A narrative of the troubles with the Indians in New-England, from the first planting thereof in the year 1607. to this present year 1677. But chiefly of the late troubles in the two last years, 1675. and 1676. : To which is added a discourse about the warre with the Pequods in the year 1637. / By W. Hubbard, Minister of Ipswich. ; [Twelve lines of quotations] ; Pnblished [sic] by authority.

A NARRATIVE OF THE TROUBLES With the Indians in NEW-ENGLAND, From Pascataqua to Pemmaquid.

_THe Occasion, Rise and Progress of the Warr with the Indi|ans in the Southern and Western parts of New-England, to|gether with the Issue, and Success thereof, hath in the for|mer part of this Narrative, been already declared. Be|fore an Entrance be made into a Relation of those Troubles that befell the Eastern and Northern parts of the said Country from the Indians in|habiting those parts; it will be requisite to give some general De|scription of the place, as being less frequented, and so more unknown then the other, like Heraulds that use to Blazon the Field before they meddle with the Charge, as an Historian once said, That so the Reader may not miss the Truth in Story, by being unacquainted with the places whereon the discourse proceedeth; Briefly therefore, that more cost and pains be not spent in the surveying a barren, and Rocky Country, then will quit cost; The List or Border here being known to be more worth then the whole Cloth; That whole Tract of Land, being of little worth, unless it were for the Borders thereof upon the Sea-Coast, and some Spots and Skirts of more desireable Land upon the Banks of some Rivers how much soever it be valued by them that know nothing thereof, but by the uncertain and fallible Reports of such as have only

Sayled by the Country, or viewed some of the Rivers and Havens, but never passed through the heart of the Continent. The whole being scarce worth half those mens lives, that have been lost these two last years, in hope to save it.

This North part of New-England, did first like Z••rah put forth its hand, thereby inviting the Adventurers to twist the Scariet Thred of their hopes about the same, by that Auspicious beginning they were rea|dy to promise themselves great prosperity in having that Advantage before others, to plant and people that part of the Country.

But that fair opportunity was almost quite lost, by some Fatal, and mischievous Accidents, happening soon after that noble Enterprize was first set a foot, as hath been already in part, and may hereafter more fully be declared.

The first place that ever was possessed by the English, in hope of making a Plantation in those parts was a Tract of Land, on the West|side of the River of Kennibeck, then called Sag at a wocke, since Saga-de-hocke: other places adjoyning were soon after seized, and improved for Trading and fishing. The more remote, & furthest Northward at this time belonging to the English (Penobsot forty years since being surpri|zed by the French, and by them held to this day) is called Pemmaquid, distant seven or eight Leagnes from Kennibeck, and is the utmost Boun|dary of New-England, being about forty Leagues distant from the mouth of Pascataqua River. That Pemmaquid is a very Commodious Haven for Ships, and hath been found very Advantagious to such as use to come upon these Coasts to make fishing Voyages; South West, or South East, from whence about six or seven Leagues lies an Island cal|led Monhiggon, of much use on the same account for fishing, it lying three or four Leagues into the Sea from Damarils Cove, (a place of like Advantage for the Stages of Fishermen in former times) There have been for a long time seven or eight considerable dwellings about Pemmaquid, which is well accommodased with Pasture Land about the Haven for feeding Cattle, and some Fields also for Tillage; All the Land improvable for such uses being already taken up, by such a number of Inhabitants as is already mentioned.

In the mouth of the River of Kennibeck lies a considerable Island cal|ced Aronick, some years since purchased by Major Clarke and Capt. Lake two Merchancs of Boston; on which they built several large dwel|lings with a Ware-house, and many other Edifices near the water side, It being intended by the Owners for a place of Trading, as well as

Planti••g; there being many of late seated there, fit to c••rry on each designe, where also was built a fort, which if it had been carefuliy defend|ed, might have proved the defence, and Security of all that side of the Country, as it used to be their Magazine, up higher beyond the River of Kennibeck, four Leagues Eastward toward Pemmaquid, in another con|siderable River called Ships-Coat, upon the Banks of which were many scattered Planters, who lately flying from their dwellings for fear of the Indians, left as was judged, a thousand head of neat Cattle for the use of the Indians, that made the late Insurrection against the Inhabi|tants of those parts, besides their Fields and Barns full of Corn

There is another River that issues into Kennibeck, a little higher up into the Country called Pegypscot, that comes down from behind Cas|co Bay. This Pegypicot is the seat of the Amoscogging Indians, who have had a great, if not the principal hand in the late mischiefs.

Some few Leagues to the South of Kennibeck lies that famous and spacious Haven called Casco Bay, the North East Cape of which is made by an Island called Saguin; The Southern or opposite point of Land is called Cape Elizabeth, which is in the Bosome of this Bay, be|ing about eight or nine Leagues over at the mouth of it, and aboundance of small Islands, many of them being inhabited by Fishermen, and others; one of the principal of that sort, is called Iewels Island. There are many places about the Bay fit to make commodious habitations; and on the South side of it is a small Village called Falmouth; All, or most of it, lately destroyed by the Indians.

Not far from Casco to the Southward, or South-west, still is a River called Spurnuik, over against which lies Richmond Island, not far from the main Land, being divided therefrom by a small Channel soordable at Low water, It hath for a long time been the Seat of Mr. Iordan, in right of Mr. Winter, the former, if not the first promoter thereof whose daughter he married.

The next Plantation Southward is called Scarborough, a small Village seated upon black point, over against which is another point, for distin|ction from the former called blue point: This black point was lately the Seat of M. Iosselin, being a parcel of the Province of maine, or falling within the Prec••ncts thereof, and was formerly by Patent granted to the said Iosselin or his Predecessors, since purchased by Mr. Scotto of Boston.

Saco River lies next in order to Pascataqua, a Navigable River; where Major Philips had a commodious Scituation ately; at the mouth of which River lies winter Harbour, encompassed on one side

by a Neck of Land, formerly the Propriety of one Mr. Winter whose Name it still retains, but lately purchased by Major Pendleton, where he enjoyed a very comfortable Seat and habitation.

There is another Harbour lying a little Southward of Saco made by that which is called Cape Porpuise; a convenient Sear for Fishermen, as are most of the other places above named. Between Cape Porpuise & Pascata|qua there are but two small Towns more, (though ambitious of great Names the one called Wells, the other Yorke, Wells is seated upon a small River or Creek affording a small Harbour fit only for Barkes & smaller V••s|sels; on each side of which Town lies a small River, the first called Kenni|hank, the second Maguncuck the other Town is called York, for|merly known by the Name of Agamenticus, from an high Hill of that Name not far off therefrom. The point of Land which lies between the said Fowns, is called Cape Nidduck, making a small Harbour likewise, into which issues another pretty River, on the Banks of which is Sc••tuate the Town of Yorke. All or most of the forementioned Towns and Plan|••ations are seated upon and neer, some River greater or lesser, whose streams are principally improved for driving of Saw-Mill••; Those late Inventions, so useful for destruction of Wood and Timber, specially of Firre Tr••es, which do so abound in those Coasts; that there is scarce a River or Creeke in those parts that hath not some of those Engine•• ••••ected upon them.

The upper Branches of the samous River of Pascataqua, being al|so imployed all of them that way, namely, Sturgeon Creeke, Salmon F••lls, Newechewannick, Quechecho, Oyster River, Swamscot, Green|land, Lamprey-Eele River, together with the Towns of Exete••, and Dover, seated upon, or near some of the main Branches thereof, whose principal Trade is in Deale Boards, cut by those Saw-Mills, since their Rif•• Timber is near all consumed. On each side of that brave Navi|gable River of Pascataqua down towards the mouth of it, are seated on the North side the Town of Kittary (a long scattering Plantation made up of several Hamlets) on the South side the Town of Portsmouth, to which belongs the great Island, lying in the mouth of the said River, a place of considerable Trade, these late years, the which together with Strawberry Bank the upper part of the said Town of Portsmouth, are the Magazine, and chief, or only place of Commerce & Trade for al the Pantations, betwixt it, and Casco Bay; All the said Plantations have in these last two years, viz. 1675. 1676. felt more or less of the Rage and Cruelty of the Barbarous and perfidious Indians belonging to that side of the Country, As shall more particularly be declared in what

follows, after a short discourse of the first planting that side of the Country which may serve as a kind of Prologue to the following Tra|gedy.

This part of New-England began first to be planted about the same time with Virginia, viz. in the year 1606. There the first Letters Pa|tents granted by the King for the Limitation of Virginia, did extend from 34 to 44 Degrees of North Latitude, and was divided into two parts, namely the first, and the second Colony; The former was appro|priated to the City of London, The other, to the Cities of Bristol, Ex|eter, and Town of Plimouth, each of which had Laws, P••iviledges, and Authority for the Government, and advancing their several Plantati|ons alike, As saith, Capt. Smith in his general History of Virginia, and New-England. This second Colony of New-England promising but little Advantage to the Vndertakers, by reason of its Mountainous and Rocky Scituation, found but few Adventurers forward to pro|mote the planting thereof, after the death of Sir Iohn Popham, who was the first that ever procured men, or meant to possess it; for when the main Pillars are removed, what can be expected but that the whole building should fall to the ground. Yet, notwithstanding the discou|ragements the first Planters met withal in their first Winter seasoning, in that cold and rocky desert (which made them all return home in the year 1608) did Sir Francis Popham his Son, having the Ships and Pro|vision which remained of the Company, and supplying what was ne|cessary for his purpose, send divers times to the Coasts for Trade and Fishing, of whose loss or gain, as saith my Author, himself was best able to give account. And some of the Ships sent by him, and the Earl of Southhampton, with other Noble Adventurers, did bring home some of the Natives of the place in one of the next following years, by whose Informations, some of the first Vndertakers were encouraged once more to try the verity of their hopes, and see if possibly they might finde something that could enduce a fresh Resolution to prosecute so pi|ous and Honourable a work.

But in the mean time before there was yet any Speech, or endeavour to settle any other Plantation in those parts, That about Saga de hock being thus abandoned for the present by the first Vndertakers, The Frenchmen immediately took the opportunity to settle themselves with|in our Limits, which being understood by those of Virginia, they dis|crectly taking into their consideration the inconveniences that might arise by suffering them to harbour there, Sir Samuel Argal was sent with Commission to displace them, which he with great discretion, de••|••erity

and Iudgement performed about the year 1613. The which made way for the Plantation at Nova Scotia, granted afterward•• by King Iames to Sir William Alexander one of his Majesties most Ho|nourable Council of Scotland. The said Argal seized the Forts which the Frenchmen had built at Mount Mansel, St. Croix, and Port Ru|al, and carried away their Ordnance, with other Provisions to the Colo|ny of Virginia, to their great Benefit. The said places were held by the English divers years after, till about the year 1635. by Commission from the Scotch Lord a foresaid, but how his right came afterwards to be alienated to any of the French Nation, doth not concern us with Re|ference to the business in hand, further to enquire.

Things remaining in this posture for the space of near seven years, some of the first Adventurers apprehensive of better hopes of good that might ensne by a fresh Attempt, Resolved to set the designe a foot a second time, to which End several Ships were sent on that account in the year 1615. but with as bad Success as the former; for in the year before, viz. 1614. Capt. Smith desirous to promote the Colony of New-England, as well as that of Verginia came thither with two Ves|sels, and returned back to England in the lesser of them, with intent to be there again that next year, to promote the said Plantation; But after he was gone, one Thomas Hunt master of the Shi••p, he left behind, like a wicked Varlot, to prevent the carrying on the Plantation, that he & a few Merchants might wholly enjoy the benefit of the Trade of the Country, after he had made his Voyage, seized upon four & twenty of the poor Inno|cent Natives, that in confidence of his honesty, had put themselves into his hands, then clapping them under Hatches, carryed them away to Ma|lego, whither he was bound with the fish he had made upon the Coast, for that Market: But this vile act, although it kept him for ever after from any more imployment in those parts, yet that was the least part of the mischief that attended his wicked practice; for upon the Arri|val of the Adventurers Ships the next yeare; Two Natives of the place that had been some years in England, and coming back unto the said Ships, as soon as they understood the iniuty so Treacherously done to their Country-men, they contracted such an hatred against our whole Nation, that although one of the said Natives dyed soon after, yet the other called Epenow, studied how to be Revenged, which he so far found means to Effect, that he frustrated this second Attempt of setling a Plantation in these parts.

Yet did not the Adventurers cast off all hope of carrying on their de|signe, wherein Providence within a few years after so favoured them,

that one or more of the Salvages called Tisquamtum and Samoset, car|ryed away by Hunt, was brought back to New-found Land, from whence he was soon after conveyed by the prudent endeavour of Capt. Mason (then Governour of the Plantation begun upon New-found Land) into the hands of some of the Adventurers by whose means they hoped to work a peace betwixt the said Natives on that Coast where the fire had been kindled before; for the Adventurers imployed Capt. Thomas Darmer, a prudent and industrious Gentleman to settle the affairs of the Plantatjon, now a third time revived again about Ken|nibeck, in the year 1619, or thereabouts. By his prudence and care a lasting peace was made betwixt the Natives of the place, and the English, who were but a little before so abhorred by them, for the wrong formerly received, so as the Plantation began at last to prosper, and continue in good liking, and Assurance of the Friendship of their Neighbours, that had been lately so exasperated against them. This Tisquanium forementioned, was not a little Instrumental, and helpful to the Plantation begun at New-Plimouth about the following year, viz. 1620. in their weak beginnings, there being frequent mention of his Name, as also of one Samoset, a Native of the same place, by the like Providence brought back to Kennibeck, and from thence with Tis|quantum came to the New-planters at Patuxet, or Plimouth, and brought them into acquaintance with Massasoit, the great Sachem about those parts; without whose Friendship that new Plantation would hardly have subsisted long.

This Story premised is the more to be minded in this place, because the Friendship upon the means and occasious aforesaid, confirmed be|twixt the Indians in these Eastern parts, & the English, had continued stedfast and Constant to this year, when it was broken by another Trea|cherous and wicked practice, of a like nature, and parrallel to that of the foresaid Hunt. As may more fully be declared afterwards.

Possibly the like saci••••ction may prove the more probable means to procure a setled peace. But to return, whence this Digression hath been made. Some years were spent to bring things to this Issue: The Adventurers were put to much care and pains before they could get their Patent confirmed, and Renewed again; many Obstructions they met withal from some Interlopers that begen to look into the Trade of this Country, and would irregularly have had a share-therein, or made it common to all Traders, to which End they pe••i••ioned to a Par|liament then called, to bring about their Ends, but at the last it was set|led firmly in the hands of sundry Noble and worthy Patentees, Lords,

Knights, Gentlemen, and Merchants, commonly known by the Name of the Councel of Plimouth, who had the absolute power under the King, for making all Grants, and disposing of all Lands from the 40th. to the 48th. Degrees of North Latitude; All which was accomplished about the year 1621. Some printed Relations that speak of these Transacti|ons, write much of the flourishing state, and hopeful prosperity of this Plantation, published about forty or fifty years since, yet did it never appear by what followed, that any considerable Advantage did ever ac|crue to the first Vndertakers from this their New-Plantation of the Eastern parts, unless by the Trade of Fish, and Furrs, which latter continued not long; As for the former, The chief benefit redounded on|ly to them that managed it by their own particular Stocks, and personal Endeavours: And if without offence it may be spoken, the multitude of Patents soon after granted to several Gentlemen of Brok••n Fortunes, have provided but places of an Honourable Exile or Confinement, whi|ther many deserving persons of better Education then Fortune, were sent to shift for themselves in a Forreign Land, without being further Troublesome to those nearer home, on whom they had their hopes and Dependance; yet it must not be denyed but that some of the Vnderta|kers were at vast Expences, casting their Bread upon these waters, where none of their Friends and Relations have as yet had opportunity to find it. The Reason of which is not hard to give, in Reference to all those Lands and Territories that lye to the Eastward of Pascataqua River. One man Cause hath been the multiplicity of Grants and Patents for the dividing of the said Tract of Land, for beside the strise that hath been occasioned by the Intricacy and indistinctness of their Liberties and Bounds, (enough to have maintained a greater number of Lawyers, then ever were the Inhabitants) If the Grantees had been supplyed with mo|nyes proportionable to their writes and Controversies about their bounds and Ju••isdictions, which sometimes they have been ready to decide with their Swords, witness those fatal Names imposed on such Accounts upon some p••aces belonging to those parts, as Bloody point, Black and Blew point, and every considerable Parcel of Land being by Patent granted to several particular persons, hindred the erecting of Town-ships and Villages, which if it had been otherwise disposed of, might have been full of Towns, and well peopled, and thereby the Inha|bitants had been able to have stood upon their Guard, and defended them|selves against the common Enemy, whereas now they were but like sco|pae dissolutae, or like his Arrows that being bound up in one bundle could not be broken by an ordinary Force, but being loose, were easily snapt

asunder, by any single hand. Another Reason might be, the imploying of such Agenis & Instruments as either wanted Skill or Fidelity to manage what they were betrusted with, which made many of the Adventurers long ago complain, that (in stead of Bills of Exchange & other Returns which they expected) they received nothng but large Inventoryes of the wants of their several Plantations, and the Servants sent over to improve them, which were all the Returns that many of them ever received for the large Summs of mony many disbursed for the carrying on their affairs

A third Reason may be the several Changes of Government the Inhabi|tants have passed under, which have occasioned not only much vexation, & Expences to such as were upon the place; but much discouragement to several others, who by the commodiousness of the Soyle, would willingly have chosen Station in those parts, had they seen any hope of a setled Go|vernment, ever like to have been obtained; which is not hard to demon|strate, by giving a little touch as we pass along, on the several changes of Government, the places forementioned have been moulded into, & the se|veral Proprietours of, have claimed Interest in the Land. In the year 1624. A Patent was granted by the Councel of Pli••outh, the grand Proprietours, to Captain Mason for a large Tract of ••and about Pascataqua, but it not be|ing distinctly bounded, himself, with Sir Ferdinando Gorges obtayned a joynt Patent in the year 1629. for the Land betwixt Saga de-Hock East, & Naum Keag West, but that also interferring with the Bounds ganted be|fore that time to sundry Gentlemen & Merchants that had obtamed a Patent from the South of Charles River to the Northward of Merrimack; Capt. Masons bounds were afterwards by Consent, (as is said) of his Agent or Agents, reduced to some Branches about Pascataqua River (who yet could not agree with those that acted in the Name of Shrewsbury men) but being wholly neglected by the pretended Proprietour or his Successours, (till of late dayes) was by the desire of the Inhabitants yielded up to the Massachusets Government, near twenty years since.

In the year 1630. A Patent was granted by the said Councel of Pli|mouth (signed by the Earl of Warwick, and Sir Ferdinand•• Gorge••i, and sealed with the common Seal of the Councel aforesaid) to Iohn Dy, Thomas Impe, Grace Harding, and Iohn Roach of London, for a large Tract of Land on the South of Saga-de Hock forty mile square by the Sea side, and so up into the Country: Iohn Dy afore said, and his Partners took in another as Partner, and Associate with them, Mr. Richard Dummer of Newbury in New-England, in the year 1638. to whom they delivered the Oreginal Patent, with an order from them and in their Name, to take up the Land deseribed in the Patent, but,

he being denyed opportunity to Effect it, as also a Ship formerly sent by the Patentees for that End, not accomplishing their desire, they not long after sold all their Interest in the said Patent, to one Mr. Rigby a Lancashire Gentleman, who made Mr. Cleaves his Agent to manage the business of his purchased Interest in the said Patent; To whom Mr. Dummer was ordered to deliver the Original Patent, which ac|cordingly he did: what trouble was occasioned soon after between the said Mr. Cleaves and Mr. Vines Agent for Sir Ferdinando Gor|ges, is well known to the Inhabitants of the place, and need not be here mentioned; nor yet how the said Mr. Rigby came afterward to loose his Interest (at least with the Inhabitants) in the Patent.

