment untill the English were forced to demand it by new Forces, so that it appeared they were unwillingly willing to hold any friendly correspon|dence with the English, yet durst they never make any open attempt upon them, untill the present Rebellion, where in that they had no small land, is too too evident, notwithstanding all their pretences to the con|rary, as will appear in the sequell of this History.

Thus it is apparent upon what Terms the English stood with the Narhagansets, ever since the cutting off Miantonimoh, their chief Sachems head by Vncas, it being done from the advice and Counsell of the En|glish Anno 1643. As for the rest of the Indians, ever since the suppres|sing of the Pequods in the year 1637 untill the year 1675, there was alwayes in▪ appearance amity and good correspondence on all sides, scarce an English man was ever known▪ to be ass••••lted or hurt by any of them, until after the year 1671, when the son of one Matoonas, who ••s was supposed, being vexed in his mind that the design against the En|glish, intended to begin 1671 did not take place, out of meer malice and ••pight against them, slew an English-man travelling along the Road, the said Matoonas being a Nipnet Indian, which Nipnets were under the command of the Sachem of Mount-hope the Author of all the present mischiefs. Upon a due enquiry into all preceding transactions between the Indians and the English, from their first setling in these coasts, there will appear no ground of quarrell that any of them had against the En|glish, nor any appearance of provocation upon one account or other; for when Plimouth Colony was first planted, within three moneths after their first landing, March. 16. 1620. Massasoit the chief Sachem of all that side of the Country repaired to the English at Plimouth, and entred into a solemn League upon sundry Articles printed in N. E. Memorial 166••. P. 24. the words are as followeth.

• 1. THat neither he, nor any of his should injure or doe hurt to any of their people.
• 2. That if any of his did any hurt to any of theirs, he should send the Of|fender that they might punish him.
• 3. That if any thing were taken away from any of theirs, he should cause it to be restored; and they should doe the like to his.
• 4. That if any did unjustly warr against him, they should aid him; and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 any did warr against them, he should aid them;
• ...

• 5. That he should send to his neighbour Confederates, to certifie them of this, that they might not wrong•• them, but might be likewise comprised in these Conditions of Peace.
• 6. That when his Men came to them upon any occasion, they should leave their Arms (which were then Bows and Arrows) behind them.
• 7. Lastly, that so doing, their Soveraign Lord King James would esteem him as his Friend and Ally.

The which League the same Sachim, Sept. 25. 1630. a little before his death, coming with his eldest Son, afterward called Alexander, did renew with the English at the Court of Plimouth, for himself and his Son, and their Hours and Successers: and after that he came to Mr. Browns, that lived not far from Mount Hope, bringing his two Sons, Alexander and Philip with him, desiring that the••e m••ght be Love and Amitv after his death, between his Sons and them, as there had been betwixt himself and them in former times: yet it is very remarkable, that this Massasoit, called also Woosamequen (how much soever he affected the English, yet) was never in the least degree any wayes well affected to the Religion of the English, but would in his last Treaty with his Neighbours at Pli|mouth when they were with him about purchasing some Land at Swanzy, have had them engaged never to attempt to draw away any of his People from their old Pag••n Superstition, and Devilish Idolatry, to the Christian Religion, and did much insist upon it till he saw the English were resolved never to make any Treaty with him more upon that account, which when he discerned, he did not further urge it: but that was a bad Omen that notwithstanding what ever his humanity were to the English, as they were Strangers) for indeed they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 repayed his forme kindness to them, by protecting him afterwards against the insolencies of the Nar|rhagansets) he manifested no small displacency of Spirit against them as they were Christians: which strain was evident more in his Son that succeeded him, and all his People, in so much that some di••cerning persons of that Jurisdiction have feared that that Nation of Indians would all be rooted out, as is since come to pass. The like may be observed concern|ing he Narrhagansets, who were alwayes more civil and courteous to the English then any of the other Indians, yet never as yet received the least tincture of Christian Religion, but have in a manner run the same fare with the rest of their Neighbours of Mount Hope, there being very few of them now left standing. Nor is it unworthy the Relation, what a person of quality amongst us hath of late affirmed, one being much con|••ersant with the Indians about Merimack River, being Anno. 1660.

invited by some Sagamores or Sachims to a great Dance (which solemni|ties are the times they make use of to tell their stories, and convey the knowledge of fore past and most memorable things to Posterity) Passa|conaway, the great Sachim of that part of the Country, intending at that time to make his last and farwel speech to his Children and People, that were then all gathered together, to whom he addressed himself in this manner:

I am now going the way of all Flesh, or ready to dy, and not likely to see you ever met together any more. I will now leave this word of Counsel with you, that you take heed how you quarrel with the English, for though you may do them much mischief; yet assuredly you will all be destroyed, and rooted off the Earth if you do: for, said he, I was as much an Enemy to the English, at their first coming into these parts, as; any one whatsoever, and did try all ways and means possible to have destroyed them, at least to have prevented them fitting down here, but I could no way effect it (it is to be noted that this Pas|s conaway was the most noted Pawaw and Sorcerer of all the Country) therefore I advise you never to contend with the English, nor make war with them: And accordingly his eldest Son Wonnalancet by name, as soon as he perceived that the Indians were up in Arms, he withdrew himself into some remote place, that be might not be burt by the English, or the Enemies, or be in danger by them.

This Passage was thought fit to be inserted here, it having so near an agreement with the former, inmamtting some secret awe of God upon the hearts of some of the principal amongst them, that they durst not hurt the English, although they bare no good affection to their Religion, wherein they seem not a little to imitate Balaam, who whate|ver he uttered, when he was under the awful power of divine illumina|tion, yet when left to himself, was as bad an Enemy to the Israel of God as ever before.

But to return, whence there hath been this Digreffion:

After the death of this Woosamequen or Massasoit, his eldest Son succeeded him about twenty years since, Alexander by name, who not|withstanding the League he had entred into with the English, together with his Father, in the year 1639. had neither affection to the English|mens persons, nor yet to their Religion, but had been plotting with the Narhagansets, to rise against the English; of which the Governour and Council of Plimouth being informed, they presently sent for him to being him to the Court, the person to whom that service was committed, was a prudent and resolute Gentleman, the present Governour of the said Colony, who was neither afraid of Danger, nor yet willing to delay in a

matter of that moment, he forthwith taking eight or ten stout men with him well armed, intended to have gone to the said Alexanders dwelling, distant at least forty miles from the Governours house, but by a good providence, he found him whom he went to seek as an Hunting House, within six miles of the English Towns, where the said Alexander with a|bout eighty men were newly come in from Hunting, and had left their Guns without doors, which Major Winslow with his small company wise|ly seized, and conveyed away, and then went into the Wigwam, and de|manded Alexander to go along with him before the Governour, at which message he was much appalld, but being told by the undaunted Messen|ger, that if he stird or refused to go he was a dead man; he was by one of his chief Counsellors, in whose advice he most confided, perswaded to go along to the Governours house, but such was the pride and height of his Spirit, that the very surprizal of him, raised his Choler and indigna|tion, that it put him into a Feaver, which notwithstanding all possible means that could be used, seemed Mortal; whereupon intreating those that held him Prisoner, that he might have liberty to return home, pro|mising to return again if he recovered, and to send his Son as Hostage till he could so do; on that consideration he was fairly dismissed, but dyed before he got half way home: Here let it be observed, that although some have taken up false Reports, as if the English had compelled him to go further or faster then he was able, and so fell into a Feaver, or as if he were not well used by the Physitian that looked to him, while he was with the English, all which are notoriously false; nor is it to be imagined that a person of so noble a disposition as is that Gentleman (at that time imployed to bring him) should himself, or suffer any else to be un|civil to a person allied to them, by his own, as well as his Fathers League as the said Philip also was; nor was any thing of that nature ever ob|jected to the English of Plimouth, by the said Alexanders Brother, by name Philip, commonly for his ambitious and haughty Spirit nicknamed King-Philip, when he came in the year 1662. in his own person with Sansaman his Secretary and chief Counsellor to renew the former League that had been between his Predecessors and the English of Plimouth: but there was as much correspondence betwixt them for the next seven years as ever had been in any former times, what can be imagined therefore, besides the instigation of Satan, that either envied at the prosperity of the Church of God here seated, or else fearing lest the power of the Lord Jesus, that had overthrown his kingdome in other parts of the World, should do the like here, and so the stone taken out of the Moun|tain without hands, should become a great Mountain it self, and fill the

whole earth, no cause of provocation being by the English; For once before this in the year 1671 the Devill, who was a Murderer from the beginning, had so filled the heart of this salvage Miscreant with en|vy and ma••ice against the English, that he was ready to break out into open war against the Inhabitants of Plimouth, pretending some petite injuryes done him in his planting land, but when the master of controver|sie came to be heard before diverse of the Massachusets Colony, yea when he himself came to Boston, as it were referring his case to the Judgment of that Colony, nothing of that nature could be made to appear, whereupon in way of submission, he was of necessity by that evident conviction forced to acknowledge that it was the naughtiness of his own heart, that put him upon that Rebellion, and nothing of any provocation from the En|glish, and to a Consession of this nature, with a solemn renewal of his Covenant, declaring his desire, that this his Covenant might testifie to the world against him, if ever he should prove unsaithfull to those of Plimouth, or any other of the English Colonyes therein, himself with his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Counsellors subscribed in the presence of some Messengers sent on purpose to hear the difference between Plimouth and the said Philip. But for further satisfaction of the Reader, the said Agreement and Sub|mission shall here be published.

Tannton, April 10th. 1671

VVHere as my Father, my Brother and my self have formerly sub|mitted our selves and our People unto the Kings Majesty of En|gland, and to this Colony of New-Plimouth, by solemn Covenant under our hand; but I having of late through my indescrition, and the naughtiness of my heart violated and broken this my Covenant with my friends, by taking up Armes, with evill intent against them, and that groundlesly; I being now deeply sensible of my unfaithfullness and folly, do desire at this time solemnly to renew my Covenant with my ancient Friends, and my Fathers Friends above mentioned, and do desire this may testifie to the world against me if ever I shall again fail in my Faithfulness towards them (that I have now and at all times found so kind to me) or any other of the English Colonyes; and as a reall pleage of my true intentions, for the future to be faithfull and friendly, I doe freely ingage to resign up unto the Goverment of New-Plimouth, all my

English Armes, to be kept by them for their security, so long as they shall see reason. For true performance of the premises I have hereunto set my hand together with the rest of my Council.

In presence of

• William Davis
• William Hudson.
• Thomas Brattle.
• The Mark of P. Philip
• chief Sachem of Pocanoket
• The Mark of V. Tavoser
• The Mark of •• Capt. Wisposk••
• The Mark of T. Woonkaponehunt.
• The Mark of 8 Nimrod.

TO which for the further clearing the Justice of the present war, the Result of the debate of the Commissioners of the united Colonyes a|bout the matter of the Warre shall here be inserted.

At a Meeting of the Commissioners of the united Colonyes held at Boston, September 9••h. 1675.

VVE having received from the Commissioners of Plimouth a Nar|rative, shewing the Rise and several steps of that Colony, as to the present Warre with the Indians, which had its beginning there, and its pro|gress into the Massachusets, by their insolencies and outrages, murtbering many persons, and burning their Houses in sundry Plantations in both Co|lonies. And having duly considered the same; doe declare, that the said War doth appear to be both just and necessary, and its first Rise only a defensive Warre. And therefore we do agree and conclude that it ought to be joyntly prosecuted by all the united Colonies, and the Charges thereof to be borne and paid as is agreed in the Articles of Confederation.

• John Winthrop.
• James R chards.
• Thomas Danforth.
• William Stoughton.
• Josiah Wir••ss••w.
• Thomas H••nckley.

Yet whatever his submission was before, or his subjecting himself and his people to our King, or his ingagement to pay a sum of money in part of the Charges then occasioned by him (nor have the English in or about Plimouth, since, or before that time been any wayes injurious un|to him, or any of his people) all which are fully declared in a Narra|tive given by the Commissioners of the Colony of Plimouth, wherein they also signify that the settlement and issue of the former controver|sie

between Philip and them; was obtained and made (principally) by the mediation, and interposed advice and counsell of the other two confede|rate Colonyes, and also in a letter under the Governours hand, in these words,—

I think I can clearly say that before these present troubles broke out, the English did not possess one foot of Land in this Colony, but what was fairly obtained by honest purchase of the Indian Proprietors: Nay, be|cause some of our people are of a covetom disposition and the Indians are in their Streights easily prevaited with to part with their Lands, we first made a Land, that none should purchase or receive of gift any Land of the Indians without the knowledge and allowance of our Court, and penalty of a Fine, five pound per Acre, for all that should be so bought or obtained. And le•••• yet they should be streightned, we Ordered that Mount-Hope, Pocasset and se|veral other Nicks of the best land in the Colony (because most suitable and con|venient for them, should never be bought out of their bands or else they would have sold them long since. And our neighbours at Rehoboth and Swanzy although they bought their Lands fairly of this Philip and his Father and Brother, yet because of their vicinity, that they might not trespass upon the Indians did at their own cost set up a very substantial Fence quite cross that great Neck between the English and the Indians, and payed due damage if at any time any unruly horse or other beasts brake in and trespassed. And for diverse years last past (that alloccasion of offence in that respect might be prevented) the English agreed with Philip and his, for a certain sum yearly to maintain the said Fence, and secure them selves. And if at any time they have brought Complaints before us, they have had Iustice impartial and spee|••••••y, so that our own people have frequently complained, that we erred on the other hand in skewing them over much favour.

Marshfield, May 1. 1676.

Jos. Winslow.

Yet did this treacherous and perfidious Caitiffe still harbour the same or more mischievous thoughts against the English then ever before, and hath been since that time plotting with all the Indians round about to make a general insurrection against the English in all the Colonyes; which as some prisoners lately brought in have confessed, should have been put in execution at once, by all the Indians rising as one man, a|gainst all those plantations of English, which were nex•• them. The Nar|rhagansets having promised, as was confessed to risewith 4 thousand sigh|ting men in the Spring of this present year, 1676. But by the occasion hereafter to be mentioned about Sausaman, Philip was necc••ssitated for

the safety of his own life to begin his Rebellion the year before, when the Design was not fully ripe. Yet some are ready to think, that if his own life had not now been in jeopardy by the guilt of the foresaid Murther of Sausaman, his heart might have failed him, when it should have come to be put in execution, as it did before in the year 1671. which made one of his Captains, of far better Courage and resolution then himself, when he saw his cowardly temper and disposition, fl••••g down his Armes, call|ing him white Liver'd Curre, or to that purpose, and saying, that he would never own him again, or fight under him, and from that time hath turned to the English, and bath continued to this day a faithfull and ••esolute Souldier in their quarrel.

That the Indians had a Conspiracy amongst themselves to rise against the English, is confirmed by some of the Indians about Hadly, although the plot was not come to maturity when Philip began, the special pro|vidence of God therein overruling the Contrivers: For when the be|ginning of the troubles first was reported from Mount-Hope, many of the Indians were in a kind of a Maze, not knowing well what to doe; sometimes ready to stand for the English, as formerly they had been wont to doe; sometimes inclining to strike in with Philip (which at the last they generally did) which if it had been foreseen, much of that mis|chief might have been prevented that fell out in several places, more by perfidious and treacherous dealing then any other wayes: the English never imagining that after so many obliging kindnesses received from them by the Indians, besides their many engagements and protestati|tions of friendship, as formerly, they would have been so ungratefull, persideously false and cruel as they have since proved.

The occasion of Philips so sudden taking up armes the last year was this, There was one Iohn Sausaman a very cunning and plausible Indian well skilled in the English language, and bred up in the profession of Christian Religion, imployed as a Schoolmaster at Natick, the Indian Town, who•• upon some misdemeanour fled from his place to Philip, by whom he was entertained in the room and office of a Secretary, and his chief Counsellor, whome he trusted with all his affairs and secret coun|sels: But afterwards, whither upon the sting of his own Conscience; or by the frequent Sollicitations of Mr. Eliot, that had known him from a childe, and instructed him in the principles of our Religion, who was often laying before him the heinous sin of his apostacy, and r••••urning back to his old vomit, he was at last prevailed with to for sake Philip, and return back to the Christian Indians at Natick, where he was haptized, manifesting publick Repentance for all his former offences,

and made a serious Prosession of the Christian Religion: and did apply himself to Preach to the Indians, wherein he was better gifted then any other of the Indian Nation; so as he was observed to conforme more to the English manners then any other Indian: yet having occasion to go up with some others of his Country-men to Namasket; whither for the advantage of Fishing, or some such occasion, it matters not; being there not far from Philips Country, he had occasion to be much in the Company of Philips Indians, and of Philip himself: by which means he discerned by several circumstances, that the Indians were plotting anew against us; the which out of faithfulness to the English, the said Sausaman informed the Governour of, adding also, that if it were known that he revealed it, he knew they would presently kill him. There appearing so many concurrent testimonies from others, making it the more probable, that there was a certain truth in the information, some inquiry was made into the business, by examining Philip himself, & several of his Indians, who although they would own nothing; yet could not free themselves from just suspicion; Philip therefore soon after con|trived the said Sausamans death, which was strangely discovered; not|withstanding it was so cunningly effected, for they that murdered him met him upon the Ice on a great Pond, and presently after they had knocked him down, put him under the Ice, yet leaving his Gun and his Hat upon the Ice, that it might be thought he fell in accidentally through the Ice and was drowned: but being missed by his friends, who finding his Hat and his Gun, they were thereby led to the place, where his body was found under the Ice: when they took him up to bury him, some of his friends, specially one David observed some bruises about his Head, which made them suspect he was first knocked down, before he was put into the water, however, they buried him near about the place where he was found, without making any further inquiry at present: never|theless David his friend, reported these things to some English at Taun|ton (a Town not far from Namasket) it occasioned the Governour to inquire further into the business, wisely considering, that as Sansaman had told him, that if it were known, that he had revealed any of their plots, they would murder him for his pains: wherefore by special War|rant the body of Sansaman being digged again out of his Grave, it was very apparent that he had been killed and not drowned. And by a strange providence, an Indian was found, that by accident standing un|seen upon a Hill, had seen them murdering the said Sansaman, but dirst never reveal it for fear of losing his own life likewise, until he was called to the Court at Plimouth, or before the Governour, where he plainly

confessed what he had seen. The Murderers being apprehended, were convicted by his undeniub••e Testimony, and other remarkable cirum|stances, and so were all put to death, being but three in number; the last of them confessed immediately before his death, that his Father (one of the Councellers and special Friends of Philip) was one of the two that murdered Sansaman, himself only looking on. This was done at Pli|mouth Court. held in Iune 1675. insomuch that Philip, apprehending the danger his own head was in next, never used any further means to clear himself from what was like to be laid to his charge, either about his plot|ting against the English, nor yet about Sansamans death: but by keeping his men continually about him in Arms, and gathering what Strangers he could to joyn with him, marching up and down constantly in Arms, both all the while the Court sat, as well as afterwards; the English of Plimouth hearing of all this, yet took no further notice, then only to order a Military Watch in all the adjacent Towns, hoping that Philip find|ing himself not likely to be Arraigned by Order of the said Court, the present Cloud might blow over, as some others of like nature had done before; but in conclusion, the matter proved otherwise, for Philip find|ing his Strength daily increasing, by the flocking of Neighbour Indians unto him, and sending over their Wives and Children to the Narhagan|sets for security (as they use to do when they intend War with any of their Enemies) Immediately they began to Alarm the English at Swanzy (the next Town to Philips Country) as it were daring the English to be|gin, at last their insolencies grew to such an height, that they began not only to use threatning words to the English, but also to kill their Cattle and rifle their houses; whereat an English man was so provoked, that he let fly a Gun at an Indian, but did only wound, not kill him, where|upon the Indians immediately began to kill all the English they could, so as on the 24th. of Iune 1675. was the Alarm of war first f••unded in Plimouth Colony, when eight or nine of the English were slun in and a|bout Swanzy: They first making a shot at a company of English as they returned from the Assembly where they were met in way of Humiliati••n that day, whereby they killed one and wounded others, and then like|wise at the same time, they slew two Men on the High-way, sent to call a Surgeon, and barbarously the same day murdered six men in and about a dwelling House in an other part of the Town, all which outrages were committed so suddenly, that the English had no time to make any resist|ance: For on the 14th. of the same Month, besides endeavours used by Mr. Brown of Swanzy one of the Magistrates of Plimouth Jurisdi|ction, an amicable Letter was sent from the Council of Plimouth to Philip

shewing their dislike of his prastises, and advising him to dismiss his strange Indians, and not suffer himself to be abused by false Reports, con|cerning them that intended him no hurt, but no answer could be obtain|ed, otherwise then threatning of War, which it was hoped might have been prevented, as heretofore it had been, when things seemed to look with as bad face as then they did. However the Governour and Coun|cil of Plimouth, understanding that Philip continued in his resolution, & manifested no inclination to peace, they immediately sent up what Forces they could to secure the Towns thereabouts, and make resistance as oc|casion might be, and also dispatched away Messengers to the Massa|chusets Governour and Council, letting them know the state of things about Mount-Hope: and desiring their speedy assistance: upon which care was immediately taken with all expedition to send such supplye•• as were defired: But in the mean time two Messengers were dispatched to Philip, to try whether he could not be diverted from his bloudy en|terprize. so to have prevented the mischief since fallen out, hoping, that as o••ce before, viz. Anno 1671. by their mediation, a stop was put to the like Tragedy; so the present warre might by the same meanes have been now turned aside: For in the said year Philip had firmly engaged himself, when he was at Boston, not to quarrel with Plimouth untill he had first addressed himself to the Massachusets for advice and approhation: But the two Messengers aforesaid, finding the men slain in the Roade Iune 24. as they were going for the Surgeon, apprehended it no safe to proceed any further, considering also, that a peace now could not honourably be concluded after such barbarous outrages committed upon some of the neighbour Colony: Wherefore returning with all speed to Boston, the Massachuset Forces were dispatch|ed away with all immaginable hast, as the ex••gent of the matter did re|quire, some of them being then upon, or ready for their March, the rest were ordered to follow after, as they could be raised. The sending forth of which, because it was the first engagement in any warlike pre|parations against the Indians, shall be more particularly declared.

On the 26th. of Iune a Foot-Company under Capt. Dani••l Henchman, with a Troop under Capt. Thomas Prentice, were sent out of Boston to|ward Mount-Hope; it being late in the afternoon before they began to march, the central Echpse of the Moon in Capric. hapned in the even|ing before they came up to Naponset River, about twenty miles from Boston, which occasioned them to make an halt, for a little repast, till the moon recovered her light again. Some melancholy Fancyes would not be perswaded, but that the Eclipse falling out at that instant of time,

was ominous, concriving also that in the centre of the Moon they dis|cerned an unusual black spot, not a little resembling the scalp of an In|dian: As some others not long before, imagined they saw the form of an Indian Bow, accounting that likewise ominous (although the mis|chief following was done by Guns, not by Bows) both the one and the other, might rather have thought of what Marcus Crassus the Koman General, going forth with an Army against the Parthians, once wisely replied to a private Souldier, that would have disswaded him from mar|ching that time, because of an Eclpse of the Moon in Capricorn [That he was more afraid of Sagitarius then of Capricornus] meaning the Ar|rows of the Parthians (accounted very good Archers) from whom as things then fell out, was his greatest danger. But after the Moon had waded through the dark shadow of the Earth, and borrowed her Light again, by the help thereof, the two Companies marched on to|ward Woodcocks House, thirty miles from Boston, where they arrived next morning; and there retarded their motion till the afternoon, in hope of being overtaken by a Company of Volunteers, under the Command of Captain Samuel Mosely, which accordingly came to pass, as on Iune 28th. they all arrived at Swanzy, where by the advice of Captain Cu|worth, the Commander in chief of Plimouth Forces, they were removed to the Head Quarters, which for that time were appointed at Mr. Miles his house, the Minister of Swanzy, within a quarter of a mile of the Bridge, leading into Philips Lands. They arriving there some little time before night, twelve of the Troop unwilling to loose time passed over the Bridge, for discovery into the Enemies Territories, where they found the rude welcome of eight or ten Indians firing upon them out of the Bushes, killing one William Hammond, wounding Corporal Belcher, his Horse being also shot down under him; the rest of the sard Tropers having discharged upon those Indians that ran away after their first shot, carried off their two dead and wounded Companions, and so reti|red to the main Guard for the night, pitc••ing in a Bar••icado about Mr. Miles his house. The Enemy thought to have braved it out by a bold assauld or two at the first; but their hearts soon began to fail them when they perceived the Massachusets, & Plimouth Fo••c••s both engaged against them: for the next morning they shou••ed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 h••ce, at half a miles distance, and nine or ten of them shewing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 this side the Bridge: our Horsemen with the whole body of the Privateers under Captain Mosely, not at all daunted by such kind of Alarms, nor willing so to loose the Bridge, ran ••••••le 〈◊〉〈◊〉 down upon them over the said Bridge, pursuing them a mile and quarter on the other side: Ensigne

Savage, that young Martial Spark, scarce twenty years of age, had at that time one bullet lodged in his Thigh, another shot through the br••m^s of his Hat, by ten or twelve of the Enemy discharging upon him toge|ther, while he boldly held up his Colours, in the Front of his Company: but the weather nor suffering any further action at that time, those that were thus far advanced, were compelled to retreat back to the main Guard, having first made a shot upon the Indians as they ran away into a Swamp nearby, whereby they killed five or six of them, as was under|stood soon after at Narhaganset: This resolute charge of the English ••ces upon the Enemy made them quit their place on Mount-Hope that very night, where Philip was never seen after; till the next year, when he was by a divine Mandate sent back: there to receive the reward of his wickedness where he first began his mischief: the next day Major Savage (that was to command in chief over the Massachnset Forces, being come up with other Supplies about six a clock over night) the whole Body in|tended to march into Mount-Hope, and there beat up the Enemys quar|ters, or give him Battle, if he durst abide it: but the weather being doubtful, our Forces did not march till near noon, about which time they set out, with a Troop of Horse in each wing, to prevent the danger of the Enemies Ambuscadoes; after they had marched about a mile & and half, they passed by some Houses newly burned: not far of one of them they found a Bible newly torn, and the leaves scattered about by the Enemy, in hatred of our Religion therein revealed, two or three miles further they came up with some Heads, Scalps, and Hands cut off from the bodys of some of the English, and stuck upon Poles near the Highway, in that barbarous and inhumane manner bidding us Defyance, the Commander in chief giving Order that those monuments of the E|nemies cruelty should be taken down, and buried: the whole body of the Forces still marched on, two miles further, where they found divers Wigwams of the Enemy, amongst which were many things scattered up and down, arguing the hasty fl••ght of the Owners; half a mile further, as they passed on through m••••y Fields of stately Corn, they fou••d Phi|lips own W gvam; every place giving them to perceive the Enemies ha••ty departure from thence; after they had marched two miles further they came to the Sea sid••, yet in all this time meeting with no Indians, nor any sign of them, unless of their flight to some other places. The season like to prove very tempestuous, and rainy, Captain Cudworth with some of the men of Plimouth passed over to Road-••stand. The Forces under Major Savage were forced to abide all night in the open Field, without any shelter, notwithstanding the abundance of rain that

fell, and in the morning, despairing to meet with any enemy on Mount|Hope, they retreated back to their Quarters at Swanzy, in the way meeting with many Indian dogs, that seemed to have lost their Masters. That night Capt. Prentice his Troop for convenie••cy of Quarters, as also for discovery, was dismissed to lodge at Seaconke or Rehoboth, a Town within six miles of Swanzy. As they returned back in the mor|ning, Capt. Prentice divided his Troop, delivering one half to Leiutenant Oak••s, and keeping the other himself, who as they rode along, espyed a company of Indians burning an house; but could not pursue them by reason of several Fences, that they could not g••e over till the Indians had escaped i••to a Swampe. Those with Leiutenant Oakes had the like discovery, but with better success, as to the advantage of the ground, so as pursuing of them upon a plain, they slew four or five of them in the Chase, whereof one was known to be Thebe a Sachem of Mount-Hope, another of them was a chief Counsellor of Philips; yet in this attempt the Lieutenant lost one of his company, Iohn Druce by name, who was mortally wounded in his bowels, whereof he soon after dyed, to the great grief of his companions. After the said Troop came up to the Head-Quarters at Swanzy, they understood from Capt. Cudworth that the enemy were discovered upon Pocass••t, an other neck of Land lying over an arme of the Sea, more towards Cape Cod: However it was resolved that a more narrow search should be made after them, both upon Mount-Hope, and upon the ground between Swanzy and Rehoboth to scoure the Swamps, and assault them if they could find where they were entrenched. Capt. Henchman and Capt. Preentice were ordered to search the Swamps; while Capt. Mosely and Capt. Paige with his Dra|goons attending on Major Savage, should return back into Mount hope that they might be sure to leave none of the enemy behind them, when they should remove to pursue them elsewhere.

About ten a clock the next morning, Iuly. 4. Capt. Henchman after a long and tedious March, came to the Head Quarters, and informed that he came upon a place where the enemy had newly been that night, but were escaped out of his reach: But that night before they were de|termined of any other motion, Capt. Hutchinson came up from Boston with new Orders for them to pass into Narrhaganset, to treat with the Sachems there, and if it might be, to prevent their joyning with Philip. Capt. Cudworth, by this time was come up to the Head Quarters, having left a Garison of fourty men upon Mount-Hope Neck. The next mor|ning was spent in consultations how to carry on the Treaty; it was then resolved, that they should goe to make a peace with a Sword in their

hands, having no smal ground of suspition that the said Narhagansets might joyn with the enemy wherefore, they thought it necessary to carry all the Messachuset Forces over into the Narhaganset Country, to fight them if there should be need; Capt. Mosely passed over by water to attend Capt. Hutchinson in his dispatch; the other Companys with the Pro••pers ••iding round about: as they passed they found the Indi|dians in Pomhams Country (next adjoyning to Philips Borders) all fled, and their Wigwams without any people in them.

After they came to the Narhaganset Sachems, three or four dayes were spent in a trea••y, after which a peace was concluded on sundry Arti|cles between the Messengers of Connicticut Colony (who were ordered to meet with those of the Massachusets) and the Commanders of the Forces sent against Philip: Hostages were also given by the said Nar|hagansets for the performance of the agreement. A Copy of the said Agreement, and the Articles on which a Peace was concluded, here fol|low. It being alwayes understood, that Plimouth Colony was included in the said Agreement, although their Forces were not then present, but re|mained at home neer the enemies Borders, to secure their Towns, and oppose Philip as there might be occasion, if he offered to make any new actempt in the mean time,

ARticles, Covenants and Agreements had, made and concluded by and b••tween Major Thomas Savage, Captain Edward Hutchinson, and Mr. Joseph Dudley, in behalf of the Goverment of the Massachusets Co|lony, and Major Wait Winthrop and Mr. Richard Smith on behalf of Connect••cut Colony on the one party, and Agamaug, Wompsh, alias Cor|man, Taitson, Tawageson Councellors and Attournies to Canonicus, Nini|gret, Matataog, old Queen Quaiapen, Quananshit & Pomham the six present Sachims of the whole Narhaganset Country on the other party, re|ferring to several diff••rences and troubles lately risen between them; and for a final conclusion of settled Peace and Amity between the said Sachims, their Heirs and Successors for ever, and the Governours of the said Mass••chu|sets and Connecticot, and their Successors in the said Goverments for ever.

I. That all and every of the said Sachims shall from time to time carefully seize, and living or dead deliver unto one or other of the abovesaid Gover|ments, all and every of Sachim Philips Subjects whatsoever, that shall come

or be found within the precincts of any of their Lands, and that with greatest diligence and faithfulness.

II. That they shall with their utmost ability use all Acts of Hostility a|gainst the said Philip & his Subjects, entring his Lands or any other Lands of the E••g••••sh to ki••land d••stroy the said Enemy, until a cess••••tion from War with the said Enemy be concluded by both the abovesaid Colonies.

III. That the said Sachims, by themselves and their Ag••nts, shall care|ful••y search out and deliver all stoln goods whatsoever taken by any of th••ir Subjects from any of the English, whether formerly or lately, and shall make full satisfaction for all wrongs or injuries done to the Estate of any of the Subjects of the several Colonies, according to the judgement of in••ifferent men, in case of dissatisfaction between the Offenders and the off••nded Parties, or deliver the offenders.

IV. That all Preparations for War, or Acts of Hostility against any of the English Subjects, shall for ever for the future cease; together with all manner of Thefts, Pilferings, killing of Cattle, or any manner of breach of p••ace whatsoever shall with utmost care be prevented, & instead thereof their strength to be used as a Guard round about the Narraganset Country, for the English Inhabitants safety and security.

V. In token of the abovesaid Sachims reality in this Treaty and Conclu|sion, and for the security of the several English Goverments and Subjects, they do freely deliver unto the abovesaid Gentlemen, in the b••half of the above|said Colonies, John Wobequob, Weowchim, Pewkes, We••new, four of their near Kinsmen and choice Friends to be and remain as Hostages in seve|ral places of the English Iuris••ictions, at the appointment of the Honoura|ble Governours of the abovesaid Colonies, there to be civi••ly treated not as Prisoners, but otherwise at their Honours Discr••tion, un••il the abovesaid Ar|ticles, are fully accomplished to the satisfaction of the several Goverments, the departure of any of them in the mean time to be accounted breach of the Peace, and of these present Articles.

VI. The said Gentlemen in the behalf of the Goverments to which th••y do belong, do engage to every the said Sachims and their Subjects▪ 〈…〉〈…〉 or any of them shall seize and bring into either the abovesaid English Gover|ments, or to Mr. Smith Inhabitants of Narhaganset, Philip Sachim alive, he or they so delivering, shall receive for th•••• pains, forty ••rucki••g cloa••h Coats, in case they bring his Head they shall have twenty like good Coats paid them: for every living Subject of said Philip•• so delivered, the delive|rer shall receive two Coats, and for every Head one Coat, as a Gratuity for their service herein, making it appear to satisfaction, that the Heads or Per|sons are belonging to the Enemy, and that they are of their seizure,

VII. Thesaid Sachims do renew and confi••••m unto the English Inhabitants or others, all former Graunts, Sales, Bargains or Conv••yances of Lands, Meadows, Timber, Grass, Stones, or whatever else the English have here|tofore bought or qui••tly possessed and enjoyed▪ to be unto them, and their Heirs, and Assigns for ever; as also all former Articles made with the Confederate Colonies.

Lastly, The said Counsellors and Attorneys do premeditately, seriously, and upon good advice, Covenant, Conclude and Agr••e all abovesaid solemnly, and call God to witness they are, and shall remain true Friends to the English Goverments, and perform the abovesaid Articles punctually, using their ut|most endeavour, care and faithfulness therein:

In witness whereof they have set their Hands and Seals. Petaquanscot Iuly 15. 1675.

Signed, Sealed and Delivered in the presence of us underwritten, being carefully Interpreted to the said In|dians before Sealing.

• Daniel Henchman.
• Thomas Prentice.
• Nicholas Paige.
• Ioseph Stanton Interpreter.
• Henry Hanlaws.
• Picue B••kow.
• Iob N••ff.
• Tawageson his mark C.
• Taytson his mark D.
• Agamaug his mark T.
• Wampsh, alias Corman his mark. X.

During this Treaty of Peace with the Narhagansets, Captain Cud|worth with the Forces of Plimouth under his Command, found some|thing to do nearer home, though of another nature as it proved, sc. to make War whilst the other were (as they thought) making peace: in the first place therefore he dispatched Captain Fuller) joyning Lieuten|ant Church together with him in Commission) with fifty in his Com|pa••y to P••c••ss••t, on the same account, as the other went to Narhaganset•• eit••er to conclude a Peace with them, if they would continue Friends and give Hostages for the confirmation thereof, or fight them if they should declare themselves Enemies, and joyn with Philip; himself in|tending to draw down his Forces to Rehoboth, to be ready for a speedy March to Tau••ton, and so down into the other side of the Country upon the news that some of the Enemy were burning and spoiling o•• Middleburrough and Dartmouth, two small villages lying in the way

betwix•• P••cass••t and Plimouth. Upon thursday Iuly 7. Captain Fuller with Cap••ain Ch••rch wen•• into Pocasset to seek after the Enemy, or else as occ••sion 〈◊〉〈◊〉 serve, to treat with those Indians at Pocasset, with whom Mr. Church was very well acquainted, alwayes holding good cor|respondence with them: After they had spent that day and most of the night, in traversing the said Pocasset Neck, and Watching all night in an House which they found there, yet could head no tidings of any In|dians; insom••ch that Captain Fuller began to be weary of his design: Mr. Church in the mean while ass••ring him that they should finde Indians before it were long: yet for greater expedition they divided their Com|pany, Captain Fuller taking down toward the Sea-side, where it seems after some little skirmishing with them, wherein one man only received a small Wound, he either saw or heard too many Indians for himself and his Company to deal with, which m••de him and them betake themselves to an House near the Water-side, from whence they were fetched off by a Sloop before night to Road Island. Captain Church (for so may he well be stiled after this time) marched further into the Neck, imag••ning that if there were Indians in the Neck, they should finde them about a peas-field not farr off: as soon as ever they came near the said field he espyed two Indians in the pease, who also had at the same time espyed him, and presently making some kind of shout, a great number of Indi|ans came about the field, pursuing the said Capt. Church and his men in great numbers to the sea side: there being 〈◊〉〈◊〉 above fifteen with Church, yet seven or eight score of the Indians pursuing after them. Now was a fit time for this young Captain and his small Company to handsel their valour upon this great rout of Indians, just ready to devo•••• them: But victory stands no more in the number of Soulders, then Verity in the plurality of voyces: And although some of these fifteen had scarce courage enough for themselves, yet their Captain had enough for him|self, and some to spare for his friends, which he there had an opportuni|ty of improving to the full. When he saw the hearts of any of his fol|lowers to fail, he would bid them be of good Courage and fight stout|ly, and (possibly by some divine impression upon his heart) assured them not a bullet of the enemy should hurt any one of them; which one of the Company, more dismayed then the rest, could hardly believe, till he saw the proof of it in his own person, for the Captain perceiving the man was not able to fight, made him gather Rocks together for a kind of shelter and Baricado: for the rest, that must either of necessity fight or fall by the enemyes. It chanced as this faint-hearted souldier had a flat stone in his armes, and was carying it to the shelter that he was making

upon the Bank, a bullet of the Enemy was thus warded from his Body by which he must else have perished, which experience put new life into him, so as he followed his business very ma••fully afterward, insomuch that they defended themselves under small defence hastily made up all that afternoon, not one being either sl••in or wounded, yet it was cer|tainly known that they killed at least fifteen of their Enemies: and at the last, when they had spent all their Amunition, and made their Guns un|serviceable by often fiting, they were fetched all off by Capt. Goldings Sloop, and carried safe to Road-Island in despight of all their Enemies; yea, such was the bold and undaunted courage of this Champion Capt. Church, that he was not willing to leave any token behind of their flying for want of courage, that in the face of his Enemies he went back to fetch his Hat, which he had left at a Spring, whether the extream heat of the weather, and his labou•• in fighting had caused him to re|pair for the quenching of his thirst an hour or two before. It seems in the former part of the same day, five men coming from Road-Island, to look up their Cattle upon Pocasset Neck, were assaulted by the same Indians, and one of the five was Capt. Churches Servant, who had his Leg broke in the Skirmish, the rest hardly escaping with their lives: this was the first time that ever any mischief was done by the Indians upon Pocasset Neck. Those of Road-Island were hereby Alarmed to look to themselves, as well as the re••t of the English of Plimouth, or the Massa|ehusets Colony.

This Ass••ult rather heightened and increased then daunted the courage of Capt. Church; for not making a cowardly flight, but a fair retreat, which providence offered him by the Sloop aforesaid, after his Amunition was spent, he did not stay long at Road Island, but hasted over to the Mattachuset Forces, and borrowing three files of Men of Capt. Hench|man with his Lieutenant: Mr. Church and he returned again to Pocasset, where they had another skirmish with the Enemy, wherein some few of them fourteen or fifteen were slain, which struck such a terror into Phi|lip, that he be ••ook himself to the Swamps about Pocasset, where he lay hid till the return of the rest of the Forces from the Narhagansets, like a wild Boar kept at a Bay by this small party till more hands came up.

Thus were the Plimouth Forces busied, during the time of the Treaty with the Narhagansets, which being issued as it was.

On Friday Iuly 15. Our Forces Marched for, and araived at Rekoboth where having no intelligence of the Enemy nearer then a great Swamp on Pocasset, eighteen miles from Taunton; they marched next day twelve miles to an House at Matapoiset (a small Neck of Land in the bottome

of Taunton Bay, in the mid-way between Mount-hope and Pocasset Neck) from whence they marched for Taunton. Iuly 17. whither after a te|dious March of twenty miles they came in the evening, and found the People generally gathered into eight Garison Houses:

On Monday Iuly 18. they Marched eighteen miles before they could reach the Swamp where the Enemy was lodged, as soon as ever they came to the place, Plimouth Forces being now joyned with them, ou•• Souldiers resolutely entred in amongst the Enemes, who took the ad|vantage of the thick under-wood, to make a shot at them that first entred whereby five were killed outright, seven more wounded, some of whose wounds proved mortal: After the first shot, the Enemy presently reti|red deeper into the Swamp, d••serting their W••gwams (about an hundred in all) newly made of green Barks, so as they would not burn: in one of them they found an old man, who confessed that Philip had been lately there; having spent some time in searching the Swamp, and tired themselves to no purpose, yet it was said one half hour more would have at that time utterly subdued Philip and all his power. The Commander in chief, (night drawing on apace) not thinking it safe to tarry longer in so dangerous a place, (where every one was in as much danger of his fellows as of his foes, being ready to fire upon every Bush they see move (supposing Indians were there) ordered a Retreat to be founded, that they m••ght have time to dispose of their dead and wounded men, which accordingly was attended: Plimouth Forces who had entred in the rear, retreating in the front. It was judged that the Enemy being by this means brought into a Pound, it would be no hard matter to deal with them, and that it would be needless charge to keep so many Companies of Souldiers together to wait upon such an inconsiderable Enemy, now almost as good as taken: whereupon most of the Companies belong|ing to the Massachusets were drawn off▪ only Capt. Henchman with an hundred Foot being left there, together with Plimouth Forces, to attend the Enemies motion, being judged sufficient for that end. Ma••or Sa|vage, Capt. Paige with Capt. Mosely and their Companies returned to Boston: Capt. Prentice with his Troop were ordered toward Mendham, where it seems, about the middle of Iuly, some Indians, wishing well to ••••ilips design, had made an assault upon some of the Inhabitants, as they were at their labour in the Field, killing five or six of them: as soon as they had done, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 away into the Woods, so as they co••ld not easily 〈◊〉〈◊〉: The Inhabi••a••ts of the some Village, lying so in the heart of the Enemies Country beg••n to be discouraged, so as within a little time after they forsook the place, abandoning their Houses to the ••ury of

the enemy, which by them were soon after turned into ashes. But to return to king Philip, who was now lodged in the great swampe upon Pocasset Neck, of seven miles long: Capt. Henchman and the Plimouth Forces kept a diligent eye upon the enemy, but were not willing to run into the mire and dirt after them in a dark Swamp being taught by late experience how dangerous it is to fight in such dismal Woods, when their eyes were muffled with the leaves, and their heads pinnioned with the thick boughs of the trees, as their feet were continually shackled with the roots spreading every way in those boggy Woods. It is ill fighting with a wilde Beast in his own den. They resolved therefore to starve them out of the Swamp, where they knew full well they could not long subsi••t: To that end they began to build a Fort, as it were to beleaguer the enemy, and prevent his escape out of the place, where they thought they had him fast enough. Philip in the mean time was not ig|norant of what was doing without, and was ready therein to read his own doome. so as if he tarryed much longer there, he knew he should fall into their hands from whom he could expect no mercy: The c••se being therefore desperate, he resolved with an hundred or two of his best fighting men to make an escape by the Water, all passages by the land being sufficiently guarded by the English Forces. The Swampe where they were lodged be••••g not far from an arm of the Sea, coming up to Taunton, they taking the advantage of a low tide, either wa••ed over one night in the end of Iuly, or else wafted themselves over upon small R••tes of timber very early before break of day, by which meanes the greatest part of his Company escaped away into the woods, leading in|to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Nipm••ck Country, ••together unknown to the English Forces, that lay encamped on the other side of the Swamp. About an hundred or more of the women and Children, which were like to be rather bur|densome then serviceable were left behind, who soon after resigned up themselves to the mercy of the English. Philips escape thus from Po|cass••t could not long be concealed after the day appeared, there being much champaign Lard through which he was to p••ss, so as being disco|vered to some of R••hoboth, the Inhabitants presently followed him, toge|ther with a Party of the Mohegins (••hat a little before come to Boston, off ring their Service against Philip, and were sent up into those parts to be ••••dered by Capt. Henchman but be o••e they came to him were ea|sily perswaded to go along with any of the English that were ••••g••ged in the pursuit of Philip) News also thereof was carryed to Capt. Hench|man, who as soon as he could get over with six files of men (rowing hard all or most part of the day to get to Providence) followed after the enemy.

The Mohegins with the men of Rehoboth, and some of Providence came upon their Reer over nigh••, H••w about thirty of them, took much plun|d••r from them, without any co••side••able 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the English. Capt. Henchman came not up to them (pursuing them only by the Track) till the Skirmish was over, and having marched twenty two miles that day was not well able to go any further that night; on the other hand, the Fo••ces that came from Rehoboth and that belonged to Plimouth, having left their horses three miles off could not goe back to fetch them with|out 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of time, and therefore looking at it altogether bootless to go after them in the morning, returned back the next day, leaving Capt Henchman with his six Files, and the Mohegins to pursue the Chase to Nips••tchet, which he d••d the next morning. Capt. Henchman, that he might the better engage the Mohegins to march with him thirty miles gave them half his p••ovision, and was himse••f recruited again by the care of Capt. Edmunds of Providence, & Leiutenant Brown, who brought provision after him to the Nipmuck Forts. Mr. Newman the Mini••ter of Rehoboth deserved not a little Commendation for exciting his neigh|bours and friends to pursue thus far after Philip▪ animating of them by his own example and presence: But w••at the reason was why Philip was followed no further, it is better to suspend, then too critically to en|quire. This is now the third time when a good opportunity of sup|p••essing the Rebelion of the Indians, was put into the hands of the En|glish; but time and chance hapneth to all men, so that the most likely meanes are often frustrated of their desired end. All humane endeavours shall arive at no other success, then the Counsel of God hath preordain|ed, that no flesh might glory in their own Wisdome, but give unto God the praise of all their Successes, and quietly bear whatever Miscariages he hath ordered to befall them. It appears by the issue of these things, that although this wound was not incurable, yet much more bloud must be taken away before it could be healed. But by this means Philip escaped away to the Westward, kindling the flame of Warre in all the Western plantations of the Massachusets Colony wherever he came, so that by this fatal accident, the fire that was in a likely way to be extinguished, as soon almost as it began, did on the sudden break out through the whole Jurisdiction of the Massachusets, both Eastward and Westward, endan|gering also the neighbour Colony of Connecticut. Which hath also suf|fered somewhat by the ••ury of this Flame, though not considerable to what the other Colonyes have undergone.

While things after this manner proceeded in and about the Colony of Plimouth, the Commissioners of the rest of the Colonyes were con|sulting

and advising what was to be done for preventing the mischief threatned from spreading any further, fearing (as indeed there was too much cause) that although Philip only appeared to make the first attempt yet more either already were, or soon might be be perswaded to joyn with him in acting this b••oudy Tragedy.

It hath been already declared what hath been done for the securing of the Narhagansets; those that were sent as Messengers on that errand, alwayes reported that the elder people were in appearance, not only in|clinable to peace, but seemed very desirous thereof, insomuch as their two eldest Sachems expressed much joy when it was concluded; but as since hath appeared, all this was but to gain time, and cover their treache|rous intents and purposes, that they might in the next Spring fall upon the English plantations all at once, as some prisoners lately brought in have owned and confessed; not have any of those Indians with whom the present War hath been, ever regarded any agreements of peace made with the English, further then out of necessity and ••lavish fear they were compelled thereunto, as may be seen by the Records of the united Colo|nyes from the year 1643 to the present time, notwithstanding all their fair pretences; for Ninigret, the old Sachem of the Narhagansets, who alone of all the rest of that Country Sachems disowned the present war, and refused to have any hand therein, yet was it proved to his face be|be••ore the Commissioners, in the years 1646 and 1647, that he had threatned they would carry on the war against the Mohegins, whatever were the mind of the Commissioners, and that they would kill the En|glish Cattle, and heap them up as high as their Wigwams, and that an English man should not stir out of his doors to piss, but they would kill him; all which he could not deny; yet did this old Fox make many pro|mises of peace; when the dread of the English ever since the Pequod-war moved him thereunto; foreseeing as he is said to have told his neigh|bours, that they would all be ruined if they made War with the English, as is since come to pass. However the good hand of God was seen in so ordering things, that the Narhagansets were for the present restrain|ed from breaking out into open Ho••tili••y against the English, at that time when Philip began▪ which if they had then done, according to the eye of reason, it would have been very difficult, i•• possible for the English to have saved any of their inland plantations from being utterly destroyed. Thus hath God in his Wisdome suffered so much of the rage of the Hea|then to be let loose against his people here, as to become a Scourge unto them, that by the wrath of men, praise might be yeilded to his holy Name, y••t hath he in his abundant goodness restrained the remainder that it should not consume.

The next thing in order to be related, is the calamity that befel the Village of Brookfi••ld, which notwithstanding all the care that was taken, fell into the hands of the perfideous Nipuet Indians, as shall here in the nex•• place be declared; only as we pass along to remind the Rea|der in a few words, what wa•• the issue of Capt. Henchmans pursu••t of Philip: the Plimouth Forces being returned home, as was said before, Cap. Henchman with his six Files of men, and the Mohegin Indians, ha|ving continued in the pursuit of Philip till they had spent all their provi|sion, and i••ed themselves, yet never coming within sight of Philip; the Mohegin Indians in their Company directed them to Mendham, and then leaving them, returned also to their own Country. Capt. Henchman in his march toward Mendham, or at Mendham, met with Capt. M••sely coming up to bring him Provision, and advertizing him of what succ••ss he had met withal in the pursuit; they attend their cou••se, for Cap••a••n Henchman was sent down to the Governour and Council, to know what they should do: they presen••ly reminded him to Pocasset, and ordered him to stay there if there were need, or else to draw off▪ surrendring the Fort he had been building to Plimouth Forces, which last was chosen by those of Plimouth, whereupon Capt. Henchman returning to Boston, was ordered to disband his men. Capt. M••sely was ordered to march to Q••abaog or Brookfield, where he continued a while, the other Captains sent up for the relief of the people the••e, and to s••ek after the Enemy in those Woods, and after sometime spent in rang••••g the Country the e|abou••s, and not meeting with any of the Infidels, he with his Company came downwards, searching the Woods betwix•• Lancaster (where a Man and his W••fe with two Children were slain on the Lords-day. Aug. 22.) and Malberough, where also a Lad keeping Sheep, was shot at by an In|dian that wore a sign, as if he had been a Friend: the Indian was sup••o|sed to belong to the Hassanemesit Indians, at that time confined to M••l|beroug••, where they had liberty to dwell there in a kind of a Fort: The next day the Inhabitan••s sent to demand their Guns, Capt. Mosely ac|quainted therewith, marched to the Fort and found much suspition a|gainst eleven of them, for singing and dancing, and having Ballets a••d Slugs, and much Po••der hid in thei Baskets; insomuch that eleven of them were sent down Prisoners to B••ston upon suspition, that they had an hand in killing the fou•• at Lancaster, and shooting at the M••lb••rough Shepherd: But upon T••yal, the said Prisoners were all of them qui••••ed from the Fast and were ei••ther released, or else were with others of that so••••, sent for better securi••y▪ and for preventing future trouble in the like kind to some of the Islands below Boston toward Nantasket.

About this time Capt. Mosely was sent with a Company of Souldiers to some Indian Plantations up M••rri••ack River, as high as Penny-••ook; but they found no Indians there; thos•• that belonged to the pl••ce ha|ving withdrawn themselves from that N••••ive place, that they might, no•• meddle in the presence quarrel, as is confidently believed that Woonalans•••• the Sachim of that Country had so resolved. That Coast being clear of the Enemies, Capt. Mosely soon after was sent up with his Men to the Towns Westward about Ha••ly, if it might be, to subdue the Enemy, who a little before▪ and at that time, was doing all the mischief he could in those We••tern P••antations, both by Fire and Sword.

But to return and pursue the Rebellious Indians, and keep pace with them in our History, though our Forces as yet could never overtake them in the Woods. The Governour and Council of the Mass••chusets were sensible of as much danger from the Nipnet Indians, as from the former: they being the Inland part of the Country betwixt the Sea|coast and Connecticut River Westward, and the Towns about the Mas|sachusets Bay Eastward, whereupon some persons that used to Trade with the said Nipnets, were sent to found them, and find how they stood affected, for which also there was the more reason, because they were alwayes in subject on to the Sachim of Mount-Hop; and so w••••e the mo••••e like to engage in the present quarrel; of which there had been sufficient proof already: when on the 14. of Iuly, some of the Nipnet Indians next bordering on Philips Country, set upon some of Mendham (a Town scituate Northward from Mount-Hope, within 36. Miles from Boston,) where they killed four or five persons which was the first mis|chief done upon any of the Inhabitants within the Jurisdiction of the Mas|sachusets, acted as was said by one Matoonas who was Father to him that had committed a murder soon after Philips first Rebellion, An. 1671. The Messenger that was sent thither, brought word back that they ••ound the said Indians wavering; the young men very furly and insolent, the elder ones, shewing some inclination to maintain the wonted peace: Soon af|ter, Iuly 28. 1675. Capt. Wheeler was sent to assist (Capt. Hutchinson with a party of twenty Horse to Treat further about the Peace, who go|ing first to Quabaog or Brookfield a Town scituate about si••ty or sev••nty miles from Boston, in the Road of Connecticot. lying about twenty five miles from the said River, and not far distant from the chief feat of the Nipnet Indians. The Inhabitants of the said Brookfield had been so de|luded by those Treacherous Villains that they fearing no danger, first ob••ained of those Nipnets, the promise of a Treaty upon the second of August, whereupon some of the chief of the Town riding along unarmed

with the said Wheeler and Hutchinson, with their party of Horse until they came to the place appointed, but finding no Indians, ••o secure were they, that they ventured along further, to find the T••••••cels at their chief Town, never suspecting the least danger, but when they had rode four or five miles that way, they fell into an Ambush, of two or three hun|dred Indians, laid in such a narrow passage, betwixt a steep full on the one hand, and an hideous Swamp on the other, that it was ••carce possi|ble for any of them to escape, eight of them being shot down upon the place (whereof three were of Brookefield) and three mortally wounded whereof Capt. Hutchinson was one, Cap. Wheeler also was near loosing his life, whose horse was shot down under him, and himself shot through the body, so that all manner of hopes to escape had been removed from him, had it not been for his Son, who was (by Gods good providence) near or next unto him, being a man of undaunted courage (notwith|standing his own Arm was broken with a Bullet) yet with great nimble|nes•• and agility of body, d••smounting himself, speedily mounted his Fa|ther upon his own Horse, himself getting upon an other, whose Master was killed, by which means they both escaped, and were afterwards cured. Much ado had those that were left alive to recover B••ookefield, which in all prob••b••lity they had never done (the common Road being way laid with Indians on every side as was afterwards known)▪ had it not been for one well acquainted with those Woods, who led them in a by path, by w••••ch means they got thither, a little before the Indians, who quickly came ••••o••king into the Town, with full intent to destroy it with fire and Sword. But by special providence the Inhabitants were all gathered to the principal house of the Village (there being scarce twenty in the Town) before the barbarous Mis••rean••s came upon them, immediately setting fire upon all the dwelling houses, with most of the other Buildings in the Town save that one into which the Inhabi|tants were retired, the which they several times attemp••ed to burn, but were almost miraculously defeated of their purpose by the immediate hand of God. In the Mount of the Lord it shall be seen. For when they had for two dayes assaulted that poor handfull of helpless people, both night and day pouring in shot upon them incessantly with gunns, and also thrusting poles with Fire-brands, and rags dipt in brimstone ty|ed to the ends of them to fire the house.

At last they used this devilish Scratagem, to fill a Cart with hemp, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and other combustible matter, and so thrusting it backward with poles spliced together a great length, after they had kindled it; But as soon as it had begun to take fire, a Storm of rain unexpectedly falling, put

out the Fire, or else all the poor people, about seventy souls, would either have been co••sumed by merciless flames, or else have fallen into the hands of their cruel enemyes, like Wolves continually yelling and gaping for their prey.

Thus was that distressed Company strangely delivered, who have for ever cause to say with the Psalmist, Blessed b••the Lord, who hath not gi|ven us a prey to their teeth, our soul is escaped as a bird out of the snare of the Fowlers, the snare is broken and we are escaped. For the next night Ma|jor Willard, by accident hearing of the danger the People were in, as 〈in non-Latin alphabet〉〈in non-Latin alphabet〉, came with forty eight Dragoons to their relief. The occasion which b••ought Major Willard and Capt. Parker of Greton with forty six more, so timely to their relief was this Major Willard in pursuance of his Commission from the Governour and Council, was upon Wednesday August the 4th in the morning, marching out after some Indians to the Westward, to secure them: just as they were set|ting forth, some of Malberough, who had intelligence by those that were going to Connecticot, and forced to return, what distress Brookfield was in, and knowing of Major Willards purpose to go out that morning from Lancaster, sent a Post to acquaint him therewith, which though it did not find him in the Town, yet overtook him before he had gone a|bove four or five miles from the place: whereupon, conceiving it more needful to succour Brookfield in so eminent danger, then to proceed fur|ther upon his intended design: he altered his course and marched di|rectly thither, being about thirty miles distant when the tidings were b••ought him; so he arrived there that night very seasonably, about an hour af••er it was dark, or else in probability they had all perished before the relief sent up from Boston could have reached them, which was not till three dayes after. The providence of God l••kewise in bringing in the said Major so safely, as well as seasonably to their relief, was very remarkable. For the Indians had subtilly contrived to cut off all re|li••f sent, before it could come at them, by laying Ambushes, and placing their Scou••s, at two or three miles distance round the Town: About an hundred of them were lodged at an house not far off in the way toward Boston, to cut off any Succour that might come from thence: but it is supposed they were so intense upon the project they were about for firing the House, concluding it would without fail take place, that either they d••d not minde their business of Watching, or making such a noise for joy thereof, that they did not bear their Sentinels when they shot off their Guns, at two miles distance. It is said that another party of the Indians, let the Major and his Company purposely pass by them, with|out

any opposition, waiting for the blow to be given at their first ap|proach near the house, then to have themselves fallen upon their Rear, and so to have cut them all off, before the besieged understood any thing thereof. But it pleased God so to order things in providence, that no notice was taken of them by the Besiegers, nor were they at all discerned by them till they had made themselves known to their Friends; and were admitted within the Court of Guard; which when the Enemy had no|tice of, they poured in their shot abundantly upon them, but they were now sheltered from the danger thereof: only it seems their Hor|ses were exposed to their fury, so as many of them were ma••med and killed, as were most of the Cattle belonging to the Inhabitants of the place soon after. This Honoured Person Major Willard continued at Brookfield after this famous exploit for the preservation of the poor be|sieged at Brookfield, divers weeks to order such Companies as were sent up that way for the securing of the Plantations on that side of the Country; and not long after he went himself also to Hadly upon the like service of the Country in the present War: But after some time spent in those parts, he returned back to his own place, to order the af|fairs of his own Regiment, much needing his presence, and leaving the Forces about Ha••ly under the command of the Major of that Regi|ment.