In the year 1632. Sir Ferdinando Gorges not resting in the joynt Patent obtained for himself, and Capt. Mason, obtained a distinct Pa|tent for himself, and got it confirmed by King Charles the first of blessed and famous memory, for all that large Tract of Land from Saga-de-hock to Pascataqua River, and so about an bundred miles up into the Coun|try, by the Name of the Province of Maine. What benefit and Im|provement was ever made thereof by his Agents, or Successours, is best known to themselves; But for the Inhabitants, who upon one ac|count or another had been induced, either by any prec••dan••ous grant or liberty from himself, or his Agents, to take up any Land within the Bounds of the said Province; They finding much inconvenience and trouble for want of an orderly and setled Government, did at the last petition the general Court of the Massachusets to be taken under their Jurisdiction and Government (reserving the Liberties and Priviledges of their former purchases and Grants, as to Title, poss••ssion and propriety to themselves) which was granted them, though not only, and altoge|ther upon the grounds on which it was desired by the Petitioners. Yet notwithstanding all this, were not things setled either to the comfort or content of the Inhabitants: for sometimes some demanded Right of Jurisdiction over them by virtue of Sir F••rdinando's Pa••ent, sometimes Comm••ssioners imployed by his Highne•••• the Duke of York, attempted to settle a Government amongst the people, sometimes they tryed what might be done by Agreement amongst themselves, but after their Re|turne for England, by one means or other, the Government relapsed again into the hands of the Massachusets, although a Supersedeas there|unto seems to have been put by an order from his Majesty this last year.

By these several Vic ssitudes and changes of Government, the flou|rishing of the said Province hath been much obstructed, which else might have been much advanced, and the Inhabitants been put into a Capacity

to have secured themselves against the late Barbarous Incursions of the Indians; and possibly those Exorbitanci••s that many of the present Proprietours have run into, to the just provocation of the Indians, might thereby have been prevented, and so the mischief also which hath ensu|ed, might thereby have been averted: For a well ordered Govern|ment would never have suffered those things that n••w were connived at, which if they had been timely lookt into bysuch as had absolute or po|sitive and unquestioned power of Rule in their hands, would have been otherwise ordered, the present mischief that is come upon those places, might thereby have been, if not prevented, yet more easily redressed, then now is like to be.

As for the Tract of Land that lies Eastward beyond Kennibeck, be|twixt that and Pemmaquid, it is said to have belonged to one Mr. Ald|worth, and his Successours; who was Alderman of Bristol, and one that had a Patent thereof, and imployed some as his Agents, that did some|times reside upon the place; And was lately setled in some order of Government by his Highness the Duke of Yorks Commissioners, by whom also was an Agreement made betwixt the Sagamores of the In|dians in those parts, and the English, at a Court kept by their Ap|pointment in Kennibeck, which if it had been observed, might in all probability have prevented in great measure the quarrel which is now fallen out betwixt the English and the said Indians: For upon some Jea|lousies of the Rising of those Indians about twelve or thirteen years since, it was agreed, that if any mischief should happen to be done by the English or Indians, one against another, though it were to the kil|ling any person, neither side should right themselves, but complaint should be made to the Sagamores if the Indians did the wrong, and to the Court, if it were done by the English; Both which did promise satis|faction should be made, for the preventing any quarrel: The Names of the Sachems, as likewise of them that were in power at the Court, do stil remain upon publick Record. But matters of Government in those parts being since collapsed; no Authority more then what was meerly voluntary and perswasive being owned. Things are now brought to that miser••ble state, which follows next to be declared.

Ever since the first ••••ling of any English Plantation in those parts about Kennibeck for the space of above fifty years the Indians alwayes carryed it fair, and held good Correspondence with the English, until the News came of Philips Rebellion, and Rising against the Inhabita••••s of Pli••••••th Colony in the End of Iune 1675. After which time, it was apprehended by such as had the Examination of the Indians about Ken|nibeck.

That there was a general surmise amongst them, that they should be required to assist the said Philip, although they would not owne, that they were at all engaged in the Quarrel. The like Jea|lousie did appear in all the Indians that inhabited to the Eastward of Pas|cataqua, which plainly shews that there was a designe of a general Rising of the Indians against the English, all over the Country, (possibly as farr as Virginia, the Indians there making Insurrection the same year,) & that many if not most of them were willing it should succeed, al|though the Elder & wiser of them liked it not, fearing the Issue, as they had cause: But many of the young men about Casco Bay▪ and Amonos|coggan were certainly known to flock thither the last year, and did, sun|dry of them, come short home. Forherein they acted but like Salvages, as those in Virginia did, fifty year before, shewing themselves friendly and Courteous to their new neighbours, till they had an opportunity to do them mischief. So that notwithstanding many of the Inhabitants in the Eastern, as well as in the Western parts of the Country, that were wont to Trade with the Indians, were not willing to believe any such pu••pose a|mongst them, but were ready to think, some of the Ruder sort of the Eng|glish, by their imprudent & irregular acting••, had driven them into this Re|bellion; yet is it too to evident, that the said Indians (who naturally delight in bloody & deceitful actions (did lay hold of any opportunity that might serve for a pretence to be put upon their barbarous practices. The Indians about Wammeset & Pascataqua, that had joyned with their Country men in their rising against the English the last winter, when they were pinched with hunger in the cold Winter following returned back to the English, & desired to make peace, & firmly engaged to continue their wonted Friend|ship; yea, some of them, as if they were really sorry for their murthers, & Cruelty, of their own voluntary motion came with the Prisoners they had taken, & resigned them up to the English; yet when their own Ends were Answered, & another opportunity was offered of doing further mischief of like nature: they presently returned to their former practice, as is well known of Simond & Andrew, that had killed some, & led others Captive in the last spring from Bradford & Haverhill, who came in the End of Iune to Mai•••• Walderns, bringing home English Prisoners with them, yet did the very same Indians within less then two Mo••••••s after j••yn•• with the Amonoscogga•• & Kennibeck Indians, in a commi••••ing the sa•• tragedie that were last acted in those parts; Yet was he & the other his Par••ner ••uffered to escape, for want of suffcient guarding the Prison, where they were put, in order to further Tryal. But sero sapiunt Ph••yges; It is hoped that we shall after some few more Experiences of this nature, learn to be ware of

this subtle Brood, and Generation of Vipers, ever since Enmity was put be|tween the Seed of the woman & the Seed of the Serpent; It hath been the por|tion of her Seed in every Generation, & in every Nation to meet with the sad Effects of that Enmity; Nor can they ever expect to finde better deal|ing from any of the other sort, further then either fear of their power, or hope of benefit by their favour, may induce them to another disposition, as we the Inhabitants of New-England have found by this late, & sad Expe|rience in Reference to these Pagans in the West amongst whom our Lot is cast, they proving, as one says of the M••hometans in the East, like a nest of Hornets, that if any one of them chance to be provoked, they will be all about his Ears that comes near them. But it is now time to begin with the particulars of the Tragedy it self, that the Reader account not the Prologue too long. It was on the 24th. of Iune 1675. when the first mischief was done by the Indians about Mount-Hope, before twenty dayes were over, the fire began to kindle in these the most remote & most Northerly bounds of the said Country, or two hundred & fifty miles distance, & upon this oc|casion; Iuly the 11th. 1675. A Letter was brought to Kennibeck from one Henry Sawyer an Inhabitant of Yorke, signifying the news of the Indians ri|sing about Plimouth, & that a course was taken to disarm the indians along the shore. This rumour did so far awaken the Inhabitants of those parts that the very next day at a general meeting of the English at one Capt. Pattishals bouse, several offered themselves as Voluntiers, to go up the said River of Kennibeck, to make discovery of the Indians Fidelity, or else to fight them, if occasion were. The third day after, marching up the River to Quegeseck, they met with the Inhabitants of Ships Cot River, which is a River lying about twelve or fourteen miles to the North East of Kenni|beck. Divers of the Indians thereabouts, by the peaswasions of one Mr. Walker, that used to trade with them, brought down an incon siderable par•• of their Amunition, as a few Guns, a little Powder & Shot, with a few knives: About seven of the Kennibeck Indians, & five of those called Ammoscog|ging Indians, about Pegypscot, (a river more Southward toward Casco) made this shew of bringing in their Arms Capt. Lake, Capt. Pattishal, with Mr. Wiswal, in whose hands was setled a kind of military power for those parts, were sent for to examine the said Indians further, of whom upon Exami|nation they saw Reason to suspect some, if not all, whereupon they sent Messengers the second time to the Ammoscogging Indians; & also a Letter to Mr. Walker, to send down their Arms and Amunition to them for their greater Security. After Mr. Wiswal was returned home, the five Ammoscogging Indians aforesid brought in their Guns, but with no good intent probably; for an Indian called Sowen, having an Axe in his hand, struck at one Hosea Ma••••er a French man, but was 〈…〉〈…〉

from doing him mischief, however the said Indian was presently bound and put into a Cellar. Some of the English that used to Trade with those Indians were ready to excuse the Indian, saying he was drunke, or that he was a distracted Fellow, but Mr. Wiswall with the other two ex|aminants, lookt upon those as meer Excuses, and altogether groundless, for one of them to this day affirms, that he was as Rational and sensible as any of the rest.

The ancient Indians being asked what they thought was meet to be done in the said Case, said, he was worthy to dye for such an affront, yet they would be glad if his life might be spared, offering to be joyntly bound in his behalf, to pay forty Beaver Skins at the next Fall-Voyage, giv|ing their hands in token of their Fidelity, and also leaving their Arms in the hands of the English as a Pledge of their faithful keeping those Ar|ticles of Peace concluded on betwixt them. If they proved themselves honest men, they were to have their Arms delivered them again, which was accordingly performed the last Iune, 1676. They having in the mean time carried themselves peaceably toward the English. The day after, viz. Iuly 19. 1675. An Indian of great note amongst them, called Robin hood with great Applause of the rest, made a dance, and sung a Song to declare their content in what was transacted. And so they parted, setting the Indians at liberty, that had engaged thus for their friend Sowen, the Indian; but yet to this day one Skin of Beaver was never paid to the English, as was promised; The Indians all this time were well provided for of victuals by Capt. Lake, with other supplies of Rhum and Tobacco, even to the disgusting of some English then present.

But the Indians left as Hostages upon Sowens account, how Civilly soever they were treated, ran all away at the last, trusting more to the Celerity of their own feet, then to the Civility of their English Friends; who after they were escaped, joyned with a parcel of their Fellows soon after about twenty in all, in robbing the house of one Mr. Purchase an antient Planter about Pegypscot River, and a known Trader with the Indians, what ever wrong may be pretended by the said Indians, as done them in their Trading, (of which more may be spoken afterwards) that will no whit excuse their perfidious Treachery, and falshood in break|ing Covenant with the English, dissembling, and seeking all Advantages of Cruelty against their English Neighbours, of which in the following Winter and Summer, 1676. there will be a more full and undenyable discovery. This was done in the beginning of September, 1675. Those Indians that first assaulted Mr. Purchase his house, did no other mischief,

save plundering it of strong Liquor, and Amunition, also killing a Calf or two, with a few Sheep, but no more then what they eat, and spoyling a Feather Led by ripping it open, to turn out the Feathers, con|tenting themselves with the Case, which they might more easily car|ry away. They offered no incivility to the Mistress of the house, (her husband, and her Sons, being at that time from home) yet one of her Sons approaching near the house, and finding it possessed of those new Inhabitants, he rode away with all speed, and yet no faster then there was need; for an Indian followed him with a Gun under his Coat, to have shot at him, if he could by his flattery, and dissembling, have got him within the reach of his Piece.

It is said, that at the first they used fair words, and spake of Trading, but as they went away, told those of the house, that there were others coming after that would deal far worse with them, which within a short time after c••me to pass, for these were but the messengers of Death, which was soon after infl••cted, and that in a most Barbarous manner upon sundry Inhabitants of the Neighbouring Plantations.

The English in those parts being much incensed hereat, Twenty five of them soon after going up Cas••o Bay in a Sloop and two Boats to ga|ther Indian Corn, and to look to what they had upon the said Bay neer Amocoscoggen River; when they came near the houses, they heard a knocking, and a noise about the houses, and presently esp••ed two or three Indians, who did not yet see them: The English being come a good way from their Vessel, endeavoured to get between the Indians, and the woods, which when they perceived, they ran toward the water side, but the English in pursuit killed one of them, and wounded another, who yet escaped away in a Cano•• cross the River, a third running back toward the woods, fled to the other Indians, and acquainted them with what was done, who presently came down; and lay in wait to intercept the English, that thought of no dan|ge••, but scattered themselves all about the place to gather their Corn, and lade the Boats therewith, but before they were ready to go away, The Indians coming down, fired upon them, and forced them all into the Sloop; had not some of them been better prepared then the rest; they might all have been cut off; for some little resistance being made by them that were ready with their Guns, it gave the rest an opportunity to get all into the Sloop; yet not without many wounds: So with much ado, they all escaped with their lives, leaving the two Boats almost laden with Corn for a prey ••o the Indians, who presently bu••ned one, and plundred the other of all that was t••erein some are ready to think that the English

did imprudently to begin the Quarrel, and not first enquire into what the Indians were about in the house, and seek Redress according to the forementioned Agreement, made at the Court in Kennibeck. But if this hapned after what follows next to be related viz. that which was done to Old Waterly, and his Family; (the English can be blamed for nothing, but their negligence & Security, in that having alarmed their ene|mies, they stood not better upon their guard), which is not very certain. For 'tis thought that within a few dayes after, or the next week more hor|rible outrage was committed upon the Family of an ancient man, whose Name was Waterly, an Inhabitant of Casco Bay, who had some years be|fore removed from Gloucester, or Cape Anne out of some discontent, which afterwards he often bewailed resolving either to have returned back, or else to have removed to some securer place, but he was arrested by the Sons of violenc••, before he could Effect his purpose. This old man with his wife, his Son, and his daughter in Law (at that time great with Child) with three grand Children were cruelly murdered by those bar|barous Salvages, at one time: another of his grand Children was taken alive, and led into Captivity, a daughter of his was said to be carryed to Narhagauset, which shews they joyned with the Southern Indians in the Rebellion; when once these Indians had embrued their hands in English blood, they were emboldened to the like bloody Attempts in the Adjacent places.

This Waterly lived so far from Neighbours, or else was encompassed with Creeks or Rivers, that no Relief could presently be sent to him, however Lieut, Ingerson of Casco the next day with a File of men, repair|ed to the place where his house-stood, to see what was the Reason of the Fire they discerned the day before, there they found the house burned to ashes, the bodies of the old man and his wife half consumed with the fire, the young woman killed, and three of the grand Children, having their brains dashed out, and their bodies were laid under some Oaken Planks, not farr from the house; one girle of about eleven years old, was ••arried Captive by them, and having been carried up and down the Country some hundreds of miles, as far as Narhaga••set Fort, was this last Iune returned back to Major Walderns, by one Squando the Sagamore of Saco; A strange mixture of mercy and Cruelty.

Soon after Capt. Bonithon's and Major Philips Dwellings were as|saulted, one on the East, the other on the West side of Saco River. It is said, they had seasonable notice of what was intended against them, by their Barbarous Enemies, Those Amonoscoggan Indians; viz. by an Indian of Saco, their Neighbour, better minded then the rest of his

Country men: who observing a strange Indian coming to his Wig|wam in Company with some of his acquaintance, one of whom inform|ed him, after the rest, (with the stranger) were gone; That the said stranger came from the Westward, and that his business was to per|swade the Eastern Indians to fall upon the English in their dwellings here, as the rest had done to the Westward. Captain Bonithon, either upon this Information, or upon the knowledge of what was done a lit|tle before at Casco, had left his house, and was retired over the River with his Family to Major Philips his Garrison. Thus two are better then one: for otherwise, both might have been destroyed: For upon the 18th. of September following, being the 7th. day of the week, about eleven a Clock, they at Major Philip•• his Garrison saw Capt. ••onithon's house on fire on the East side of Saco River, which by the good Providence of God was to them as the firing of a Beacon, giving them notice to look to themselves, their Enemies being now come; for otherwise, they might to their great disadvantage have been too sud|denly surprized, for within half an hour after, they were upon them, when a Sentinel placed in the Chamber gave notice that he saw an Indi|an by the Fence side, near a Corn Field, Major Philips not willing to be|lieve till he might see with his own Eyes, ran hastily up; another of his men, coming after, cryed Mr. what mean you? do you intend to be ki••l••d, at which words, he turned suddenly back from the window, out of which he was looking, when presently a Bullet struck him on the shoulder, grazing only, upon it without breaking the bone. The Indians upon the shot, thinking he had been slain thereby, (as they heard after|wards) gave a great shout, upon which they discerned that they were surrounded by them, whereupon they presently fired on the Enemy from all Quarters, and from the Flankers of the Fortification, so as they wounded the Captain of the Indians, who presently leaving the Assa••lt retired three or four miles from the place, where he soon after dyed, as they were informed: He counselled them to leave the siege, but they were resolved not so to quit the place; nor were those within less reso|lute to defend it: one of the best men was soon after disabled from any further Service, by a wound which he received in one of the Volleys made upon them by the Assaylants; But that no whit daunted the rest of the Defendants, who continuing still firing amain upon the Enemy: This Dispute lasted about an hour, after which the Enemy despairing to take the house by Assault, thought upon a device how to burn it.

First, firing the house of one of his Tenants, then his Saw-M••ll, after that his Corn M••ll, hoping by that means to draw them cut of the Gar|cison

to put out the fire, but missing of their purpose in that, they called out, you English Cowardly Dogs, come out and quench the Fire: They continued this sport all the afternoon, continually almost without any Intermission firing upon them: The besieged hoped for Relief from the Town, but none came, The Major still encouraging his men to stand it out, which they manfully did all that night, when they were a armd almost every half hour: and betwixt whiles they could hear their Axes and other Instruments, knocking about the Mills till the next day: They within the house conceived they were preparing some Engine wherewith to burn the house, which proved accordingly, for about 4 or 5 a Clock in the morning at the setting of the Moon, the Major was called by his men to look out, when he saw a Cart with four Wheels, having a Barricado built in the fore part, to keep off Shot, and filled with combustible matter, birch rindes, straw, powder, and Poles twenty Foot long, apt to fire the house: he bid them let them drive it within Pistol shot, before they made any shot against them; His m••n we••e a little discouraged at the sight of this Engine: but he bid them, be of good Courage; and use the means, putting their trust in God, who, he was confident would deliver them: The Cart, when brought a little nearer, became unweildy by Reason of the Barricado planted in it, and being to pass through a small gutter, one Wheel stuck fast in the Slough, which brought the Cart suddenly to the Left, whereby the Drivers lay all open to their right Flanker, when presently they fired upon them out of the said Flanker, and having so fair a shot upon them, and not being above Pistol shot from the place, they killed six of the Enemy, and wounded fifteen, as they found afterwards, which no doubt made them too late to repent of their Resolution, not to follow their Captains Counsel and Example in leaving the Siege; for now they presently departed: So as at Sun rise, they within the house espyed forty of them marching away, but how many more were in the Company they could not tell.