But to return to what was in hand before, after the Indians under|stood that succours were come in to the beseiged, they fired all that they had left standing for their own shelter while they had beseiged the place before mentioned, ran all away into their own dens, in the neigh|bouring woods: however it was confessed by one of themselves, that the enemy had eighty of their men k••lled and wounded in this business. But ere we pass any further in pursuit of the History of these matters, it will not be amiss to let the Reader understand the horrible perfidi|ous and treacherous dealing of these Nipnet Indians, who of all other had the least reason as to any pretence of injury, yet did most deceit|fully and barbarously joyn with Philip and his Indians, after they had been several times sent unto by the Governour and Council of the Massachusets, by the advice of Plimouth, to have prevented their R••sing, as well as the rising of the Narhagansets, and also had faithfully promi|sed not to meddle in the quarrel, as may more fully appear by the Engagement under the hands of their Sachems, some time before Capt. Hutchinson and Capt. Wh••••ler were sent up to them, which by reason of the hast and unskilfullness of the Messengers on that behalf sent, is not so fit for publick view: but the account of it from their ••e••urn,

under their hand and oath, Iuly 24. 75. when Leiut. Ephraim Curtice spake with five of the Nipnet Sachems, four too many to govern so small a people, but lying upon the head of the principal Indian Territoryes, they were divided into so many small partyes, two of whom, viz. Sam Sachem of wesh••cum, and Netaump were executed together afterward at Boston. All of them did at that time solemnly renew their Covenant and promise under their hands to come to Boston to speak further with the Governour, instead of which what they perfidiously did against Capt Hutchinson and others, hath already been declared.

Upon the report of this sad Disaster that befel the Inhabitants of Brookefield, Forces were sent up under the Command of Capt. Lothrop and others, to pursue after those Indians, harbouring about those pla|ces, and if it might be, to prevent them from joyning with the Indians upon Connecticut River, who as yet had not discovered themselves as willing to espouse Philips interest, but rather made some semblance to the contrary. There was much time spent by Major Willard, and se|veral Companyes of Souldiers left under his command, about the Nip|net Country, but all to no purpose; for partly by the treachery of some of the Indians that came to their assistance, that seemed to favour the English, but rather acted in behalf of the enemy, partly by the subtle|tyes of the enemyes themselves, who could easily by their scouts disc••rn the approach of our souldiers, and by the nimbleness of their feet escape them: our Souldiers could never meet with any of them, but only by that means driving them further Westward, they gathered all the Indi|ans they could to their party about Pecomptuck. aliàs Dearfield, Swams|cot, and Squakeag, where were some plantations of the English newly began, whom they assaulted in the next place, and did what mischief they could upon them.

It is here to be noted that although that worthy patriot and experi|enced Souldier Major Willard hearing of the distress of Brookefield by some that were travelling to Connecticut was the first that relieved the distressed people of Quabaog or Brookefield, yet Major Pinehon of Springfield also by accident hearing of their Calamity, had not only sent word thereof to Hartford (from whom he received a supply of five and twenty or thirty souldiers under Capt. Wats) but did also send a Band of men under Lieut. Cooper (who was afterwards villanously slain by Springfield Indians) who with those sent from Hartford, and some Indi|ans belonging to Springfield (seemingly forward to help the English) made up four score or thereabouts; these marched down to Brook••fi••ld the same day that Capt Lothrop and Capt. Beens came up from the

Massachusets, who having spent some time in searching the woods a|bout Springfield, and finding none of the Indians, did the next day march up to a place called Memini••isset by the Indians, where Capt. Hutchin|son and Capt. Wheeler were assaulted, and finding no sign of any Indians amongst those woods and Swamps; the Company that came from Springfield, left the other Souldiers (who returned to their Quarters at Brookfield) and went up themselves further northward, at least twenty miles from the said Brookfield, and finding no track of Indians in all those woods, they returned back to Springfield, leaving enough to de|fend the people of Brookefield, and the garison there.

By this it appears, that the Indians by this occasion were driven more westward into the woods between Hadly and Squakheag. where they soon effected their design, viz. to leaven the Indians on that side the Country with the same prejudice and malice against the English, with which they themselves were (though without cause) in bittered; for in a few dayes the device took place amongst Hadly and Dearfield In|dians, and was presently put in execution by the said Indians, with|drawing from the English and assisting Philip and the Nipnets to spoile and destroy all the towns westward, as soon after came to pass: yet at the first some of the Hadly Indians pretended real friend|ship to the English, and offered themselves to fight against Philip, but the Mohegin Indians that came afterward from Harford began to suspect the Treachery of the other, and told the English plainly, that no good would be done, while any of that Company went along with them in pursuit of the Enemy, for as was said, they would alwayes give some shout when they came near the Enemy, as if they should thereby wish them to look to themselves; insomuch that the said Hadly Indians fell into great suspicion with the English, and for a proof of their Fidelity, they were required to bring in their Arms to the English, but upon that motion they delayed a little, but that very night they fl••d away from their Dwellings, which was in a Wooden Fortification, within a mile of Hatfield, whereby they plainly discovered that they had secretly plotted to joyn with Philips Party, as far as they had an opportunity to do them any eminent service: some think the English failed in point of prudence not managing that business so warily as they might, which if they had done, their de••ection had been prevented, but it is most probable that Philip had hired them to own his quarrel, by sending them gifts in the Spring, and that the body of the said Indians were most readily inclined thereunto: But the Sachims and the elder ones of them, seemed loth ••t first to engage against the English. In conclusion, when they had so

falsly left their Dwellings, and were running after Philip and the Nip|net Indians (at that time harboured in those Woods) the English were so provoked, that were under Capt. Lothrop and Capt. Beers, that they pursued after them very early the next morning, and overtook them a|bout ten miles above Hatfield, at a place called Sugar•• loaf Hill, and had a small skirmish with them, wherein there were nine or ten of the English slain, and about twenty six Indians: yet the rest escaped; and so joyned with Philip and his Company, presently after which accident, they were so emboldned, that upon the first of September, about seven dayes after they set upon Dearfield, killed one Man, and laid most of the Houses in ashes. About two or three dayes after they fell upon Squakeag, ano|ther new Plantation, fifteen miles higher up the River, above Dearfield, where they killed nine or ten of the People, the rest hardly escaped into the Garison house.

The next day, this disaster not being known, Captain Beers, for fear of the worst, with thirty six men, was sent up to the said Squakeag, with supplies both of men and provision to secure the small Garison there, but before they came very near to the Town, they were set upon by many hundreds of the Indians out of the Bushes by a Swamp side, of whom Capt. Beers (who was known to fight valiantly to the very last) with about twenty of his men, were by this sudden surprisal there slain, the rest flying back to Hadly. Here the Barbarous Villains shewed their insolent rage and cruelty, more then ever before, cutting off the heads of some of the slain, and fixing them upon Poles near the High|way, and not only so, but one (if not more) was found with a Chain hooked into his under jaw, and so hung up on the Bow of a Tree, (tis feared he was hung up alive) by which means they thought to daunt and discourage any that might come to their relief, and also to terrifie those that should be Spectators with the beholding so sad an object: in|somuch that Major Treat with his Company, going up two days after, to fetch off the residue of the Garison, were solemnly affected with that doleful fight, which made them make the more hast to bring down the Garison, not waiting for any opportunity to take revenge upon the Ene|my, having but an hundred with him, two few for such a purpose. Cap|tain Appleton going up after him, met him coming down, and would willingly have perswaded them, to have turned back, to see if they could have made any spoil upon the Enemy, but the greatest part advised to the contrary, so that they were all forced to return, with what they could carry away, leaving the rest for a booty to the Enemy, who shall ere long pay a sad reckoning for their Robberies and Cruelties, in the

time appointed: but the sufferings of the English were not as yet come to their height, for after they were come to Hadly, the Commander in chief taking Counsel with the Officers of the Souldiers, ordered them that were then present to Garison the Towns about; some to be at North-Hampton, Hat field, Dearfield, and some to remain at Hadly where were the Head-quarters of the English. But perceiving that little good was to be done upon the Enemy in those parts, it was agreed that what Corn was left at Dearfield, being threshed out as well as they could in those tumults (about three thousand Bushels was supposed to be there standing in stacks) should be brought to Hadly, and wait further time to fight the Enemy. It came to C. Lothrops turn, or rather it was his choice with about eighty men to guard several Carts laden with Corn, & other Goods, the Company under Capt. Mosely then quartering at Dearfield intended that day to pursue after the Enemy. But upon September 18. that most fatal day, the saddest that ever befel New-England, as the Compa|ny were marching along with the Carts (it may be too securely) never apprehending danger so near, were suddenly set upon, and almost all cut off (not above seven or eight escaping) which great defeat came to pass by the unadvised proceeding of the Captain (who was himself slain in the first assault) although he wanted neither courage nor skill, to lead his Souldiers; but having taken up a wrong notion about the best way and manner of fighting with the Indians (which he was always wont to argue for) viz. that it were best to deal with the Indians in their own way, sc. by skulking behind Trees. and taking their aim at single persons, which is the usual manner of the Indians fighting one with another, but herein was his great mistake, in not considering the great disadvantage a smaller Company would have in dealing that way with a greater multitude: for if five have to deal with one, they may surround him, and every one take his aim at him, while he can level but at one of his Enemies at a time: which gross mistake of his, was the ruine of a choice company of young men, the very flower of the Coun|ty of Essex, all culled out of the Towns belonging to that County, none of which were ashamed to speak with the Enemy in the gate: their dear Relations at home mourning for them, like Rachil for her children, and would not be comforted, not only because they were not, but because they were so miserably lost. (The like mistake was conceived to be the reason of the loss of the former persons, slain with the said Lothrop, pursuing the Indians that ran away from Hadly, and of the twenty sl••in with Capt. Beers men, who betook themselves at first to their Trees and at the last a few got to their Horses soon after their Captain was

shot down.) For had he ordered his men to March in a Body, as some of his fellow-Commanders advised, either backward, or forward, in reason, they had not lost a quarter of the number of them that fell that day by the edge of the Sword. For the Indians, notwithstanding their sublety and cruelty, durst not look an Englishman in the fa••e, in the o|pen field, nor ever yet were known to kill any man with their Guns, un|less when they could ly in wait for h••m, in an ambush, or behind some shelter, taking aim undiscovered; so that although it was judged by those that escaped, that there was seven or eight hundred Indians at least that encountred that Company of eighty of English, yet if they had k••pt together in a Body, and fought Marching, they might have escaped the numbers of the Enemy, with little loss in comparison of what they sustained. For the valiant and successful Capt. Mosely, and his Lieu|tenant, coming▪ though too late) to their rescue, marched through and through that great body of Indians, and yet came off with little or no loss in comparison of the other. And having fought all those Indi|ans for five or six hours upon a march, lost not above two men all that while, nor received other damage besides eight or nine that were woun|ded, which yet were carried to their quarters at night at Hatfield where|as if these had proceeded in the same way of fighting as Capt. Lothrop did in the morning, they might have been surrounded, and so have been served as the former were: but God had other wise determined in his s••c••et counsel, and therefore that was hid from the one which was a m••ans to preserve the other Company.

O••her releif also was seasonably sent in, viz. a Company of English, and Mohegin or Peq••od Indians under the Command of Major Treat, who was in the morning marching another way, viz. up toward Squakh••ag to seek after the enemy that way, with about an hundred souldiers, Indians and English, upon whose approach the enemy, pretty well a••quainted by this last encounter with the valour of the English, immediately went clear away, giving Major Treat and Capt. Mosely, who returned to Dearfield that night, an opportunity to bury the slain the next day. As Capt. Mosely came upon the Indians in the morning he found them stripping of the ••lain, amongst whom was one Robert Dutch of Ipswich, ••aving been sorely wounded by a bullet that rased to his skull, and then maul••d by the Indian hatchets, left for dead by the Salvages, and stript by them of all but his skin, yet when Capt, Mose|ly came near, he almost miraculously as one raised from the dead came towards the Engl••sh, to their no small amazement, by whom being received and cloathed, he was carryed off to the next garison, and is

li••ing & in perfect health at this day▪ May he be to the friends & relations of the rest of the slain, an emblem of their more perfect resurrection at the last day to receive their crowns among the rest of the Martyres that have laid down or ventured their lives as a testimony to the truth of their Religion, as well as love to their Country.

This fore defeat of Capt. Lethrop and his men, was the more to be lamented, in that (falling out so soon after two ot••er of the like nature) it so emboldned the enemy, that they durst soon after adventure upon considerable towns, though well garisoned with souldiers, and gave them occasion of most insolent Braving the Garison at Dearfi••ld the next day, hanging up the garments of the English, in sight of the Soul|diers, yet on the other fide of the river. However it pleased God, who is alwayes wont to remember his people in their low estate, to put such a restraint upon them, that when they passed very near the Gari|son house at Dearfield (wherein were not left above twenty seven souldiers) their Captain using this strategem, to cause his trumpet to sound as if he had another troop near by to be called together, they turned another way and made no attempt upon the house where that small number was, which if they had done with any ordinary resoluti|on, so small an handfull of men cousd hardly have withstood the force of so many hundreds as were then gathered together.

What loss the Enemy sustained by the resistance of Capt. Lothrop & his men, (who no doubt being all resolute young men, and seeing they shou••d be forced by the hard law of the sword to for•• goe their lives, held them at as high a rate as they could) is not certai••ly known. It hath since been confessed by some of the Indians themselves, that they lost ninety six of their m••n that day. Capt. Moselyes men coming sud|denly upon them when they were pillaging of the de••d, fell upon them with such a smart assault, that they drove them presently into a swamp following them so close, that for seven miles together they fought them upon a march, charging them through and through. Per••z Sa|vage and Leiut, Pickering his Leiutenants deserving no little part of the honour of that dayes Service, being sometimes called to lead the Com|pany in the front, while Capt Mosely took a little breath, who was al|most melted with labouring, commanding, and leading his men through the midest of the enemy.

The Indians gathered together in those parts, appearing so nume|rous, and, as might justly he supposed, growing more confident by some of their last successes, and the number of our men being after this sad rate diminished, Recruits also not being suddenly to be ex|pected,

at so great a distance as an hundred miles from all supplyes, the Commander in chief with the Officers, saw a necessi••y of slighting that Garison at D••••rfield, imploying the Forces they had to secure and strengthen the three next towns below upon Connecticut River. And it was well that counsel was thought upon; for now those wer••ched Caitiffs begin to talk or great matters, hoping that by degrees they might destroy all the towns thereabout, as they had already b••gun: Their hopes no doub••, were not a little heightned by the accession of Springfield Indians to their party, who had in appearance all this time stood the ••irmest to the interest of the English of all the rest in those parts: But they all hanging together, like Serpents eggs, were easily perswaded to joy•• with those of Hadly (there being so near allyance between them, for the Sachem of Springfield Indians was the father of Hadly Sachem) not only by the success of their treacherous and bloud-thirsty comp••nions, but by the same inbred m••lice and antipathy against the ••••glish manners and Religion.

The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Springfield were not unsensible of their danger, and therefore had upon the first breaking forth of these troubles been t••ea••ing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••heir Indians, and had received from them the firmest as|surance, and pl••dges of their faithfulness, and friendsh••p that could be immagined or desired, both by Covenant, promises and Hostages given for s••curity, so as no doubt was left in any of their minds: Yet did these faithless and ungratefull Monsters plot with Philips Indians to burn and d••••troy all Springfield, as they had done Brookfield before: to that end they sent cunningly and enticed away the Hostages from Hartford whe••e they were, perhaps too securely watched over, a day or two before: Then receiving above three hundred of Philips Indian•• into their Fort, priva••ely in the night time, so as they were neither dis|cerned nor suspected: Yea so confident were such of the inhabitants as were most conversant with the Indians at their Fort, that they would not believe there was any such plot in hand, when 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was strangly re|vealed by one Toto an Indian at Windsor, better affected to the English, (about eighteen or twenty miles below Springfield, upon the same Ri|ver) and so by Post tidings thereof brought to Springfield the night be|fore, insomuch that the Lieutenant of the town, Cooper by name, was so far from believing the Stratagem, that in the morning himself with an|other would venture to ride up to the Fort, to see whether things were so or no. The Fort was about a mile from the town; when he came within a little thereof, he met these bloudy and deceitfull Monsters, newly issued out of their Equ•••• Trojanus to act their intended mischief,

they presently fired upon him diverse of them, and shot him in several places through the body, yet being a man of stout courage, he kept his horse, till he recovered the next garison house, his companion they shot dead upon the place▪ by this meanes giving a sad alarm to the town of their intended mischief, which was instantly fired in all places where there were no Garisons. The poor people having never an Offi|cer to lead them, being like sheep ready for the slaughter, and no doubt the whole town had b••en tot••lly destroyed, but that a report of the Plot being caryed about over night, M••jor Treat came from Westfield time enough in a manner for their rescue, but wanting boates to trans|port h••s men, could not doe so much good as he desired. Major Pyn|chon com••••g from Ha••ly with Capt. Appleton and what Forces they could bring along with them, thirty two houses being first consumed, preserved the rest of the town from being turned to ashes, in which the over credulous Inhabitants might now see (what b••fore they would not believe at the burning Major Pynchons Barns and Stables a few dayes before, to a very great damage of the Owner) the faithless and deceit|full friendship amongst those perfidious, cruel and hell•• sh Monsters.

Amongst the ru••nes of the said ••wellings, the saddest to behold was the house of Mr. Pelatiah Glover, Minister of the Town, furnish••d wi••h a brave Library, which he had but newly brought back from a Garison wherein it had been for some time before secured, but as if the da••ger had been over with them, the said Minister a great Student, and an helluo librorum, being imp••tient for want of his Books, brought t••em b••ck to his great sorrow, fit for a Bonfi••e fo•• the p••oud insulting enemy. Of all the mischiefs done by the said enemy before that day, the burn|of this town of Springfield did m••re then any other▪ dis••over the said Actors to be the ch••••••ren of the Devill, ••ull of all s••b lety and malice, there having been for about forty years so good correspondence be|twixt the English of that town and the neighbouring Indians; But in them is made good what is said in the Psalm, that though their words were smoother then oyle, yet were they drawn swords.

After some little time spent in garisoning the place, and helping the Inhabitants to secure what they had left, the English souldiers most of them returned back to Hadly their head-quarters, and Major Pynchon being so full of incumbrances, by reason of the late spoyls done to himself, and his neighbours at Springfield, could not any longer attend the Service of commanding in Chief as he had done before, wherefore being according to his earnest Request to the Council eased of that bur|••en; Capt. Samuel Appleton was ordered to succeed in taking the charge

of the Souldiers left in those upper towns, by whose Industry, skill and courag••, those towns were preserved from runing the same fate with the rest, wholy or in part so 〈◊〉〈◊〉 turned into ashes. For the enemy grow|ing very confident by the late successes, came with all their fury the nineteenth of October following upon Hatfield, hoping no less then to doe the like mischief to them, they had newly done to Springfield: But according to the good providence of Almighty God, Major Treat was newly returned to Northampton, Capt. M••sely and Capt. Poole were then garisoning the said Hatfield, and Capt. Appleton for the like end quar|tering at Hadly, when on the sudden seven or eight hundred of the ene|my came upon the town in all quarters, having first killed or taken two or three of the Scouts belonging to the town, and seven more be|longing to Capt. Mosely his Company: But they were so well enter|tained on all hands where they attempted to break in upon the town, that they found it too hot for them. Major Ap••le••on with great cou|rage defend••••g one end of the town, and Capt. Mos••ly as stoutly main|taining the middle, and Capt. Po••le the other end, that they were by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the English instantly beaten off, without doing much h••rm. Capt. Apple••ons Sergeant was mortally wounded just by h••s side another 〈◊〉〈◊〉 passing through his own hair, by that whisper telling him that death was very near, but did him no other harm. Night com|ing on, it could not be discerned what loss the enemy sustained, diverse were seen to fall, some run through a small river, others cast their guns into the water (it being their manner to venture as much to re|cover the dead bodyes of their friends, as to defend them when alive)

At last after the burning of some few barns, with some other buil|dings, the enemy hasted away as fast as they came on, leaving the En|glish to bless God who had so mercifully delivered them from the fury of their merciless foes, who had in conceit without doubt, devoured them all: But this resolute and valiant repulse, put such a check upon the pride of the enemy, that they made no further attempt upon any of those towns for the present, but winter drawing on, they retired all of them to their general rendezvouze at Narhaganset, where we shall leave them for the present plotting their general design of accom|plishing their intended mischief against the English the next Spring.

Our Western Plantations upon Connectieut River, were the stage whereon were acted the most remarkable passages of this barbarous War hitherto, which was soon after removed into many o|ther places of the Country in the Winter and Spring following, whither our discourse must in the next place pursue it: There was not any

great matter acted by the Enemy amongst the Plantations upon the great River during the Winter, after the assault made upon Hatfield October 19. It is evident that the body of them returned to Narrha|ganset upon the approach of the Winter, which set in more early then it used in other years: where Philip did bestow himself in the winter sea|son is not so certain; some say that he repaired further westward, to try his fortune with those Indians that ly towards Albany, near the Dutch River: others more probably conceive that he lay hid in some part of the Narrhtganses Country; for though he was not certainly known to be about the Fort at Narrhaganset, when it was taken by our Forces in the winter, yet as soon as ever they were driven out of the Country in February, he was found amongst them that did the mischief at Lancaster in that month.

Some stragling parties of them remained about North-Hampton, Westfield & Springfield some time after their defeat at Hatfield; seven or eight of the Inhabitants of North-Hampton in the end of October, venturing to fetch in some of their Harvest, that was left somewhere out of the Town, were in danger of being surprised, having laid their Arms under their Cart, so as being destitute of means to make their defence, they were glad to fly away with the Horses out of their Cart, leaving what they were about to the pleasure of the Indians that assault|ed. Major Treat upon the hearing the Alarm, presently repaired thi|ther, but could not come time enough to destroy any of the Enemy, not yet to prevent the••r burning of four or five Houses, with two or three Barns that stood somewhat out of the Town. Within a little time af|ter they kill'd three of the same Town, as they were at work in a Mea|dow not far from the Town: they intended also to have burned the Mill, but it was too well guarded by two files of Muskeriers lodged there for the purpose, who put them beside their intent, Six or seven of Spring field soon after going to the Mill at Westfield (that which be|longed to their own Town being burned October 5th.) and venturing without Arms, three of them were killed by some of the Enemy, who took the advantage also to burn four or five Houses that belonged to the said Westfield: but by the end of November the coast was pri••ty clear of them, u••••less some few of them that lay lurking in the Swamps therea|bouts all the winter, doing some small mischief upon some ou••-dwel|lings of Springfield.

The expedition into the Narrhagauset Country f••llows in order in the next place to be related; but before we come thither, a li••tle no••ce 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be taken by the way, of an unsuccessful attempt upon the Indi••••s

about Hassan••m••••it & Poppachuog, whi••her Capt. Henchman was sent in the beginni••g o•• November: where also C••ptain Sill was ordered to meet him with another C••mpany from Cambridge, with intent to have beat up the Indians quarters in those parts: they being known to have had an hand in the ou••r••ges committed upon those that belonged to Malb••rough and Menaha••; cutting off the scalp of a millers Boy, who is yet alive.

November 1. 1675. Capt. H••nchman marched out of Boston intending to visit the Indians about Hassenem••sit: the third day they saw some fires of the Indians, yet could not meet with them that made them: the 4th day they marc••ed to some part of the Indian Plantations called Hassene|mesit: the Captain would have taken up his quarters a mile on this side, bu•• some of his Offic••rs over-ruled him, to whose importunity he gave way, and marched a mile further towards the Enemy, and by that means saved the Miliers youth, taken the week before from Malberough; for in the morning very early, as the Scouts were looking out, they spyed a Wigwam, where ome Indians that had carried away the youth, had lod|ged a••l night in s••me Wigwam near by, when the Indians saw our Soul|die••s, they hasted away, and left the Malberough youth behind them▪ who by ••hat means escaped their hands. Our men under Capt. Henchman marched on to Poppachuog, and finding the Indians all fled, (although they perceived by a Messenger accidentally sent back, that the Indians f••llowed them all that way they marched) they came back to Mendham to settle things in that Town: some of the Inhabitants informed them of some Indian W••gwams about ten miles off: the Captain with Philip Curtice his Lieutenant, resolved to give them a camisado in their Wig|wams that night: to that end, they mounted two and twenty upon Horses, riding up ten miles into the Woods, and when they came near the Wigwams, they dismounted, and intended presently to march up, and give an assault upon them, after they had first made a shout to fright the Enemy: they ordered one half to follow the Lieutenant, the other to follow the Captain, when they came within a quarter of a mile of the place, their Dogs began to bark, at which they ••op••d, and by and by marching again, intended presently to fire in upon them, but the Cap|tains foot ••lipping, he could hardly recover himself, when suddenly looking behind him, he saw no man following of him: the Lieutenant had five behind him, who with those five resolutely fired on that side he was appointed to make the ass••ule upon; but they were repulsed by the Indians, who firing out of their dens, shot down the Lieutenant and another, the rest presently ran away to a fence: the Captain with all

vehemency urged them to stay, they replied, they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 back but only to charge, yet went clear away, by which means, togeth•••• with the co|wardize of the former, so sad a loss befell the Company, whic•• ••ould not easily be repaired: however the Enemy presently deserted the Wigwan and gave our men the next day an opportunity to fetch off their two dead men, and bury them, and so with grief and shame were constrained to return to their quarters at Mendham, to whose Inhabitants they gave notice of 200 bushels of Corn belonging to the Indians, that might have been preserved, which for want of hands was lost by the fire, that the Enemy might not be benefited thereby. It appears by the fore|going passage, that the time of our deliverance was not yet come, and that God had further tryals to acquaint us with before he would turn his hand upon our Enemies. But it pleased the Lord in mercy so to order things, that they themselves fell into that pit they were digging for others, as shall appear more fully in what follows.

The English Plantations about Hadly being for the present set a little at l••••erty by the Indians drawing off, like Seamen after a Storm, counted it the•••• best course to repair their tackling against another that may be next coming, wherefore the Inhabitants concluded it the safer way to make a kind of Barricado about their Towns, by setting up Pallizadoes or cleft wood about eight foot long, as it were to break the force of any ••udden assault which the Indians might make upon them; which counsel proved very successful; for although it be an inconsiderable defence a|gainst a Warlike Enemy, that hath strength enough, and confidence to Lesiege a place, yet it is sufficient to prevent any sudden assault of such a timerous and barbarous Enemy as these were, for although they did afterwards in the Spring break through those Pallizadoes at North|Hampton, yet as soon as ever they began to be repulsed, they saw them|selves like Wolves in a Pound, that they could not fly away at their plea|sure, so as they never adventured to break through afterward upon any of the Towns so secured.

As for those of Springfield, they were now and then Alarmed with a few skulking Indians lurking about in the adjacent Woods; as once at th•• Long ••eadow, where half a score of them were seen about an house r••mote from the Town, who were pursued by a party of the English to|ward Windsor, and so escaped, after the English had made one shot upon ••hem, not knowing certainly how many they killed. So at another time, a few of those barbarous wretches kill'd a poor man belonging to Sp••ing field, as he was going to his house to look after his Corn on the ot••er side of the River, and after th•••• had killed the man, they burnt

down his house; yet attempted no further mischief upon that part of the Town that had escaped the fury of the Flames, October 5. By which it is evident, that all the number of Indians that had assaul••ed them befo••e, had not d••awn themselves for the present to t••eir winter 〈◊〉〈◊〉, some to the Dutch River, but the greatest number of them to be su••e were found in the wi••ter at the Narrhaganse: Fort, where we sh••ll leave them for the present till the Forces of the U••ited Colon••es shall fire them out of their nests.

The Souldiers continuing some time at Hatfield after this victory, as we may well call it (for it seems to have given the first check to the rage of the heathen within the Ju••isdiction of the united Colonyes, they have b••en observed ever since to have been on the losing hand, seldome or never daring to meet our Souldiers in the open Field, unless when they have very great advantage as to their numbers, or covert of the woods and bushes: although like some ranging Beasts they have done much mischief several times si••ce, when they were ready to expire or when the pangs of death were coming upon them) our forces therefore be|ing all called home, save some left for garisoning the towns there|abouts.