The Indians it seemed went toward Blue poin, where it is said they killed several pe••sons: but those in the house fea••ed they went for more help, and expected their Return, but it seems their Courage failed them, as to another Att••mpt, upon an house so well garrisoned, and ••anfully defended. Major Philips sent to the Town for help, acquainting them with what had passed, but none was sent them, either that da••, or the next, so as having spent almost all their Amunition, the people that w••re w••th him, would not be perswaded to tarry longe••, then the Mun|day 〈◊〉〈◊〉: which constrained him and his Family to remove to the Town; about a Fortnight after, the Indians hearing thereof, came and

burnt down the empty house. There were fifty persons in the said house during the time of the Siege, and but ten able hands; they had five more that could do something, but through Age, or minority, not able to make any notable Resistance; yet so it pleased God, in whose hands are all mens lives and limbs, and who is never wont to fail them, who in time of danger are ready so to confide in his power, and goodness, as not to neglect the use of due means for their own Preservation, so to order things, that not one person of all those fifty, was either killed, or mor|tally wounded. Major Philips himself was wounded, but not dangerous|ly at the beginning of the Assault, his Mal's with other Edifices were the first day burned by the Enemy, & so were all the houses at Saco, or most of them soon after, that were above the F••sher-mens stages. One Mrs. Hitcock being carried Captive by the Enemy from the same place, dy|ed in the Winter following, by eating some poysonous Root, in stead of a ground out, as was reported by the Indians afterwards.

Much about the same time, five persons going up to the River of Sa|co, were all kiiled by the same Indians.

These Tragedies being thus acted at Casco Bay, and Saco, those Bar|barous Enemies dispersed themselves in parties, intending to do all the mischief they could to all the English, inhabiting about that side of the Country; In the same Month of September they came down towards Pascat••qua, doing the like Spoyle upon the Inhabitants of the several Branches of that River, which they had been doing elsewhere; In the first place they burned the two Cheslyes houses abou•• Oyster River, and kil|led two men that were passing along the River in a Canoo; and carried a|way an old Irish-man, with a young man taken from about Exceter, who yet both of them soon after made an escape to a Garrison at Salmon-Falls in Kittary by the help of an Indian better minded then the rest, the first after seven weeks, the other after a Months Captivity.

Much about that time, one Goodman Robinson of Exceter with his Son were travelling toward Hampton, where, as they passed along, they were way-laid by three Indians, viz. Iohn Samson, Cromwel, and Iohn Linde, who shot down the old man, whom they left dead upon the place; his Son, hearing the Guns escaped their hands, by running into a Sw••mp, whither the Indians pursued him, but could not overtake him, so as he got safe into Hampton about midnight, where he declared what befel him by the way, and how narrowly he avoided the danger, intimating like wise, that he feared his Father was killed, which was found too true, by Lieut. Swet, who the next day with a dozen Souldiers, of the Town, went to search those woods, where they sound the poor old man, shot

through at his back, the bullet having pierced through his body, and was stopped by the skin on the other side: Another of Exceter, called Foul|sam, was at the same time driving a pair of Oxen in the same Road, where, soon after he heard the Report of the Guns when Robinson was killed, he espyed the th••ee Indian•• creeping upon their bellies towards him, to do as much for him as they had done for Robinson, but leaving his Oxen, he put on his horse with all speed, and so was delivered from the danger that the other fell into, it is reported that one of the Indians made a shot at him; but he was either gotten out of their reach, or else they m••ssed their aim at that time. The same Indians had a little be|fore met with another English man in those woods, one Charles Rand|let, whom they carryed Captive, although he soon after escaped out of their hands, by the help of another Indian called Iames. It is said there were four Indians of that Company, and that the fourth was sent away with Randlet, so that there were but three seen together at the killing, and pursuing the other forementioned. One of the said Indians, viz. Iohn Samson was killed by some of Capt. Hathorns Souldiers at Casco Bay in September following 1676 when the Scouts of our forces came upon the Indians on the sudden, and had a small brush with them; but all the rest made a shift to get away: As for the other two, viz. Cromwel, and Io••n Linde; one of them, it is said, is since killed, or taken and sold away, the other is at Kennibeck, whom vengeance may also in due time overtake, as it hath done the other.

Within a few dayes after that barbarous Fact at Oyster River, two Indians, viz one named Andrew, and the other Hope-hood, the Son of him called Robin Hood, assaulted the house of one Tozer at Neweche|wannick, wherein were fif••••en persons, yet all women and Children, who without all d••ubt had all of them fallen into the merciless hands of the two cruel and barbarous Caytiffes, had not a young maid of about Eigh|teen years of Age first espyed them, who being endued with more Cou|rage then ordinarily the rest of her Sex use to be, (the blessing of Iael light upon her) first shut to the dore, whereby they were denyed En|trance, till the rest within escaped to the next house, that was better Fo••tified; That young Ui••ago kept the dore fast against them so long till the Indians had chopt it in pieces with their Ha••chets, when entring the house, they knocked the poor maid down with their Hatchets, and gave her many other wounds, leaving her for dead upon the place; after which, they passed on toward the next dwelling, in their way meeting with two Children, that had escaped the house first broken open by them, they killed one of them, of three years old, which could not follow fast

enough, or else they that carryed it, could not convey it over a Fence soon enough to save themselves and it; And carryed away the other of seven year old, which yet was returned safe within half a year after: The poor Maid that had ventured her own Life so far, to save many others, was by a strange Providence enabled to recover so much strength after they were gone, as to repair to the next Garrison, where she was soon after healed of her wound••, and restored to perfect health again.

The next day toward night more of the Barbarous Enemies being gathered together they made another Assault upon the neighbouring dwel|lings.

The English, as many as could be spared out of the Garrison, (not above eight in number) pusued after them about half a mile, but night coming on, it was judged best to retreat, l••st otherwise they might have been Intercepted in their return home, by any of them lying in Ambush, which is their usual way of doing mischief. After divers shot made on both sides, but five of the Enemies appeared: who yet took the Advan|tage of Captain Wincals absence, (whose dwelling was not far off) to burne his house and Bar••e, with another house, and two Barns more, wherein was much English Corn; above an hundred Bushels was supposed to be in one of them. After they had done this mischief they fled away.

The next day after, the same Indians, or others of their Fellows, came upon the other side of the River, from whence they shot over se|veral times, to some that were grinding in the Mill, but after the ex|changing of many shot on both sides of the River, betwixt them, six of the Enemy shewed themselves in the Twilight, uttering several Insolent and barbarous Speeches calling our men English dogs, &c. yet all this while out of reach of their shot, and then they ran all away like dogs after they had done barking.

After this, those very Indians, as was supposed, burned five or six houses about Oyster River, and killed two men, viz. one William Roberts and his Son in Law. The Inhabitants of Dover, with some other R••so|lute young men, being much provoked by these many Insolencies, and injuries done by the Enemies, obtained liberty from the Major of the Regiment, to try whether they could not meet with some of the Indians, by secret Ambushes, and sculking amongst the Bushes and Trees, as the Indians used to do with them, to which End about twenty divided them|selves into several small parties: soon after as they were looking after the Enemy, a party of ours espyed five of the Indians, some gathering

Corn in the Field while the rest of them were busied in beating of an Oven to bake some of the fruit which they gathered also in the same Field.

The English were at such a distance that they could not make any sign to their Fellows, without being discovered by the Indians in the Field; wherefore two of them crept as near as they could to the house, at one end of the Field, where they suddenly rushed upon two of the wretches, and knocked them down with the Butt end of their Muskets, which was not done so silently, but the other three in the Field took the Alarm, and fled away, who else might as easily have been surprized as the other two.

These Outrages thus daily committed, filled all the Plantations about Pascataqua with fear and confusion; scarce any place, where there was not either Reason for some to complain of the loss of their Friends, or burn|ing of their houses; which caused most of them that lived scatteringly, at any distance from Neighbours, either to garrison their houses, or else to desert their own dwellings, and to repair to their next Neighbours that were better fortified then themselves; But all the Inhabitants in those parts in general, were Alarmed to stand upon their Guard.

On the seventh of October following, being a day of publick Humili|ation, a man was sh••t down as he was riding between two garrison houses about Newechewannick▪ and dyed of his wounds within two hours after; About the same instant of time two young men were shot dead about a mile from that place; These two had their Arms or Guns with them, which were carryed away by them that killed them, together with their upper garments; It is not said that these three last, (though killed upon a day of Humiliation) were surprized in their repairing to, or retur|ning from the place of publick worship, which would in a great measure have abated the sorrow of their sad Funerals, if when they were suddenly arrested by the Harbingers of Death, they had been found so doing.

Soon after this, they Assaulted another house at Oyster River, the which, although it was garrisoned, yet meeting with a good old man, whose Name was Beard without the Garrison, they killed him upon the place, and in a barbarons manner cut off his head, and set it upon a Pole in derision, not far off about the same time they burned another house and Barne.

Upon the sixteenth of October being Saturday, about an hundred of the Indians were gathered together, to Assault Newechewannick; They began with one named Tozer, half a mile from the upper Garrison, at Salmon Falls. The said Tozer was presently killed his Son taken

Captive, (but returned after some Months Restraint) several Guns being shot at this Assault, Alarmed Lieut. Plaisted at the next Garri|son, who like a man of a publick Spirit immediately sent out seven men from the Garrison under his Command, to see what the matter was, but being met by an Ambush laid in the way as they went, lost two or three of their Company, the rest hardly escaping back to the place whence they came, whereupon, the said Lieut. Plaisted immediately dispatch|ed away a Messenger to Major Waldern at Quechecho, which because it seems to be the last time that ever that good and useful man set pen ••o paper, shall here be Inserted.

Salmon Falls October 16. 1675.

Mr. Richard Waldern and Lieut. Coffin, these are to inform you, that just now the Indians are engaging us with at least one hundred men, And have slain four of our men already, Richard Tozer, Iames, Barrny, Isaack Botte••, and Tozers Son, and burnt Benon•• Hodsdans house; Sir, if ever you have any love for us, and the Country, now she your self with men to help u••, or else we are all in great danger to be slain, unless our God wonderf••lly appear for our Deliverance. They that cannot fight, let them pray; Not else, but I Rest,

Yours to serve you Signed by,

• Roger Plaisted,
• George Broughton.

What Answer was returned to this importunate and pathetical Let|ter is not fully known at present; most probably he that was most con|cerned in the Contents of it was either absent from home, or in no Capa|city to send the Relief desired; which if it could have been had, might have prevented the sad mischief that fell out the next day; when Lieut. Plaisted being more earne••••ly bent to perform that last office of love to his deceased Friend, whom he could not by all his Endeavours save from the danger of death, while they were in the Land of the living would needs venture himself with twenty Souldiers out of his Garrison, to fetch off the dead bodies.

To that end he ordered a pair of Oxen to be yoked to bring them to his Garrison, in order to their Christian buryal, not considering that the Indians lay sculking thereabouts, waiting for such opportunityes. They went first to the furthest place, where they found Ro. Tozers body, and put it into their Cart, but coming back to take up the other two bo|dies,

which were fallen in a little Swampe nearer to the Garri|son, they were set upon by an hundred and fifty of the Enemy, that had hid themselves in the bushes, and under a stone wall, and Loggs in the way as they were to pass; By the sudden noyse of the guns, the Cattle being frighted ran away to the garrison with such of the dead, as were first laid up thereon, (and possibly with one of them wounded at that instant) leaving their Owners to fight it out with their Enemies. Lieut. Plaisted being thus desperately Assaulted, he with his twenty men, was forced to retreat to a place of better Advantage; but being there so hot|ly pursued, they were not able to abide it long; Although they killed and mortally wounded several of the Indians, as themselves have since confessed: but they most of them being so much overmatched, took the opportunity of a fair Retreat, and so got safe to their Garrison, while Lieut. Plaisted out of the height of his Courage, disdaining either to fly from, or yield himself (for 'tis said) the Indians were loth to kill him, but desirous rather to take him Prisoner) into the hands of such cursed Caytiffes, did fight it cut desperately, till he was slain upon the place, his Eldest Son and another man were slain in their too late Retreat, and his other Son was sorely, wounded, so that he dyed within a few weeks after.

The Indians were contented with this mischief for the present (and indeed if all the English they had to deal with, had shewed the like Re|solution with this Plaisted they would not have done half the mischeef, that since hath been done by them) and slunke away into the woods before the next day, when Captain Frost came up from Sturgeon Creck, (a few miles below the River) with a party of his friends, and buryed the dead: During these onsets, the Enemy also took their Advantage to burne three houses, and two barns before they left the place.

The latter End of the same Month they burned a Mill near the same place belonging to Mr. Hutchinson a Merchant of Boston; from whence they came down lower toward Sturgeon Creek, where they burned one house, and killed two men, not far from Captain Frost's dwelling, he escaping himself very narrowly, being shot at by the Enemy, about Ten in Number, who might easily have burned his house, and taken all that were in it, being but three boyes besides himself, had he not used this policy, to call out to some to march this, and the other way, to look after the Indians, as if he had had many at hand to Command, which under God was the means of his escape; for his house was neither Fortified, nor well manned, yet was far from Neighbours.

The next day the said Indians passed down the River on Kittary side, killed one man, whose house they first plundered, and then set it

on fire; All this was done just over against Portsmouth, from whence out of a small Battery was discharged a piece of Ordnance, which by a good Providence was directed to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fling its shot as it ••ell very near a pa••|ty of the Indians, for they were to affrighted therewith, (if none of them were killed) that they left good part of their plunder near the place: They were pursued by some of the English, before they could recover their home, and by the help of the Snow that fell about that time, were traced till they were overtaken, but being near a Swamp, them|selves escaped, for hast leaving two of their Packs behind them.

Soon after they went up the River again to Quechecho, where they burned an house, and two or three Barns. Another Party of them got over or beyond the other branches of Pascataqua River, toward Exce|ter, and Lampny Eyle River, where they killed one man: sundry of them were seen in the woods about Exceter; and between Hampton and Exceter, where they killed one or two men in the woods as they were travelling homewards, occasioning the people of those Towns to stand continually upon their guard, which proved a great annoyance to the Inhabitants.

But to look a little back to the Plantations more Eastward from Pascataqua River, where these outrages of the Indians first began.

At Casco Bay Lieut. Ingersons Son, with another man going out a fowling about this time, were both killed before they returned-home, his Fathers houses being burned, with wany others also thereabouts.

At Black point, Lieut. Augur with two more were assaulted by the Indians, where after many shot exchanged betwixt them, himself was so wounded, that he dyed soon after, and his brother also was killed with|in a few dayes afterwards, not far from the same place.

When the rising of the Indians first began in those Eastern parts, (with us called the County of Yorkshire) Captain Wincol of Neweche|wannick, with some others, having a Sympathy for the sufferings of the Neighbours, marched up that way with a small party of men; In his first Skirmish with the Enemy he chanced to loose two o•• three of his Com|pany; the rest being not above eleven in all, as they were marching a|long by the Sea side were assaulted by a great number of the Indians, judged to be an hundred and fifty: he being hard beset with so great a number retreated to an heap of Bolts that lay near the water side, by the shelter of which they lay safe from the Indians Guns, and so well p••yed their few Guns, that they slew many of their Ene|mies, and put them all to a kinde of Route at the last: After which by the help of an old Canoo, they recovered safe to the other side

of the Banke. But nine Saco men had worse success, who yet came with a very good Intention to help their friends, upon the hear|ing of their Guns; but as they came to Rescue Captain Wincol with his small party, they themselves fell into an Ambush of the Indians, and so were all cut off, with two other men also, near the place where the fi••st Skirmish was, for the Indians from the shore side could di••scern any that were coming towards them, when they were a great way off▪ and so might easily way-lay them, before they could come up to them. Near upon seven houses were burned about this time, and some persons killed at Black point.

Two persons likewise were killed at Wells in the beginning of the winter, one of them were servant to Mr. William Simonds (one of the principal men in the Town aforesaid) the Gentleman himself with his Family were removed to a Garrison house in the middle of the Town, his servant going early in the morning to look after some business there; ta••yed longer t••en was needful to provide something for himself, the In|d••ans 〈◊〉〈◊〉 themselves to breakfast with him, making the poor Fellow pay the shot, when they had done, with the loss of his life.

A week after one Cross was slain at Wells likewise, who was a kind of a distracted F••llow. Also one Isaack Cousins was there killed in the beginning of Winter, after there had been some Overtures of pea••e be|twixt Major Waldern and the Indians.

With such kind of mutual Encounters was the latter part of the year spent betwixt the Indians and the English from Pascataqua River to Ken|nibeck, from the beginning of August to the End of November, wherein many were slain on both sides: In one place, and in another; of the English in those parts were slaiin upward of fifty. The Enemy lost as appeared afterward by their own Confession, above ninety, partly in the foresaid Skirmishes, and partly in their joyning with the Indians to the Westward, whither it is said, many of them were invited to repair, to help destroy the English, in hope to enjoy their possessions afterwards; But God had otherwise determined, who did arise at last to save the meek ones of the Earth, and plead the Cause of his People.

The Governour and Counsel of Massachusets, had, at this time, their hands full with the like Attempts of Philip and his Complices to the Westward, yet were not unmindful of the deplorable Condition of these Eastern Plantations; having committed the care thereof to the Ma|••••rs of the Respective Regiments of the several Co••ntyes on that side of the Country, but more especially to the care and prudence of the Ho|noured Major D. D••••••on, the Major General of the whole Colony, a

Gentleman, who by his great insight in, and long Experience of all Martial Affairs, was every way accomplished for the managing that whole Affair; He had, to ease the other side of the Country, drawn out a sufficient number of Souldiers from the next Countyes, to have redu|ced all the Indians Eastward to their obedience; but just as they were intended to march up to the head Quarters of the Indians, to fall upon them there, viz. to Ossapy, and Pigwauch••t, about an hundred miles up into the Country Northward.

The Winter setting in so sharp and severe in the beginning of De|cember, and latter end of November, It was not possible to have march|ed a dayes Iourny into the woods, without hazarding all their lives that should venture ••p; The Snow being found generally in those woods, four foot thick on the 10th. of December, so as it was not possible for any to have travelled that way, unless they carryed Rackets under their feet, wherewith to walk upon the top of the Snow: This alone Conside|ration forced them to lay aside their designe for the present, but soon af|ter it was done to their hands; for the depth of the Snow, and sharpness of the ••••ld were so extream, that the Indians in those parts were so pinched therewith, that being hunger sta••ved, they began to sue for peace, making their Address first to Major Waldern on that account, by whose mediations that whole body of Indians Eastward were brought to an hopeful Conclusion of peace, which was mutually agreed upon, and possi|bly might have remained firm enough to this day had there not been too just an occasion given, for the breaking of the same by the wicked practice of some lewd persons, which opened the door, and made way for the bringing in all those sad Calamities, and mischiefs that have since fallen upon those parts of the Country; As shall hereafter be de|clared.

In the latter end of Iune, 1676 The Indians that had made a ge|neral Conspiracy against the English were strangely dispersed, and dispi|rited, so as they from that time began to separate one from another, and every Nation of them to shift for themselves, as hath been already men|tioned in the ••ormer part of this Narrative. ••anoni••us the great Sachem of the Narrbagansets distrusting the proffers of the Eng|lish, was slain in the woods by the Mohawks, his Squaw surrend|ring her self, by this means her Life was spared.