The Commissioners of the united Colonyes taking into serious Con|fideration the present state of ••hings, viz. that there were before this time so many hundreds g••thered together into one Body, and that there was great reason to fear, if they were let alone till the next spring they might all rise together as one man round about us, and that one Town after ano••her m••ght easily be destroyed, before any help could be dispatched to them. On the one hand the sharpness of the winter in these pa••ts was well weighed, so extream that it might hazard the loss of a thousand men in one night, if they were forced to lodge abroad in the open field; as also the d••fficulty, if not impossibility of sending any relief to them at any distance, the depth of snow usually making the wayes unpass••ble for diverse months together

On the other hand it was considered, that if the enemy were let alone till the next summer, it would be imp••ssible to deal with them, or find them any where, but they might 〈◊〉〈◊〉 one company of Souldiers after another, as was seen by the experience of the former year. Conside|ring also that the Narhagansets, the most numerous of all the rest, and the best prov••ded of provision of all the other Indians, had now declared themselves our enemyes, who if they were let alone 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the winter was over, we should be unable to deal with so many enemyes at once, that could on a su••den on any occasion 〈◊〉〈◊〉 themselves like grashoppers all over the Country.

It was therefore finally agreed upon by the general consent of all, to to fall upon the winter quarters of our enemyes, by a more considerable Army (if I may so call it) gathered out of all the three Colonyes, and that with all expedition, at farthest not to exceed the tenth of December before they should have a thousand men in arms ready for the de|signe.

As for the late League made or rather renewed with the Narhagan|sets, it was sufficiently evident & known, that they had all along from the first day when it was confirmed broken every article of it, specially in not delivering up the enemyes which had sheltered themselves with them all this while, which though they did not positively deny, yet did no|thing but find excuses, to de••er it one week after another, till at the last they would be excused till the next Spring, upon pretence that they could not before that time get them together. Beside the favouring of those that fled to them, and supplying the whole Body of the enemy with victuals, upon all occasions. It was likewise strongly suspected that in all the late proceedings of the enemy, many of their young men were known to be actually in arms against us, many of whom were found ei••her wounded amongst them in their wigwams, or else were occasionally seen returning back, after exploits abroad, to be healed of their wounds at home. Also some of our mens guns that were lost at Dearfield were found in the Fort when it was fired. Therefore all scruples as to the justness and necessity of the war being removed, the only question was, whether it were feasible and expedient in the winter. The exigent was very great, and the choyce very hard: But as David when he was streightened with many difficultyes at once, cho••e rather to fall into the hands of God whose mercyes were great, though he might be provoked to cause his jealousie to smoak against those of his own heritage for a time: so in this exigent it was generally conceived to be most expedient for the Country, to cast themselves upon the pro|vidence of a mercifull and gracious God, rather then by delayes to ex|pose themselves to the treachery and cruelty of a perfidious enemy.

A War therefore speedily to be carryed on in the very depth of win|ter, being agreed ••p••n, care was taken for supplyes, as the difficulty of such an affair so circumstanced did require, though possibly not with so much necessary care, and so suitable provision, as had been desired, if what came afterward to pass could have been foreseen (which perad|venture might be the reason things went on so heavily for want of well oyling the wheels) in the mean time a small Army of a thousand fighting men, well appointed, were ordered by the Commissioners to

be gathered by proportion out of all the Colonyes; of which number the share of the Massachusets was to be five hundred and twenty seven, the rest were to be supplyed out of Plimouth and Connecticut Colonyes, All other supplyes were taken care for, as well as the suddenness of the Expedition, and difficulty of the season would allow. The said thousand men, beside some Voluntiers of Indian Friends, were by the time and place appointed as near as could be had, called together, and a Com|mission granted to the honourable Iosiah Winslow Esq, the present Governour of Plimouth Colony, a man of known ability and integrity, every way so well qualified wit•• courage and Resolution, as well as pru|dence and discretion, as might have preferred him to the conduct of a far greater Army then ••ver is like to be gathered together in this part of the world, in this or in following Generations. And indeed as he was the first Governour over any of the united Colonyes in New-En|gland of them that were born in the place, so may he well pass for a pattern of any of the succeeding race, that may come after.

Under him as Commander in Chief were ordered six Companyes from the Massashusets, under the Command of Major Appleton, Capt. Mose••y, Capt. Gardener, Capt. Davenport, Capt. Oliver, Capt. Iohnson, Five Companyes from Connecticus under Major Treat, Capt. Siely, Capt. Gallop, Capt. Mason, Capt. Wats, and Capt. Marshal, Two Compa|nyes from Plimonth, under Major Bradford and Capt. Goram.

Under the Governour of Plimouth as Commander in Chief in this Ex|pedition, were sent as Majors of the Forces belonging to each Colony, Major Robert Treat for the Forces belonging to Connecticut, and Major Bradford for those of the Colony of Plimouth, and Major Samuel Ap|pleton for those of the Massachusets, to whom by the honourable Major General of the said Colony were six Companyes of Foot delivered at Dedham; December the 9th. 1675, containing in number 465 fighting men, besides •• Troop of Horse under the Command of Capt. Thomas Prentice attending upon them. That night they marched to Woodcocks about 27. miles from Dedham. The next night they arrived at Sea|conck; Capt. Mosely and his Company went from thence with Mr. Smith by water, the rest ferried over the water to Providence.

The next day, Decemb. the 12th. they passed over Patuxet River, and then marching through Pomhams Country, at night they met with Capt. Mosely and his Company at Mr. Smiths in Wickford, the place intended for their Head-quarters. Capt. Mosely in his way thither had happily surpri••ed thirty six Indians, one of whom he took along with him as a Guide, Peter by name, that was at that time under some disgu•••• with his

Country-men, or his Sachem, which made him prove the more real friend to our forces in that service, wherein he faithfully performed w••hat••h promised, and without his assistance our men would have been much at a loss to have found the enemy, until it had been too late to have fought them.

Two dayes after, Decemb. 14. Five Files of men sent out under Ser|jeant Bennet and another, upon the Scout, kill'd one man and one wo|man, and brought in four more by one of the clock: the whole Compa|ny marched after into some of the Sachems Country, where they burnt an hundred and fifty Wigwams, killed seven of the enemy, and brought in eight Prisoners when they returned at night.

The next day an Indian called Stone-wall-Iohn pretended to come from the Sachems, intimating their wiilingness to have peace with the En|glish, yet could the Messenger hardly forbear threatning, vapouring of their numbers and strength, adding withall that the English durst not ••ight them: whatever were pretended by this treacherous fellow, some of his Crew as he went home met with some of Capt. Gardners men, that were stragling about their own business contrary to order, and slew his Serjeant, with one o•• two more. Two also of Capt. Olivers men were kill••d in like manner; a solemn warning for Souldiers not to be too ven|terous in an enemyes Country. For preventing the like mischief upon other Companyes, more care was taken as they passed to the Head-quarters, some of the Companyes being lodged three miles there from. Capt. Moselyes, Capt. Davenp••rts and Capt Olivers Company being al|so sent about that time to bring Major Appletons Company to the gene|ral Quarters, a few desperate ••ndians creeping under a stone wal•• near the place, fired twenty or thirty gunns at Mosely in particular, a Com|mander well known amongst them, but the rest of the Company running down upon them, killed one of them, and scattered the rest.

The next day Capt. Prentice with his Troop, being sent to Petequam|scot, returned with the sad news of burning Ierry Bulls Garison house, and killing ten English men and five women and children, but two esca|ping in all. This is the chance of warr which they who under take, must prepare to undergoe.

The next day brought from the same place a little better news, though not enough to ballance the sorrow of the former, viz. that Connecticut Forces were come thither with three hundred English, and an hundred and fifty Mohegins, ready fixed to warr on th•• behalf of the English a|gainst the Narhagansets their mortal enemyes; and by the way meeting a Party of the enemy, they slew five or six of them and took as many

Prisoners. The whole number of all our Forces being now come, the want of provision with the sharpness of the cold, minded them of expedi|tion, wherefore the very next day, the whole Body of the Massachu|set and Plimouth Forces marched away to Pettyqua••scot intending to en|gage the enemy upon the first opportunity that next offered it self: To the which resolution those of Connecticut presently consented, as soon as they met together, which was about five a clock in the afternoon: Bulls house intended for their general Rendezvouze, being unhappily burnt down two or three days before, there was no shelter left either for Offi|cer or private Souldier, so as they were necessicated to march on toward the enemy through the snow, in a cold stormy evening, finding no o|ther defence all that night, save the open air, nor other covering then a cold and moist fleece of snow. Through all these difficultyes they mar|ched from the break of the next day, December 19. till one of the clock in the afternoon, without either fire to warm them, or respite to take any food, save what they could chew in their march. Thus having wa|ded fourteen or fifteen mile through the Country of the old Queen, or Sunke Squaw of Narhaganset: they came at one a clock upon the edge of the Swamp where their guide assured them they should find Indians enough before night.

Our Forces chopping thus upon the seat of the enemy, upon the sud|den, they had no time either to draw up in any order or form of Bat|tle, nor yet opportunity to consult where or how to assault. As they marched Capt. Mosely and Capt. Davenport led the Van, Major Apple|ton and Capt. Oliver brought up the Reer of the Massachuset Forces; General Winslow with the Plimouth Forces marched in the Centre; those of Connecticut came up in the Reer of the whole Body: But the Fron|tiers discerning Indians in the edge of the Swamp, fired immediately upon them, who answering our men in the same Language, retired presently into the Swampe, our men followed them in amayn••, without staying for the word of Command, as if every one were ambitious who should goe first, never making any stand till they came to the sides of the Fort, into which the Indians that first fired upon them betook themselves.

It seems that there was but one entrance into the Fort, though the enemy found many wayes to come out, but neither the English nor their Guide well knew on which side the entrance lay; nor was it easie to have made another; wherefore the good providence of Almighty God is the more to be acknowledged, who as he led Israel sometime by the Pillar of fire, and the Cloud of his presence a right way through the Wilder|ness, so did he now direct our Forces upon that side of the Fort, where

they might only enter though not without utmost danger, and hayard. The Fort was raised upon a kind of Island of five or six acres of rising land in the midst of a Swamp; the sides of it were made of palizadoes set upright the which was compassed about with an bedge of almost a rod thickness, through which there was no passing, unless they could have fired a way through, which then they had no time to doe. The place where the Indians used ordinarily to enter themselves, was over a long tree over a place▪ of water, where but one man could enter at a time, & which was so way-laid that they would have been cut off that had ven|tured there: But at one corner there was a Gap made up only with a long tree, about four or five foot from the ground, over which men might easily pass: But they had placed a kind of a Block house right over against the said tree, from whence they sorely galled our men that first entred, some being shot dead upon the tree, as Capt. Iohnson, and some as soon as they entred, as was Capt. Davenport, so as they that first en|tred were forced presently to retire, and fall upon their bellyes till the fury of the enemyes shot was pretty well spent, which, some Companyes that did not discern the da••ger, not observing, lost sundry of their men, but at the last two Companyes being brought up besides the four that first marched up, they animated one another to make another assault, one of the Commanders crying out, They run, they run, which did so en|courage the Souldiers that they presently entred amain. After a con|siderable number were well entred, they presently beat the enemy out of a Flanker on the left hand, which did a little shelter our men from the enemyes shot, till more Company came up, and so by degrees made up higher, first into the middle, and then into the upper end of the Fort, till at the last they made the enemy all retire from their Sconces, and fortified places, leaving multitudes of their dead Bodyes upon the place. Connecticut Souldiers marching up in the Reer, being not aware of the dangerous passage over the tree, in Command of the enemyes Block|house, were a•• their first entrance many of them shot down, although they came on with as gallant resolution as any of the rest under the con|duct of their wise and valiant Leader, Major Treat

The brunt of the Battle, or danger that day lay most upon the Com|manders, whose part it was to lead on their several Companies in the very face of Death, or else all had been lost; so as all of them with great valour and resolution of minde, as not at all afraid to dy in so good a cause, bravely lod on their men in that desperate ass••ult; l••aving their lives in the place as the best testimony of their valour, and of love to the ••••use of God and their Country: No less then six brave Captains fell

that day in the assault, viz. Capt. Davenport, Capt. Gardner, Capt. Iohn|son of the Massachusets, besides Lieute••••••. Vpham, who died some months after of his wounds received at 〈◊〉〈◊〉 time. Capt. Gallop also, and Capt. Siely, and Capt. Marshal 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of those that belonged to Connecticut Colony. It is usually seen that the valour of the Souldiers is much wrapped up in the lives of their Commanders, yet was it found here, that the Souldiers were rather enraged then discouraged by the loss of their Commanders, which made them redouble their Courage, and not give back after they were entred the second time, till they had driven out their Enemies: So as after much blood and many wounds dealt on both sides; the English seeing their advantage, began to fire the Wigwams, where was supposed to be many of the Enemies Women and Children destroyed, by the firing of at least five or six hundred of those smoaky Cells.

It is reported by them that first entred the Indians Fort, that our Souldiers came upon them when they were ready to dress their Dinner, but our sudden; and une••pected assault put them besides that work, making their Cookrooms too hot for them at that time, when they and their Mitchin fryed together: and probably some of them eat their Suppers in a colder place that night: most of th••ir Provision as well as their Hutts being then consumed with fire, and those that were left alive forced to hide themselves in a Cedar Swamp, not far off, where they had nothing to defend them from the cold but Boughs of Spruce and Pine Trees: for after two or three hours fight, the English became Masters of the place, but not judging it tenable, after they had burned all they could set fire upon, they were forced to retreat, after the Day-light was almost quite spent, and were necessitated to retire to their quarters, full fifteen or sixteen miles off, some say more, whither with their Dead and Wounded men they were to march, a difficulty scarce to be believed, as not to be paralleld almost in any former age.

It is hard to say who acquitted themselves best in that dayes service, either the Souldiers for their manlike valour in fighting, or the Com|manders for their wisdome and courage leading on in very face of death; There might one have seen the whole Body of that little Regimental Ar|my, as busie as Bees in a Hive, some bravely fighting with the Enemy, o|thers haling off, and carrying away the Dead and Wounded Men (which I rather note) that none may want the due testimony of their valour and faithfulness, though all ought to say, not unto us, but unto thy Name, O Lord, &c.

For though there might not be above three or four hundred at any

time within the Fort at once, yet the rest in their turns came up to do what the exigence of the service required in bringing off the Dead and Wounded men: The Major of the Regiment, together with Captain Mosely, was very serviceable, for by that means the Fort being clear of the Dead bodies, it struck a greater terrour into the Enemy, to see but eight or ten dead bodies of the English left, then to meet with so many hundreds of their own slain and wounded Carkasses. The number of the slain was not then known on the Enemies side, because our Men were forced to leave them on the ground: but our victory was found afterwards to be much more considerable then at the first was apprehen|ded; for although our loss was very great, not only because of the desperateness of the attempt it self) in such a season of the year, and at such a distance from our quarters, whereby many of our wounded men perished, which might otherwise have been preserved, if they had not been forced to march so many miles in a cold snowy night, before they could be dressed) yet the ••nemy lost so many of their principal fight|ing men, their Provision also was by the burning of their Wigwams, so much of it spoiled, at the taking of their Fort, and by surprizing so much of their Corn about that time also; that it was the occasion of their total ruine afterwards: they being at that time driven away from their habitations, and put by from Planting for that next year, as well as deprived of what they had in store for the present winter. What num|bers of the Enemy were slain is uncertain, it was confessed by one Potock a great Councellor amongst them, afterwards taken at Road-Island, and put to Death at Boston, that the Indians lost seven hundred fighting men that day, besides three hundred that dyed of their Wounds the most of them: the number of old men, women and children, that perished either by fire, or that were starved with hunger and cold, none of them could tell. There was above eighty of the English slain, and a hundred and fifty wounded, that recovered afterwards.

There were several circumstances in this Victory very remarkable.

First, The meeting with one Peter a fugitive Indian, that upon some discontent, flying from the Narrhagansets, offered himself to the service of the English, and did faithfully perform what he promised, viz. to lead them to the Swamp where the Indians had seated themselves within a Fort raised upon an Island of firm Earth, in the midst of a Swamp, whither none of the English could have Piloted them, without his assistance, the place being near eighteen miles from the place where they were quartered.

Secondly, There being by a special providence directed just to a place

where they found so easie entrance, which if they had missed ▪ they could never have made a way through the Hedge, with which they had sur|rounded the Pa••lizadoes of the Fort in half a dayes time.

And Thirdly, If they had entred by the way left by the Indians for passage, they might have been cut off, before they could have come near their Fortification.

Lastly, In directing their motion, to begin the Assault just at the day they did, for if they had deferred but a day longer, there fell such a storm of Snow the next day, that they could not have passed through it, in di|vers weeks after: A••d then on the sudden there fell such a Thaw, that melted away both Ice and Snow, so that if they had deferred till that time, they could have found no p••ss••ge into their fortified place.

All w••ich considerations put toge••her, make it a signal favour of God to carry th••m through so many difficulties to accomplish their desired end. For af••er they were retired from their quarters, but sixteen miles from that p••••ce, the••e was so great want of Provision, the Vessels being frozen in at the Ha••bour about Cape Cod, that should have brought th••m•• elief, and t••e Frost and Snow set in so violently, that it was not p••ssib••e for them, with all the Force they could make (so many of their ab••est Souldiers b••ing slain and wounded) to have made another onset: But the goodness of Almighty God was most of all to be admired, that notwithstanding, all the hardship they indured that 〈◊〉〈◊〉, in very cold Lodgings, hard Marches, Scarcity of Provision, yet not one man was known to dy by any disease or bodily distemper, save them that perished of their wounds.

Our Forces being compelled by the foresaid ••ccasions, to ly still some Weeks after, hoping also that the Enemy so sorely broken, would gladly have sued for peace: But as was said of old, God hardned their hearts to their own ruine and destruction afterwards. For as soon as our Souldiers were able to March, finding that all the Enemies overtures of peace, and prolonging of treaties, was only to gain time that they might get away into the Woods. They pursued after them, and sometimes came upon their Rear, but then they would immediately fly an hundred wayes at once into Swamps, so as our men could not follow them, or if they did, could not see two of them together ▪ so that now there was little good like to be done, unless they could take them at some advantage. At length having spent all their Provision, and tiring themselves in pursuing of them six••y or seventy miles, up thro••gh the Woods towards Malbe|rough and Lancaster, Towns that ly in the Road to Connecticot, having killed and taken near seventy of them: our Souldiers were ordered to

return towards Boston, to recruit themselves, supposing that the Nar|rhagansets, and those with them were so enfeebled that they would have no mind suddenly to assault any of the Engiish Towns.

If any desire a more particular account of the loss which we sustaind at the taking of the Narhaga••set Fort, December 19th. 1665. they may take it as here it followes.

Besides the six Captains mentioned before, that either were slain in the assault, or dyed afterwards of their wounds, to whom may be rec|koned Lieut. Vpham, that dyed lately at Boston, of the wounds he then received

There were slain out of the Com|pany belonging to	Wounded.
Major Appleton.	3.	22.
Capt. Mosely.	9.	10.
Capt. Oliver.	5.	10.
Capt. Gardener.	7.	11.
Capt. Iohnson.	3.	11.
Capt. Davenport.	4.	15.
in all,	31.	79.

There were slain and wounded.

Of New-haven Company,	20.
Of Capt. Siely his Company.	20.
Of Capt. Wats his Company.	17.
Of Capt. Marshal his Company,	14.
Of Plimouth Company under Major Bradford and Capt. Goram.	20.
In all,	91.

If there had not been so great a distance between the place of the fight and their Quarters, and so much cold attending them in their reti|ring thereunto, some better account might have been given of that ex|pedition, then now they were able to do. For a March of sixteen or eighteen miles is too much to breathe a fresh Souldier, unless he were well mounted, but enough to kill the heart of them that have been wea|ried with a long and tedious fight. As for the coldn••ss of the weather, although it be a good Be some to sweep the Cha••ber of the Air (which might be the reason there was no more Diseases amongst them) yet it is an unwelcome Companion to wearied, especially to wounded men, in so ••ong a Retreat.

But the want of Provision falling in conjunction with the unseasona|bleness of the Weather, and length of the way hindred our Forces from

〈…〉〈…〉 attempt upon the enemy, which if they could have attended, it was thought it might have put an end to our troubles; but he that hold|eth the scales of victory in his hand, turneth them to which side, and by what degrees pleaseth himself best.

The rest of the winter was spent in fruitless Treaties about a peace, both sides being well wearied with the late desperate Fight, were willing to refresh themselves the remaining part of the winter, with the short slumber of a pretended peace, at least with a talk or Dream thereof: our Commanders aim therein was Christian and good, if it had proceed|ed, sc. to have prevented the shedding of more bloud: And possibly some of the elder and wiser of the enemy, did really desire what was pretended by them all, (for they had now full proof of the valour and resolution of the English, which some of them upon former successes might be ready to question) and they could not but see their destruction already begun, in the loss of their dwellings, and all their provision, as well as the slaughter of the best part of their fighting men; but either through consciousness of their barbarous treachery, and falshood they could not trust others, and so were willing to run the utmost hazard, as people hardned to their own destruction. The particular passages of the treaty being carried on by the enemy only in pretence, and by our men (that soon discerned their fraud) rather out of nece••••••ty, to con|ceal their incapacity of engaging them anew, then any real expectation of a good effect, are not worthy the relating. However though the Foot were unable to doe any Service in the depth of the snow, & sharp|ness of the cold, The Troop was sent out upon all occasions to scout a|bout the Country, who brought in daily much of the enemies corn and Beans, which they had hid in Barns under the ground, or at least kept them from making use of their own provision, or spoiling the English Cattle; now and then also bringing in Prisoners from their Quarters, as they were stragling about to get victuals.

On the twenty seventh of December, Capt. Prenti••e was sent into Pom••ams Country, where they burnt near an hundred Wigwams, but found never an Indian in any of them.

On the 28th, of December a Squaw was sent to them, who had been taken in the Fight, with a pro••••er of Peace, if they would submit to such Tearms as were propounded; the principal of which was, the delive|ring up all Philips Indians that were with them; The Squaw returned not pretending that she was lame and unable to come again; bu•• the thirtieth of December, an Indian came ••nom the Sachems with seeming thanks for the peace profered, yet complained, we made war upon them and gave

them no notice; but his mouth was soon stopped, by the answer which was made him: he owned, as the Squaw had said before, that they lost three hundred of their best fighting men, and so did two Prisoners of theirs taken Ianuary the 4th, whereof one being of Philips Company was put to death. The Messenger that was sent was fairly dismissed, with the express mention of what tearm•• they must expect, if they desi|red a peace.

Ian. There came two Messengers from them, as they said to make way for a treaty of Peace; who laid the blame upon Canonchet, that came down to Boston, in October last, to confirm the peace with the Commissioners of the united Colonyes, as if he had misinformed them; viz. that they were not by the former treaty to have delivered up the Mompanoogs, or Philips Indians, untill the said Canonchets Brother one of the Hostages at Hartford, was released. This was but a meer pretence, for he and they too better understood the particulars of the agreement: For by chance the Articles which they had of the peace con|cluded with them were found open (whether purposely or accidentally was not known) in a Wigwam in the Fort when it was taken, so as they could ••ot be ignorant of the Articles of the Agreement

Ian. 5. An English child of about three or four years old, taken from Warwick, was sent in to put the better pretence upon the treaty mentione••.

Ian. 8. The Messengers were sent back, and told what they must trust to. In the afternoon a Messenger came from Ninigrtt the old Sa|chem of Narrhagansets, who brought a letter from Mr. Stanton the In|terpreter, signifying the reallity of the said Ninigret his friendship to the English, and the streights of the enemy, that co••n was two shillings a pint with them. Yet notwithstanding all their difficultyes, they ra|ther delayed the time till they could get away, then really endeavoured the making a peace, as was soon manife•••••• For that young insolent Sa|chem Canonchet, and Panoquin, said they ••••uld fight it out to the last man, rather then they would become Servants to the English.

Ian. 10. Fresh supplyes of souldiers came up from Boston, wading ••hrough a sharp storm of snow, that bit some of them by the heels with th•• frost. The next day one that came with them going out with the Scouts, fell amongst the Indians Barns, in one of which, as he was gro|ping to find corn for the relief of his horse, he catched hold of an Indi|ans hair under the leaves, who presently held up his hands, when the souldier was drawing his sword, to spare his life, which was granted; but after he was brought to the Head-quarters, he would owne nothing

but what was forced out of his mo••th, by the woolding of his head with a cord, wherefore he was presently judged to dye as a Wompanoog.

Ian. 12. Another Messenger came from Canonicus, desiring the space of a month longer, wherein to issue the treaty, which so provoked the Commander of our Forces, that they resolved to have no more Treatyes with the enemy; but prepare to assault them, with Gods assi|stance as soon as ever the season would permit; and it was high time to take up that resolution, for within a few dayes after, they understood by some that were taken Prisoners; that the enemy were gone, or going in|to the Nipmuck Country.

Within a few dayes after, about the 16th. Ian. the scouts brought in one Ioshuah Tift a Renegado English-ma••, of Providence, that upon some discontent amongst his neighbours, had turned Indian, married one of the Indian Squaws, renounced his Rellgion, nation and natural Parents all at once, fighting against them. He was taken by Capt. Fenner of Providence, who with some of his neighbours were pur|suing some Indians that had driven away their Cattle, This Tift being one of the Company was wounded in the knee, and so was seized by the English▪ he had in his hab••t conformed himself to them amongst whom he lived. After ex••mination he was condemned to dy the death of a Traitor. As to his Religion he was found as ignorant as an Heathen, which no doubt caused the fewer tears to be shed at his Funeral, standers by being unwilling to lavish pitty upon him that had divested himself of nature it self, as well as Religion, in a time when so much pitty was needed else|where, and nothing left besides wherewith to relieve the Sufferers.

Ian. 21. Capt. ••••entice his Troop being abroad met with a Party of the enemy, of whom they took two Prisoners and killed nine; in which exploit, something hapned very remarkable, for one W. D••dge of Salem riding in company with another Friend, they hapned to meet with two Indians, the said Dodge being better horsed then his friend, made after the foremost, leaving hi•• friend to deal with the hindmost, but his Pistol missed firing, whereupon the Indian taking him by the leg turn'd him off his horse, and getting upon him was about killing him with his knife, which W. Dodge by chance espyed, and came time e|nough to rescue his friend, and dispatch the Indian lying upon him, and yet overtook the first Indian he was pursuing, time enough to doe his business also: by that meanes he did three good offices at once, saved the life of one Friend, and slew two of his Enemyes. But within two or three dayes after, the weather much altering from what it was, induced our Forces to take the first opportunity to pursue the enemy, who as

understood by Messengers from Providence, were now upon their flight into the Nipmuck Country: But so many difficultyes were cast in their way, that they could not be ready time enough to prevent the mischief they did at Warwick, as they took their Farewell of their Country: For,

Ian. 27. They dispoyled Mr. Carpenter of two hundred sheep, and fifty head of Neat Cattle, and fifteen horses; all which they drove along with them, and were gone too far to be rescued before our Forces set out. Two that belonged to the said Carpenter were wounded, and one of the enemies slain. As they marched after the enemy, they found a good house burned, with a barn belonging to it. They perceived also that the enemy dealt much in Horse-flesh, meeting with no less then sixty horses heads, in one place which they had left behind them. Our Souldiers in their pursuit came upon their Reer, killed and took about seventy of them, yet never could come to charge them, for they would presently betake themselves into Swamps, and not two of them run to|gether, so as they saw it was an endless work to proceed further in the chase of such an enemy; but our Forces having pursued them into the woods between Marlberough and Brookfield in the Road toward C••n|necticut, were constrained to turn down to Boston in the beginning of Fe|bruary for want of provision, both for themselves and their horses, which gave an occasion to the losse of those lesser Towns that were destroy|ed by the Nipnet Indians who presently joyned with the Narrhagansets, upon their first approach, as shall be related after wards.

About the tenth of February next, some hundreds of the Indians whe|ther Nipnets or Nashaway men (is uncertain) belonging to him, they call Sagamore Sam, and possibly some of the sto••test of the Nar|rhagansets that had escaped the Winter brunt fell upon Lancaster a small Village of about fifty or sixty Families, and did much mischief, burning most of the Houses that were not Garisoned: and which is most sad and awful to consider, the House of Mr. Rowlandson, Minister of the said Lancaster, which was Garisoned with a competent number of the Inhabitants▪ yet the Fortification of the House being on the b••ck side, closed up with Fire-wood, the Indians got so near, as to fire a Lean|too, which burning the House immediately to the ground, all the per|sons therein, were put to that hard choice, either to perish by the fl••mes with the House, or to yield themselves into the hands of those cruel Salvages, which last (considering that a living Dog is better then a dead Lyon) they chose, and so were forty two persons surprised by the In|dians, above twenty of the Women and Children they carried away Captive, a ruesul spectacle to behold, the rest being Men, they killed in

the place, and reserved for further misery: and many of the rest were not slain in fighting, were killed in attempting to escape. The Minister himself was occasionally a••sent, to seek help from the Governour and Council, to defend that place, who returning, was entertained with the ••ragical news of his Wife and Children surprized, and being carried a|way by the Enemies, and his House turned into Ashes, yet it pleased God so to uphold his heart, comforting himself in his God, as David at Zik|lag, that he would alwayes say, he believed he should see his Wife and Chil|dren again, which did in like manner soon come to pass within five or six months after; all save the youngest, which being wounded at the first, died soon after among the Indians.