Many of those about Lancaster, and the places adjoyning there|unto, did cu••ningly endeavour to hide themselves amongst those Indi|ans about Pasca••aqua, that had newly made their submission to the English, by Major Walderns means and concluded a peace, yet could nei|ther

dissemble their nature and disposition past before from suspition of mischief▪ nor yet so a••tificially conceale their persons, but they were easily discerned by such as in former times had any acquaintance with the Eastern Indians by way of Trade, or other Converse: Whereup|on the forces newly raised in the Massachusets, under the Command of Captain William Hatborne, and Captain Ioseph Syll, designed for the subduing of those Indians about the River of Mer••imack, and Pascata|qua, that still stood out in Hostility against the English, meeting with those under the Command of Major Waldern aforesaid, and Capt. Frost of Ki••tary; It was mutually agreed detwixt those several Command|ers to s••iz: upon all those Indians that at that time were met together about Major Walderns dwelling at Quechecho; The Con••rivement suc|ceeded according to expectation, & all the said Indians were handsomely surprized, September 6th. 1676. without the loss of any persons life, either Indian or English; to the number of near four hundred: by which de|vice, after our Forces had them all in their hands, they separated the peaceable from the perfidious, that had been our E••••mies, during the late Troubles; finding above two hundred involved in the former Re|bellion, more or less, accordingly they were sent down to the Governour and Councel at Bos••on; who adjudged seven or eight of them Immedi|••tely to dy••; such as were known to have had their hand in the blood of the English, or that had been shed by their means, the rest, that were found only Accessaries to the late mischiefs, had their lives spared, but were sent into other parts of the world, to try the difference between the Friend|ship of their Neighbours here, and their Service with other Masters elsewhere.

Those who had been alwayes either peaceable and true to the English, never intermedling in the quarrel, as Wannalancet the Sagamore of Pen|nicook and some others were quietly dismissed to their own places.

Besides these that were surprized at the time aforesaid; there were several others, who had been the chief Actors, that were taken up and down in those woods beyond Merrimack, and so were delivered up to Iustice; As Iohn Monoco, Sagamore Sam, old Iethro, with some others, as hath been already mentioned, yet young Ieth••o brought in forty a•• one time. It was a special favour from God, so to order it, that the In|dians aforesaid, were so surprized: for had they continued in their for|mer Rebellion, and had taken the opportunity to have joyned with the Eastern Indians, as some of them did a few Months before, they would in all likelihood have utterly destroyed all the Plan••ations of the English ••••yond Pascataqua River; As manif••stly appears by the mischief

which was lately done by the means of a few, that by too much Conni|vence of some in those parts, that entertained a better opinion of them then it seems they deserved. For whereas mention formerly was made of a small party of Indians that on the third of May in this present year, had murdered one Thomas Ke••••bel of Bradford, and carryed away his wife & five Children Captive, yet two or three of the Actors did, upon what Consideration is not known, retu••n the woman and Children again within six weeks, and because of their voluntary returning of them, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dealt more favourably withal; being only put into prison at Dove: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a time, yet possibly conceiving that a prison was but a prep••ration ••or a worse evil, they took an opportunity (two of the chief Actors in the foresaid mischief, called the one Simond, the other Andrew) to convey themselves out of the place of Restraint, and afterwards going amongst the Amo••••••scoggan and Kennibeck Indians, have joyned with them in those bloody and cruel depredations lately made in those parts, which fol|low in order next to be related.

Some little Colour or pretence of injury was a Headged before those Eastern Indians began their outrage both in the former, as well as in the present year, the chief Actor or rather the beginner of all the foresaid mischiefs Eastward, is one Squando, the Sagamore of Saco Indians, whose Squaw a•• is said was abused by a rude and indiscreet act of some English Seamen in the last S••mmer, 1675. who either overset the Ca|noo wh••••ein the said Squaw with her Child were swimming in a River thereabouts, or else to try whether the Children of the Indians as they had heard, could S••imme as naturally as any other Creatures, w••tting|ly cast her Child into the water; but the Squaw immediately diving in|to the water after it, fetcht it up from the bottom of the River, yet it so falling out that within a while after the said Child dyed, (which it might have done if no such Affront had been offered) The said Squando Father of the Child hath been so provoked thereat, that he hath ever since set himself to do all the mischief he can to the English in those par••s, and was never as yet since that time ••ruly willing to be Reconciled. Although he is said to have sent home some that were taken Captive the last year. Surely if their hearts had not been secretly filled with malice and Revenge before, they might have obtained satisfaction for the wrong done, at an easier Rate More probable it is, that this was only an occasion to vent the mischief they formerly had conceived in their hearts.

There is an injury of an higher nature, mentioned as the ground of their quarrel with us, who live about Pemma quid, and Kennibeck, which hapned the last Spring, viz. one ••aughton with another person

or more who having obtained under the hand of Major Waldern a war|rant to seize any Indians Eastward, that had been guilty of any Mur|der or spoyle done to the English in those parts; did most perfidiously and wickedly enti••e some of the Indians about Cape Sables, who never had been in the least manner guilty of any injury done to the English, aboard their V••ssel, or else some other way, and th•••• carryed them away to sell them for slaves; which the Indians in those parts look upon as an injury done to themselves, and have alledged it to the Inhabitants of Pemma|quid, as one of the principal grounds of their present quarrel: The thing alleadged is too ture as to matter of Fact, and the persons that did it were lately committed to prison in order to their further tryal. Yet all those Indians do, or may know full well that they who did them that wrong, were lyable to due punishment, (or else their quarrel might be accounted just, and they considered as Indians, must have the more al|lowance) if they could be found, nor ever were any countenanced a|mongst us, that had done them any kind of injury, nor did those that take upon them the revenging of the injury, know that they were Inha|bitants of this Country that did the wrong; nor was then ever any orderly Complaint made thereof, but this cannot excuse their perfidiousness and Cruelty, some other pretences were alleadged by the said Indians that yet do bear no proportion to the mention of a wrong or i••jury, viz. be|cause our Traders were forbidden to fell any Amuni••ion to any Indians whatsoever; which those Indians say they cannot live without; yet seeing themselves, as well as the Westward Indians have so ill improv|ed, that which they had before, there was little Reason why they should quarrel with us, for selling no more:

Further also it is affirmed by some persons worthy of Credit, that for divers years past have lived in those parts, that the Indians thereabouts, need not have wanted powder or shot, only they wanted something wherewith to cloak their malitious and barbarous practices of late com|mitted against us; but there being different opinions about this point, we shall leave it at the present.

But this being premised in Reference to the pretended ground, or occasion of the quarrel; It remains that the Effects thereof, be now related.

Before the Warre with Philip was well ended to the Southward, there was a fresh Alarm sounded again to the Eastward, for on the eleventh of August, 1676. The very day before Philips heart (that had harboured so many misch••evous and Treacherous devices against the English was by one of his own Company shot through) did a party of Indians beg••n their

Outrages at Cásco in a most perfidious and treacherous manner, killing and carrying away Captive to the number of thirty persons, and burn|ing their houses, amongst whom was the Family of one Antony Brack|et Inhabitant of Casco, who was thought to have been killed, but he himself with his wise and one of his five Children carryed away Cap••|tive with a Negro, did happily make an escape from their bloody and deceitful hands, In November next ensuing▪

The manner how Antony Bracket and his wife made their escape was very remarkable, and therefore judged worthy to be inserted here al|though out of due place, the Indians that led them Captive, having brought them to the North side of Casco Bay: News was brought to the said Indians of the surprizal of Arowsick house in Kennib••ck, withall the store therein, which did so rejoyce them, that they made all haste to share in the good things there to be had. Thus eager to be gone they promised Bracket and his wife that they should have also a share there|in if they would make haste after them, bringing along a burthen alot|ted to each of them: The woman having a little before observed an old Burchin Canoo lying by the water side, hoped it was an opportuni|ty Providence offered for their escape; whereupon she first prudent|ly asked of the Indians to let the Negro their own servant (as the same time carryed Captive by them) help them to carry their burthens, which was granted: then she begged of them a piece or two of meat, which was not denyed them. Thus being furnished with help and provision, the Indians leaving them thus behinde to come after with their several burthens and a young Child; They could not but look up|on it as a nutus Divinus, to bid them, shift for themselves: the woman also found a needle and thred in the house, where they stayd on that side of the Bay, with which having mended the Canoo, they ventured to get away; which prosperously succeeded: for in that old Canoo they cros|sed a water eight or nine miles broad, and when they came on the South side of the Bay, they might have been in as much danger of other indi|ans, that had lately been about Black point, and had taken it; but they were newly gone: So things on all sides thus concurring to help for|ward their Deliverance, they came safely to the Fat at Black point, where also by special Providence they met with a Vessel bound for Pas|cataqua, that came in to that Harbour, but a few hours before they came thither, by which means they Arrived safe in Pascataqua River, soon after, all which Circumstances are very worthy to be noted.

Amongst those Indians that seized this Brackets Family, the chief was one Simond, that newly or a little before had escaped out of Dover

Prison, where he was not over carefully lookt to, he had had his hand in the murther of sundry English, as himself confessed; not missing save one in the which he had discharged his gun upon, but because he came in voluntarily, bringing in a woman and fire Children of the Eng|lish, who had been carryed Captive a little before, it was questioned, whether his last act of submission might not ballance his former transgre|ssion, and therefore was he committed to that, not so secure a Prison, till his Case might be further considered of,. It is said that coming to that Brackets house over night he pulled forth a counterfieted pass, under the hands of some publick Officers, or men intrusted with that Service, making shew of all Friendship, but in the morning or soon after, he pulled off his Vizour of a friend, and discovered what he was, yet grant|ing Life to this person and his Family, that did not, or could not resist, which he denyed to some of the Neighbours not far off, who were many of them killed by this bloody Villany, and his Partners.

There are some Circumstances in the Assault of Anthony Brackets house very considerable, which, because it was the first Outrage com|mitted by the Indians in this their second Insurrection, 1676. are worthy of a more particular remembring.

This Indian forementioned called Simond, after he had escape out of Prison at Dover, came up to Gasco, and either in the end of Iuly, or beginning of August, acquainted himself with this Antony Bracket, and oft frequented his house: Upon the ninth of August, some of the Indians having killed a Cow of his, the Indian Simond coming to his house promised to bring the Indians to him that had killed his Cow In the mean time they of the place sent two men to Major Walderns at Dover, to complain of this injury done by the Indians; but before their return, very ea••ly in the morning on the eleventh of August, Simond with a party of Indians came to Antony Brackets house, and told him there were the Indians that had killed his Cow; but as soon as they had said that, the Indians went further into his house and took hold of all the Guns they could see, Antony Bracket asked what was the meaning of that, Simond presently replyed, that so it must be, asking him withal, whether he had rather serve the Indians, or be slain by them, Antony Bracket Answered, that if the Case were so, he would rather chuse to serve them, then be killed by them: Simond replyed, that then they must be bound, which presently was done. The said Bracket, his wife, and a Negro were all bound by the Indians, his wife had a Brother, who offer|ing to resist was killed forthwith, the rest with five Children were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 away Prisoners.

Two hours after one Pike that lived not far off, but knowing no thing of all this, went up in a Canoo toward one Robert Corbins house▪ where he found one Humphry Durham, and Benjamin Atwel at work about their Hay, after a little stay, he left them intending to go up high|er with his Canoo, but as soon as he was a little pa••t, he heard Guns shot off, which made him with another man he had with him, presently re|turn back; before he came beyond Corbins house he saw an English boy running with all haste, which made him fear some mischief was in hand, and presently a Volley of shot came against them, but the Bullets flying over their heads, did them no hurt: presently Simond Indian appear|ed, and called them to come a shore; but they liked not his Courtesy, but presently turning their Canoo into the stream got out of the reach of their G••ns, hasting down to his own house with all speed; when he came near to his house, he called to the People to make hast away, to|wards the Garrison house, and bid the rest look to themselves, and fire up|on the Indians, that were coming against them: In the mean while, the Indians passing from Anthony Brackets to Corbins, killed Corbin him|self, with Humphry Durham, and Benjamin Atwel forementioned: Then passing on to other houses, carryed away some of them Captive, and killed others. At one of the next houses, the women and Children got off into the water by a Canoo; but one Iames Ross, his wife and Children were carryed away: Corbins wife with one of the other mens wiv••s; and the Children of another of them, they likewise carryed away.

In another side of the Town, three were as they were going to reap at Antony Brackets, passing from an house where they left their Canoo, met with Iohn Mount-joy and one Wakely, to whom they told what had hapned, soon after they heard two Guns shot of, whereby it seems two men were killed, wherefore coming back toward Thomas Brackets where they had left their Canoo, they saw him shot down by the Indians; one of the three not so well able to run hid himself in the bushes in h••pe to make his escape more conveniently afterwards, which accordingly he did; but in the mean time he saw the Indians carry away Thomas Brack|ets wife and Children; Soon after the three men aforesaid got safe to Mr. Mount joyes Garrison, but not trusting to the Se••u••ity of that Gar••|rison, they soon after repayred to an Island in the Bay, called Iames Andrews Island.

One George Lewes and his wife tarryed all this time in their house till the next day, when they had oppo••tunity to get safe to the Island aforesaid, together with the two men that were now returned from Ma|jor Wal••ern; whither they had been sent, but too late, to make complaint

of the Indian; that had counter fie••ed his pass to travoil into those parts, and had done this mischief.

The day after one George Felt suspecting the worst by reason of a smoak, he saw on the opposite side of the Town, took his wife and Chil|dren into a Canoo to see what the matter wa••, but when he came near a point of Land not far off, he found several of his Neighbours goods which made him conclude their Owners were killed, which was a sufficient warning to him likewise to fly for his Life, which he did to the same Island. After they had sundry of them escaped thither, some of them remembred that they had left powder behind them in one or two places; whereupon they resolved to venture a party of them in the night, partly to prvent the Indians from having any Advantage thereo••, and partly for their own defence if occasion should be; Their Attempt succeeded well, for they brought away a barrel of powder from one Willes his house, and likewise a considerable quantity out of a Chest in a Store house, where the Indians had been ransacking, & had taken things out of the other end of the Chest, yet overlooked the Powder: In this surprizal of the Plan|tation in Casco Bay, called Falmouth, there were thirty four persons kil|led and carryed Captive.

That this was not a casual Attempt, but a designed plot, it will ap|pear, in that just about the very same time, the Indians at Kennibeck, made the like Insurrection, whereby it is concluded, either that the In|dians which escaped from Dover, stirred them up thereunto, or else that the said Indians finding them in a disposition tending that way, by reason of some inj••ries done them that dwell farther Northward, they offered their Service to help forward the designe.

It is to be noted here, that the Indians about Kennibeck were per|swaded to continue their former amity with the English notwithstand|ing the report of Philips rising that year before, and the Outrages com|mitted the last Autumne, and winter following, yet which is more, they had lately renewed their League with the English in those parts, al|though they had often complained to those of Pemmaquid, of the inju|ry they suffered, in the withholding from them the Trade of Powder, and shot, without which they said they cannot subsist, and for want of which it is alleadged by themselves, that some of them perished the last Winter.

But the Quarrel of late fallen out betwixt the English, and the Indi|ans about Kennibeck, and Eastward thereof, being a matter of great Consequence; For the farther satisfaction of the Reader, it shall in what follows, be more particularly described; It being the duty of every one

that publisheth things of this nature, to to do the right of an Historian to all sorts of persons, any way concerned in what is made publick; The Information was received from a prudent person, an Eye and Ear wit|ness of all that hapned amongst the said Indians, both the former and present year, and one that was of more publick Concernment in those Transactions then some others, therefore may the more heed be given thereto. Mention is already made of what hapned in September, 1675. to the Company belonging to a Sloop, and two other Boats, that went up Casco Bay to gather Indian Corn; Upon that Accident it is said, divers Indians on the East side of Kennibeck River repayred to their Fort at Totonnock (a place up higher into the Country beyond Kennibeck and Shipscot River) where was an English trading house. And the Indians Eastward of the said River, had as yet done no harm to any of the English, yet did Captain Sylvanus Davis Agent for Major Clarke and Captain Lake of Boston, upon these Overtures think it fit to ••etch down the Powder and Shot with other goods from the said Trading house, tel|ling the Indians, by the Messenger sent up, he would have them come down and live below in that River, to take off Iealousies, and that he would then supply rhem with what was needful.

But the Messenger told them, in Case they would not come down, and deliver np their Arms, the English would kill them. He that se••|deth a Message by the hand of a Fool saith Solomon, cutteth off the feet, and drinketh dammage; This Message was delivered by him that went, as was confessed by himself, who put it into his mouth, or whether it was deviz••d in his own heart, it concerns not us now to enquire, but the dammage that side of the Country hath been made to drink thereby, is not easy to recount; for upon this Threatning Message the Indians for|sook their Fort presently, and went Eastward, and sent abroad to Iohns River and to the Sea side to get all the Indians they could together to come up Penobscot River.

A Gentleman who at that time lived at Pemmaquid, a kind of Su|pe••••••tendent over the Affairs of that place, considering the sad state things were running into, laboured to obtain a Parly with the said Indians, or some of them, which after much trouble and cost, he did accomplish: But 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the mean time, such was the violence used by some refractory English in those parts, that they could scarce be restrained from offering vio••••nce to the persons he sent up as Messengers, or others that lived quietly amongst them, and did also as violently set themselves to oppose him|self, or any others that acted with more moderation, then the rest: pro|testing against them, as those who forgain supplyed the Indians with

Powder and Shot, and said they would kill any Indian they met; others at Monhiggan offered five pound for every Indian that should be brought, yet would not these persons that were so violent against the In|dians in their discourse, be perswaded upon any Terms, then, or after|ward, to go out to fight against the Indians in an orde••ly way; as ap|peared both by their Security in not standing better upon their gua••d, and by their sudden flight afterward, running away like a Flock of Sheep, at the barking of any little dog: Things being in this posture, what could be expected but a present warr with the Indians, although as it seems, there were few or nonel••ke to be found, willing to undertake it, or fit to manage it in those parts. How ever, the person aforesaid, understand••ng, the General Court at Boston had appointed a Counsel of Warr at Kennibeck, applyed himself to them, laying before them the desperate state things were falling into; whereupon they issued our war|rants to restrain all manner of persons from medling with the Indians without farther order, which within few dayes should be had. In the mean time the Sachems of the Indians meet at Pemmaquid; where, af|ter many complaints made of the hard dealing of the English in Kenni|beck River, they came to Tearms of Peace, promising to keep true Friendsh••p with the English; and to hinder the Amonoscoggan Indians from medling with the English, if by any means they could, and also to return peaceably in the Spring of the year. This Gentleman afore|said, having a long time waited to go to Boston; was willing to take the opportunity of the pres••nt Winter, hoping things were now pretty well setled in those parts betwixt the Indians and the English; ••ound soon after, that he was cited thither to Answer some Complaints (though made without ground) for selling Powder & Shot to the Indians contrary to Order.

But those false opinions being easily blown away by his own appea|rance at Boston, and so having dispatched his occasions there, he return|ed before the winter was over to Pemmaquid, where hearing of a Ves|sel that intended to take Indians in those parts, and carry them away to a market, the which he had many strong Reasons to believe, (it being no hard matter to surprize many such, that suspecting by fraud, would easily be enticed aboard a Vessel to trade, or may be to drink Liquor) sent both the Master and ••••mpany, if they had any such intent to for|bear, seeing those Indians were at peace with us, and likewise to the Indi|ans, to inform them of such a Vessel, and to beware thereof, but yet it seems the Master and Company took several Indians Eastward, who were also at peace with us, and to our g••eat sorrow shipt them aboard for a market.