And such was the goodness of God to those poor Captive Women, and Children, that they found so much favour in the sight of their Ene|mies, that they offered no wrong to any of their persons, save what they could not help, being in many wants themselves. Neither did they of|fer any uncivil Carriage to any of the Females, nor ever attempted the chastity of any of them, either being restrained of God, as was Abi|melek of old, or by some other accidental cause, withheld them from do|ing any wrong in that kind.

Upon the report of this Disaster Capt. Wadsworth then at Malbe|rough with about forty resolute men, adventuring the rescuing of the Town that was remaining: and having recovered a Bridge they gat o|ver safe, though the Planks were pulled off by the Enemy, and being led up in a way, not discovered by them, they forced the Indians for the pre|sent to quit the place, after they had burnt and destroyed the better half of it. Yet afterwards it not being judged tenable, it was abandoned to the pleasure of the insulting Foe.

Ten dayes after they were so flushed with this success, that two or three hundred of them came wheeling down to Medfield a Town twen|ty miles from Boston, westward from Dedham, which they surprized ve|ry early in the morning (and though there were one hundred and sixty Souldiers in it or more, besides the Inhabitants) they burnt near one half of the Town, killing about twenty persons, but by the resistance of the Souldiers, as soon as ever they could be gotten together (it being at or before break of day, none in the least s••specting such an assault so early) they were quickly forced to forsake the place, and so (not with|out some loss) took their way to Plimouth Colony.

The Western Towns above Connecticut, were the chief Seat of the War, and felt most of the mischiefs ther••of in the end of the year 1675. but the Scene is now to be changed; and the other Towns and the Vil|lages

that ly Eastward nearer Boston, must bare their part in the like Tragedies: for as was said before, the Narrbagansets having been dri|ven out of the Country, fled through Nipnet Plantations, towards Wat|ch••set Hills meeting with all the Indians that had harboured all Winter in those Woods about Nashaway, they all combined together against the English, yet divided their numbers, and one half of them were obser|ved to bend their course toward Plimouth, taking Medfield in their way, which they endeavoured to burn and spoile, Feb, 21. 1675. as their fellows had done Lancaster ten dayes before.

The surprizal of this Medfield in regard of some remarkable circum|stances it was attended with, is not unworthy a more particular Relating the manner thereof: the loss of Lancaster had sufficiently awakened and alarmed the neighbouring Villages, all to stand upon their guard; and some had obtained Garison Souldiers for their greater security, as was the case with the Town of Medfield, within twenty two miles of Boston. And at that time were lodged therein several Garison Souldiers, besides the Inhabitants; yet being billated up & down in all quarters of the town could not be gathered together till a great part of the Town was set on fire, and many of the Inhabitants slain, which how it could be effected is strange to believe: But most of those inland Plantations being over run with young wood (the Inhabitants being every where apt to engross more Land into their hands then they were able to subdue) as if they were seated in the mi••st of a heap of Bushes: their Enemies took the advantage thereof, and secretly over night, conveyed themselves round about the Town, some getting under the sides of their B••rns and sences of their Orchards, as is supposed, where they lay hid under that covert, till break of day, when they suddenly set upon sundry Houses, shoo••ing them that came first out of their doors, and then fired their Houses, especially those houses where the Inhabitants were repaired to Garisons, were fit for the purpose: some were killed as they attempted to fly to their Neigbo••rs for shelter: some were only wounded, and some taken alive and carried Captive: in some Houses the Husband running away with one childe, the wife with another, of whome the one was killed, the other escaped: they began at the East end of the Town where they fired the House of one Samuel Morse, that seems to have been a signal to the rest to fall on in other parts: most of the Houses in the West or Southwest end of the Town were soon burnt down: and generally when they burnt any out houses, the Cattle in them were burnt also. Two Mills belonging to the Town were burnt also: a poor old man of near an hundred years old, was burnt in one of the Houses that were con|sumed

by fire. The Lieutenant of the Town, Adams by name, was shot down by his own door, and his Wise mortally wounded by a Gun fired afterwards accidentally in the House. After the burning of forty or fifty houses and barns, the Cannibals were frighted away out of the Town over a Bridge that lies upon Charls-River, by the shooting off a piece of Ordnance 2 or 3 times: when they had passed over the Bridge they fired one end thereof, to hinder our men from pursuing them, they were thought to be above five hundred: There were slain and mortal|ly wounded seventeen or eighteen persons, besides others dangerously hurt. The loss sustained by the Inhabitants amounted to above two thousand pounds. This mercy was observed in this sad providence, that never a Garison house was lost in this surprisal; nor any of the princi|pal Dwellings, so as the chiefest and best of their Building escaped the sury of the Enemy, who as they passed the Bridge left a writing behind them, expressing something to this purpose, that we had provoked them to wrath, and that they would fight with us this twenty years (but they fell short of their expectation by nineteen) adding also, that they had nothing to loose, whereas we had Houses, Barns and Corn: these were some of the bold threats used by the barbarous crew, but their rage shall proceed no further then the counsel of God had determined. The week before was heard a very hideous cry of a kennel of Wolves round the Town, which raised some of the Inhabitants, and was looked upon by divers as an ominous presaging of this following Calamity.

Another assault was feared, but as soon as the Souldiers could be g••••|thered together, they turned their backs, as if they never intended to visit them more: whether these Indians went when they left Medfield is not so certainly known; the Souldiers in the Town not having oppor|tunity to pursue them over the River, by reason that the Bridge was part of it burned: but it is most probable that they took their way to|ward Plimouth, and continued about that side of the Country for the future, waiting opportunities to do what mischief they could to the En|glish in those parts: For within a month after this assault of Medfield, there was near six hundred of them seen about Patuxit and Providence, where Capt. Pierce with about fifty of his men were lost, though with no great advantage to the Enemy, who at that time lost above double that number: our worthy Captains in this and other exploits being called to imitate Sampson, who was content to dye with his enemies, that he might overthrow them thereby: it havin••g so fallen out with many of our choice Commanders and Souldiers at Deerfield, Narrhaganse••, Patuxit, and likewise not long after at Sudbury.

The Governour and Council of Plimouth perceiving by the report of these outrages committed upon the Towns of the Massachusets, that they were like to be visited this Spring by their old Neighbours, sent out Capt. Peirce of S••ituate about the latter end of March, with about fifty English, and twenty of their Christian Indians about Cape Cod who pro|ved none of his worst Souldiers, as the sequel of this his last expedition will declare.

Capt. Pierce, as is said before, being sent out to pursue the Enemy, marched towards Patuxit, where he understood the Indians were many of them gathered together: he being a man of resolute courage, was willing to engage them though upon never so great disadvantage: some say the Indians by counterfeiting, drilled him into a kind of Ambush, possibly more of them discovered themselves after he began to engage then he was aware of: and being gotten over the River in pursuit of them, where he discovered so great a number of them, he drew down towards the side of the River, hoping the better by that means to pre|vent their surrounding of him, but that proved his overthrow, which he intended as his greatest advantage: for the Indians getting over the River, so galled him from thence, that he was not able to defend himself thus assaulted on all sides, & himself not being able to travel much a foot, was thereby hindred from retiring to any better place in time; so as he saw himself constrained to fight it out to the last; which he did with most undaunted Courage, & as is said, to the slaughter of an hundred & forty of his enemies, before himself and his Company were ••ut off. It is said also that being apprehensive of the danger he was in, by the great numbers of the enemy, like to overpovver him vvith their multitude, he sent a Messenger timely enough to Providence, for relief, but, as Solomon saith, A faithful Messenger is as Snow in harvest, another is as smoak to the eyes and vinegar to the teeth. (vvhether through ••loth or Covvardize, is not much material) this message vvas not delivered to them to vvhom it vvas immediately sent; by accident only some of Reh••both understand|ing of the danger after the evening exercise (it being on the Lords day, March 26. 1676.) repaired to the place, but then it was too late to bring help, unless it vvere to be Spectators of the dead C••rkases of their friends, and to perform the last office of love to them.

It is vvorth the noting, vvhat faithfulness and courage some of the Christian Indians vvith the said Capt. Pierce shevved in the Fight: one of them, A••os by name, after the Captain vvas shot in his leg or thigh, so as he was not able to stand any looger, would not leave him, but cha••ging his gun several times, fired stoutly upon the enemy, till he

saw that there was no possibility for him to do any further good to Capt. Pierce, nor yet to save himself, if he stayed any longer; therefore he used this policy, perceiving the Enemy had all blacked their faces, he also stooping down, pulled out some blacking out of a pouch he carried with him, discoloured his face therewith, and so making himself look as like Hohamack•• as any of his Enemies: he ran amongst them a little while and was taken for one of themselves, as if he had been searching for the English, until he had an opportunity to escape away among the Bushes: ther•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 imitating the Cuttle 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which when it is pursued, or in dang••r, casteth out of its body a thick humor, as black as ink, through which it passes away unseen by the pursuer.

It is reported of another of these Cape Indians (Friends to the En|glish of Pli••outh) that being pursued by one of the Enemies, he be|took himself to a great Rock, where he sheltred himself for a while. at last perceiving that his Enemy lay ready with his Gun on the other side, to discharge upon him, as soon as he stir'd never so little away from the place where he stood: in the issue he thought of this politick Strata|gem to save himself, and destroy his Enemy, (for as Solomon said of old, Wisd••me is better then Weapons of War:) he took a stick, and hung his Hat upon it, and then by degrees gently lifted it up, till 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••thought it would be seen, and so become a fit mark for the other that watched to take aym at him: the other taking it to be his head, fired a Gun, and shot through the Hat; which our Christian Indian perceiving, boldly held up his head and discharged his own Gun upon the real head, not the hat of his Ad|versary, whereby he shot him dead upon the place, and so ••ad liberty to march away with the spoils of of his Enemy.

The like subtle device was used by another of the Cap•• Indians at th•• same time, being one of them that went out with Capt. Pierce; for be|ing in like manner pursued by one of Philips Indians, as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 former was▪ he nimbly got behind the but end of a Tree newly turned up by the roots, which carried a considerable breadth of the surfac•• of the Earth along with it (as is very usual in these parts, where the roots of the Trees ly very ••••eet in the ground) which stood up above the Indians height, in form of a large Shield, only it was somewhat too heavy to be easily weilded, or removed: the Enemy Indian ••ay with his gun r••ady to shoot him down, upon his first disserting his station; but a sub|tle wit taught our Christian Netop a better device, for boring a little hole through this his broad Shield, he discerned his enemy, who could not so easily discern him; a good Mu••ketier need never desire a fairer mark to shoot at, whereupon discharging his Gun, he shot him down: what can be more just then that he should himself be killed who

lay in wait to kill another man?

—••eque enim L••x jn••tior ulla ••st, Quàm necis A••tifices arte perire su••.

Instances of this nature shew the sub l••ty and dexterousness of th••se Natives, if they were improved in ••eats of Arms: and possibly if some of the English had not been too shye in making use of such of them as were well ••••f••cted to their interest, they need never have suffered so much from their enemies: it having been found upon late experience, that many of them have proved not only faithful, but very serviceable and helpful to the english; they usually proving good Seconds, though they have not ordinarily confidence enough to make the first Onset.

But to return to the proceeding of the Indians toward P••imouth.

Feb, 25. They ass••ulted Weymouth, and burned seven or eight houses & b••rns there, which Weymouth is a town lying towards Plimouth Colony.

March 12. following, They assaulted the house of one Mr. Clark in Plimouth, cruelly murthering eleven persons that belonged to two Fami|lies that lodged therein, and then fired the house. The cruelty towards these persons was the more remark••ble, in that they had often received much kindness from the said Clarke. It is the usual custome of such Debtors, to use them worst, of whom they have taken up much kindness upon trust before ••and.

March 17th. Another party of them fell upon Warwick, a place be|yond Philips Land; toward the Narrhaganset Country, where they burnt down to the ground all but a few houses, left standing as a Monument of their barbarous fury. The like ••ischief was acted by them upon the houses of the E••glish remaining in the Narrhaganset Country.

This 26 of March being the first day of the week, as the first of the year after our Iulian account, seemed ominous at the first on sundry ac|counts, thr••atning a gloomy time, yet proved in the issue, but as a lour|ing morning before a lightsom•• day:

For▪ besides the burning of Marlburr••u••h, at least a great part of it on the same day; a very sad accid••••t f••ll ••ut the same time at Spring|field, as shall he specified hereafter; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 th••t which b••fell 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pierce, which is already related, with whom fe•••• so many of his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on the same day also: yet had the Enemy no c••use to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, being 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the valour of the English, to give so many of their own lives 〈◊〉〈◊〉: some few made their escape, as is said by 〈…〉〈…〉 the three forementioned, another by a like shift, not only s••ve•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉, but helped an English man to escape also, whom he ran after with ••is Haatchet in his hand, as if he were about to k••ll him; whereby both of them made a shift to get away: the rest were all lost (the unfaithfulness of the Messenger being as was intimated b••for••,

the cause of their slaughter) unto a few that hardly escaped by the advan|tage of the bushes, giving them opportunity to pass unseen, yet was it confess••d by a Prisoner of the enemy, taken afterward by the English, that they ••o••t an hundred and forty in that encounter. And had not the said English by wading after the enemy over a River, made their amu|nition useless, there had not half so many of them been cut off. From thence they turned back towards Rehoboth near Swanzy, where on March. 28. they burnt th••rty Barns, and near upon forty dwelling hou|ses, thereby as it were threatning the utter desolation of that poor town; and so proceeding on that side the Country, they burnt the very ne••t day about thirty houses in Providence in the way toward Narrnaganset.

But it was now full sea with Philip his affairs, for soon after the tide of his successes began to turn about the Sea coast, which made way for the falling of the water up higher in the Country. For about this time newes came to Boston that our neighbours and friends of Connecticut Colony hearing of the attempts of the enemy on that side of the C••untry, se••t a p••rty of their Souldiers, under the Command o•• Capt. George De|nison with some friendly Indians, part Mohegins and Pequods. part Nian|ticks belonging to Ninigret a Narrhagans••t Sachem, who n••ver engaged in this quarrell against the English: who in pursuit of the enemy; meet|ing with a considerable part of them about the Narrhaganset Country, killed and took forty and five of them, without the loss of one of their own men. This Victory was the more considerable, in that several of the chief Captains of the enemy were at this time killed or taken; amongst whom was Canon••het (who came down to get seed-corn to plan•• at Squakbea••) he was the chief Sachem of all the Narrnagansets: the son of Mianto••imoh, and the heir of all his fathers pride and insolency, as well as of his malice against the English, a most perfi••ious villain, who had the last October been at Boston, pretending to make a firm pe••ce with the English, but never intending to keep one Article thereof: There|fore as a just reward of his wickedness was he adjudged by those that took him to dye, which was accordingly put in execution at Stonington, whither he was carryed: There his head being cut off was carried to Hartford: The M hegins and Pequod•• that had the honour to take him prisoner, having the honour likewise of doing ••ustice upon him, & that by the prudent advice of the English Commanders, thereby the more firmly to engage the said Indians against the treacherous Narrhagansets. There are differing •• reports about the manner of his taking, and by whom, whither the Indians or the English first took hi••, however it was sufficient ma••ter of rejoycing to all the Colonyes of the English,

that the Ring-leader of almost all this mischief, and great Incendiary betwixt the Narhagansets and us, dyed himself by that sword of warre which he had drawn against others.

Not long after Capt. George Denison of Stonington, with sixty six Vo|••unteirs, and an hundred and twelve ••••equods, ki••led and took seventy & six of the enemy, amongst whom were two Narrhaganset Sachems, one of which was the Grand-child of Pomam (who is accounted the most warlike and the best souldier of all the Narrhaganset Sachems) taking at the same time 160▪ bushels of the enemyes corn, no small damage to our Enemies at that time, and all this without the loss of one man of the said Captains followers.

The greatest mischief which after this time was done by the enemy in Plimouth Colony, was by burning of houses and burns, which they might easily doe, the Inhabitants in most of those Towns being repaired to ga|rison houses for their greater security: For about the 20th. of April, fifty of the enemy burnt about nineteen houses and barns at Scituate, but were so resolutely encountred by a few of the Inhabitants, that they were driven away, and thereby prevented from doing of further mis|chief.

Not long after, May. 8. they burned about seventeen houses and barns in Briage-water, a small town in Plimouth Colony, twenty seven miles on this side Taunton▪ but it pleased God just at the time to send a Thunder shower, which put out the fi••e, or else it might have prevailed much further.

It is very remarkable, that the Inhabitants of the said Bridge-water never yet lost one 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the sword of the enemy▪ though the town is scituate within Plimouth Colony, yet have they helped to destroy many of the enemy None knowes either love or hatred by all that is before them in things of this nature: nor ought standers by that may escape think, themselves less sinners then those that so perish by the sword of the enemy: Yet about this time four of the Inhab••••••nts of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 were killed, as they were at their work in the field, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by it is said, thir••y children were made Fatherless: So unsearchable are the judgments of the Almighty, and his wayes past finding out.

During these Calamities, Gods Dispensations have been ve••y vari••us, as well in reference unto Towns and Villages, as unto pe••s••ns: As if some places had been by special providence marked out to preservation, as others unto destruction; of which no other reason can be rendred according unto man, then the good pleasure of God so to o••der and d••s|pose of events, which sometimes as Solomon says are all one to the good, ••nd to the clean, and to the unclean.

And because special notice is taken of the Town of Bridge-water, the which although it is seated, as it were, in the midst of danger, and hath been often assaulted by considerable numbers of the Enemy, yet never lost••any one of their Inhabitants, young or old; a particular account shall here be given of the most remarkable passages of divine providence relating to that Plantation since the War began. Iune 26 1675 When Philips malice against the English, mixed with a particular prejudice against Governour Winsl••w, began to boyl up to the height of an open Rebellion, the people of Swanzy being like to be distressed by the Indians, a Post was instantly sent to the Governour of Plimouth, the way lying through Bridge water, the said Post returned the next day: and about 9 or 10 of the clock, as he passed through the Town, left an Order from the Governour for the raising of twenty men, well armed and furnished with Horses, to b•• forthwith dispatched away for the re|lief of Swanzy; seventeen were all that could be raised on the sudden, who were sent thither that night, and were the first that were upon their ma••ch in all the Country; and possibly they fared not the worse for their forwardness: as Deborah the Proph••tess, blessed God for them that offered themselves willingly among the People: These seventeen of Bridgewater were Iune 21. ordered by Capt. Bradford to Metapoisit a place at twelve miles distance from Swanzy, to strengthen the Garison at one Bourns House, wherein were seventy persons, amongst whom were only found sixteen men. After they had ma••ched five miles of their way, having Mr. Browns Son for their Pilot, they met with some Swan|zy people, newly turned out of their Houses (by which they were to pass) who having not as yet resisted unto Blood, yet made doleful la|mentations, wringing of their hands; and bewailing of their losses, ve|ry much also perswading Bridge-water men to turn back, because of the danger, but they having so clear a call, had also more cou••age, then cowardly to desert the cause of God and his People, left they should the••eby betray the lives of so many of their friends into the Enemies hands; and so by the good hand of God towards them, came safe to Metapoiset that night.

The next day in the morning, a part of them went to guard Mr. Brown their Pilot back to his quarters; in their return they came sud|denly upon a party of Indians, about thirty in all; they were within shot one of another, but the English having no Commission to fight, till they were assaulted, and not being impeached in their passage, they re|turned safe to their Garison at Metapoiset: the Indians presently draw|ing off, and fi••ing three Guns (though not with intent to do them any

hurt, as was conceived) gave a shout, and so left them, when this party of the English drew near to their Garison, they met with a company of Carts going to fetch Corn from an house deserted near by, about a quarter of a mile off from Mr. Bournes House, t••e Souldiers gave them notice of the Indians which they had discovered, and withal advised them by no means to venture any more, because of the danger; but they were resolved notwithstanding these earnest perswasions of the Souldi|ers to have another turn, which they soon found to be to the peril of their own lives, six of them being presently after either killed right out, or mortally wounded, as soon as they came to the Barn where was the Corn; these six are said to be the first that were slain in this quarrel. The Souldiers at the Garison hearing the Guns, made what haste they could to the place, but being most of them in that interim, gone to look their Horses they could not come time enough to the relief of their friends, yet upon their approach, they who had done the mischief pre|sently fled away: one Iones hard pursued by two Indians was by their coming delivered from the extent of the Enemies cruelty, but having received his mortal wound, had only that favour thereby, to dy in the Arms of his friends, though by the wounds received from his Enemies.

The next week, fifteen of those Souldiers looking after their Horses, fell into an Ambush of twenty of the Indians, but being prepared for the encounter, they discharged their Guns upon each other: but ou•• men received no hurt, some of them felt the winde of the bullets passing by their faces; what damage the Enemy received is uncertain, yet some of the English report they found some of their enemies dead bodies in the place afterward.

Thus were they not only preserved in many perils themselves, but be|came instrumental also; for the preservation of most of that Garison, who with their goods by their means, with the help of a small party of Plimouth Forces sent thither after the six were killed (as is mentioned before) were soon after transported safely to Road-Island.

Many outrages were that Summer committed upon their Neighbours at Taunton and Namasket, yet it pleased God to protect this poor Town of Bridge-water from any other hurt; till the beginning of April next, when themselves with their Neighbours of Taunton and Rehoboth, were strongly solicited to desert their Dwellings, and repair down to the Towns by the Sea side, but God encouraged them to keep their stations notwithstanding the extream danger then presented. It is reported that Philip gave order that Taunton and Bridge-water should not be de|stroyed till the last, which is all the favour to be expected from an enemy,

but these things are only in the hands of God, and not to be determi|ned by man.

April 9. being Lords day, A small party of the Enemy came down upon the said Bridge-water, burnt an out-house and barn, broke up and rifled several other houses in the same quarter of the Town, which are notwithstanding yet remaining; they sent out a party of their men to pursue them that night, and many dayes after, but could not hear of them.

May 7 the Lords day also (no doubt but the betterness of the day, will increase the badness of their deed attempted thereon) they had in|telligence of a great body of Indians dispersed that way, with intent to have fallen upon the Town that ve••••••••ay, but were casually prevented by a great deal of rain that fell the night before: however they were re|solved to foreslow no opportunity, wherefore on the next day (May 8. about three hundred of them, one Tisg••ogen being their chief Leader, at 8 or 9 in the morning made an assault upon the east end of the Town, on the South side of the River: many of the Inhabitants stayed at home that morning because of the intelligence the day before, and so were the more ready to entertain them; some that not taking that warning ve••tu|red into the field about their occasions, were in danger of surprizal, but by the special favour of God, escaped, and came time enough to help de|fend their own and their neighbours dwellings, being shot at, and hard pursued a considerable way.

The Indians presently began to fire the town, but it pleased God so to spirit and encourage several of the Inhabitants, issuing out of their Ga|rison houses; that they fell upon them with great resolution, and beat them off; at the same instant of time, the Lord of Hosts also fighting for them from heaven, by sending a storm of thunder and rain very season|ably, which prevented the burning of the houses which were fired: The Souldiers also fighting under the banner of Gods special protection 〈◊〉〈◊〉 so successful in repelling the Enemy, that they neither had any of the 〈…〉〈…〉 or t••ken, and but one wounded. The Indians by this 〈◊〉〈◊〉 resi••tance, being beaten off to the skirts of the Town, made a fresh onset upon a other quarter thereof, on the north side of the River where they had done much more mischief, but that God stirred up sun|dry of the people to venture out of their fortified houses, who fired upon the enemy, and beat them ••rom their dwellings, so as in the evening they drew off to an out-house, three miles distant from the town: the next day the Inhabitants expected another assault, but the enemy having burned the house & barn, where they kept their Rendezvouze over night, & one

house more not far distant, they marched all clear away for that time.

Thus it pleased God so to order his dispensations, toward this small Town, as a brand plucked out of the fire, that they did but just taste of this bitter cup, which others drank deeper of; yet had they not such mer|cy, as these had, mixed therewith: under God, the courage of the In|habitants was a great means of their preservation, for they fired so stoutly upon the Enemies, that they durst not come very near any of the Garisoned Houses, saluting them only at a distance. God was eminent|ly seen upholding the spirits of all sorts, men and women, so as no con|sternation of minde was seen upon any of them, during the whole time of the dispute.

In this assault they lost but thirteen dwelling-houses, whereof five only were in the Town (the rest being out-houses and deserted for the present) with some few Barns, and some of thei•• Cattle; all which was a very inconsiderable loss, in comparison of what befell others, and themselves might have endured, if God had not by his special favour pre|vented,

Iuly 14, & 15. Another party of Indians came down upon the North-west side of the Town, but with no better success; for they had no Commission from the Lord of Hosts to touch any of the persons of the Inhabitants, their power reaching only to the slaying of their Cattle at this time.

Iuly 18, 19, 20. They sent our parties after the Enemy to pursue them by their Track, who fell upon some of them. On the twentieth they took sixteen, whereof two were men: on this day they had to assist them, it seems some of the Bay Indians sent them from Captain Brattle; some of the Captives informed, that there were but 70 or 80. in the Company, and but ten or twelve men amongst them: but within a few dayes, these Bridge-water-men, shall finde better success in pursuit of their Enemies, when Philip himself shall hardly escape their hands as shall be seen afterwards.

While one party of the Enemy thus acted their part in and about Plimouth Colony▪ towards the Sea-coast, other parties of them were not idle in the Massachusets Colony, where they assaulted many places, doing what mischief they could by firing of Houses, and killing several persons in the inland Plantations.

March 2. They assaulted Groton: the next day over night Major Wil|lard with seventy Horse came into the Town; forty Foot also came up to their relief from Watertown, but the Indians were all fled, having first burned all the Houses in the Town, sav•• four that were Garisoned,

the Meeting-house being the second house they fired, Soon after Capt. Sill was sent with a small Party of Dragoons of 8 Files to fetch off the Inhabi|tants of Groton, and what was left from the spoyle of the enemy, having under his conduct about sixty Carts, being in depth from front to reer above two mile: when a party of Indians lying in ambush, at a place of eminent advantage, fired upon the front and mortally wounded two of the vaunt Carriers, who dyed both the next night; and might (had God permitted) have done eminent damage to the whole Body, it being a full hour before the whole Body could be drawne up, which was done with care and Courage: but the Indians after a few more shot made▪ without doing harm, retired, and made no further assault upon them, being the same Party of Indians which the day before had burned some part of Chelmsford. Soon after this Village was deserted and destroy|ed by the enemy: yet was it a special providence, that though the carts were guarded with so slender a Convoy, yet there was not any conside|rable loss sustained.

The Surprizall of Groton was after this manner.

On March, 2. The Indians came in the night and rifled eight or nine houses and carried away some cattle, and alarmed the Town.

On March, 9. About ten in the morning a parcel of Indians (having two dayes lurked in the town, and taken possession of three out-houses and feasted themselves with corn, divers swine and poultry which they there seized) laid an ambush for two Carts, which went from their ga|rison to fe••ch in some hay, attended with four men, two of which espy|ing the enemy, made a difficult escape, the other two were set upon, and one of them slain, stript naked, his body mangled, and dragged into the high-way, and laid on his back in a most shamefull manner: the other taken Captive; and after sentenced to death, but the enemy not concur|ing in the manner of it, execution was deferred, and he by the providence of God escaped by a bold attempt the night before he was designed to slaughter, and fled to the Garison at L••ncaster, the cattle in both towns wounded, and five of them 〈◊〉〈◊〉 outright.

March, 13. Was the day when the enemy came in a full body, by there own account 400. and thought by the Inhabitants to be not many fewer. The town was at this time (having been put into a fright by the sad Catastrophe of Lancaster the next bordering town) gathered into five Garisons, four of which were so near together, as to be a|ble to command from one to the other, between which were the cattle belonging to those Families driven into pastures, which afterward pro|ved their preservation; the other was near a mile distant from the rest.

This morning the Indians (having in the night placed themselves in se|veral parts of the town) made their Onset; which began near the four Garisons; for a body of them having placed themselves in Ambuscado, behind a hill, near one of the Garisons, two of them made discovery of themselves, as if they had stood upon discovery. At this time divers of the people, nothing suspecting any such matter (for the day before, many had been upon discovery many miles, and found no signs of an Enemy being so near) were attending their occasions, some ••••ddering their cattle, some milking their Cows, of whom the Enemy might easily have made a seizure, but God prevented; they having another design in hand, as soon after appeared: These two Indians were at length espyed, and the Alarm given▪ whereupon the most of the men in the next Gari|son, and some also of the second (which was about eight or nine pole di|stant) drew out and went to surprize these two Indians, who kept their station till our men reached the b••ow of the hill, then arose the ambush and discharged a volley upon them, which caused a disorderly retreat, or rather a rout, in which one was slain, and three others wounded: mean while another ambush had risen, and come upon the back side of the Garison so deserted of men, and pulled down the Palizadoes: The Souldiery in this rout, retreated not to their own, but passed by to the next Garison, the women and children mean while exposed to ••azard, but by the goodness of God made a safe escape to the other fortified house without any harm, leaving their substance to the enemy, who made a prey of it, and spent the residue of the day in removing the corn and houshold-stuff (in which loss five Familyes were impoverished) and firing upon the other Garison: here also they took some Cattle. No sooner was the signal given by the first volley of shot, but immediately in several parts of the town at once, did the smoakes arise, they firing the houses.