The winter being now over, the forenamed Agent of Pemmaquid, went to a meeting of the Indians Eastward, to perswade them, of the Countryes willingness to continue a peace with them. They seemed very joyful thereat, and in the Spring brought some presents to confirm the Peace, and to that en•••• also delivered up an English Captive B••y to those of Kennibeck. But when the Summer came on, that the said In|dians had liberty to travail up and down the Country to visit their Friends as they used to do; they missed those their Friends who had in the winter perfidiously been carryed away, and as is related, they fell in|to a Page against the English, making Complaint thereof to the said Agent, Mr. Earthy, Mr. Richard Oliver, and others: They were told means should be used for bringing them back again, which had been so Transported, those to whom the Complaint was made, did scarce be|lieve it to be true, as not having heard thereof from any other hand, and probably hoping none, especially after solemn warning, would deal so perfidiously with Heathen••, to lay such a stumbling block before them.

The Indians being certain of the thing done, could not be easily paci|fied, being likewise incensed against the English, for withholding the Trade of Powder and Shot the last winter, saying, they were frighted from their Corn the last year by the People about Kennibeck, so as many of them dyed in the following winter for want of Powder and Shot, wherewith to kill V••nison and Foul; Adding withal, that if the Eng|lish were their Friends as they pretended, they would not suffer them to dye, for want thereof: However, the said Agent making the best he could of a bad Cause, used all means to pacifi•• the Complaynents, and to that end promised them, that if they could meet with any of the Amonos••oggan Indians (who it seems all along had the bitterest Enmi|ty against the English he would give them a meeting to treat in order to a Peace, Ma•••••• Waldern having already concluded a Peace with the Pas|c••taqua & Cas••o Indians, & by that means, if they could conclude the like peacewith the Amonoscoggan men, (that could not yet be found) there would be a general Peace with all the Indians Eastward of Pascataqua, which the Indians that were present at this discourse, seemed very joy|ful at: yet still by one fatal Accident or other, jealousies still seemed to increase in their minds, or else the former injuries began to boyle a fresh in their Spirits, as not being easily digested, what ever had been said, or done to allay the offensiveness thereof. Soon after comes a Post from Toton|nock, to desire him to repair thither according to his promise, where they told him he should meet with Squando, and divers Amonoscog|gan Sachems, and that Mng was sent Post to fetch the said Squando:

This Gentleman mindful of his promise, went with the Post to Kenni|beck, and finding Captain Lake at his house in Arowsick; It was judged meet, that Captain Sylves••er Davis should go along with him, with in|structions from the Counsel then sitting in Kennibeck, how to carry on their Trea••y. After they had gone part of their way towards Toton|nock, they came to an English house, where they were told, what great jealousies of deceipt in the Indians were upon their Spirits, from what they had heard of Muggs and Tarumkin, an Amonoscoggan Sachem: going farther to a place called Kedonu-Cook, they met with Indians, who were very shye of telling them any thing, which added to the for|mer Intimation, greatly increased their fears: but being resolved of their voyage, they went onward still in their way, yet falling short of the place on purpose, that they might finish their business with them the next day: when they came to their Fort, they were first saluted with a Volley of Shot, then brought into a Wigwam where their Sachems were: Ma|dockawando sate as chief, who now stiles himself their Minister: Being set in Councel, they made Assiminasqua their speaker; whose Adopted Son was the said Madochewando: He told them it was not their Cu|stome, if any came as Messengers to treat with them, to seize upon their persons, as sometimes the Mohawks did with such as had been sent to them: Captain Davis and the other Gentleman told them, therein they dealt like men: Answer was presently made them; you did other|wise by our men, when fourteen came to treat with you: And set a Guard over them, and took away their Guns: And not only so, but a second time you required our Guns, and demanded us to come down unto you, or else you would kill us, which was the Cause of our leaving both our Fort, and our Corn to our great loss.

It was without doubt no small trouble to their minds, in a Treaty with these Pagans, Haec dieipot uisse, & non potuisse refelli: Y••t to put the best Construction might be, on such Irregular actions, which could not well be justifyed. They told them, the persons who had so done, were not within the Limits of their Government, and therefore though they could not call them to an account for so acting, yet they did utter|ly disallow thereof: Adding farther, as soon as we understood thereof we sent for you to Pemmaquid, and Treated you kindly, and kept you, as you know, from the violence of the English; The Indians Replyed, we do but inform you, aud will Treat 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the Afternoon. But when the Afternoon came, our Two Messengers told them, their busi|ness was to Treat with the Amonoscoggan Sachems, and that they were forry, Squando was not there: Then having confirmed their Peace with

those Eastward Indians, they intrea••ed the Amonoscoggan men to speak, who likewise urged Tarumkin, the chief Amonoscoggan Sachem to speak, who after some pauze, said he had been to the Westward, where he ••ad found many Indians unwilling for Peace. but says he, I found three Sachems (whom he named, though those he spake to knew them not) willing to have peace; And for my own part, I am willing for peace, and gave them his hand with Protestation of his continuing in Friendship, so did seven or eight more of the Amonoscoggan men; whose Names they took, of whom Mug and Robin Hoods Son were two. After this Madochewando asked them what they should ••o for Powder and Shot, when they had eaten up their In|dian Corn, what they should do for the Winter, for their hunt|ing Voyages? asking withal, whether they would have them dy, or leave their Country, and go all over to the French. Our Mes|sengers told him, they would do what they could with the Gover|nour, some might be allowed them for Necessity: He said they had waited long already, and therefore would have them now say yea, or nay, whether they should have powder as formerly, or not? Our Mes|sengers then Replyed, you your selves say, many of the Western In|dians would not have Peace, And therefore if we sell you powder, and you give it to the Western men, what do we but cut our own Throats? Adding further, It is not in our power without leave, if you should wait ten year more, to let you have powder, at which words they seemed much to be offended.

But yet the next day they resolved to go down with them, & to speak with the Western men, thereby, if it might be, to stop their farther pro|ceeding.

So going down with them the next day, they met with some Indians who had got strong Liquor, with whom they fell a drinking: Our Messengers stayed at two places for them, and finding that still they tar|ryed behinde, not knowing what farther to do, they went home, it be|ing the sixth day of the week. But the next night save one, news came to Kennibeck, that the Indians had killed divers English in Casco, al|though it was not yet known a•• Pemmaquid. Upon this News Ca••••. Davis set out one Sentinel the next night. The rest, (such was their Security) went all else to bed. And in the morning, were all like Laish surprized, thus might it be said, Invadunt Aedem somno (si non) vinoq▪ sepultaam. The particulars of the surprizing of Kennibeck, and Arowsi••k house are thus related by such as were acquainted therewith.

Upon the thirteenth of August, 1676. several Indians repaired in the

Evening to the house of one Mr. Hammond, an ancient Inhabitant, and Trader with the Iudians up Kennibeck River, His daughter or a maid that was servant in the house, either naturally afraid of the Natives, or else upon something she observed in their Countenance, or Carriage, manifested so much fear, as made her run out of the house to hide her self in some place abroad; The Indians perceiving it, the more to dis|semble their Treach••ry, ran after her, and brought her into the house, telling her (although they could not perswade her so to believe) that there was no Reason to be afraid of them: presently after more of the Barbarous Villains coming into the house, she grew more afraid then before, being now more strongly perswaded that they came on purpose to kill or surprize those in the Family, whereupon she suddenly made an escape out of the house, and presently passed into a Field of Indian Corn, whereby she might the better avoid the danger of any pursuer, and so ran cross over the land that night ten or twelve miles, to give them notice that lived at Shipscot River, It is said that after she got out, she heard a noyze in the house, as if they were fighting or scuffling within doors; but she did not count it wisdom to go back to see what the matter was, know|ing enough before of their V••llanye••, how well soever her Mrs. (that was more versed in the Trade of the Indians) might think of them. Those of Shipscot taking this warning escaped away as soon as they could leav|ing their Cattle and their dwellings as a Prey to the Indians. What besel Master Hammond and his Family is not yet certainly known: Reports pass up and down, that some who came down the River after|wards, saw some of the dead stripped upon the Banke of the River, which makes us fear the worst, concerning all the rest; for certainly the whole Eamily sixteen in Number, were all at that time either killed, or carryed away Captive, none save the maid aforesaid, being known to make any other escape, to infor•••• their Friends l••ke Iobs M••ssengers, wh••t befell the rest of the Fam••••y.

The Indians having in this manner surprized Mr. Hammonds house, they passed down the River the same night; but going by another house, medled not with the people, only turned their Canoos a drist, that they might not find means afterwards to escape themselves, or help others so to do: possibly their chief aim being at Arowsick house, they would not, for fear of being discovered, make any Attempt upon any place near by: wherefore August the fourteenth very early in the morn|ing, having in the night, or before break of day passed over on to the Island called Arowsick, several of them undiscovered lay hi u••der the 〈…〉〈…〉 behind a great Rock near adjoyning, till the Sen|tinel

was gone off from his place, (who went off it seems sooner than was Reason, considering the danger) when presently some Indians followed him in, at the Fort gate, (as some report) while others of them immediately seized the Port holes thereof, and shot down all they saw passing up and down within the Walls, and so in a little time be came Masters of the Fort, and all that was within it: Captain Lake (joynt Owner with Major Clarke of the whole Island) hearing the bussle that was below, betwixt the Indians and those that belonged to the place, was strangely surprized, yet himself with Captain Sylvanus Da|vis and two more, understanding that the Indians had seized the Fort, & killed divers of the English, apprehending it boot less, or rather beartless to stay, as not being able to stand upon their guard, or make any resi|stance, made a shift to find some passage out at a back door, whereby they escaped to the water-side, where they found a Canoo, into which they all entered and made away toward another Island near by: This was not done so secretly but the Indians discerned them before they were gone farr; four of them therefore basted after those that had escap•••• in ano|ther Canoo, and coming within shot, discharged their Guns upon them, whereby Sylvanus Davis was sor••ly wounded; yet making hast, as ge|nerally they use to do, that fly for their lives, timor addidit alas, they got a shore before the indians overtookthem. It is said they were strange. dispirited, or else they might easily have defended themselves against their pursuers: But when once mens hearts are sunke with fear, and dis|couragement upon a sudden surprizal, it is hard to buoy them up, to make any competent resistance: Capt. Davis being sadly wounded, could neither trust to his legs to fly, nor yet make use of his hands to fight; yet was strangly preserved; Providence directing him to go into the Cleft of a Rock hard by the place, where he first landed; The Indians by the glittering of the Sun beams in their Eyes as they came a shore, did not discern him; so as lying hid under the Covert of the band of Provi|dence, for two dayes, he at last crawled a little about the water side, till he found a Ca••oo, whereby he escaped away with his Life, much adoe. The other two men, were better foot men, and parting from Captain Lake, m••de their escape ten or a dozen mile, to the further end of the Island, and so escap••d from the Indians, till they found means to get off. Poor Captain Lake, that a few hours before, slept quietly in his Mansion house, surrounde•• wi•••• a strong Fortification, defended with many Soul|diers, is now forced to fly away with none to attend him. And as the Awful hand of Divine Providence ordered things, was as some say, par|sued

by such Indians as were meer strangers to the place, that knew not the Master from the man, by one of whom he was sh••t down, as is sup|posed, soon after his coming ashore; Lieut. Davis heard two Guns, by which't was thought, & soon after was known so to be by an Indian which since hath confessed to Captain Davis that he shot him that day Arowsick was taken, which he intended not to have done, but that he held up hi•• Pistol against him, whereas if he had but asked qu•• ter, he should have had his Life. Captain Lake was slain at that time, although many hopes were for some time maintained, that he was taken alive, and kept with other Captives, amongst the Indians; And 'tis said the Indians of those parts did not intend to kill him, if they could have, help|ed it: But it was known, that his hat was seen upon an Indians head not long after, which made his Friends conclude what had bef••lle•• the Owner that good man, who might Emphatically be so termed in distinction from them that may truly be called Iust men, and no more: For it seems according to the just Agreement betwixt him|self and his part owner of Arowsick Island, it was not his turn this year to hav•• ••een upon the place, but such was his goodness, that he yielded to the d••sire of his Friend and Partner, as in his room and stead to take upon himself that Service in this time of danger, it is hoped his goodness in future time will not be forgotten by such as were any way concerned therein, or had Advantage thereby.

This island (called Arowsick from an Indian so named, that formerly possessed it, and of whom it was purchased by one Mr. Richards who ••old it to Captain Lak•• and Major Clarke) lyes up ten miles within the mouth of Kennibeck River; it is some miles in length, and contain|eth many thousand Acres of very good Land; where meadow and arable ground are in a good proportion well suited together; within the Fort aforesaid were many convenient buildings for several Offices, as well for wares and Trading, as habitation: six several Edifices are said to have been there erected. The Warehouse at that time was well furnished with all sorts of goods; besides a Mill and other Ac|commodations, and dwellings within a mile of the Fort and Mansion house; some of whose Inhabitants hardly made their escape, upon the first surp••izal of the Fort.

All which consi••ered, the loss that besel the Proprietours at the sur|priz••l of this Island seems to be very great, valued at many thousands: but those that were the Owners with others of late times, have found in their ow•• Experience, what Solomon said of old, Th••re is a Time to get, and a Time to loose, a Time to keep, and a Time to cast away: A Time ••o

break down, as well as a Time to build up. The persons killed and taken at Kennibeck, both at Mr. Hommants, and at Arowsick, are said to be fifty three.

Upon the Report of this sad disaster, all the Plantations of the Eng|lish in those parts were soon after left, and forsaken by degrees. All the rest of the Inhabitants of Kennibeck River, Shipscot River, Saga|de-ho••k, Da••anicot••ee, fearing to be served in the same kind, fled to the Isl••nds of Cape-bonawagan and Da••••••ils Cove.

On the second day at night be a Post was sent to Pemmaquid to inform them of what had hapned, who being but eight or ten men, were mind|ed to go to the Island called Monhiggon, having secured the best of their goods, but the wind taking them short, they were forced to turn into Damarils Cove, where they found Mr. Wiswal, and Mr. Co••••cot, there they laboured two dayes to settle a Garrison; But partly by the muti|nousness of the People, and partly by the want of Provision nothing could be done to secure the Island, so that it was presently deserted: From thence they went to Monhiggon, resolving ther•• to tarry till they heard from Boston, from whence Mr. Colicot, and Mr. Wi••wel promi|sed to do their utmost endeavour to send help. There they setled three Guards, and appointed five and twenty to watch every night, not know|ing but that the Indians might come every hour. But continuing there a Fortnight, and finding no Relief like to come; and seeing all the Coun|try burned round about. (For after they had gotten all that could be saved from Pemmaquid, they saw all the other Island, Windgin••, Cor|bins sound, New-Harbour, Pem••aquid all on fire in two hours time) then considering what was best to be done, they found no Boats could be sent to sea for fear of weakning the Island, and that most of those that were upon the Island, were Strangers, Coasters, and such as came from the M••y••••e, and were ready to be gone upon every occasion, they laid an Imbargoe for one weeks time, after which a Letter was received from Major Clarke, defiring their Assistance for enquiring after Capt. Lake if alive, saving, what could be had at Kennibeck &c. but intimating nothing of any help l••ke to come, besides those that brought ••he Letter told them, it was in vain to expect any help from Boston. It being questi|oned there, what they had to do with those parts, upon which the In|habitants considered, that if they should tarry there, and spend all their Provision, and neither be able to go to Sea, nor yet to live, or be safe a shore for want of help, it were better for them to remove, while they had something left to live upon, and seek imployment else where; so by Consent they resolved forthwith to Transport themselves, and what they

had saved of their goods to some place of Security, so they took the first opportunity to set sayle, some for Pascataqua, some for Boston, and some for Sale••••, at one of which three places they all safely arrived.

Having thus escaped at first as Lot out of Sodom, but not counting themselves safe in that Zoar, where for a little while they made shift to bids their heads, till they might escape to some surer place, there waiting for better times, when they may with peace and quietness re|••urn to their former habitations, or seek some other else where.

When the foresaid Exploits were done by the Indians in and about Casco Bay, several of the English removed to ••ewels Island, where they hoped to be more secure from the Indians, but their barbarous Enemy finding so little Resistance made against them on the main Land, a con|siderable party of them came with their Canoos to destroy that Island also, about three weeks after the forementioned mischiefs.

There was a fortifyed house upon the said Island, where the English that either kept upon the Island, or repayred thither, hoped to have secured themselves. But at that time when the Indians assaulted the place, many of the English were absent, sew left in the Garrison, but women and Children; some were gone to other places to fetch Indian Corn, others were in a Boat imployed about Fish, amongst whom was one Richard Pots with two more; The wife of the said Pots was wash|ing by the water sie, where she was surprized with her Children, and carryed away in sight of her husband, who was not a little distressed with ••hat sad Spectacle, but was not able to afford any Relief either to wife or Children; although one of the Children espying his Father in his boat, ran into the water, calling out for help, but an Indian ran after him to catch him up; the poor man in a great Agony being within half shot, was about to have fired upo•• the Indian, but then fearing he might ••wo••••d•• his Child which the Villain had said hold of, he forbore, rather suf|fering him to be carryed away alive, then be exposed to so manifest dan|ger of his Life, or Limbs, by shooting at the Indian.

It is said that some of the Indians were killed by them in the Garrison: They speak of a Lord that at one shot killed two or three of them, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Guns were found afterwards under the Fort, which were supposed to have belonged to some of the Indians that were killed. Some that were abroad when the Fort was assaulted, desperately broke in through the In|dians, whereby at the last, many of the People were preserved: some flying away from Iewels Island in a Canoo toward Richmonds Island, met with a K••tch, to which they made known the distress the People were in, who thereupon went to the place, and took in all the People they found

there, and carryed i••hem off to a place of more safety. Yet were there several persons said to be killed and carryed away at that time viz. three men, who were known to be killed, two women and two Children, that are supposed to be yet alive, though in the Enemies power.

From thence they went to Spurwinks, where they assaulted one place or more, and killed one man, wounded another, and carryed another away Captive: Amongst them that were in danger of surprizal, one that could not run, hid himself in a garden of Cabbages so as he was not found, yet was very near them, for he over heard several questions, they asked him they took; by which means he was the better enabled afterward to prevent the danger two more were coming into, for the poor Fellow that they had taken, told them, that one Shenda•• with another man were to come that way by and by; whereupon this man that had hid himself, meeting that She••dal and the other man gave them notice of the danger, whereby they were delivered out of the snare, for that time; not long after one of them, viz Mr: Shendal fell into their hands as shall be declared afterwards. Within a while after, or much a|bout that same time, another sad Accident befel six or seven of them that belonged to Casco. For upon the twenty third of September some persons that belonged to a Sloop, and a S••allop, that were pressed into the Service (one Reason of which was to prevent their ••ragling they being persons that belonged to those parts about Casco) were over desirous to save some of their Provision, to which end they first made their Address to Captain Hatborne, (under whom they were ordered to serve) desiring they might be released; the Captain told them he could not do it, but desired them to have patience for a while, they told him, that they must and would go, else their Families must starve at home: The Captain told them further of the danger, and bid them not stir at their peril: However they would go, and soon after went to Mount|joyes Island to fetch•• sheep, where they landed seven men; but the Indi|ans presently set upon them, they presently be took themselves to the Ruines of a stone house, where they defended themselves as long as they could; but at last they were all destroyed either with stones cast in upon them, or else with the Enemies shot, except one, who, though at the fi••st it was hoped his wounds were not mortal, yet soon after dy••d thereof; Amongst these was one Georg•• Fell much ••am••nted, who had been more active then any man in those parts against the Indians, but at the last he lost his own Life amongst them, in this too desperate an Adventure.

The Indians growing more hold by these Attempts in those remote places, drew down n••arer towards Pas••at aqua, for not long after a party

of them came upon Cape Nidduck, where they killed and carryed away all the Inhabitants of a few scattering houses, to the number of seven in all, and such was their Salvage Cruelty exercised in this place, as is not usually heard of, for having dashed out the brains of a poor woman thatgave suck, they nayled the young Child to the dead body of its mother, which was found sucking in that rueful manner, when the People came to the place. The day before a man and his wife were killed by them at Wells, and two men more soon after. On the twelfth of October following near an hundred of the Indians made an Assault upon Black point, all the Inhabitants being gathered into one fortifyed place upon that point, which a few hands might have de••ended against all the Indians on that side of the Country. But as i•• seems, one called Mugg was the Leader of the Indians; one that ••ad from a Child been well acquaint|ed with the English, and had lived some years in English Families, who though a cunning Fellow, and had prevailed much in his Attempts, yet at this time shewed more Courtesy to the English, then according to for|mer Outrages could be expected from any of those barbarous miscre|ants; and was willing to make offer of a Treaty to Mr. Iosselin, chief of the Garrison, to whom the said Mugg promised liberty for all that were there, to depart with their goods upon the surrender of the place: The said Iosselin reports, that when he came back from his treating with Mugg, that all the People were fled away out of the Garrison, having carryed away their goods by water before his return, in so much that having none but his Household Servants to stand by him, he was capa|ble to make no Resistance, and so surrendred.

When People have once been frighted with Reports and Sense of danger, they are ready to fly away like a Hart before the Hunter or his Hounds, one of the Inhabitants of the place affirmed he saw an hundred and fifty Indians, which was more by an hundred than any body else ever saw near the Fort. But when a place is designed to Ruine, every thing they take in hand shall tend thay way.

The loss of Black point was accompanyed with another sad Acci|dent, that fell out about the same time at Richmonds Island. For young Mr. Fryer with some others at Pascataqua, to whom it seemed grie|vous that the Indians should make all that Spoyle in every place in those farther Plantations, ventured upon the great Importunity of Mr. Shandal, with a Kotch to try what they could save of such things that the Indi|ans had left. But things were so ordered, that before they had loden their Ketch, coming too near the Stage head, they presently found them|selves in danger of a surprizal, for part of their Company being a

shore, were seized by the Indians, or in danger thereof, whom they were not willing to leave behind; and besides the wind blowing in hard upon them, they could not get out of the Harbour, but were forced to abide the danger of an Assault. The Indians getting many of them into the stage head annoyed them so fast with their shot, that not a man of them was able to look above deck, but he was in danger of being shot down, amongst the rest Mr. Iames Fryer venturing too much in view of the Enemy received a wound in his knee, which appeared not dan|gerous at the first, but for want of better looking to, then could be found amongst that black Regiment, into whose hands he soon after fell; It proved Mortal unto him, within a few dayes after: he being by a strange Accident brought home to his Fathers house at the great Island in Pascataqua. Mr. Fryer being thus wounded, the rest of the Com|pany defended thems••lves for a while with much C••••rage and Reso|lution, till they were brought to the sad choice of falling into the hands of one of these three bad Masters, the Fire, the water, or the Barbarous Heathen, to whom at last they thought it best to yield, in hope of liber|ty afterwards, at least of lengthning out their lives a little longer, for the Indians had manned cut a Canoo with several hands to cut their Ca|ble, and others stood ready within the defence of the stage head to fire upon any one that stirred in the Ketch, by which means the Vessel after the Cable was cut soon drave a shore; and then was it threatned to be presently burned, if they did not all yield, to which they all at last consented.

The Indians how barbarous soever in their own nature, yet civilly intreated their Prisoners, and upon farther discourse sent one or two of them to Pasca••aqua, to give them there an opportunity to Ranso•••••• their Friends. The persons sent home to procure a Ransome, were ••o return with such a quantity of goods as the Indians had desired; by such a precise time: but they that brought the things for their Ransome, coming a day or two before the time, when those that sent them we••e gone up the River at Black point, and not returned: Some other Indi|ans waiting for such an opportunity seized the goods, at least that pa••t which they most desired, and through mistake, killing one of the three men ••hat brought them, dismissed the other two, without return of the Prisoners as was expected.

As to what hapned afterward, we are yet much in the dark, and for the present can write but by guess: for within a few dayes after the return of Mr. Shendal, and the other man that went to carry the Ransome, before November 1. Mugg himself came to Pasca|taqua,

bringing Mr. Iames Fryer, who soon af••er dyed of his wound, one of the Prisoners along with him complain•••••• th••t without his knowledge some of the Indians had seized what was se••t for the Ransome of the rest, promising upon his Faith, that he would make good his word for the sending home all the Prisoners, and offered al•••• in the Name of the other Indians, to confirm a new Peace with the E••glish for the fu|ture: The Major General of the Massachusets Colony was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at Pas|cataqua, but not willing to Transact a matter of that nature and mo|ment by his sole Authority, ordered the said Mugg (supposed to be the chief Leader of the Indians) to be carryed down to Boston to the Go|vernour and Councel there, to conclude the business, with whom he soon after agreed upon a firm Peace with the English of the Massachusets in the Name of Madockawando, the chief of all the Indians in the Eastern parts about Peno••scot, engaging also to remain himself, as hostage aboard the Vessel (in which he was sent home from Boston November the 21st. following) until the Prisoners (which are said to be fifty or sixty that they have still in their hands) be sent home, and the rest of the Articles per|••ormed. The Issue of which we as yet wait to hear in Gods good time, this 12th. of December following, 1676. when they there have made an end of the reckoning, 'tis hoped we may have our right again.

There are two principal Actors amongst the Indians that have all a|long promoted these designes amongst them, one named Squando, Sa|gamore of Saco, and the forementioned Madockawando, the chief Com|mander of the Indians Eastward about Pen••bscot, who are said to be, by them that know them, a strange kind of moralized Salvages. Grave and Serious in their Speech and Carriage, and not without some shew of a kind of Religion, which no doubt but they have learned from the Prince of darkness, (by the help of some papist in those parts) that can Trans|form himself into an Angel of Light; under that shape, the better to car|ry on ••he designes of his Kingdome. It is said also, they pretend to have received some Visions and Revelations, by which they have been commanded to worship the great God, and not to work on the Lords day. We know where that Fountain hath its Rise, that sendeth forth at the same place sweet and bitter waters. And from whence their hearts are in|spired, that joyn blessing of God, with cursing and killing his Servants.

It is reported by some that came lately from those parts, that the In|dians there do as yet refuse to have any peace with the English, and will 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 return any of our Captive Friends, till God speak to the foresaid Enthusiast••, that are their Leaders, that they should no longer make warr with us, and the like.

But not to trouble our selves farther with those Ministers of Satan, or those that are acted by the Angel of the bottoml••ss pit, (who pos|sibly since their delusions are but two fold more the Children of Hell then they were before.) We know better how to understand the mind of the great Lord of Heaven & Earth then to depend on such lying Oracles.

That God who hath at present turned their hear••s to hate his Peo|ple, and deal subtilly with his Servants; we hope in his time, will ei|ther turn the stream, and cause them to deal friendly and sincerely with his People, as heretofore, or give us an opportunity to destroy them.

In the next place it remains, that some account be given of our Forces under Captain Hathorne, and of their several Expeditions into the Eastern parts, since the middle of September last; first up toward Casco, by the Sea-side, then afterwards through the woods directly Northward, toward Ossapy, and Pigwauchet, in hope to have found the Enemy there at their head Quarters.

Upon the first Report of those Devastations and Spoyl•• that had been made by Fire and Sword in those Eastern Plantations. It was judg|ed necessary to send some Forces that way to put a stop unto the current of those Outrages, before the Remainders of the Southern Indians could have opportunity to joyn with them: To that end about an hundred and h••rty English, with forty Indians were dispatched away into those parts, under the Command of Captain William Hathorne, Captain Syl, and Captain Hunting, w••o were to joyne with such as could be raised in those parts, under Major Waldern, and Captain Frost: After they had surprized the Indians that flocked into those parts, (as was Related before) which was done upon September the 6th. 1676. Captain Hathorne who was Commander in chief, marched the Forces by the Sea-side towards Casco; For at that time they were upon some demurre, whether to march directly toward Ossapy, and Pig|wau••het, where the head Quarters of the Enemy was supposed to be, or else to march directly toward Casco Bay, where they heard Parties of the Enemy were daily spoyling the Plantations of the English, At the last it was judged most Expedient to try if they could not meet with some par yes of the Enemy amongst those Plantations near the Sea-side, by that means at least to prevent them from doing more mischief if ••••ey c••uld not find an opportunity to fall upon some of them, and destroy••••••••: But their time was not yet come, nor were all the Desola|••ions as yet accomplished, which G••d had a purpose to bring about by their means. For notwithstanding there was a sfficient Force to have suppr••ssed all the numbers of the Enemy, if they ••ad been many more

than they were; yet being emboldened and grown subtle by their former successes, they had so dispersed themselves all about the woods in those p••rts, that when our Forces were in one place, they would be in ano|ther, and so did much mischief thereabouts, while our Souldiers were out after them: For after they had by several steps in ten dayes time got|ten to Casco, from Newechewannick (about the eight of Septembe••) they marched to Wells, and from Wells to Winter Harbour, and so from thence to Black point they passed by water, and then arrived at Casco Bay, about the twentieth of September, yet about that very time, were seve|ral of the English cut off at Mount joyes Island, and that in sight of our Forces, when they were not able to come at them, for want of Boat, the Island lying two Leagues off in the Bay; this hapned the twenty third of the same month, as was said before, and within two dayes af|ter, another party of the Enemy were doing mischief at Wells, and Cape Nidduck, and yet escaped away, when they had done.

Nor could our Forces in all their Expedition meet with any of them, bu•• two; one of which soon after he was taken, was let go••, by the Treachery or Carelessness of them that held him. For when our For|ces were come within a few miles of the hither side of Casco Bay, some of our Natick Indian Scouts going in Company with the Indians under Blind Will, (a Saga••ore of Pascataqua, who went in Company with eight of his men, supposed to be good Pilots for the places more East|ward) met with some of the Enemy, and laid hold of a couple of them; Iustice was done upon one of them, the other, although he was led by two of Blind Wills Indians, they made a shift to let goe, who escaping away, got over a River, and gave notice to the Indians who were on the other side, & were heard but a little before threshing in a Barne that belonged to one Anthony Bracket, (whom they had late••y surprized) Another disappointment our Forces met withal about the same time, for when Captain Hathorne was up at Casco Bay with his Souldiers, he n••ver could come up with the Indians, either through want of Skill in them that were his Scouts, or rather want of Faithfulness in one that should have been his guide, who had got his living by Trading with the Indians: therefore seemed unwilling to have the Brood of them de|stroyed: As was known afterwards. And by that means a party of the Enemy escaped the hands of our Souldiers. Yet it pleased God at one time to bring the F••rlorne of our Forces upon a p••ty of the En••|my, who espying the English, presently fled away into the woods, like so many wild Dea••, yet one of them, viz. that I. Sampson who had been of the Comp••ny, that killed Robinson the year before, was by the

special hand of Divine Iustice, suffered to fall, by some of our Forces: He was a very lusty, stout man, and one that was armed with several sorts of Weapons, but there is no Weapon shall defend them, whom death hath a Commission to destroy: There is no Ransome in that War: The rest of the Indians that were scattered about Casco Bay, having discovered our Forces, made their escape: But, we hope their time is short, and that God will find some way to cut off the bloody and de|ceitful Enemies of his People, and not suffer them to live out half their dayes.

But by one such Accident or other; our Souldiers could not meet with any of them that had done all the mischief about those parts. And while our Forces lay about Casco Bay; A small party of the Enemy came down upon the Borders of the Town of Wells, where they lay in Am|bush near a Garrison house, at one end of the Town, and shot down Mr. Iames Gouge from his horse, September the twenty fourth, being Lords day, as he was going home from the Meeting; and then knocked down his wife, giving her several wounds with their Hatchets about the head, of which she dyed within three dayes after.

The next day September the twenty fifth, the same party being not above seven in number went toward Yorke, and surprized Cape Nid|duck in a barbarous manner, killing most of the poor people belonging thereunto ••••me of their Neighbours hearing of the Guns, came to their Res••ue: The Indians being on the further side of a River, dared them to come over and fight with them man to man: using several Reproach|ful Tearms to them, making a Shot at them also, which some of the Company not being able to bear, did very resolutely adventure through the River after them; but they were not willing to try the valour of the English; when they perceived they found a way to pass over the Ri|ver upon them, but returned back towards Wells; where they killed ano|ther, one George Farrow, September the twenty seventh, as he was too carelessly venturing to his house without any Company: These things hapned while our Forces were at Casco, where they tarryed seven or eight dayes. And hearing of these Outrages commit••ed in some of those places which they left behind them; and not being able to meet with any of them in the place where they were, they returned back to|ward Wells, and Yorke; but the Indians were escaped away into the woods after their Companions, before they came there: Our Souldiers having thus spent much time and pains in a fruitless Expedition toward Casco, they resolved to venture another march af••er them, up towards Ossapy, supposing they mightly that time be drawn homewards toward

their Wint••r Quarters; or else, that they might destroy what they had left behind them, to prevent their harbouring there for the future: But it seemed good to him, who by his Sovereign Power and Infinite wis|dom ordereth all Events and pu••poses (wherein his People or others are concerned) to disappoint all endeavours used at that time for the sup|peessing of the Enemy, or putring any stop to their wonted Successes: For soon after onr Forces were returned back from Casco, news was brought of the surprizal of Black point, on the twelfth of October, as was mentioned before; which notwithstanding; It was judged more ad|viseable to venture and proceed on with the Expedition toward Ossapy, (whether it was supposed by this time, the greatest number of them were retired) rather then to return back again to recover Black point, where was nothing to be expected but an empty Fort, and some desert|ed houses, which it seems the Indians had forsaken by that time.

And besides that other Forces were about the same time ordered to repair thither, sufficient for the repairing & securing of the place with what else was left remaining from the hands of the Enemy; And likewise several Sou••diers were ordered to Garrison the Towns thereabouts, to prevent them from making any further Assault upon them However, they were so far emboldned by the ••••king of black point, and the Ketch at Rich|mond Island with several Prisoners also which were surp••ized at the same time; That a party of them came the very next week after, toward Wells, hoping to attain that, and all the Towns, and places else betwixt Casco Bay and Pascataqua, as they had done black point. For a party of them under Mugg their chief Leader, brought Mr. Shendal along with them to Wells, where they summoned the first Garrison at the Towns end To facilitate the business, they sent the said Shendal as their Agent, or Messenger to move them to surrender, without hazarding an onset; But the People were not so despondent, to yield up the place upon so slight an occasion; which when the Enemy discerned, they soon drew off, after they had done some little mischief to the Inhabitants: For first they killed Isa|ack L••t••le field not far from the Garrison, It is said, they would willingly have had him yield himself Prisoner, but he refusing, they shot him down, yet they were so Civil, as to suffer his Friends to fetch away his body, with|out offering any further act of Inhumanity to it, or Host••••ity toward them that fetch it off. An old man called Cross, was killed by them likewise about the same time, and another, Ioseph Bigfo••d by name, belonging to the Garrison, was sorely wounded at that time, so as he lyed ••oon af|ter: Thirteen head of neat Cattle were also killed by them, out of which they only for haste, took the Tongues, leaving the bodies of all the rest

whole to the Owners, unless it were the Leg of one of them, which was also taken away.

This was all the mischief was done by them, after the taking of Black point: The Inhabitants of Winter Harbour, near adjoyning thereto, being alarmed with the surprizal of the other place; fled away with their goods, for a time; till they heard the Enemies were removed far|ther Eastward, and then it was said; they returned to their place again; In this posture have things in those places remained ever since, in those Eastern Plantations betwixt Pascataqua and Casco Bay.

But our Forces under the Command of Captain Hathorne, and Cap|tain Syl, having at the last obtained all things necessary for a Winter march into the woods, did upon the first of November following, set forth toward Ossapy, where, after four dayes march of very difficult way, over many Rivers, not easy to pass at that time of the year, they ar|rived; but found never an Indian; either there, or in the way, as they marched along: The Indians belonging to those parts, had not many years before hired some English Traders to build them a Fort, for their se|curity against the Mohawks, which was built very strong for that purpose fourteen Foot high with Flankers at each corner. But at this time the Soul|diers intending to disappoint them of their Refuge, made Fuel thereof, which at that time was very needful for out People, who had marched many miles through deep Snow in a very cold Season, when they could hardly keep themselves from freezing as they passed along, so early in the Winter: None of the Enemy being to be found there in their strongest Fort; It was not counted worth the while for all the Company to march any farther: Wherefore a small party being sent up eighteen or twenty miles farther Northward amongst the woods, whereas they p••s|sed along they met with many vast Lakes, (supposed to be the Cause of the sharpness of the cold, in that side of the Country) making the place scarce habitable for any besides those Salvages that use to hunt th••re|abouts, for Moose in the Winter, and Beaver in the Summer, (a sort of Creatures, whose Skins are of more Account than all their bodies.) But at this time it is supposed they were all gone lower toward the Sea side, to share the Spoyls of the English Plantations, lately surprized by them; which is all the Reward they ••ave met withal, who in former years, for the sake of a little Lucre by Traffick with them, have run themselves there into the very Iaws of destruction, either by Irregular dealing with them; or by their too much c••fidence in their deceitful Friendship.

November the ninth, our Forces having spent nine dayes in this Service, returned safe to Newechewannick, from whence they set forth at the first,

having run more hazard of their Limbs, by the sharpness of the Frost, than of their lives by any Assault from their Enemies.

There was great probability that the designe might have had some good Effect, if Mugg a chief Leader of them, did not much abuse those he fled unto, with a proffer of Peace; for he told them that there were about an hundred of them about Ossapy, not many dayes before: But it becomes us to look beyond second Causes, in Events of this na|ture; and conclude, that God had raised up these Barbarous Enemies to bring a like Chastisement upon the English in this side of the Country, with that which others had endured elsewhere, in the end of the fo••mer, and beginning of this present year.

Whereas mention was formerly made of a Peace concluded at Boston betwixt the Governour and Council of the Massachusets, and Mugg an Eastward Indian, in the name of Madockawando chief Sagamore of▪ all the Indians about Pemmaquid and Penobscot; which said Mugg, was sent from Boston, November the 21st with two Vessels, to receive the Prisoners there detained by the Indians, and also to see the Ratification of the several Articles of the said peace concluded upon. Which Articles for the better satisfaction of those that have not been acquainted with them, are thouhgt fit here to be Inserted.

Boston, Novemb. the 6th. 1676.

Covenants and Agreements made and concluded by, and be|tween the GOVERNOUR and COUNCIL of the Massachusets Colony in New-England of the one part: and Mugg Indian, in the Name and behalf of Madockawando, and Cheberrina Sachems of Penobscot, on the other part.