In the afternoon they used a stratagem not unlike the other, to have surprised the single Garison, but God prevented. An old Indian if an Indian passed along the street with a black sheep on his back, with a slow pace, as one decrepit: They made several shot at him, but missed him▪ at which several issued out to have taken him alive, but the Watchman seasonably espying an ambush behind the house, gave the signal, where|by they were prevented.

The ••••ght following the enemy lodged in the town, some of them in the Garison they had surprized, but the Body of them in an adjacent valley, where they made themselves merry after their savage m••••ner. The next morning they gave two or three Volleyes at Capt. Parkers

Garison, & so marched off, fearing as was thought that supply might be ••••••igh at ••and. This assault of theirs was managed with their wonted sub|tlety and barbarous cruelty: for they stript the body of him whom they had slain in the first onset, and then cutting off his head, fixed it upon a po••e looking towards his own land. The corpse of the man slain the week before, they dug up ou•• of his grave, they cut off his head and one leg, and set them upon poles, and stript off his winding sheet. An In••••nt which they found dead in the house first surprised, they cut in pieces, which a••••e ••ward they cast to the ••wine. There were about forty dwel|ling houses burnt at that time, besides other buildings. This desolation was followed with the breaking up of the town, and scattering of the In|habitants, and removal of the Candlestick, after it had been there seated above twelve years.

Concerning the surprizing of Groton, March 13. There was not any thing much more material, then what is already mentioned, save only the insolency of Iohn Monoco or one eyed Iohn, the chief Captain of the In|dians in that design▪ who having by a sudden surprizal early in the morning seized upon a Garison house in one end of the Town, continu|ed in it, plundering what was there ready at hand, all that d••y; and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 night did very familiarly in appearance, call out to Capt. Parker that was lo••ged in another Garison house, and entertained a great deal of Discourse with him, whom he called his old Neighbour: dilating upon the cause of the War, and putting an end to it by a friendly peace: yet oft mixing bitter Sarcasmes, with several blasphemous scoffs and taunts at their praying and worshipping God in the meeting house, which he deridingly said he had burned. Among other things which he boast|ingly uttered that night: he said he burnt Medfield (though it be not known whither he was there personally present or no) Lancaster, and that now he would burn that Town of Groton, and the next time he would burn Chelmsford, Concord, Watertown, Cambridge, Charlstown, Roxbury, Boston, adding at last in their Dialect, What Me will, Me d••: not much unlike the proud Assyrian (if his power had been equal to his pride) sometime threatned against Ierusalem, but was by the remark|able providence of God, so confounded within a few months after, that he was bereft of his four hundred and fourscore (of which he ••now boasted) and only with a few more Bragadozio's like himself, Sagamore Sam, old I••thro, and the Sagamore of Quobaog were taken by the En|glish and was seen (not long before the writing of this) mirching to|wards the G••llows (through Boston S••reets, which he threatned to burn at his pleasure) with an Halter about his neck, with which he was hang|ed

at the Towns end, September 26. in this present year 1676. So let thine Enemies perish O Lord, and such contempt be poured on all them that open their mouthes to blaspheme thy holy Name.

Things looked with a pretty sad face about those parts at this time; yet though the Righteous fall seven times, let not their Enemies rejoyce, for the Righteous shall rise again, but their wicked Enemies shall fall into mischief, and rise no more. It was ebbing water with New-England at this time, and a while after; but God shall turn the stream before it be long, and bring down their Enemies to lick the dust before them.

After this April 17. Captain Sill, being appointed to keep Garison at Groton, some Indians coming to hunt for Swine, three Indians drew near the Garison house, supposing it to have been deserted, were two of them slain by one single shot made by the Captains own hands, and the third by another shot made from the Garison.

The danger which these inland Towns were like to be exposed unto from the Enemy, after they were driven out of the Narrhaganset Coun|try, was foreseen by the Council of the Massachusets, yea they had some intimation thereof from the Enemy themselves: but they were not well able to prevent it, in that unseasonable time of the year; no way ••it for marching of Souldiers, and transporting of Provisions (the Winter then beginning to break up in this Country) for while our Forces were up in the Narrhaganset Country, in the Winter, a couple of Christian In|dians were sent as Spyes into the Nipnet and Narrhaganset Country, through the Woods in the depth of Winter, when the wayes were im|passable for any other sort of people: these two, by name Iames and Iob ordered their business so prudently, as that they were admitted into those Indian habitations, as Friends, and had free liberty of Discourse with them; they were at the first a little jealous of them, but by the means of one ••yed Iohn (a great Cap••ain of the Indians, that afterward l••d them that spoiled Grot••n, who having been a C••mpanion of one of the said Spyes both 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Hun••i••g and in fighting against the M••ha••ks fo••|merly; so esteeme•• of him, that he would not suffer any of the rest to touch him) they passed through all the Indian Towns lying thirty miles distant from Qu••baog, and twenty miles northward of the Road to Con|necticut: one of the said Spyes returned about Ian. 24. info••ming those that sent him, what he had observed, both the number of the Indians (about three hundred in all) also their several Towns, and what pro|vision they had: plenty of Venison, much Pork from the English mens Hogs which they had taken, they confessed likewise that he and some of his party had killed the People at Nashaway the last year, suspected to

have been done by the Indians of Malberough: he told th••m also they in|tended to burn Lancaster within three weeks after that time, which ac|cordingly they did much about the same time: adding moreover that some Frenchmen were with them at Pocomptu••k, encouraging of them to go on with their designs, promising them assistance, which made some ready to think the Indians were stirred up by the French to do all this misc••ie••, but more of that afterwards: what might be gathered from the foresaid premises is easie to conceive; whereupon new Forces with as much speed as the season would allow were raised and sent up into those parts, under the command of Major Savage in chief: they were dispatched away in the beginning of March, and appointed to meet with such as should be sent from Connecticut Colony, which they did a|bout Quabaog, and so intended to march directly up to those Indian Towns about Watchuset Hill to the Northwest: but the Indians were gone, and our Forces in the pursuit of them, taking the wrong path m••ssed of them, yet ranging through those woods, they were at one time sudenly assaulted by a small party of Indians firing upon them, wounding Mr. Gersh••m Bulk••y, by a shot in his Thigh, and killing one of their Souldiers, after which as they marched along, they accidentally fell upon another small party of the Enemy, of whom they slew some, and took others, to the number of sixteen, yet could not meet with the main Body of the Enemy who it seems had passed over a great River by Rafts, so our men could follow them no further, wherefore turning down to|wards Hadly and North••hampton, whether it was supposed the Indians intended to pass, They came very seasonably to the relief of the said Towns, which else had been in danger of being lost. For,

March 14. The Enemy fell upon North-Hampton, and in three places broke through the Fortification of Palizadoes, set up round about the Town a little before, for their better security: but the Town being at that time full of Souldiers, they were quickly repulsed, after they had killed four men, and two women, and fired four or five dwelling houses, and as many barns, with the loss of many of their lives as was sup|posed.

While our Forces under Major Savage continued on that side of the Country, a sad accident fell out at Springfield, the certainty of which, it is judged meet here to relate, to prevent mistakes▪ the matter having through a great oversight been otherwise represented, then indeed it was, not only to the prejudice of Truth, but to the disadvantage of some persons concerned therein. While the Souldiers were quartered a|mongst the several Towns upon Cinnecticut River; a party of the Troop

were quartered at a place, belonging to Springfield called the Long Mea|••••ow, three miles from the Town below 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Windsor: several of the ••nhabitants having most of the Winter ••ept ••rom the publick meeting on the Lords dayes, for fear of the Enemy, were incouraged to adventure to the Assembly, on the 26 of Ma••ch, riding in the company of the Troopers; but having heard of no Indians thereabouts a good while, were more secure then they had cause, for riding some of them with women behind them, and some with their Children in their Arms yet not so careful as to keep in the middle, but rather in the Rear, and at a pretty distance stragling from the rest of the Company, a party of Indians ly|ing in the Bushes as they rode along, fired upon the hindmost, and killed two and wounded others: those in the Front having also Women and Maids behind some of them, were at a stand to know what to do, fearing they might expose those Women they had in their company, if they should ride back (in that winding Road made through a woody place for a mile or two to gether) to look after them that were behind, at the last one that came riding up, told the foremost company there was no hurt, and that they were all coming: they that were before rode away with all speed to the end of the Town, where setting down the Women, the Troopers returned back, but too late to recover too poor Women & two children, who upon the first assault were thrown off their horses, and immediately based into the Bushes, and through a swamp on the other side of a steep 〈◊〉〈◊〉, so as they could not be heard of all that afternoon, nor the next day, till toward night, although they were diligently searched after by all the Troopers in and about the Town; At last when they were discryed just by a Swamp side, the cruel wretch|es endeavoured to have killed them all, but in haste only wounded them with their hatchets, yet so as one of the poor creatures recovered; the other with the children dyed of their wounds before they were brought home, or within a little time after. They did not complain of any inci|vility toward them while they were in their power; but by the Farewell given them, at their parting, they found it true by their own experience, that the tender mercyes of the wicked are cruelty

There hapned no other matter of moment worthy the reporting, while our Forces tarryed in those parts, and the Commanders observ|ing that the enemy was turned back again through the Woods, towards the Massachusets Bay, after a months time retired back yet could never meet with the enemy in their return through the Wo••ds, although while they were at the towns aforesaid, they understood of several at|tempts made upon Sudbury, Marlberough, the most part of which last

they destroyed March•• 26. which made the Inhabitants forsake their Dwellings, leaving only a few houses garisoned with Souldiers, the bet|ter to secure a passage to the towns westward upon Connecticut River.

The Inhabitants of S••dbury▪ with the souldiers under Leiut▪ ••aco••s of Marlberough sufficiently alarmed by the ••ate mischief done about those Towns, resolved to try what work they could make with the enemy in the night, whereupon going forth March 27. toward morning, they discerned where the enemy lay by their fires, (near three hundred of, them) and that within half a mile of a garison house, near the place where they had ••one so much mischief the day before. Such was the courage and resolution of the E••glish, though but forty in number, Towns-men and Souldiers, that they adventured to discharge upon them as they lay by their fires, when it was so dark that an Indian could hardly be dis|cerned from a better man, yet God so directing, they discharged several times upon them, wounded thirty, fourteen of whom either dyed of their wounds the same day or soon after, which had been chief agents in this present mischief against the English. Such was the success of this skir|mish that the Assailants came off without the loss of one man.

After this time the enemy began to scatter about in small partyes, do|ing what mischief they could about the Massachusets, killing a man at Weymouth, another at Hingham, as they lay skulking up and down in Swamps and holes, to assault any that occasionally looked never so little into the woods, sometimes alarming the towns about Boston by discharg|ing gunns upon particular persons: at ••illerica, Braintree, and at Ren|tham, near about which place in the Road to Rehoboth, they assaulted one Woodcocks house, killed one man, and one of his sons, wounded another, and burned his sons house.

Notwithstanding the little success of former attempts, Philip and his men have one prize more to play in the Massachusets Colony, before they goe off the stage, and then we shall soon see their power visibly decli|ning every where, untill their final overthrow come upon them. There were several small Patryes of them scattered up and down all over the Country, yet the main Body of them was still lurking up and down in those woods that lye between Brookefield, Marlburrough and Connecticut River. Possibly they had some hope of d••iving all the Country before them to the towns upon the sea-coast; for having burned the deserted houses at Marlburrough, April, 17. the next day they set upon Sudbury with all their might, (hoping ••is like) to doe there, as they had done at the Towns next beyond it. They did at the first prevail so far as to con|sume several houses, and barns, and kill several persons, ten or twelve of

the English, that came from Concord to assist their neighbours at Sudbu|ry, a town distant five miles from them, at the first hearing of the alarm; who unawares were surprised near a Garison house, in hope of getting some advantage upon a small Party of the enemy that presented them|selves in a Meadow; a great number of Indians that lay unseen in the bu|shes, suddenly rose up, and intercepting the passage to the Garison house, killed and took them all.

But our sorrows and losses that day are not yet come to their height; for in the after part of the same day, that resolute stout-hearted Soul|dier, Capt. Wadsworth (who had not long before, with not above forty men, rescued Lancaster, when it was in danger to have been all lost at once) being sent from Boston with fifty Souldiers to relieve Marlbur|rough, having m••rched five and twenty miles, and then understanding the Enemy was gone through the Woods toward Sudbury: this unwea|ried Company, before ever they had taken any considerable rest, mar|ched immediately back toward Sudbury (that lies ten miles nearer Bo|ston) and being come within a mile of the Town, they espyed a party of Indians 〈◊〉〈◊〉 far from them, about an hundred, not more, as they con|ceived, these they might easily deal with; who retiring back a while, drew Capt. Wadsworth and his Company above a mile into the Woods, when on the sudden a great body of the Enemy appeared, about five hundred as was thought, who compassi••g them in round, forced them to the top of an hill, where they made very stout resistance a considera|ble while; but the night drawing on, and some of the Company begin|ning to scatter from the rest, their fellows were forced to follow them, so as the Enemy taking the chase, pursued them on every side, as they made too hasty a retreat, by which accident, being so much overpow••red by the Enemies numbers, they were most of them lost: the Captain him|self, with one Captain Brocklebank (a choice spirited man, much lament|ed by the Town of Rowly to which he belonged) and some others that fell into his Company as he marched along, scarce twenty escaping in all; so as another Captain and his fifty perished at that time, of as brave Souldiers as any were ever imployed in the present service.

Thus as in former attempts of like nature; too much courage and e••gerness in pursuit of the Enemy, hath added another fatal blow to this poor Country.

The same day another party of the English coming from Brookefield, whithey they were sent as a Convoy with Provision for the Garison, were in danger likewise of falling into the hands of the same Indians, yet riding upon a good speed, and keeping their Guns always ready pre|sented

against them they met, they never durst fire at them: only three or four having unadvisedly first discharged their gunns against the Ene|my, and falling too much in the reet of their Company, were cut off and lost. It is reported by some that afterwards escaped, how they ••••uelly tortured five or six of the English that night: yet whatever their ••••••|cess was this day, it was observed by some (at that time their Prisoners, and since released) that they seemed very pensive after they came to their Quarters, shewing no such signs of rejoycing, as they usually were wo•••• to doe in like case; whither for the loss of some of their own Company in that dayes enterprise; (said to be an hundred and twenty) or whither it were the Devil in whom they trusted, and to whom they made their address the day before, by sundry Conjurations of their Powawes? or whither it were by any dread that the Almighty sent upon their spirits, upon their execrable Blasphemies, which tis said they used in the tortu|ring of some of their poor Captives (bidding Jesus come and deliver them out of their hands from death if he could) we leave as uncertain, though some have so reported, yet sure it is that after this day, they ne|ver prospered in any attempt they made against the English, but were continually scattered and broken, till they were in a manner all consu|med. After this time, however they had braved it before, they seem|ed to apprehend that it was scarce feasible for them to withstand the power of the English, and therefore seemed more inclinable to a peace, by several overtures made by them, if they knew how to have brought it about. For during these encounters they were willing to admit of some kind of treaty with the English, about the releasing of sun|dry of their Captives, which they took at Lancaster in February last, and elsewhere: To that end sundry attempts were made by help of seve|ral of the Praying Indians (as they use to be called) about the redemp|tion of some of the women and children, which were at time in their possession, & by degrees something was effected that way: possibly their own present sufferings and wants that were upon them, might induce them thereunto▪ For by this time the Spring of the year came on, their provision was all spent, and they forced to live wholly upon ground-nuts, and upon the fl••sh of the E••glish creatures, both horse & neat cattle, which they daily plundered. The Ground-nuts running up to seed in the summer, began to grow so sticky, as they were scarce eat|able; the flesh also of the English cattle proving unwholsome for their Bodyes, filling them with sundry diseases. One of them having eaten much horse-flesh, complained that he had before eaten horse, and now horse began to eat him, meaning some deadly disease growing upon his

eating such ranke flesh, unwholsome for their Bodyes, especially without salt, as their usual manner is. The fishing season also began now to come in, wherein they use to take abundance of all sorts, with which those great Rivers up the Country are abundantly stored: they use to take thereof, and drying it in the smoak, make provision thereof for the greatest part of the year; and if the warr continued, they could not but see they should utterly be cut off therefrom, and that if the planting sea|son also were l••st, they should be in great want of summer fruits, s••. beans and squashes (besides their corn) with which they were wont to live all the latter part of the summer. Upon all considerations, they seemed pretty inclinable to hearken to a peace, though some were apt to think they would never have kept it, further then would stand with their own advantage, and that their present desire thereof was only to gain time.

A person formerly acquainted with the Indians about Lancast••••, did adventure upon the forementioned overtures, to goe amongst them to try if he could not prevail with them for the redemption of the Ministers wise, taken Captive in Febraury last from L••ncaster, and through the fa|vour of him who having the hearts of all in his hand, inclines them as he pleases, obtained the desired end upon an inconsiderable sum, which gave encouragement to the Councell to send two Messengers on the like er|rand the same week, to procure the redemption of others, not without success: The former, viz. M••s. Rowlandson being brought to Boston upon the Election day, May, ••d. it was generally looked at as a smile of providence, and doubtless was a return of prayer, and answer of faith, with which her husband had been upheld, and supported from the day of her Captivity; his two children also were returned back not long af|ter, more by the over-ruling hand of God (that turns the Captivity of his people as the streames of the South; and sometimes inclining them to pitty his Servants, that are of themselves more cruell then the Sea-monsters) then by any other contrivance of mans policy,

And yet no••withstanding motions of this nature about the redemption of some of our Prisoners still in their hands, there was no cessation of armes between us.

About this time Letters were sent down from Connectiont Colony, in|forming the General Court then assembled at Boston, that some of the Mohawkes (a sort of fierce and savage Indians, yet mortal enemyes to these we were at warrs withall) had fallen upon some of Philips Party, and destroyed many of them: likewise that many of them were destroy|ed by Feavers and Fluxes, with other distempers falling amongst them,

which was some reviving to our hopes, that the foot of our enemy should slide in due time, and that destruction was hastning upon them, though still they were perm••t••ed to do mischief in sundry particular pla|ces of the Country, which must be minded as we pass along.

Those Indians that were our professed enemies, after they had been beaten out of the Narrhaganset Country, Febr. 1. tarried awhile at Win|imazeag, a place two days journey north of Quabaog, where they divided themselves into two Companies, one of them tarried on that side the Country, the other made toward Plimouth Colony, taking Med|field in their way, from whence as they marched along they met with a notable repulse at Boggiston, a small Hamlet, or Company of Farms not far from the said Medfield where they attempted a G••rrison, but meeting with stout resistance, they left the enterprize; and kept on their way toward Plimouth Colony, where they scattered themselves up and down, waiting for opportunityes to spoil and destroy the English Plantations on that side of the Country.

Besides what is already mentioned, on May, 11▪ a party of them ass••u••ted the town of Plimouth, burnt eleven houses and five barns be|longing thereunto: on the other side, a small party of the English scout|ing about in pursuit of the Indians, fell upon a Party of them, that lay waiting in ambush; but being discerned by an Indian in the Company of our men that gave timely notice, our souldiers had an opportuity there|by to make the first shot, and thereby not only prevented a mischief to themselves, but killed also some of the enemy, (one of whom was ob|served to be of more note then his fellows by his attire) the rest f••ed a|way from them that pursued, though but a small company; so that there were daily reciprocal acts of hostility in those parts.

Within a few dayes after this, seven houses and two barns more were burnt by the enemy, in and about Plimouth: who did the like mis|chief about the same time to the remaining houses of Namasket or Mid|dleborough.

About this time, another sort of Indians that belonged to Wamesit a place near Chelmsford, bordering upon Merrimack (who had been pro|voked by the rash, unadvised, cruel act of some of the English, about Octob. 27. and Novemb. 4. had fired upon them several gunns, both at Chelmsford and Woburn, to the killing of some, and wounding of others upon suspition that the said Indians were guilty of burning a Barn, and Hay-stack not far off) suddenly turned our enemies, after the winter was over having first withdrawn themselves from the place assigned them, and where they had been relieved all the winter (some of them

after a former revolt) and took their opportunity to fire Mr. Falconers house in Andover town early that Spring, and wounded one Roger Marks, and killed his horse. Two more houses about Shawshin beyond the said Andover, were burned about Mar. 10. Also they killed a young man of the said town, Apr. 8. theson of George Abbot; And another son of his also was carried away the same day, who yet was returned some few moneths after, almost pined to death with hunger.

At the same time they killed some of their Cattle, cutting out only the tongues of some of them for haste; being shot at by several of the Inhabitants from their Garrisons.

Mar. 10. A. Concord two men going for Hay one of them was killed.

At Chelmsfor••, the said Wamesit Indians, about March 18 before, fel upon some houses on the north side of the River; burnt down three or four that belonged to the Family of Edward Colburn: the said Colburn, with Samuel Varnham his neighbour, being pursued, as they passed o|ver the River to look after their Cattle on that side of the river; and making several shots against them, who returned the like again upon the said Indians, (judged to be about forty) what success they had upon the en••my, was best known to themselves; but two of Varnhams sons were slain by the enemyes shot before they could recover the other side of the River. Apr. 15. also were 14. or 15. houses burnt there.

Not long before this▪ Febr. 1. 1675. Tho. Eames that kept a Farm at Sudbury, whose dwelling was three or four miles out of the town, had his house assaulted and fired, his wife killed, and his children carried Captive among the Indians.

Also two men were killed at a Farm about Concord, Isaac and Iacob Shepard by name, about the middle of February, and a young maid that was set to watch upon an hill, of about 15. years of age, was carried Captive; who strangly escaped away upon an ho••se that the Indians had taken from Lancaster a little before. In the like strange manner did one of Eames his children escape away about May 3. last; travelling thirty miles alone in the woods, without any relief till he came to an English town. Eames his house was assaulted when himself was from home, by an Indian called Netus (not long after slain at Malborough) which had been very familiar with the English, with nine or ten more of his com|pany, as perfidious and barbarous as himself: They burned all the dwellings that belonged to the Farm, Corn, Hay and Cattle, besides the dwelling house with what was therein; it is probable those at Con|cord were killed by the same hands about a fortnight after.

Many such like remarkable instances of special providences might

be mentioned▪ if it were convenient to insert such particular passages into the general Narrative of the late troubles from our barbarous enemies.

On May 3. a party of them killed a man at Haverhill, upon the edge of Merrimack River; and passing over the said River to Bradford, spoiled ••••other Family; killing one Thomas Kemball, and carrying his wife and five Children captive, forty miles up into the woods; al|though it was questioned whether this last mischief were done by a|ny of Philips party, but rather by some that belong•••• to the Eastward Indians, of which there may be occasion (God willing) to speak more afterward.

For the suppressing of these insolencies, several Companies of fresh souldiers, both horse and Foot were raised in the Massachusets, by the Governour and Council of that Colony, and sent out to suppress the common enemy; the Foot under the command of Capt. Sill, Capt. Cut|ler, Capt. Holbrook, the Horse under the Command of Capt. Brattle, Capt. Prentice, Capt. Henchman, Commander in chief: these several Companies modelled as aforesaid, were sent out Apr. 27. 1676. to range the woods towards Hassanamesit.

Upon the 6. of May, they met with a considerable. party of the enemy: they were first discovered by the Natick scouts pursuing a Bear & at the first not discerning that the Natick Indian scouts belonged to our men, it gave some advantage to our forces; our Horsemen falling upon them before they were well aware, killed and took of the Enemy about six|teen, which they took notice of at the present, although it was confessed by the enemy, that they lost twenty that encounter. It was report|ed that the sounding of a trumpet without order, did much hurt, but the Commander in chief affirmeth, that it was no disadvantage to the service in hand, it neither being heard by our own Foot, not yet by the enemy. If any error was committed by the English Companies, it was in that the Horse did not timely enough draw down from the top of the hill, whereby they came to be discovered by the enemy; who there|upon made the more haste to escape: However it was no small loss to the enemy, some of the slain being known to be considerable per|sons; and it struck such a terror into them, that they never durst face our men afterwards; for although after our men returned to their Quarters at Medfield, they saw two hundred fires in the night, yet they could never come near them again to fight any company of them: but the season proving rainy, hindred any further pursuit of them at that time. And soon after this the souldiers being

visited with sickly distempers by reason of an ••pidemical Cold at that time prevailing through the Country, they were for the present released for the recovery of their health, with intent to be cal|led together again at a more convenient time; this was done May the tenth.

During this interval of time, upon a report that a party of the Ene|my that were discovered about Rehoboth, busie in fishing in a River thereabouts, Capt Brattle was sent up about the 23d. of May, who with the help of so••e of the Inhabi••ants, killed eleven or twelve of them without the loss but of one of our men: Had they not discovered some of ours on the opposite shoar, it was conceived a greater spoile might have been made amongst them.

But in the next place we must take notice of the proceedings of the enemy about Connecti••nt: The greatest Body of them made towards Plimouth Colony early in the Spring as was said before, where we shall leave them for the present, and observe what the remainiug part of them did westward.

Some sc••ttering partyes were sku••king about Springfield, and those lower towns, upon a small number of whom Capt. Holioke (newly cho|sen Captain of Springfield in the room of his father lately deceased) hand|se led his office, early in the Spring: for having notice of some of them in those woods, he marched after them with ten or twelve resolute young men, and waiting his opportunity, surprized them near the great Ri|ver, so as two or three of them were left dead upon the place, another mortally wounded, got on to an 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the river, where it was con+cluded he took his last nights lodgi••g The other being sorely wound|ed, was taken alive, and brought home to Spring field, where he con|fessed many things to one of the Inhabitants that understood their lan|guage, owning the truth in many things against his own company, and soon after dyed of his wounds.

This was bu•• a Preparative to an higher piece of service, which Capt. Holioke was soon after engaged in▪ and wherein be acquitted himself beyond expectation; and taking more pains then ordinary, in making his retreat, he gat a Surfet, that ended his dayes in September follow|ing about Boston.

About the beginning of April likewise some of the Inhabitants a|bout Ha••ly, attending their tillage at Hockanum, within three miles of the town, and having a guard of souldiers with them, yet three of the compa••y were casually slain by a party of the enemy, that lay in wait for such an opportunity. One of them was Mr. Goodman, a dea|con

of the Church, that went a little beyond the Command of the Soul••iers that came to guard them, to view the fence of his own land: and two others that contrary to express order, would venture upon the top of an high hill, neer by, to take a needless and unseasonable view of the Country, were shot down by the enemy before they could re|cover their Corps du gard.

But the great Company of the enemy, that stayed on that side of the Country, and about Watchuset Hills, when the rest went towards Pli|mouth, though they had been disappointed in their planting, by the death of Canonchet, were loth to loose the advantage of the fishing season then coming in; wherefore having seated themselves near the upper Falls of Cunnecticut River, not far from Dee••field, and perceiving that the English Forces were now drawn off from the lower towns of Had|ly and Northampton, now and then took advantag••s to plunder them of their Cattle, and not fearing any assault from our Souldiers, grew a little secure, while they were upon their Fishing design, insomuch that a couple of English-lads lately taken captive by the enemy, and making their escape, acquainted their friends at home how secure they lay in those places, which so animated the Inhabitants of Hadly, Hatfield and Northampton, that they being willing to be revenged for the loss of their cattle, besides other preceding mischiefs, took up a resolution with what strength they could raise among themselves (partly out of gari|son souldiers, and partly of the Inhabitants) to make an assault upon them, which if it had been done with a little more deliberation, waiting for the coming of supplyes expected from Hartford, might have proved a fatal business to all the said Indians: yet was the victory obtained more considerable then a first was apprehended; For not having much above an hundred and fifty fighting men in their Company, they marched si|lently in the dead of the night, May 18. and came upon the said Indi|ans a little before break of day, whom they found almost in a dead sleep, without any Scouts abroad, or watching about their wigwams at home; for in the evening they had made themselves merry with new milk and rost beef, having lately driven away many of their milch cows, as an English woman confessed, that was made to milk them.

When they came near the Indians rendezvouze, they allighted off their horses, and tyed them to some young trees at a quarter of a miles distance, so marching up, they fired amain into their very wigwams, killing many upon the place, and frighting others with the sudden a|larm of their Gunns, made them run into the River; where the swiftness of the stream carrying them down a steep Fall, they perished in the wa|ters,

some getting into Canooes, (small boats made of the barks of ••ir|chen trees) which proved to them a Charons boat, being sunk, or over|fet, by te shooting of our men, delivered them into the like danger of the waters, giving them thereby a pasport into the other world: others of them creeping for shelter under the banks of the great river, were espyed by our men and killed with their swords; Capt. Holioke killing five, young and old, with his own hands from under a bank. When the Indians were first awakened with the thunder of their gunns, they cried out Mohawks, Mohawks, as if their own native enemies had been upon them: but the dawning of the light, soon notified their error, though it could not prevent the danger.

Such as came back spake sparingly of the number of the slain▪ some say there could not in reason be less then two or three hundred of them that must necessarily perish in the midst of so many instruments of de|struction managed against them with such disadvantages to themselves. Some of their prisoners afterwards owned that they lost above three hundred in that Gamizado, some whereof were principal men Sachems, and some of their best fighting men that were left, which made the vi|ctory more considerable then else it would have been; nor did they seem ever to have recovered themselves after this defeat, but their ru|ine immediately followed upon it. Yet such was the awfull hand of Providence, in the chose of this victory, mixing much bitter with the sweet, that it might well be called a costly victory to the Conquerors, that so no flesh should glory in it self.