Witnesseth.

Impr. WHereas the said Mugg hath been sent & imployed by the s••id Sachems upon a Treaty with the said GOVERNOVR and COVNCIL relating to a Conclusion of Peace, doth hereby Covenant and engage for himself, and in behalf of the said Sachems, that from henceforth they will cease all Acts of Hostility, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 an entire and firm Vnion, and Peace with all the English of the C••lonyes in New-England.

2dly. That immediately upon the said Muggs Return, the said Sa|chems shall deliver up unto such English man, or men, as s••all by order

of the said Governour and Council, be sent with him, all such English ••aptives, Vessels, and Goods whatsoever, Arms and great Artillery belonging to the English, as are in their Custody, or under their power, as have been taken from them during the time of the late Hostility.

3dly. That they will use their uttermost endeavour with all possible speed to procure pay; wherewith to make full satisfaction unto the English for all such Injuries, Losses, and Damages, as they have sustain|ed by them, in their housing, Cattle, or other Estate, during the time of the late Hostility, or else to pay such a number of Beaver Skins yearly, in order thereunto, as shall be agreed on between the said Sachems, and such person or persons as shall be sent unto them from the said Gover|nour and Council for the Ratification hereof, to be paid at such time and place as shall be then agreed upon.

4ly. That upon Condition of the English ••urnishing of them with Powder and Amunition for their necessary Supplyes and maintenance, they do Covenant and promise not to Trade for, or buy any Powd••r, or Amunition, but of such persons as shall from time to time be deputed by the Governour for that end.

5ly. That if it do appear that Walter Gendai and the men sent with him in the Vessel from Pascat••qua (with Goods from Mr. Fryer for the Redemption of the Captives according to Agreement) or any of them are su••prized and slain by any of their Indians, or any others whom they can bring under their power, that they shall forth with Execute such Murtherer, or Murtherers, or otherwis••, deliver the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 up into the hands of the English.

6ly. That if the Amonos-Coggin, or any other Indians in the Eastern parts, that are in Hostility with the English, shall not fully Con••ent unto these Covenants and Agreements, but shall persist i•• Acts of Ho|stility against the English▪ that then the said Sachems shall, and will hold all such Indians to be their Enemies, and take up Arms against them, and engage them as such.

Lastly. The said Mugg as a Pledge and Assurance of his own Fidelity, and that he is impowred by the said Sachems for the end aforesaid, and for the performance of the aforementioned Agreements, doth freely and willingly deposite himself, and his Life in the hands of the English; to remain with them as a Hostage until the said Captives, goods and Ves|sels shall be delivered up.

Boston, Novemb. 13. 1676.

Signed in the Presence of

• Iohn Earthy.
• Richard Oliver.
• Isaack Addingtan.
• The mark of Mugg W Indian

The said Mugg lifting up his hand to Hea|ven for the true performance thereof, esteem|ed amongst them, a strong Obligation to perform what they promise.

Things were so ordered by the good Providence of God, that the said Vessels arrived safely at Penobscot in the beginning of the next month, where they found the said Madockawando, who was ready to confirm and make good the Articles of the Peace concluded at Boston by his Agent in his Name; And was willing also to deliver all the Prisoners that were then in his Power, or under his Command, which were but two, who were taken in the Vessel at Richmond•• Island, the twelfth of October last. The said Mugg likewise being sensible of the Obliga|••ion he lay under, to make good his word, did venture to go up himself to another Plantation of the Indians, where was supposed some more of the English Prisoners were, to see whether he could obtain their Re|lease, as also to perswade with the rest of the Indians thereabouts to joyne in the confirmation of the Peace; It appeared to the persons belonging to the Vessels, that the said Mugg went with some Reluctancy, as fear|ing the Indians be was going amongst, would either kill him, or keep him Prisoner; To which end, he ordered the Commanders belonging to the Vessels to tarry for him, about three dayes, or four at the most, assu|ring them, that if he did not return by that time, they might certainly conclude that either his Life or Liberty was taken from him, However the Vessels tarried about or near a week beyond the time limited, in expecta|tion

of his coming; But after so long stay, they neither seeing, nor he••r|ing from him, were ready to fear the worst, viz. that his Country men had made him sure from having more to do with the English•• Whereupon for fear of being shut up by the sharpness of the Winter from returning themselves, they took the opportunity of the next fair wind of setting Sayle for Boston, (only turning in to Pemmaquid to see if they could hear any farther News there) where they arrived with such Prisoners, as were freely delivered by Madockawando, the twenty fifth of December following, Anno, 1676. Amongst which Prisoners, be|sides the two forementioned, who were fonnd at Penobscot, there was a third, by a more remarkable Providence then ordinary, added unto them, Mr. Thomas Cobbet, Son of that Reverend and worthy Minister of the Gospel, Mr. Thomas Cobbet (Pastor of the Church at Ipswitch, a Town within the Massachusets Iurisdiction) who had all the time of his Sons Captivity together with his friends wrestled with God in their daily Prayers for his Release, and accordingly he was with the more joy received by his friends, as an Answer and Return of their Prayers. The said young man had lived with Mr. Fryer, Merchant of Ports-mouth for some years before, and had been oft at Sea with Mr. Iames Fryer the eldest Son of the said Merchant, and who had after much Experience of his Faithfulness, dexterity, and Courage on all such Ac|comp••s, borne him so much Respect, that when he was urged by his Fa|ther to go along with Mr. Shendal, as was said before, he would not venture unless his Friend Thomas Cobbet would go along with him; the which Service he only for his Friends sake accepted, which proved a fa|tal Adventure to Mr. Iames Fryer, and might have done to the other also, had not God otherwise disposed of him, having, as is hop••d, more Service for him in the Land of the living. Amongst all the Prisoners at that time taken, the said Thomas Cobbet seemed to have had the hardest portion: For besides the desperate dangers that he escaped, before he was taken. First, by a b••llet, shot through his Wast-Coat. Secondly, by a drunken Indian, who had a knife at his Throat to cut it, when his hands were bound, when the Indians came to share the Prisoners amongst them, he fell into the hands of one of the ruggeddest Fellows, by whom within a few dayes after his surprizal, he was carryed first from Black point, to Shipscot River in the Ketch, which the Indians made them to Sayle for them, into the said River, from thence he was forced to travel with his Pateroon Four or five miles over land to Damariscottee, where he was compelled to row or paddle in a Canoo about fifty five miles far|ther to Penobscot, and there taking leave of all his English Friends and

acquaintance, at least for the Winter, he was put to paddle a Canoo up fifty or sixty mile: farther Eastward, to an Island called Mount Desart, where his Pateroon used to keep his winter station, and to appoint his hunting Vo••ages; and in that Desart-like Condition was the poor young man forced to continue nine weeks in the Service of a Salvage miscre|ant, who sometimes would Tyrannize over him, because he could not understand his Language, and for want thereof, might occasion him to miss of his Game, or the like. What ever sickness he was obno••ious unto, by change of dyet, or other account, he could expect no other allowance than the Wigwam will aff••rd: If Ioseph be in the Prison, so long as God is with him there, he shall be preserved, and in due time remembred.

After the end of the nine weeks, the Indian whom he was to serve, had spent all his powder, whereupon on the s••dden he took up a Resoluti|on to send this young man down to Penobscot to Mounsi••re Casteen to procure more po••der to kill Moose and Dear, which it ••eem•• is all their way of living at Mount Desart; The Indian was certainly over ruled by Divine providence in sending his Captive down thither, for a few dayes before, as it seems, after the Indians in that place, had been pow|awing together, he told him, that there were two English Vessels then come into Pemm••quid, or Penobscot, which proved so indeed: yet was it not minded by him surely, when he sent his ••aptive thither for pow|der, for it proved the means of his escape; which his Pateroon might ea|sily have conjectured, if it had not been hid from him As soon as he Arrived at Penobscot, he met with Magg, who presently 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him by the Name of Mr. Cobbet, and taking him by the hand, told him, he had been at his Father•• house, (which was November the first or second before, as he passed through Ipswitch to Boston) and had promised to send him home, so soon as he returned. Maaockawando taking notice of what Magg was speaking that way, although he were willing that he should be released according to Agreement, (his Pateroon being one of this Sa|gamores Subjects, though during the Hunting Voyage of the winter, he lived at such a distance from him) began to demand something for sa••isfaction, in a way of Ransome, not understanding before that his Father was, a great Preachman, as they use to call it: Reply mas made to him, that he should have something in lieu of a Ransome, viz a fine Coat, which they had for him aboord the Vessel; the which the Saga|more desired to see, before he would absolutely grant his Release: but upon sight of the said Coat, he seemed very well satisfied, and gave him free liberty to return home. Whilst this Mr. Thomas Cobbet was a

Prisoner at Mount Desart going along with the Indians to ••unt, in an extream cold day; he was so overcome with the sharpness thereof, that all his Senses were suddenly benummed, so as he fell down upon the Snow, not being able to stir hand or foot, and had without doubt there perish|ed in a little time but that the Indians he was going along with, m••ssi••g him, presently ran about the woods to seek him, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 when they found him, they were either so pitiful to him, or so careful of their own good, as not to cast away a likely young man, from whom they expected ei|ther much service, or a good Ransome, for want of a little Car••, and pains to preserve his life; wherefore, taking him upon their shoulders, they carryed him into the next Wigwam, so as he soon after revived, and came to himself again, without any farther mischief.

At another time, the Salvage Villain whose Prisoner he was, so long as he had strong Liquor, for five dayes together was so drunke, that he was like a furious mad Beast, so as none durst come near him, his Squaws he almost brained in one of those drunken fits.

The said Thomas was forced to get out of his sight into the woods all that night, for fear of being mischiefed by him. Where making a fire he kept himself alive: The Squaws being by Gods special Providence so inclined to pity, that they came to him daily with Victuals, by which means he was at that time also preserved: All which put together, makes his Deliverance the more Remarkable, as an Answer of prayer.

As for the Rest of the Prisoners, (which are said to be fifty or sixty) They were left with them who first surprized them at Kennibeck, and Ship••cot River: The Women are imployed it seems to sew and make Garments for them; They having plundered much English goods at Arowsick. They are so much elevated with their late s••cc••sses, in spoyl|ing so many of the English habitations, that they seem not very re••••y to hearken to Tearms of peace, as their Sagamore Madockawando doth de|sire: Nor are the English able to come near them with any of their For|ces this Winter season, in regard both of the Remoteness of the place, and sharpness of the Cold, which uses to be extream in those parts: How their hearts may be inclined in the following year, or what the English may be enabled to do against them, is known unto God only, on whom we de|sire to wait for a comfortable Issue of these our Troubles. But until they have spent all the plunder that is t••k••n, it is no doubt, but they will ••eem averse from having peace; As others to the W••stward did, whose hearts were hardned against all proff••r•• of that nature, t••ll they were de|stroyed; Possibly some Remnants of them that escaped in those other parts, are got hither amongst these, and do anin a••e them all they can to

Hostility against us, till they make these as miserable as themselves, and f•• forced at the last to fly their Country. Many have been the Trou|bles we have met withal from these our Barbarous Neighbours round about us, but God we trust will deliver us out of them all, as he hath promi••ed to do for the Righteous, who may in the dark••st night of Aff••iction say, Light is sown for them, which shall spring up in the ap|pointed Time thereof.

No farther News came to hand concerning the English Prisoners at Kennibeck, after the Return of Captain M••or from Penobscot, till the fifth of ••a••uary. When one Francis Card with another young ma•• formerly an Iahabitant of some place about Kennibeck, or of Arowsi••l, (but then a Prisoner with the Indians,) made an escape from the Indi|ans, and so got over Casco Bay, and then to Black point, from thence he was conveighed to Pascataqua soon after, and then to Bost••n.

The manner of his escape, as he reports was this: He was imployed by the Indians to ••••resh Corn at a Barn a little lower in the River, than the p••ace where the Indians commo••ly k••pt being tru••ted alone, to go and come of himself, because there was no suspition of any coming to carry him away, or seeming possibility to get away without being a••scovered, he sound means to plot with another young man, who was sent to look hor|ses, whose fl••sh it seems is by those wild Sa••••ages, preferred before the best Beef, so as having their choice of both, they took what they liked ••est; And this being the Imployment of the young man, he had the fit|ter opportunity when he was in be woods to m••ke any Contrivance to get away. Thus being resolved upon their designe, they provided ne|cessaries accordingly, and sent such a Message home to their Masters, as might occasion them not to expect them very soon that n••ght; Thus resolved, they marched away, as soon as ever they perceived the Coast was clear; And having provided a Canoo accordingly fit for the de|signe, by the help of it they got over the waters, by which they were to pass which were not frozen; And in the night time turned into a Swam••e, where they might make a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to keep them from starving with the Cold, without being discerned; So as wi••hin two or three dayes they recovered the Fort, and Garrison at black p••••nt, from whence they were soon conveighed to Boston.

This F••ancis Card made this Relation of matters when he came to Boston, viz. that the Prisoners which he left behind were well, and not much misused, only put to do the Servile work about the Indians: woe must it needs be with Christians, when put not only to sojourne, but to serve in those Tents of Kedar. Such of the women as were gifted at

knitting, and Sewing, were improved to make stockings, and garments for their Pateroons: So as it seems the Ware house at Arowsick furnished them with Cloth, Stuff, and Linnen, and the Inhabitants served for Ar|tificers to cut it out, and make it up.

He reported al••o that the Indians spake nothing of any Peace; but ra|ther being heightned with their late and great Successes, were contriving how to get possession of the other places in the hands of the English, on that side of the Country, which God forbid should ever com•• to pass; but finding so easy work of their former Exploits, they hope they shull accom|plish their purposes with the like facility in all other places where they come.

It seems Squando is their chief Leader, that Enthusiastio••l, or rather Diabolical Miscreant; who yet hath put on a garbe of Religion, and orders his People to do the like; performing Religious worship amongst the Indians in his way, yet is supposed to have very f••miliar Conv••rse with the Devil, that appears to him as an Angel of Light in some shape or other very frequently. This Fran••is Card also affirmeth, that there is nothing so great a number of the Indians as is here reported for he saith, when they were going out upon some designe, while he was in their hands, he had an opportunity to count them all, and could find but ninety eight of them, that were men: Neither could he discern that there were any of the Western Indians, unless Simon and Andrew, that formerly escaped out of Dover Prison: Although it was before appre|hended there were multitudes of them flocked thither.

Francis Card his Declaration of their Beginning, August the fourteenth.

The Indians came to Richard Hammonds, and there killed Richard Hamond, Samuel Smith, Ioshuah Grant, there parting their Company, eleven men came up Kennibeck River to my house, and there took me, and my Family. Therefore the rest of their Company went to Arow|sick, and there took the Garrison: about a Fortnight after came down Kennibeck River, and so went down to Damaris Cove, and there burnt houses, and killed Cattel, there coming back parted their Company, one party went to Iewels Island, and the other party went to Saga-de-Hock, being in number eighty one; Those that went to Saga-de-Hock took a Shallop, from thence came to Kennibeck River, and then went to killing and destroying of Cattel and bousing, for they had Intelligence of a Ketch and a Shall••p at Damaris Cove, and going there they took the Shallop, and killed two men, being in number about eighty; The next day made

up their Forces, went out to Black point, being about one ••undred fight|ing men, and are now in two Forts about sixty at a place, with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or eight Wigwams between the two Forts.

Now the best place to land men is in Casco Bay, and in Kennibeck River, the one place being eight miles, the other about fourteen miles from the Fort where I was kept: And if the Army do not go now with speed, they will be gone forty miles farther up in the Country; at the first taking of me they carryed me up to Taconet, and the men coming down they brought me and two men more down for fear of our killing their women and Children, for they kept their Women and Children at Taconet all the Summer. As soon as the warm weather doth set in, they do intend to go away to Taconet, and there to build two Forts, for there is their fishing places, and planting ground. Squando doth in|form them that God doth speak to him, and doth tell him that God hath left our Nation to them to destroy, and the Indians do take it for a Truth all that he doth tell them; because they have met with no Af|front. Now Mugg the Rogue, he being come again to the Fort, he doth make his Brags and laughs at the English, and saith, that he hath found the way to burn Boston, and doth make Laughter at your kind Entertainment, they make their brags how they do intend to take Vessels, and so to go to all 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fishing Islands; and so to drive all the Country before them: so reckning to be a great Number in the Spring, there is a great many Indians at Cannada that have not been out this Summer, both of Kennibeck and Damarascoggin, therefore a great ma|ny of these Indians at K••nnibeck do intend to go to Cannada in the Spring to them. And they do give Gifts both of Captives, and of Goods to the Eastern Indians, to have them to go out with them; but as yet I do not know what they will do. For Madock twando & Squando are of several Iudgements, and so have parted, and Madockawando doth pre|tend love to the English, they do use our English Captives as Civilly as we can expect by such a People.

That this is Truth is declared by

me Francis Card,

Ian. the 22. 1676.

By the Report which he brings it doth not appear so difficult a mat|ter to make an Attempt to recover the place, and destroy them that hold it, as was before apprehended: Insomuch, as that designe, that was un|der debate before the GOVERNOVR and COVNCIL a little before, and was let fall for the present, as a matter not Feasible, hath since been set a foot with a fresh Resolution: And another thing also occured about the same time, which put new Life into the said designe, viz. an apprehension that there were several of the Narrha|gansets

scattered about in these woods near Pascataqu••, who it was feared might joyne with those of Kennibeck in the Spring, and so come down upon the English Plantations, and spoyle them all that are thereabouts. For soon after Francis Card coming to Boston, some of Major Walde••ns Indians at Quecheeh••, as they were hunting in the woods chanced to meet with three st••ange Indians, the which had Guns, at least two of them; but those of Q••e••bec••o were without. The other Indians began to insinuate into them, to see if they could make way for their acceptance with the English: Those Indians that this mo|tion was made unto, in a most persidi••us manner gave them encourage|ment in the business,; And appointed a place where to meet them the next day, saying, they would not have them now go home with them to their Wigwams, least their Women and Children should be frighted with the sight of their Guns; All which was spoken upon a Treacherous Account, by that means to betray them, for they had neither Women nor Children at their Wigwams; but not having Gun•• themselves, as the other had, they durst not then s••iz•• upon them: The next day therefore ac|cording to Appointment, their guests expecting a Treaty, and a Friend|ly Complyanc••, (yet coming apart, as was ordered the day before to be the more easily surprized) arrived at the place Appointed; And there presently the first being thus Treacherously brought into the snare was dispatched out of hand. The like was also done to the second; The third was not at such a distance, but he either••d scerned or sus|pected, what became of his Fellows, and therefore made the more hast to esca••e; but his deceitful Friends were too quick for him, who shot him down before he could get out of their reach: So as they took him alive, as is said; but he could not live much longer by Reason of his wounds: These Quechecho Indians cut off the Scalps of their poor Countrymen, (which is their usual manner, when it is too far to carry the heads) which being brought to Major Walderns Indians, they were presently discerned to be Narrhagansets by the cut of their hair. This instance is a sufficient Evidence of the Subtilety, guile, and Falshood natural to all these Indians; and may satisfie any Rational person, what l••ttle trust there is to be put in their words, promises, or Engagements, though never so solemnly made, farther then they that make them, see Advan|tage in the keeping and performing. Subtilety, malice, and Revenge, seems to be as inseparable from them, as if it were part of their Essence.