The Indians that lay scattering on both sides of the river, after they recovered themselves, and discovered the small number of them that assailed them, turned head upon the English, who in their ret••eat were a little disordered, for want of the help of the eldest Captain, that was so enfeebled by sickness before he set out, that he was no way able for want of bodily strength (not any way defective for want of skill or courage) to assist or direct in making the retreat: For some of the e|nemy fell upon the Guards that kept the horses, others pursued them in the reer, so as our men sustained pretty much damage as they retired, missing after their return thirty eight of their men: And if Capt. Holioke had not played the man at a more then ordinary rate, sometimes in the Front, sometimes in the flank and reer, at all times en|couraging the souldiers, it might have proved a fatal business to the as|sailants. The said Capt. Holiokes horse was shot down under him, and himself ready to be assaulted by many of the Indians, just coming upon him, but discharging his pistolls upon one or two of them, whom he

presently dispatched, and another friend coming up to his rescue, he was saved, and so carried off the souldiers without any further loss.

It is confidently reported by some that were there present at this en|gagement, that one told above an hundred Indians left dead upon the place; and another affirmed that he told near an hundred and forty swimming down the Falls, none of which were observed to get alive to shore, save one.

The loss that befell our men in the retreat, was occasioned principal|ly by the bodily weakness of Capt. Turner, unable to manage his charge any longer, yet some say they wanted powder, which forced them to retire as fast as they could by Capt. Turners order.

It is said also by one present at the fight, that seven or eight in the reer of the English, through haste missed their way, and were never heard of again; and without doubt fell into the Indians hands, and it is feared some of them were tortured.

About sev••n dayes after this, they were minded to try the chance of Warr again, and see if they could not recover their loss, by returning the like upon the English: For,

May 30. A great number of them appeared before Hatfield, fired a|bout twelve houses and barns without the Fortification of the town, driving away multitudes of their Cattle, and their Sheep, spreading themselves in the meadow near the town: which bravado so raised the courage of their neighbours at Hadly, that twenty five resolute young men ventured over the river, to relieve Hatfield in this distress, who charged the enemy with such undaunted courage and resolution (Auda|ces fortuna juvat) that they beat down five or six at the first shot they made, so making way through the thickest of their enemies, that lay ready to take aim at them behind every tree, as they passed by; yet they escaped all their shot till they came within a little of the town they came to relieve, where they lost five of their twenty five.

The enemy being amazed at the resolution of our men, being but so small an handfull, that they fled immediately from the town; having lost twenty five of their men in the enterprize.

The Council of the Massachusets, gathering by these proceedings of the Indians, that their desire of peace was only to gain time, Ordered that the forces raised before Apr. 27. and for a time released should be hastned out again to range the woods towards Hadly, and those parts; made an agreement with Hartford Colony to send forces from thence to meet them about Brookfield, & so to scoure along on both sides Connect|icut River, to disrest the enemy what they could, & keep ••hem from fish|ing in those waters, their hope of planting being now almost over.

To this end about May 30. 1••96. the Forces under Capt. Henchman were called together again, and sent to Brookfi••ld to meet with those expected from Hartford Colony: In the way▪ ours by the direct 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Tom. Doub|let (a Natick Indian, who was a little before imployed in the redemption of Captives) following tracks of Indians, came upon a party of the enemy fishing i•• Weshacom Ponds toward Lancaster, of whom they killed seven, & took 29. most women and Children; yet belonging to consirerable Persons, it made the success the more to be valued. Our Forces be|ing by this means retarded, could not meet with those of Connecticut at Brookfield; but followed them the week after; having first returned from Weshacom to Malborough to supply themselves with ammunition; and so marched directly towards Hadly, where they met with Connecticut For|ces; and from thence according to mutual agreement, ours marched on the east side of the river, and Connecticut Forces on the West, up toward Squakheag; coming to Deerfield, & the great Falls thereabouts, they sent up their Scouts, but not hearing of the enemy, they marched up no high|er, being in no good capacity to have gone further if there had been oc|casion, by reason of a tedious Storm of rain, which occasioned much damage in their Amunition and Provision. While our Forces lay about Deerfield, some of our souldiers ranging lighted upon the Body of Capt. Turner, about Greens River, in passing of which stream he was supposed to have received his mortal wounds.

While our Forces continued thereabouts, they did the enemy some lit|tle spoile in seizing much of their Fish, & goods stolen from the English, & hid in their b••••ns, under ground; conjecturing also that they found 4. or 5. places where some of the English had been tortured to death by cruel burning, after they had been fastned between stakes set in the ground: but not meeting with any of the enemy; they all hasted home|wards, conceiving that having been forced from their quarters in those parts, they were drawn down lower, towards the English plantations, eastward viz. Plimouth and the Massachusets. What success C. Hench|man's forces had in their retiring homeward, and what they observed of the motion of the Indians, take in the words of his own Letter

Iune, 30.

—Our Scouts brought intelligence, that all the Indians were in a continu|al motion, some toward Narrhaganset, others toward Watchuset, shifting gradually, and taking no each others Quarters, and lay not above a night in a place. They 27. ditto, brought in two Squaws, a boy & a girle, giving account of five slain. Yesterday, they brought in an old fellow brother to a Sachem, six Squaws & children, having killed five men, & wounded others if not killed them, as they supposed by the bloud found in the way, and an h••t shot through. These and the other inform that Philip and the Narrhagansets were gone several dayes before to their own places,Phi|lips

purpose being to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 what mischief 〈◊〉〈◊〉 co••ld 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the English. By ••dvice drew out a commanded Party under the conduct of Capt. Sill, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, sixteen Files of Englis••, all ••y Tr••••p, and the Indians, ••xcepting one ••ile, being all we could make provision for, for what with the falling short of the Bread promised us, and a gre••t deal of that we had proving mouldy, the rest of the Forces had but one Biske•• •• man to bring them to this place: This party were ordered 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Wa••chuset, and so to Na••haway and the Washakem Ponds, where we have notice Indians were, and so to return unto this place. whereby your Honours Letter th•••• came to me yesterday morning I under|stood that provision was ordered for 〈◊〉〈◊〉; and which we found to our great re|lief, which we found last night coming hither weary and hungry. The com|manded Party we left at Quonsiquomon, where they int••••ded to stay awhile for the last Scouts we sent out: Eleven Prisoners we had in all, two of the ol••est by counsel we put to death, the other nine the Commissary is ordered to convey to Boston, with the Baggage, horses and se••••e of their attendants not sit for the Service.

Daniel Henchman.

It appears plainly by the contents of the said Letter, as well as by ma|ny other testimonyes, that about this time the Indians our Enemyes, who hitherto had been linked together as Brethren in iniquity, and cruelty, were now strangly divided and seperated the one from the o|ther: some impute it to an assault made upon them by the Mohawkes, who falling upon Philip with the Inland Indians, slew about fifty of them, whereupon they of Philips Company resolved to return to their own Country, and doe what mischief they could to the English there|abouts: This was roported by an Indian brought to S••aco••k, I••ne, 29. 1676. taken at Providence. Others are ready to think, that it was upon some quarrel amongst themselves, occasioned by an evill spirit sent from God upon them, that thereby they might, being soattered, the more easily be taken and ruined by the English; now that the time of vengeance was com••, when they shall be called to an account for all their former outrages and crueltyes; for now is the snare hastning up|on them, wherein they shall be hampered in their own devices, so to be|taken and destroyed: it cannot but be acknowledged as a very remark|able Providence, that Capt. Hen••hman in his late expedition to Hadly, killed and took about eighty four of the Enemy, without the loss of any one of his own men: the like favou••able success hapned to Major

Talc••t, in his passage from Norwich to Quabaog, as was said before, and soon after his return.

But by that time our Forces were returned home as far as S••••bury; they were ordered upon the sol••citation of the Governour of Plimouth, two Companies of them a•• least, to march away immediately to Dedham, and so to Seaconk or Re••oboth, to joyn with Major Bradford in the pur|suit of Philip, who was it seems with many hundreds of his Barbarous Followers fallen upon the English Plantations thereabouts, and whither also a little before, Capt. Brattle with a Troop of Horse, and Captain Mosely with a Foot Company were sent up from Boston to pursue after them, now flocking in great numbers into those Woods; there was at this time no small hope of surprizing Philip: several reports be|ing brought that he was seen in this and that place, not with above twen|ty or thirty men attending on him: but his time was not yet fully come, nor had he as yet fully accomplished all that mischief, he was like to be suffered to do: For upon Iuly 1st. 1676. a party of his In|dians committed an horrid and barbarous Murder upon Mr. Hezekiah Willet in Swanzy, an hopeful young Gentleman, as any in those parts; they used frequently to keep a Sentinel on the top of their House, from a Watch-house built thereon, whence they could discover any Indians be|fore they came near the house, but not hearing of the Enemy in those parts for a considerable time, that necessary piece of circumspection was omitted that day, whereby that deserving person was betrayed into their cruel hands, for within a quarter of an hour after he went out of his own doors, within sight of his House, he was shot at by three of them at once, from every one of whom he received a mortal wound; they after their barbarous manner took off his head: and carried it away with them (which yet was soon after recovered) leaving the Trunk of his body behind, as a sad monument of their inhumane cruelty: the same Indians, not being above thirty in number, took away a Negro belong|ing to the same Family, who being faithful to his Masters, and the Coun|tries interest, ventured his life to make his escape, which was the pre|servation of many others: for the said Negro being a little acquainted with their Language, discovered to the English after his escape, Philips purpose to seize such and such places: in the first place to assault Taun|ton, which in all probability had been in great danger, if their treache|rous plots and purposes had not so wond••••fully been made known be|fore hand. The said Negro affirmed, that there was near a thousand of them, for he observed, that although they had killed twenty head of Neat Cattle over night, yet there was not any part of them left the

Next day at eight of the Clock in the morning: by this special Provi|dence the Enemy was defeated of their purpose, and never after had any opportunity of doing any considerable damage to the English in that part of the Country. So as after this day we may truly date the time of our Deliverance, and beginning of Revenges upon the Enemy: Now is their own turne come, when it shall be done unto them, as they have served us: They that before led otherr into Captivity, must themselves hence forth goe into Captivity: And they that killed with the Sword, must themselves be killed with the Sword, as in the Sequel of this Narrative will abundantly be manifest; The History of which before we shall any farther pursue, we must a little while wait upon our Friends, (those Forces sent from Connecticut) in their return back into their own Colony, which before i•• be done, some things should be premised concerning the occa|sion of their coming, and the Success that did attend them in their march thither.

Our Friends and Brethren of that Colony, although they had never actually felt half of those miseries, that befell the people of the other two, yet never denyed their Assistance to the suppressing of the com|mon Enemy, yea, sometimes they did afford it, before it was expresly de|sired; according to the Tenor of the Articles of Confederation, and Rules of common prudence; considering that if the fire of this War were not timely extinguished, it would end••nger their own Fabrick: There|fore according to Agreement, the Councel of that Colony ordered their successful Commander Major Talcot to meet with our Forces at Brook|fi••ld, or Quabaog in order to the pursuing of the Enemy in those parts: In the way as they were from Norwich marching thither, Divine Provi|dence so far smiled upon the Enterprize, as to give them an opportu|nity to surprize fi••ty one of the Enemy, of whom nineteen were slain, without the loss of any one of their own Company, which could not but much enbanse the price of the victory to the Conquerers.

The like Success had their friends which they left behind (the Vo|lunteers gathered out of the three Town•• by the Sea side, New-London, Stonington, and Norwich,) ••ad who were some of them released by Major Talcot, when he first began his March, that they might the bet|ter in the absence of the Army, guard their own Towns: for before the retu••n of the Forces under Major Talcot, to that side of the Country, they had made two Expeditions against their Enemyes the Narrhagan|sets, that were s••ulk••ng up and down on that side of the Country; In one of which they killed and took above thirty, the most of which be|in•• men, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 said to have been slain by them.

In the other about forty five, the most of which probably were w••|men and Children, but being all young Serpents of the same brood, the su•• duing or taking so many, cught to be acknowledged as another sig|nai victory, and pledge of Divine favour to the English. But to return, it was not without the special direction of Providence that those Hart|ford Forces were sent to those Western Towns a week b••fore those of the Massachusets could get th••ther; for otherwise one or those Towns might have been lost; seeing that on the twelfth of Iune, soon after, if not the n••xt day, after they arrived there; The Enemy, as if resolved to try the utmost of their power, viol••ntly assaulted the Town of Hadly, with a body of about seven hundred men, at five or si•••• in the morning, lay|ing an Ambush at one end of the Town, while the greater part of them were ala••m••ng the other: But the Conn••cticut Forces being at that time quartered in the Towns thereabouts, (who were English, and friend+ly Indians, P••q••ods, and Mobegins, about five hundred in all) that were ready at hand, besides, those that had been quartered there, ev••r since March, (who had been left by Major Savage when he left those parts, under the Command and Charge of Captain Turn••r, slain at the great Falls, as is noted before,) but since commanded by Cavtain S••am. These by their Jo•••••• and ready resistance, wherein the Hence of Palizadoes su••rounding the Town, was no little advantage, gave the Indians such a smart Repu••se, that they found the pl••ce too ho••••for them to abide it. For the Souldiers or Towns-men within, firing a piece of O d••a••ce, it so aff••ighted the Salvages, or a party of them, against whom it was discharged, that although they had just before surprized, & oss••ssed an house at the North end of the Town, if Information mistake not, yet they instantly fled, leaving some of their d••ad upon the place; Nor did they any considerable mischief with all their numbers, save firing a Barne about that end of the Town, and slaying two or three of the Soul|diers, or too daring Inhabitants, who would against expres••order ad|ve••ture to go without the Fortification.

It was accounted by some, that were present near the time of that Assault, a great over sight, that having so fair an opportunity to chase the Enemy upon so considerable advantage, it was let slip, and not impro|ved: For Conn••cticut Soul••ie••s being all, or most of them su••nish••d with ho••s••s, they might have been soon ••vertak••n, and many of them destroy|ed: but God hid it from ••h••ir Eyes; The Co••mander in c••••••f, it is sa••d, q••a••tered at one of the Towns on the W••st side of the R••••••r, and did not a••prehend the advantage, till the Season was over: Nor wa•• an•• 〈…〉〈…〉 as an 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ex••ect••d from the Enemy, so early in the

morning; It being a general observation heretofore, that they seldome, or never vsed to make any Attempt in the night time; part of which could not b•••• be imp••oved in way of proparation for su•••• a designe.

But the Lord of Hosts who is wis•• in Counsel, and wonderf••••lan w••••••|ing, would find some other way to de••••roy our Enemi••s, w••tere in the hand of his Providenc••, should more remarkeably be seen, ••hat so no 〈◊〉〈◊〉 should glory in its own wisdom or str••ngth, but that Salvation might a••|p••ar, to be from the Lord alone. The rest of this Month was spent with|out any othermatter of moment happening therein.

The Governour and Council of the Massachus••ts, taking into serious consideration, th•• many meiciful O••currents that had been 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••|us, notwithstanding the mixing of many dispensations of a contrary na|ture, accounted themselves bound to make some 〈◊〉〈◊〉 acknowledg|ment thereof, to him who••e Name alone is worthy to be praised. The 29th. of that month of Iune, was set a part as a day of publick Thanks|giving to God, who had remembred his people thus in their ••ow Estate. And that matter of Thanksgiving might not be wanting at the day ap|pointed, the very day before were most of our English Captives brought back from the Indians, and many more soon after, to the number of sixt••en, whose 〈◊〉〈◊〉 might then well be filled with Laughter, and their Tongues with singing, both of themselves, and all that were any wayes concerned in their welfare.

And as this day appointed for solemn and publick Thanksgiving, was ushered in by several special mercies, so also was it followed with many remarkable benefits.

For besides the preserving the Town of North-Hampton, Ma••ch, the scurteenth, and Hadly, ••une the twelfth, by the opportune•• standing of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Forces the very night before they were Assaulted: The saving the peo|ple of Marlborough from being cut off, was very observable, when Mr. Graves by his occasional going from the Sermon, being forced thereunto by the extremity of the Tooth Ach, March, 26. discovered the Indi•••••• ready to Assault the Tow••, and so else the people might have been ••ut off, had not that Accident Intervened. It is certain, that after the end of this M••nth, the power of the Enemy began every where to fail; for the Body of the Enemy, that ••ad lurked about Connecticut River all this Spring, being visited with sundry diseases, disappointed of their fishing, and pu•• by th••ir planting, began to fall at variance amongst themselve••; the Hadly and Pocumtuck Indians quarrelling with Philip for fetching all this mischief about, and occasioning the English and them to fall out, with whom they had alwayes good Corresp••ndence, and lived loving••••

together, but now they were like to be ruined by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉. This quar|rel proceeded to that height, that from that time forwa••••, those several Indians that had for so long time been combined together, 〈…〉〈…〉 to part, and every one to shift for themselves, and return to their own homes: Philip to Mount-hope, and the Narrhaganseis to their own Country again: the Nipnets and the Riv••r Indians, bending their course some Westward, others North-word towards Pennicook upon Merrimack, intending to shift for themselves, as well as they could for the s••••ure; all which is like to be the real and true state of the ••••le with the ••ndian•• which were our Enemies: for the next News we heard of Philip, was that he was gotten back to Mount-Hope, now like to become Mount-Misery unto him, and his Vagabond-Crew, and that his Friends and Al|••yes, that had hitherto stood as Neuters, waiting only which way the Scale of Success and Victory would turn, began now to sue for mercy at the hands of the English: The Massachusets Governm••nt having un••erstood something of this nature, put forth a Declaration, that what|soe••er Indians should within fourteen dayes next ensuing come in to the English, might hope for mercy.

Amongst sundry that came in, there was one named Iames the Printer the Sup••••added Title distinguishing him from others of that name: who being a notorious Apostace, that had learned so much of the English, as not only to read and write, but had attained likewise some skill in print|ing, and might have attained more, (had he not like a falfe Villain ran away from his Master before his time was out) he having seen and read the said Declaration of the English, did venture himself upon the Faith thereof, and came to sue for his Life; he affirmed, with others that came along with him, that more Indians had dyed since this War began of dis|cases (such as at other times they used not to be acquainted withal) than by the Sword of the English.

Not long after many of them came and offered themselves, to the number of near two hundred, Men, Women, and Children; and many more woul•• have done the like, but their Consciousness of gui••t made ••hem co••••lude, that their Cruelties and barbarous Murthers could ne|••er be forgiven by the English.

But what Occurrents happnend next shall be declared in their order.

About the end of Iune News was brought to Boston, that Philip with a sm••ll party of his men, lurked about Swanzy or Rehoboth, & that he might ••••sily be taken; an Indian offering to bring them to the place where they ••••ight find him; whereupon Souldior was instantly s••n•• a••ay, from Boston who spent some time in searching all the wood•• o•• ••hat side of the Country,

but at last were forced to return having m••ssed of what they aimed at.

Plimouth Colony likewise sent out Souldiers upon the same account, under Major Bradford, who by the help of some Indians of Cape Cod, alwayes true to the English interest, not only escaped an Ambush laid for ••••em, w••er••by most of them might have been cut off, but slew many of those that ••••••d wait for them, without any loss to themselves: yea fur|ther a Squaw Sachem of Sakonet, one of Philips Al••yes, having first sent three Messengers to the Governour of Plimouth, to sue for life and li|berty; promising submission to their Government on that condition, but understanding that Plimouth Forces were abroad, before her Messen|gers returned, she with her People, about ninety in number, rendred themselves up to Major Bradf••rd, so that above one h••ndred and ten we••e killed, and taken upon co••position that day.

The like success had the Conn••cticut Forces sent into the Narrhagan|set Country under the conduct of t••e wonderfully successful Major Talco••, Capt. George Denison, Capt. Newbery, with other worthy Commanders of the said Forces; for about the second of Iuly, 1676. As the said Com|m••nders with the Forces under them were pursuing the Enemy in, and about the Narrhaganset Country toward Mount-hope, hearing that Phi|lip with his black Regiment of Wompanoags was thereabouts, their Indi|an Scouts from the top of an hill discovered a great nnmber of the enemy that had newly pitched their Station within the semicircle of a Swampe. The Engl••sh Souldiers were all mounted on horseback, to the number of near three hundred; wherefore the Commanders ordered the Indians to be ready at the top of the hill upon a signal given to run down amain upon the enemy securely lodged in the hollow of the Swampe just oppo|site against them, while their Horsemen being divided into two squa|drons to ride round the hill, so that at the same instant, both the Horse|men upon the two wings, and the Indians a foot rushing down suddenly upon the enemy put them into an horrible fright, making a lamentable outcry; some getting into the Swampe, the rest ••hat were prevented by the Horsemen, and the friendly Indians coming so suddenly upon them were all taken prisoners; Capt. Newbery with his troop alligh••ing from their horses ran into the Swampe after them, whe••e they killed at least an hundred, as was judged by some then present; taking also many pri|soners out of those habitations of darkness; the enemy scarce daring to make any resistanc••; for none of the English, and but one or two of the M••he••ins & Pequods were hu••••i•• that assault: Yet it was affirmed by a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 p••es••nt on the place, that with those they killed and took at Warwick neck, in their return home (whi••h were no•• much above six••y)

that they killed and took of the enemy at that time above three hundred young and old. At the same time was taken the old Squaw of Narrha|ganset, commonly called the old Queen.

They were necessitated with this booty to return homewards to gra|tifie the Mohegin & Pequod Indians that accompanied them, who had done them very good service in the pursuit, having lost one or two of their men in the chase: But their return hom••, was, as it proved in the issue, more beneficial, then their longer stay might have been, to have made a fruitless pursuit after Philip (whose time was not yet come al|though hastning apace) for in their return they met sixty of the enemy, all of whom they slew and took, so as their Sword returned not empty.

Within a few dayes after, two hundred of the enemy within Plimouth Jorisdiction being distressed with Famine, and fear of danger, came and submitted themselves to the Goverment there: But three of the compa|ny were presently derected of a cruel murther, and villanous ass••ult upon one Mr. Cla••kes house of Plimouth; by a well minded Squaw that was a|mong them (hoping that possibly such a discovery would be pleasing to the English) and accordingly adjudged forthwith to undergoe condign punishment, which the rest that surrendred themselves were no whit troubled at, such kind of Villains, being alwayes exempted from 〈◊〉〈◊〉 acts of favour and mercy. Those two hundred that had newly surrendred themselves, that they might give ful proof of their f••delity, offered to lead a Party of the English ••o a place not far off, where twenty more of the enemy might be surprized amongst whom also was one, known to be a bloudy murtherer of an English man that year before; accordingly eight English men took fourteen of the said Indians, and the next day brought in all the aforesaid twenty of the enemy, with the said murderer; who was presently executed, the rest being accepted into favour.

It is affirmed likewise that five or six Sachems of Cape God, towards the eastern part of it, came with three hundred Indians to make peace with the English, on the 6th. of Iuly; one of the said S••chems earnestly desiring the English that none of them might be suffered to sell any strong Liquors to the Indians, the trading of which, possibly hath had no small influence into the present mischiefs.

The next day, Iuly the 7th. a small party of ours, with a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 friendly or Christian Indians with them killed and ••ook seven of the enemy in the woods not far from Dedham, one of which was a Narrhaganset Sachem; who either himself, informed, or by some other at that time, certain intelligence was brought to Boston, that some of our enemy Indians were gotten to Albany, informing people there, that they might the more

easily get powder and amunition, that the English and they were now at peace▪ One of the said Indians was the Sachem of Spring field, a bloudy and deceitfull villain; It is hoped that he is now taken in the snare from whence he shall never be suffered to escape.

Philip by this time could not but think his ruine hastned apace▪ yet that he might, in imitation of him that stirred up all this mischief, express the more wrath, because he knew his time was but short, intended if possible, to destroy one town more of the English before his turn came; wherefore Iuly, 11. with all the Force he could get, or that he had left he intended to set upon Taunton, having as was conceived, many hun|dreds in his company: but his design being strangly discovered by a Negroe, whom they had taken captive a little before, that having lived near the Indians before, understood much of their Language, who ma|king his escape from them, acquainted the Inhabitants with the plot; who having timely notice, furnished themselves with Souldiers, whereby they were able to repulse the enemy upon his first approach: so as he only fired two houses, and then fled away: Except the Lord keepeth the City the Watehman watcheth but in vain.

The 22d. of this moneth of Iuly, as is hinted before, the Companyes sent from Concord, May, 30. up towards Hadly, having spent much time and paines in pursuit of Philip all the Country over (whom they could not yet overtake) having tired themselves with many long and te|dious Marches through the desert woods, before they returned home some of them were sent toward Mount-Hope, yet was their labour well improved, and followed with good success at the la••t: for in ranging those woods in Plimouth Colony, they killed and took, by the help of Capt. Mosely's Company and Capt. Brattles Troop joyning with Major Bradfords Company of Plimouth Colony, an hundred and fifty Indians, with the loss of never an English man.

It was feared that Philip and his Company would have returned into the Nipnet Country, to prevent which, several Horsemen were sent to guard the pasage; but he lu••ked about his own Country in swamps and other secret places, where he was as yet hid from the sight of the En|glish, although many times they hapned to lodge very near him, inso|much as an Indian Captive promised in two hours time to bring our Souldiers to the very place where he was; but they not being able to pass the ne••est way, came a little too late; for they being so hotly pu••|sued, ••as••ed away, leaving much of their treasure behind them; then Kettles boiling over the fire, their dead unburyed, and twenty of their party were overtaken, that fell into the English hands: Philip himself,

and some few of his stragling followers, making their escape by a Raft over an arm of the Sea into another neck of land on Pocasset side, not da|ring to trus•• himself any longer in Metapoyset woods, so full of our En|glish Souldiers, as well those of Plimouth, as of the Massachusets Colony, who a••most every day meeting with some of his party, muc•• lessend his number. Capt. Church, that active and unwearied Commander of Pli|mouth Colony, was at this time as well as long before, out upon the chase with but e••ghteen English, and twenty two Indians that were friends, had four several ingagements with Philips party, wherein he spo••led se|venty six of the enemy, without the loss of one of his own men. In se|veral of th••se skirmishes, thos•• Indians that upon submission had their lives given them, have done notable service in hunting out the enemy in all the••r lurking places.

At another time they took Philips Squaw, and one of his chief Coun|cellors; and about that same time, another Sachem about Pocasset, with forty Indians submitted himself to the Government of Plimouth, on pro|mise of life and liberty.

It seemed that now the time of our deliverance was come, and the time also for the dest••uction of our enemyes: for the last week in Iuly, the Massachusets understanding that some Indians were seen roving up and down the woods about Dedham, almost starved for want of victu••ls, sent a small Company of twenty six Souldiers, with about nine or ten Christian Indians, who pursued and took fifty of the enemy, without a|ny loss to the English, at which time also, a good quantity of Wam••am|p••ag and powder was taken from the enemy. That which increased this victory was the slaughter of Pomham, who was one of the stoutest and most valiant Sachems that belonged to the Narhagansets; whose courage and strength was so great, that after he had been mor|tally wounded in the fight, so as himself could not stand; yet catching hold of an English-man that by accident came near him, had done him a mischief, if he had not been presently rescued by one of his Fellowes. Amongst the rest of the Captives at that time, was one of the said Pom|hams sons, a very likely you••h, and one wholse cou••te••ance would have bespoke favour for him, had he not belonged to so bloudy & barbarous an Indian as his father was.

These success••s be••ng d••••ly br••ited abroad among the Indians, put many of them into a t••emb••••ng condition, not know••••g well how to dis|pose of themselves: some that h••d been less active in these Tragedies, and were rather led by others, then any wise incl••ned to mischief them|selves, adventured to submit themselves, of which number was one of

Nipnet Sachems, called Sagamore Iohn, who Iuly ••7. came to surrender himself to the Governour and Council of the Massachusets at Boston, bringing along with him one hundred and eighty of the Enemy Indians. This Iohn that he might the more ingratiate himself with the English, who••e friendship he was now willing to seek after, did by a wile get into his hands, one Matoonas, an old malicious Villain, who was the first that did any mischief within the Massachusets Colony July. 14. 1675. baring an old grudge against them as is thought, for justice that was done upon one of his Sons, 1671. whose Head ever since stands upon a Pole near the Gibbet where he was hanged up: the bringing in of this malicious Caiti••e, was an hopeful presage, that it would not be long before Philip himself, the grand Villain, would in like manner receive a just reward of his Wickedness and Murders.

Sagamore Iohn, that came in Iuly 27. affirmed, that he had never in|tended any mischief to the English at Brookefield the last year (near which Village it seems his place was) but that Philip coming over-night amongst them, he was forced, for fear of his own life, to joyn with them against the English. Matoonas also when he was brought before the Council, and asked what he had to say for himself, confessed that he had rightly deserved Death, and could expect no other, adding withal, that if he had followed their Counsel, he had not come to this; for he had often seemed to favour the Praying Indians, and the Christian Religion, but like Simon Magus, by his after practise, discovered quickly, that he had no part nor portion in that matter.

About this time several parties of English, within Plimouth Jurisdi|ction, were willing to have a hand in so good a matter, as catching of Philip would be, who perceiving that he was now going down the wind, were willing to hasten his fall. Amongst others a small party, Iuly 31. went out of Bridge-water upon discovery, and by providence were di|rected to fall upon a Company of Indians where Philip was, they came up with them, and killed some of his special Friends, Philip himself was next to his Uncle, that was shot down, and had the Souldier that had his choice which to shoot at, known which had been the right Bird, he might as well have taken him as his Uncle; but tis said that he had new|ly cut off his Hair, that he might not be known: the party that did this exploit were ••ew in number, and therefore not being able to keep alto|g••••her close in the reer, that cunning Fox escaped away through the Bushes und••••••erned in the reer of the English: that which was most remarkable in this design, was that trembling fear discerned to be upon the Indians at this time, insomuch that one of them having a Gun in his

hand well laden, yet was not able to shoot it off, but suffered an English Souldier to come close up to his breast, and so shot him down, the other not being able to make any resistance: nor was any of the English hurt at this time.

The like terror was seen in others at that time, for within two days after, Capt. Church, the terror of the Indians in Plimouth Colony, mar|ching in pursuit of Philip, with but thirty English men, and twenty re|conciled Indians, took twenty three of the Enemy, and the next day fol|lowing them by their Tracks, fell upon their Head quarters, and killed and took about an hundred and thirty of them, but with the loss of one English man: in this engagement God did appear in a more then ordi|nary manner to fight for the English, for the Indians by their number, and other advantages of the place, were so conveniently provided, that they might have made the first shot at the English, and done them much damage; but one of their own Country-men in Capt. Churches Com|pany, e••pying them, called aloud unto them in their own Language, telling them, that if they shot a Gun, they were all dead men; with which they were so amazed, that they durst not once offer to fire at the English, which made the victory the more remarkable: Philip made a very nar|row escape at that time, being forced to leave his Treasures, his beloved Wife and only Son, to the mercy of the English, Skin for Skin▪ all that a man hath will he give for his life: His ruine being thus gradually carried on, his misery was not prevented but augmented thereby; b••ing him|self made acquainted with the sence and experimental feeling of the Cap|tivity of his Children, loss of Friends, ••••aughter of his Subjects, be|reavement of all Family Relations, and being stript of all outward Comfor••s before his own life should be taken away. Such Sentence sometime passed upon Cain, made him cry out, that his punishment was greater then he could bare.

This bloody wretch hath one week or two more to live, an object of pitty, bu••••a spectacle of divine vengeance, his own Followers beginning now to plot against his life, to make the better tearms for their own; as they did also seek to betray Squaw Sachem of Pocasset, Philips near Kins-woman and Confederate. For,

August 6. An Indian willing to shift for himself fled to Taunton, of|fering to lead any of the English that would follow him, to a party of Indians, which they might easily apprehend, which twenty attempted, and accordingly seized the whole Company, to the number of twenty six all but that Squaw Sachem her self, who intending to make an escape from the danger, attempted to get over a River, or arm of the Sea near

by, upon a Raft or some pieces of broken wood; but whether tired and spent with swimming, or starved with cold and hunger, she was found stark ••aked in Metapoiset, not far from the water-side, which made some think, that she was first half drowned, and so ended her wretched life, just in that place where the year before she had helped Philip to make his escape: her head being cut off and set upon a Pole in Taunton, was known by som•• Indians then Prisoners, which set them into an hor|rid Lamentation; but such was the righteous hand of God, in bringing at the last that mischief upon themselves, which they had without cause thus long acted against others.

Philip, like a Salvage and wild Beast, having been hunted by the En|glish Forces through the Woods, above an hundred miles backward and forward, at last was driven to his own Den, upon Mount-hope, where re|tiring himself, with a few of his best Friends into a Swamp, which pro|ved but a Prison to keep him fast, till the Messengers of death, came by Divine permission to execute vengeance upon him, which was thus ac|complished.

Such had been his inveterate malice and wickedness against the english that despairing of mercy from them, he could not bear that any thing should be suggested to him about a Peace, insomuch as he caused one of his Confederates to be killed, for propounding an expedient of peace; which so provoked some of his Company, not altogether so desperate as himself, that one of them (being near of kin to him that was killed) fled to Road-I••land, whither, that active Champion Capt. Church was newly retired, to recruit his men for a little time, being much tired with hard marches all that week) informing them that Philip was fled to a Swamp in Mount-hope, whether he would undertake to lead them tha•• would pursue him. This was welcome news, and the best Cordial, for such Mar••ial Spirits: whereupon he immediately, with a small Company of men, part English and part Indians, began another March, which shall prove fatal to Philip, and end that controversie betwixt the english and him: for coming very early to the side of the Swamp, his Souldiers began presently to surround it, and whether the Devil appeared to him in a Dream that night, as he did unot Saul, for•• boding his Tragical end (it matters not) as he intended to make his escape out of the Swamp, he was shot through the Heart by an Indian of his own Nation as is said, that had all this while kept himself in a neutrality until this time, but now had the ea••••ing vote in his power, by which he determined the quarrel that had held so long in suspence; in him is fulfilled what was said in the Prophet, Wo to thee that spoilest, and thou wast not spoiled, and deal••st

treacherously and they dealt not treacherously with thee; when thou shalt cease to spo•••• thou shalt be spoiled, and when thou shalt make an end to deal treache|rously, they shall deal treacherously with thee, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 33: 1.

With Philip at this time fell five of his trustiest Followers, of whom one was said to be the Son of his chief Captain, that had shot the first Gun at the English the year before. This was done August 12. 1676. a remarkable testimony of divine favour to the Colony of Plimouth, who had for their former successes, appointed the 17th day of August fol|lowing, to be kept as a day of solemn Thanksgiving to Almighty God. There having been so strange a turn of providence observed in the late successes obtained in and about Plimouth Colony, it may not be amiss here to enquire into the occasions that did lead thereunto, and also into the progress and continuance thereof, after the slaughter of Philip that grand Rebel.

In the precedent Narration frequent mention hath been made of one Capt. ••hurch, whom God hath made an instrument of signal Victories over the Indians in that Colony, and of great advantage in that respect to th•••• w••ole Jurisdiction. It hapened that the said Capt. Church some time in Iune last, viz. of this present year, 1676. passing over in a Canoo from Pocasset to Road-Island, as he used frequently to do (having had much imployment upon the said Neck of Land, so called) several Indians whom he had known before at Lakenham (a Village on Po••••ss••t si••••) b••ck|ned to him, as if they had a mind to speak with him; he having had so much exper ence as well as others of their Treachery, was not willing to adventure presently to come near them; but when they seemed to ••rge very much, and made many signs to him, and at last laid down their Guns in his sight, be began to think with himself, there might be some|thing in the matter more then ordinary, therefore resolved to go a little nearer to the shore, and then he perceived they had a great minde to speak with him, using much importunity for that end, insomuch as he ventured to go a shore amongst them, having but one English-man, and two Indians with him, he directed them to keep off the Canoo, while he discoursed with the Indians ashore: as soon as ever he came amongst them; they told him they were weary of fighting, and that they had fought so long by Philips instigation, but they could not tell for what end, and therefore were resolved they would fight no longer; and that which they desired of him only was, that he would make way for them to the Governour, that they might live quietly amongst the English, as they had done before, and that they would deliver up their Arms, or would go out with them, if he pleased to accept of them, and fight for him:

to that end they desired a time to parly with him, further about that business, at what time and place he would appoint: He told them he would meet them two dayes after at Saconet, a place up higher upon the said neck, about twelve a clock; accordingly he came to the said place, and found the same Indians, with some others, and their Sunke Squaw, or chief woman of that Indian Plantation, there ready to meet him.

After they had fallen into discourse about the beginning of the warr, as well as the success and mischief of it, they would have put the blame off from themselves, and laid it upon the English: But he presently convinced them by an undeniable evidence, that they first began the warr; For said he upon this Pocasset, Iuly, 7. 1675. you first fought with some of Road-Island, whereof one was my own Servant, whose leg you brake, and the same day you shot at my self and Company, before ever we meddled with you: They were so fully convinced herewith, that they found nothing to reply, but fell into other discourse about a peace, which they seemed very desirous to obtain upon any equal tearms, as was said before.

There were about fifteen of the Indians present, beside their Sunke Squaw (which is with us their Governess or Lady) in conclusion they engaged for ever after to leave Philip, and to goe out with him; which they did forthwith, as soon as he had obtained a peace for them with the Governour.

It is here to be minded, that these were not properly Philips Indians, but belonged to the Sakonet Squaw, who was nearly related to Philip, and her Subjects had hitherto fought in Philips Quarrell, till they saw nothing but misery and mischief like to be the issue of it to themselves, as well as their neighbours. About twenty or thirty of these Sakonet Indians have constantly gone out with Capt. Church ever since, and not only been faithfull and serviceable to him, but very successfull in every enterprise they have gone about, nor hath he lost any of them in any skirmish with the other-Indians: And it is said that this act of these Indians broke Philips heart, as soon as ever he understood it, so as he never joyed after, or had any success in any of his designs, but lost his men one time after another, till himself at last fell into the hands of these Indians under Capt. Churches Command: For at the swamp when Philip was ••••ain, Capt. Church appointed an Eng••ish man and an Indian to stand at such a place of the swampe, where it hapned that Philip was breaking away; the morning being wet and rainy, the English mans gun would not fire, the Indian having an old Musket with a large touch-hole,

it took fire the more readily, with which Philip was dispatched, the bul|let passing directly through his heart, where Ioab thrust his darts into rebellious Absalom.

Thus did divine vengeance retalliate upon this notorious Traitor, that had against his league and Covenant, risen up against the Government of Plimouth, to raise up against him one of his own people, or one that was in league with him, as he was with the English: The Indian that did this execution was called Alderman of Sako••e•• that had never done any act of hostility against the English.

By these passages it is manifest, that as the hearts of all are in the hand of God▪ so he ••urns them as he pleases, either to favour his people, or to hate and deal subtilly with his Servants, as seems good to him.

Since this engagement with the Sakonet Indians, to leave Philip, and to goe out with Capt. Church, it is credibly affirmed; that such hath been their success, that since Iune aforesaid, to the end of October next follow|ing, there have been seven hundred Indians subdued, either by killing or taking Captive, by the meanes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Capt. Church and his Company, part Indians and part English▪ besides three hundred that have come in vo|luntarily to submit themselves to the Government of Plimouth.

It appears thus by the sequell of things, that after the Lord hath ac|complished his work upon his people, that he is beginning to call his e|nemyes to an account, and punish them for the pride of their hearts, and for all their treachery and cruelty against his Servants.

Philips Captains have run the same fa•••• with himself, some before and some after his own Fall.

In Iune last one Tia••••q a great Captain of his, his wife and child, or children being taken, though he escaped himself at first, yet came since and surrendred himself.

The next noted Captain of Philips Indians that was brought in after Philip•• death, was one called Tespiquin, a notorious Villain, next to Philip, he was called the black Sachems son: It was this Tespiquin that burnt so many houses in Plimouth lately. Capt. Church with his Com|pany were in pursuit of him in September last, two dayes before they could get near him, at the last on the third day, they found the track made by the said Tespiquins party, as they went to fetch apples from the English Orchards: This was something a blind track, therefore they were forced to take up their quarters that night without discove|ring any place of their Rendezvouze. The next morning about nine of the ••lock, they came to their first Rendezvouze, from which they were newly gone: at one a clock they came to the second, and missing

them there, they soon after came to the third track, wherein after they had m••••ched a while, they perceived they grew very near them, by the ••rying of a child which they heard: the place was near Lakenham upon Po••asset neck, so full of bushes that a man could not see a rod before him: Capt. Church ordered his men to march up together in one ranke, because he discovered the Indians were laid in one Range by se|veral fires; so that by that time they all came up into an even ranke pretty near together, within a few yards of them, as he had appointed, they all suddenly rushed altogether in upon them, and catched hold of them, not suffering any to escape; there being about fifty of them in all: Tespequins wife and children were there, but himself was absent; as also one Iacob, and a girle that belonged to that company. The Captains leisure would not serve him to wait till they came in, (though the Indi|ans said they might come that night) whe••efore he thought upon this project; to leave two old Squawes upon the place, with victuals, and bid them tell Tespiquin, that he should be his Captain over his Indians if he were found so ••••out a man, as they reported him to be; for the Indians had said that Tespiquin could not be pierced by a bullet, for said they, he was shot twice, but the bullets glanced by him and could not hurt him. Thus the Captain marched away with his booty, leaving this Trap be|hind him to take the rest▪ the next morning he came to see what his Trap had catch'd, there he found Iacob aforesaid (a notorious wretch) and the gi••••e he missed before, but not Tespiquin: But within a day or two after, the said Tespiquin, upon the hopes of being made a Captain under Capt. Church, came after some of the Company, and submitted himself in the Captains absence; and was sent to Plimouth, but upon tri|al (which was the condition on which his being promised a Captains place under Capt. Church did depend) he was found penetrable by the English gunns, for he fell down at the first shot, and thereby received the just reward of his former wickedness.

About a Fortnight after the surprising of Tespiquin, was one Totoso•••• company taken, wherein were above fifty persons: but Totoson himself escaped, and is out still in Rebellion, unless vengeance hath overtaken him since.

The next that was seized after the former, was one called Annawan; a very subtle, politick Fellow, and one of Philips chief Counsellors; he had about twelve men, and as many Women and Children in his Com|pany, who were discovered by their shooting at the English Horses, and other Cattle; some of whom being taken, they made known the rest. Capt. Church 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that time had but five English men, and twenty Indians.

The place where this Annawan had betaken himself, was a ledge of Rocks inaccessible, but at one place, which by a few hands, might easily have been defended against a great number of Assailants: but Capt. Church by direction got up to their Wigwams before they were aware: and pleasantly told Annawan, that he came to sup with him that night; whereat the said Annawan (who had fallen 〈◊〉〈◊〉 upon the Earth, exp••ct|ing to have his head cut off) looked up and cried Taubut, in their Lan|guage; thank you, as one being much affected with the generosity of our English Captain; they found some of the English Beef boyling in their ••ettles: After Supper much discourse had with the said Annawan, they lay down to sleep together in the Wigwam: Capt. Church laying one of his legs upon A••••••wans Son, and the other upon himself, that he might have notice, if any of them offered to stir: after midnight Anna|wan rose up, and Capt. Church was presently awake, and intended to watch after his Prisoner: he thought at the first he might have gone forth upon some necessary occasion; but not long after, he returned again, having fetched out of a Swamp hard by, two Horns of Powder and a large Belt of Peag, supposed to be Philips Belt, all which he delive|red to Capt. Church, in way of thankful acknowledgement of his cour|tesie. Amongst other Discourse that passed between them, concerning 〈◊〉〈◊〉 occasion of the War, and carrying of it on: the Indian would fain have excused Philip, and layd the blame upon the Praying Indians (as they are distinguished from others by that Character) and others of the younger sort of his Followers, who coming with their several ••ales (which he li••ened to sticks laid on a heap) till by the multitude of them a great fire came to be kindled: they make much use of parabolical expressions; for so said Solo••on, Where no wood is, there the fire go••th out; s•• where there is no tale-••earer, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 strife ceaseth, Prov. 26. 20. But Philip had had large and long experi••••••e of the gentleness and kindness of the ••nglish; both to himself and to his P••••ple so as unless he had born an 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and malicious mind against the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, he would never have ••••ear|kened to those stories, contrary to his ••aithful promise and Allegiance.

The said Annawan confessed also, that he did believe by all those late occurrents, that there was a great God, that over-ruled all; and that he had found, that whatever he had done to any of those, whether Indi|ans or English, the same was brought upon himself in after time. He confessed also, that he had put to death several of the English, that they had taken alive, ten in one day: and could not deny, but that some of them had been tortured: and now 〈◊〉〈◊〉 could not but see the justice of the great God upon himself, with many other things of like nature.

But whatever his confessions of this nature were, being 〈…〉〈…〉 him by the power of Conscience, after he was delivered up to Authority, he was put to death, as he justly had deserved.

It is said that Philip when he first began his Rebellion, had about three hundred fighting men under him, besides those that belonged to his Kins-woman, Wetamoe, drowned about Taunton, that had almost as ma|ny under her, as himself. And one Quenopin, a Narrhaganset Sachem, that lived near him, and joyned with him in his quarrel with the English: But it is certain that there are scarce any that are now left that belonged to either of them: so as although the Almighty hath made use of them to be a scourge to his People, he hath now turned his hand against them, to their utter destruction, and exti••pation from off the face of the earth, peradventure to make room for others of his People to come in their room, and in their stead.

As for the rest of the Narrhagansets, that joyned in Philips quarrel, it is already declared, what end they were come unto. As for the rest of the Indians, whither Nipnet, Nashaway, Pacomp••uck, or Hadly and Springfield Indians; it is not so certain what is become of them: But after their separation one from the other about Iuly last; it was obser|ved by all the Tracks in those Woods, they went still westward▪ and a|bout the middle of August last, a great party of them were observed to pass by West field, a small Town to the west of Springfield, and were judged to be about two hundred▪ News thereof being brought to Ma|jor Talcot, he with the Souldiers of Connecticut Colony under his com|mand, both English and Indians, pursued after them as far as Ausotun|noog River (in the middle way betwixt West field, and the Dutch River, and Fort Albany) where he overtook them, and fought with them; kil|ling and taking Prisoners forty five, whereof twenty five were fighting men, without the loss of any one of his Company besides a Moheg in Indian: many of the rest were sorely wounded, as appeared by the dab|bling of the Bushes with blood, as was observed by them that followed them a little further.

It is wri••ten since from Albany, that there were sundry lost besides the forty five forementioned, to the number of threescore in all; and also that an hundred and twenty of them are since dead of sickness: so as Vengeance seems to be pursuing of them as well as the rest.

Several of the••r Friends that belonged to Nashaway, and the places a••joyning, repaired to Pas••ataqua, hoping to shrowd themselves under the Wings of some honester Indians about Quechecho, under pretence

of a Dec••••tation set out by the Governour and Council of the Massa|••••••sets in the beginning of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 last: but some of our Forces, under Capt. Hath••rne and Capt. Sill, with the help of Major Walden, Captain Frost, and others r••siding in those parts, being than in a readiness, sepa|rated the vile, and wicked from the rest, and sent them down to the Go|vernour at Boston, where eight or nine of the Ring-leaders, such as one eyed Iohn, Sagamore Sam of Nashaway, chief Actors of the late out|rages, and bloudy mischiefs had justice done upon them soon after.

As for the Massacres and Calamities that befel the English further Eastward, they shall in the second part of this Narrative be declared.

The Indians being thus dispersed several wayes, were strangly con|founded, and destroyed one parcel after another▪ untill there was none left in the western or southern parts, that durst make any opposition all the following part of the year.

As for those that ••••ed westward toward Albany, we shall there leave them for the present, wishing we may never hear more of them: Only a person of Quality informeth, that at Hartford, in September last, he was present at the examination of one Choos, an Indian, formerly of Connecticut, but one of the Narrhaganset Fort the last winter, who con|fessed that he was one of that Company of Indians that went westward the moneth befor•• toward Hudsons River; but after the fight at Ausotun|noog, he said he returned back to Connecticut for fear of the Mohawks; and that he lay hid about Farmington, till he was almost starved; and then he went to the Sea-side, to make use of the Oister-bank at Strat|ford for his relief, where he was espyed by the Indians, and so brought to Hartford.

He affirmed, that there were above two hundred and fifty fighting men amongst those Indians that fled westward, besides women and chil|dren; and that near two hundred of them passed the great River below Albany, and were shel••••red by the Indians of that place, called Mohe|ganders; but about eighty of them tarried on the hither side of that River near a Dutch village. But he being convicted of fighting against the English, was condemned to dye, and executed about the same time.

Some few of the rest were skulking about the Narrhaganset Country the last Fall, hoping to shelter themselves under Un•••••• but he not wil|ling to give them countenance against the mind of his friends at Conne|cticut, hath since abandoned them to shift for themselves, who have been most of them taken and brought in prisoners to the English this winter.

About the Moneth of October last, Mr. Stanton chanced to come from Se••conke with three Indians in his company P••qnods, or Mohegins, they

hearing by a Captive at one of the next towns that there was a parcel of the enemy not for off, presently left Mr. Stanton, and pursued after them, whom they soon after overtook, and made them all prisoners: amongst them was an old man, not able to goe their pace, but promising to come after them, they spared his life: but as soon as the men re|torned at night from hunting, the old man told them what had befalne their women and children; whereupon the next morning they presently following after them, overtook them, and so recovered the prisoners, and ••lew one of the three that carried them away; the other two hardly escaped; one of them is called Major Symon, being part a Peqnod and part a Narrhagansc••, but of extraordinary strength and courage; he perceiving the danger they were in, challenged to fight hand to hand with any five of them with their hatches; but they unwilling to hang their success upon the hazzard of a single Combate, came all towards him at once, whereupon first discharging his gun amongst the whole Company, he brake through them all by force, and so escaped their hands, with one more that was one of his companions. This Symon hath since been very active in killing and taking many of the enemy; some say that he with his own hands hath taken and killed above threescore; and either out of hatred to the enemy, or love to the English, is this last week gone with the Souldiers to the eastward, in pursuit of our quar|rel against them in those parts.

At another time not long before, when he was out against the enemy; he came suddenly upon a great number of them, as they were spread under a steep banke, from whence leaping down into the midest of them he killed diverse, and took others: Fighting it seems is a recreation to him, for he is seldome at home above four or five dayes together.

Some say that in one of his former expeditions, being much wearied and spent, he laid him down to sleep; but towards morning he fell into a dream, wherein he apprehended the Indians were upon him, where suddenly rising up he espyed the Indians coming toward him; but pre|sently presenting his gunns against them, he so frighted them, that they gave him an opportunity to make an escape from a multitude of them.

Since the beginning of December last, News coming down to Boston, that mischief was done about Seaconk, and Rehoboth, by some remain|der of the Indians thereabout, killing their swine and horses; several of Medfield went out after them, and pursuing them by their track, came upon a small party, of whom they took three, one of which escaped, while some of the company were going after the rest: They which were taken confessed there were a parcell about threescore, that were lurking

up and down in those Woods, the said two Indians were brought into Boston, Jan. 8.

A Commiss••on was formerly granted to Peter Ephrai•• an Indian of Natick, to go out in pursuit of them, with twenty nine of his Compa|ny: a few of the English went with them from Medfield, who being tired with marching in the Snow soon returned. The Indians kept on in their design, and ••ghted upon a considerable party of the Enemy, ha|ving traced them, till they found where they lodged over night; they surrounded them early in the morning, as their manner is, and then offered them quarter, if they would yield: eight resolute fellows refused, who were presently shot down, the rest were all seiz••d, the whole being in number forty two. This was done abont the middle of Ianuary 〈◊〉〈◊〉, since which time, several such exploits have been done by them.

Ian. 23. last, The same Company of Natick Indians took two and twenty of the Enemy, among which were five able men, and five Arms: they sent the Prisoners home by five of their Company, the rest went further in the chase.

Ian. 26. last, Another parcel of the Enemy were brought in, eight in number, of whom five were men; amongst whom was the Indian called Cornelius: who three years since was indicted for killing an English|mans Cow; upon which he is said to have uttered several threatning speeches, that he would kill English men, and their Cows too; which was now remembred against him, when he was in particular called to account, for having an hand in killing some of the English and Indians also in league with us, for which he was sentenced to dy, and was accor|dingly executed on Febr. 15. last.

Concerning the rest of the Indians, either in the Colony of Plimouth, Connecticut, or the Massachusets; there is no occurrent more of mo|ment come to light, since the end of August last, save what is last men|tioned before; yet is it very remarkable that although tearms of peace were offered to all that would come in and surrender themselves (as appears by a Declaration put out Iuly last) and that a Nipnet Sachem called Iohn, did thereupon with a considerable number of his Company come in, and offer themselves, and were accordingly secured of their lives, and other concernments; yet did that treacherous Varlot make an escape away, this winter from Capt. Prentices House (under whose charge he was put, about Cambridge Village) and with above twenty more fled away into the Woods, to shift for himself, amongst the rest of his bloody Companions; they were presently pursued, but had gone

tho fast and too far to be overtaken: whither it were consciousness of their own guilt, that having had an hand in the bloud of the English, they feared vengeance hung over their heads: or whither they liked not the English manners so well, as to be confined thereunto: wild creatures ordinarily love the liberty of the woods, better than the re|straint of a cage. They made none acquainted with their designe be|fore they went away; and as yet little account can be given of them: on|ly it is known that one or two of their number have since been killed; ••nd that one or two of their Families are entertained by Uncas; but what is become of the rest is yet uncertain: There were but seven of the Company men; so as they are not capable to do much mischief. Some of late have travailed through the woods of Connecticut, but met with no Indians, nor did they hear of any in their passing be|tween that place and this.

And because in the present Narrative, there hath been frequent men|tion made of Unc•••• the Mohegin Sachem, and of his faithfulness to the interest of the English, I adde in this pl••ce, that it is suspected by them that knew him best, that in his heart he is no better affected to the En|gl••sh; or their Religion, then the rest of his Country-men; and that it b••••n been his own advantage, that hath led him to be thus true to them who have upheld him, as formerly against the Pequods, so of late against the Narrhagansets: yet hath he not long since been convinced of the truth of our Religion, and vanity of his own, as himself hath solemnly confe••sed, which will ••viden••ly appear by this following passage, which I shall here represent just as it was, from under the hand of that Reve|rend person it relates unto, viz. Mr. Fitch, Pastor of the Church at Norwich, near unto which Vncas his place is.

There was a great drought the last Summer, but as it seems, it was more extream in those parts then with us about the Massachusets; and although probably, the English might have prayed for rain themselves without any motion from the Indians, yet their address to the said Mr. Fitch on such an account, with the consequences thereof, is very re|markable, which take in his own words,

Concerning the Drought &c. the true Narrative of that Provi|dence is this,

In August last, such was the want of rain, that the Indian corn was not only dryed and parched up, but the apple-trees withered, the fruit and leaves fell off as in Autumn, and some trees seemed to be d••ad with that D••ought: the Indians came into town and did lament their want of rain, and that their Powawes could got none in their way of worship

desiring me that I would seek to God for rain: I appointed a Fast day for that purpose. The day being come, it proved a cleer day without any clouds, untill nigh sun setting, when we came from the Meeting, and then some Clouds arose; the next day remained cloudy, then Vncas with many Indians came to my house, Vncas lamented there was such want of Rain; I asked whether if God should send us rain, he would not attribute it to their Powawes: He answered no, for they had done their uttermost and all in vain: I replyed, if you will declare it before all these Indians, you shall see what God will doe for us; For although this year he hath shewn his anger against the English, and not only a|gai••st the Indians, yet he hath begun to save us, and I have found by experience twice in the like case, when we sought him by Fasting and Prayer, he hath given us Rain, and never denyed us. Then Vncas made a great speech to the Indians (which were many) confessing that if God should then send rain it could not be ascribed to their powaw|ing, but must be acknowledged to be an answer of our prayers. This day the clouds spread more and more, and the next day there was such plenty of rain, that our River rose more then two foot in height.

By all that is recorded in the Narrative foregoing there are none into whose hands it shall come, but will be sensible that the present time hath been a day of great rebuke & trouble to the poor people so journing in this wilderness, upon whom sundry calamities have broke in at once this last as well as in the former years: in many places they have been visited with sickness, and mortality more then in many years before, depriving them of many worthy and usefull persons; amongst others the loss of Mr. Iohn Winthrope the late worthy Governour of the Colony of Con|necticut, is as it ought, much lamented by all, who dyed at Boston, April 5. 1676. in the 73. year of his age, whither he was occasionally called the last winter to sit with the rest of the Commissioners, of the united Colonyes, to consult about the great affairs of them, now newly enga|ged in these troubles from the Heathen. He was the eldest son of the famous Governour of the Massachusets, deceased, March, 26, 1649. Pr••les fimilima Parenti. The memory of the Father, though he dyed so long ago yet lives still in the minds of the surviving Generation, and is like to continue much longer, by the remembrance of the eminent vir|tues found in this the eldest of his off-spring, who being not long after, or about that time called to take up his residence in that Colony, was by the importunity of the people there, prevailed with to accept of the Governours place, which for a long time after, he held over that Colony

though annually chosen thereunto; being so well furnished with many excellent endowments, as well moral as political and philosophical, which rendred him most fit to be an healer of that people. Though we are dealing in another subject, yet shall not pass by his Tomb, as we goe a|long, without paying the homage due to the memory of so honourable a Gentleman.

After all the forementioned Calamityes and troubles, it pleased God to alarme the town of Boston, and in them the whole Country, by a sad Fire, accidentally kindled by the carelesness of an Apprentice, that sate up too late overnight, as was conceived; which began an hour before day, continuing three or four, in which time it burned down to the ground forty six dwelling houses, besides other Buildings, together with a Meeting house of considerable bigness: some mercy was observed mixt with the judgment; for if a great rain had not continued all the time (the roofs and walls of their ordinary buildings consisting of such combustible matter) that whole end of the town had at that time been consumed.

Whereby we see that God by his providence can turn our dwellings into ash••s, without the help of either forreign or domestick enemies. Which consideration may awaken all from security, and confidence in these uncertain and unstable possessions, that have no firmer Foundati|on, that may so soon after their first erection, be eaten up by the flames of fire, before the iron teeth of time have had leisure to devour and feed upon them.

God grant that by the Fire of all these Iudgments, we may be purged from our Dross, and become a more refined people, as Vessels fitted for our Masters use.