What ever hopes may be of their Conversion to Christianity in after Time, there is but little appearance of any Truth in their hearts at pre|sent, where so much of the contrary is so ordinarily breathed ou•• of their mouths.

These w••re the m••nners of the Gentiles in former times, while they remained Children of Disobedience, until they were renewed after another Image: Nor are these uncapable Subjects for Divine grace to work up|on, yet are there some natural vices proper to every Nation in the world as Paul speak; of the Grecians, from the Testimony of one of their own Poets: 〈in non-Latin alphabet〉〈in non-Latin alphabet〉, &c.

But to Return; These things so concurring, and several Gentlemen from about Pascataqua repayring to Boston, so represe••ted the states of things Eastward before the GOVERNOVR and COVNCIL, as that it was apprehended not only necessary, but Feasible also to sup|press the foresaid Indians in those parts: Whereupon it was forthwith concluded that an Expedition should be made against them; To which end two hundred Souldiers, whereof about sixty were of the Natick In|dians, that have given good proof of their Valour, and Faithfulness to the English; All which were immediately dispatched away, the first week in February by water, under the Conduct of Major Waldern as Commander in chief; A person well approved for his Activity, as well as Fidelity and Courage in concernments of that nature: They had to Encounter with Rough and contrary Winds, and much cold weather the first week after their setting forth; But having so much Experience of the favour and goodness of the Almighty, who is wont alwayes to be present with his Servants in like Cases, though he hath often for a time deferred for the try•••• of their Faith, & exercise of their patience; yet us••th not to fail his people, that put their trust in him, and diligently seek his face; A solemn time being appointed for that end; To the which we expect a comfortable Answer: we that have sent forth our F••iends on the publick Service, being thus engaged to follow them with our Pray|ers, at the present in silence wait upon the Lord of Hosts to give a blessing to the designe; Hoping our Friends in this necessary, though difficult Service, thus called forth, have gone out with the like E••cou|ragement, and Resolution, that sometimes Ioa•• did; Let us be of good Courage, and play the men for our People, and for the Cause of our God; And let the Lord do that which seemeth him good.

Upon the eleventh of February two Indian Squaws, that had run a|way from Major Walderns in the beginning of winter, out of discontent, because the husband of one of them, and some of the Relations of the other were sent away, came back again with more wit, than they carry|ed with them, though with less flesh upon their backs: for having wan|dred up toward Pigwache••, till they were almost starved there, they say, some Indians were seen by them, pretending they were going to the head

of Connecticu•• River, with ••ostile Inteats against the English; but they going away as they did, little h••••d is given to the Star••ei they tell upon their Return.

February the ••••neteenth following, Iohn Abbor, the Master of Mr. Fr••ers Ketch taken October the Twelfth, before at Black Point, came in to the Isie of Shoales, having made a despera••e Adventure to escape; he gave a more probable Account of things in those parts.

He saith, they were first carryed to Shipscot River, where the Vessel in which they were ••••ken, was ••oored for all the Winter: In which time, the Indians having spent all their Amunition, and most o•• their Provisi|on, counted it high time now to be looking out for more: to which end, they caused the said Abbot to fit up the Vessel, (being a Pinnace of about thirty T••••) as well as he could, with such assista••ce as they could afford him; and ten of them shipped themselves in the same, intending for Penchscot; from thence to Sayle up that River, as far as they could; and then leav••ng their V••ssel to proceed on with their 〈◊〉〈◊〉, as high up the River as the stream would permit, and so to pass on to Cannada to buy powder of the Fr••nc•• there; It being at this time two and thirty Shillings 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pound amongst the Indians at Kennibeck. But, as Providence ordered it, after these Marriners were launched into the deep, a small storm with a contrary wind began to arise; of which the English Skipper found wayes in his steering to make the danger seem more than really it was. in so much that they resolved to put in at Cape-bona-waggon, three Leagues to the Eastward of Shipscot, where eight of them went a shore, leaving two Indians aboord with the English Skipper: After he had got so well rid of them, he contrived how to get shut of the other also: There|fore he perswaded them, that the Vessel would not ride safely in that place, so as he prevailed with them to let him go to another Harbour, called Damar is Cove, two or three Leagues more Eastward: In the way as he Sayled, he so ordered his steering, that sometimes the waves were ready to overrake•• the Vessel, which put his two Indians into a fright, so as they made all the ••ast they could to get a shore, as soon as ever they came within the Harbour, urging him to go along with them; but he pre|tended a necessary Excuse to stay behind to look after the Vessel but with intent, as soon as ever he should see them a shore, to boys•• Sayle for some English Harbour, ••••ving no body aboord with him, but a small English Child about three ears old: It seems the Indians had a Child or two of their own dead in the Vessel, who dying after they began their Voyage, they were the forwarder to go a shore with them, for buryal: The said Abbot now perceiving he had obtained his purpose; (for he oft resolved

on this Project before) first ••allowing the Mast with a piece of fat Pork left by the Indians, as high as he could reac••▪ that he with his own hands m••ght the more easily boyse the Sayle, so choosing rather to cast himself upon the Providence of God in the waters, than to trust himself any lon|ger wi••h pirfidious Salvages on the dry Land; he came s••fe to Isle of Shoales before the Evening of the next day, February the nineteenth.

Within a few dayes after Iohn Abbot aforesaid, made his escape in the Vessel; There came an express from Major Waldern that command|ed in chief over our Forces sent to Kennibeck to subdue the Indians in those parts, & deliver the English Gaptives that have been detained in their hands, since August last, which giveth this Account of their proceeding.

February the seventeenth, this morning the wind North East, soon after South, and South West, we sate Sayle with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Vessels from Black Point, for Portland, but on the East-side of Cape Elizabeth, we espyed Iohn Pain, (who was sent out a Scout) who brought word the way was clear of Ice, and Indians whereupon we steared for Mary Poin•• at the head of Casco Bay, and got there this night, but too late to get to the Fort before morning.

February the eighteenth, we sent this morning our Scouts out by Land, who returning about eight of the Clock brought word they espyed the Tracts of three Indians, and found a Birch Canoo at Muckq••itt about four miles off, by which we feared we were discovered, the Companyes about four a Clock were drawn forth, and just beginning their march, when we espyed five Canoos of the Enemy about half a mile off, they landed over against us on an Island, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to us, whereby we per|ceived they desired a Trea••y, hoping to gain the Captives, we sent Iohn Pain to them, they promised him to bring the Captives by morning, and desired peace: Afte•• this Iohn Pain was sent again, and stayed among the Indians in the room of Simon, who came to the Major, he was questioned, and Answered as followeth:

Quest. How came you to know we were here?

Answ. We continually kept out our Scouts, and Yesterday our Indians left a Canoo at Muckquitt, which this day we missed, and per••••ived the English had taken it, and our Men that left the Canoo, espyed you a a great way off at Portland.

Quest. Why did you break your Covenant with me?

Answ. Blind W••ll stirred us up to the War here, and said, he would kill you at Q••echecho; Simon having said this, askt the Major what his business was here? to whom it was Answered, we came to ••etch off the Captives and make War as we see good. Simo•• also told us that the

Captives were all well, that we should have them by morning, that Squando was there, and would give the Captives to Major Waldern that they intended peace, had sent to Boston before now, but that Mugg told them the English would be here shortly.

The Major upon this dismissed Simon, and sent for Squando, to which Squando Answered, he would meet him half way if he would come alone in a B••rch Canoo. To this the Major Answered, he would not venture himself in our Leakie Canoo, and that if he had no more to say the Treaty was ended: To this Squando Answered, he would be with us again at Ten a Clock, and bring the Captives.

On the Nineteenth. Wind North East, the weather thick; About Noon we discovered a party of Indians in ••ourteen Canoos about three mile above us in the Bay: they landed on a point of Land and burnt one English house, and shouted to some of our m••n that were Scouts, chal|lenging them to fight: Immediately on the Return of our Scouts we marched against them as secretly as we could: upon sight of us they fled; but Captain Frost came upon them with his whole body before they were half out of Gun shot: in this Skirmish we judged, we killed and wounded several of them without any damage, yet some of their Bul|lets hit some of our men. For the Captives sake immediately after this, we hung out a Flag of Truc••, and the Enemy did the like: Iohn Pain was sent to them to demand the Reason why they fired the house, and brake their Promise.

Simon met him half way, and Answered, the house was fired Accidentally without Order from Squando: that they had sent for the Captives who were a great way off, and the foul weather hindred their coming: He questioned Iohn Pain also why we sought them while we were in Trea••y.

Pain Answered they brake it themselves in not performing their pro|mise, challenging our Souldiers to fight; this latter Simon denyed, and Answered the other as before: Simon told him they had two men wound|ed, and expected satisfaction, but also promised the Captives the next day, and so left us.

On the twentieth. The wind North East, and Snow, it was resolved to Sayle for Kennibeck the first fair wind, whether we had immediately gone upon our knowledge, that we were discovered by the Enemy, but that the wind and weather hindred us hitherto.

February the twenty first, this morning the wind North West, we set Sayle for Kennibeck, and arrived at the Harbours mouth at four a Clock: About Sun set we set Sayle up the River, and got to the lower end of Arowsick.

Twenty second, we set Sayle this morning, but 〈…〉〈…〉 ••ot get to the head of the River for Ice, whereupon we landed our 〈◊〉〈◊〉 about two a Clock, about twelve miles off Aboundessit Fort, and immediately began our march, about eight a Clock at night came to the Fort, we found no Indi|ans, there we ••ook up our Quarters this night.

Tw••nty third we sent out Scouts to discover the march of the Ene|my, but found so many Tracts every way, that w•• knew not what way to follow them; At a Council of War it was resolved that Major Wa••dern should Sayle for Penobscot, with two of the Ketches, and part of the Souldiers to seek after the Captives, and fight the Enemy if he had opportunity: the rest to build a Garrison. In the absence of our For|ces, the Vessels espyed several Fires belwo the River, and one English ho••se was burnt, about Sun set, the Souldiers returned to the Vessels:

Twenty fourth this morning the Major with two Boats and a Shallop went to spy out a place to settle a Garrison, and found one against the lower end of Arowsick Island, and the Vessels are brought to it.

Twenty fifth. We rested here this Sabboth.

Iohn Bakers house opposite to the lower end of Arowsick, being judged the most convenient place for their purpo••e, as wel•• for the con|venience of wa••er for the Souldiers, as of a Cove wherein Ships might R••de, within Command thereof, their Vessels therefore were immedi|ately Anchored there, where they rested on the Lords day, February, the twenty fif••h.

The next day according to the Advice of the Comma••ders, Ma|jor Waldern embarqued sixty men in two Vessels, with which he set Sayle immediately for Peno••scot, leaving the rest to be imployed in ma|king preparation for setling a Garrison in the said place.

In their way, off from Gy-obscut Point, they espyed two Indians in a C••noo▪ that waved their Caps, as if they desired speech with them. Iohn Pain and Wat. G••endal were presently sent; they gave them I ••••elle ••gence that many Indians were at Pemmaquid with English Captives, up|on which they b••nt their Course thither. where arriving they Anchor|ed at four a Clock, the same day; soon after two Indians holloed to them from Mr. Gardners Fort•• Iohn••Pain was sent a shore to enquire who they were, and what was become of the Captiv••s: Sundry sorts of Indians were found upon the place, with several Sagamores, the chief of ••••om, was Mattahando, who told them he was glad to see English m••n there, and that he desired peace, and promised to delive•• such Captives as were at Pe••ob cot, the next morning; adding also, that he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to speak with Captain Davis. A••ter Iohn 〈◊〉〈◊〉 returned to the

Major, he was sent back with the said Davis, and staid a shore, till three Sagamores went a boord, and signified as much to Major Waldern, as they had said before to Iohn Pain. While they were in discourse, an English Captive was espyed in a Canoo with his Pateroon, with whom they desired to speak but it was not granted at that time, he being carryed far|ther up the River out of fight.

Soon after the Major went a shore with six men, yet carrying no Arms with them. He found their words smoother than Oyle, yet were there drawn Swords in their hearts, of which some of their act••ons, gave no small ground of Suspition: for they deferred all till the next morning; nor were they willing to let the man that was espyed before in the Canoo come a boord to see his Friends without leaving an Hostage in his room, of which the Major was very glad, that he might have an opportunity of a little discourse with one whom they might trust. When they re|turned from the shore, a sign was promised to be given for the Appea|rance of the Indians by the firing of three Gun••. The next morning, February the twenty seventh, the Major with the same number as before, went to Treat with them: They with Iohn Pain having first holloed to them; upon their coming a shore their persons were searched on both sides, and all Arms laid aside. The whole Forenoon was spent in •• Treaty, whereat they seemed much to rejoyce in expectation of a Peace with the English; yet when Major Waldern desired a present delivery of the Captives, with Assistance of men and Canoos to fight the Mo|noscoggin Indians, Enemies to them both, it was denyed, though they could no•• have had a fitter Testimony of their Fidelity.

They alleadged that the Captives were givers them by Kennibeck In|dians, and they must have something for keeping them all Winter, and therefore were not willing to let them go without Ransome; And for thei•• Canoos, they said they had them in present Service, being then boun•• for Penobscot. The price demanded▪ viz. twelve Skins a person, was yielded to; upon which they presently delivered William Chadburn, Iohn Whinnick, and Iohn Worwood, which were all that they would owne, or could be proved they had.

That part of the pay, which was to be in Liquor, was presently laid down, the rest was promised to be sent in the Afternoon. The Com|mand••rs debated what was farther to be done, one or two of the old ••a|gamores, (who were believed) seemed sincere about the Peace, p••osess••d that none of them had any hand in the War, but only some of their young men, whom they could not Rule: But several of the Company offirming they saw some of the said Indians at Casco engaged in 〈◊〉〈◊〉

against t••e English, it was resolved not to enter into any League of Peace with them, but rather to fight them, or surprize them after they had dispatched the business about the Captives.

This being determined, the Major with five of his men went a shore, with part of the Ransome, the better to beget a Confidence in them; and then presently to return a boord, and fit his men for fa••ther Service; But if he had not wisely provided against all Exigenciess a ••ore hand, he might have been prevented from ever going aboord more; for stepping aside a Rod or two from the place, for better Circumspection, he espyed the point of a Lance from under a boord, hid there, as were other Arms near by for a Treacherous designe that was in their minds, soon after, upon the receiving the rest of the Pay, to have been put in Execution. Where|upon Major Waldern took up the Lance, and came towards them, cha••ging them with falshood and Treachery, for hiding Weapons just by, wherewith to destroy them as soon as they had delivered the goods: The Indians discovered their guiltiness by their Countenances, some of them making towards him, thinking to get the said Weapon out of his hands; but he bid them stand off, threatning to kill every one that offered to touch him; And immediately waved his Cap ouer his head, (which was the signe agreed upon, for the Souldiers to come all a shore, in Case of need) upon which Token the Souldiers all hasted away. In the mean while the English that went a shore to wait upon the Major, were forc|ed to bestir them, both to secure the goods from being carryed away, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to defend Major Waldern: Some of the Squaws with others of the Ene|my ran away, one of them catched up a Bundle of Guns that were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 near by, and ran away with them, Captain Frost seized and Indian calle•• Megunnaway, a Notorious Rogue, (that had been in Arms at 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cut last Iune, at the Falls, and saw that brave and Resolute 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Turner, when he was s••ain about green River; and helped to kill 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Bracket at Casco, August last.) And with the help of Lieutenans 〈◊〉〈◊〉 according to the Majors Order carryed him a boord, while 〈◊〉〈◊〉 searching about farther found three Guns hid in a Cow-house 〈…〉〈…〉 wherewith he armed the other three men that were with him 〈…〉〈…〉 time some of the Souldiers were got a shore, and instantly 〈…〉〈…〉 their Majors Command pursued the Enemy towards their 〈…〉〈…〉 the Chaso, several of the Enemies were slain▪ whose bodies they 〈…〉〈…〉 their Return; to the number of seven, amongst whom was Mattahand•• the Sagamore, with an old Po••aw, to whom the Devil had ••revea••ed, as sometimes he did to Saul, that one the same day he should be with him: for he had a little before told the Indians, that within two dayes, the

Engl••sh would come and kill them all, which was at the very same time verified upon himself: The body of our men overtook them before they all recovered their Canoo••, so as without doubt, divers others of them were slain likewise: for they sunke a Canoo, wherein were five drowned before their Eyes: and many others were not able to paddle: four they took Pri••oners, whom they brought away with them There being about five and twenty of the Indians p••esent at this Encounter.

Much more damage might have been done by our men upon the Ene|my, if they had known the ready way to their Canoos; but the Indians having prepared all things ready for flight, in Case, as well as for fight, the more easily made their escape. One of the Captives taken was Ma|dockawa••do'•• Sister, who was Entertained very Court••o••sly by the Com|mander in chief, and had been carryed forth with to her ••rother, in hope by her means to have gained the better Tearms for our remaining English Captives, but it was certainly known that he was gone from home upon an Hunting Design••, and not to return in two Months.

The English took much Plunder from the Indians, about a thousand weight of dried Beef, with other things, Megunnaway was shot to Death, the same day or the n••xt, so as Justice is by degrees pursuing those pirfidious Villains, and one after another they are brought under the Wheel of Destruction. Simon, that Arch Traytor, seems as is said, by his Consumptive looks, to have received the Sentence of Death, which may bring him into the same place or State with the rest.

Feb. 28th. they set Sayle for Shipscot, but the wind failing, they were put in at Konnibeck, from whence Captain Fisk (with forty men were sent to the said place to seek after Plunder, where they found be|tween thirty and forty Bushels of good wheat, which they brought away with them, several other things they lighted upon here, and there, some of which were brought away; As one or two great Guns, and some An|chors, from Saga-de-Hock, Boards from Arowsick, where they found an hundred thousand Foot, of which they brought home, enough for the lading of their Vessels, leaving the rest to be Transported in a more convenient Season.

While our Souldiers were upon Arowsick, two of the Enemy chanc|ing to come upon the place, one of them presently received his Re••a••d, the other received his Payment, which yet is supposed to amount to the whole; The Canoo wherein he seemed to escape, being ••ound the next day all bloody, and spli•• asunder.

March the first, one of the Indian Squaws a Captive was sent to Ta|conet Fort, with a M••ssage to the Sagamores to Treat for the rest of the

Captive•••• Five dayes were given her for her Return, which were not ••xpired, when Major Waldern, with most of the Souldiers were called to return home towa••ds Boston, where they arrived March the eleventh. 1••76. 77. having first put in at Portsmouth Bringing along with them the bones, or rather the body of Captain Lake, p••eserven entire and whole and free from putr••faction by the coldness of the long winter, so as it was when found by the discretion of one that was near him when he was slain, easily discerned to be his, by such as had known him before.

It is hoped by those that returned, the Enemies are by this Encounter of the English so scattered and broken, that they will not be able to rally again suddenly, or make any after Attempt, if the presen•• Advantage be seriously pursued. And thus have our Enemies themselves many of them fallen into the pit, which they have been digging for others.

This day also Letters were received from Major Pinchon of Spring|field, but without mention of any appearance of Enemies in that Quar|ter, whereby we are encouraged to believe, that they have stumbled and fall••n downbackward, so as they shall never rise any more to make far|ther disturbance. That which crowned the present Service was the per|forming it without loss of blood; They all returning home in safety, not any one being missed; Let them accordingly remember to pay a suitable Tribute of Thankfulness to him, under whose Banner they went forth, and returned in Safety; And say with Moses the Servant of the Lord, IEHOVAH NISSI.

_TO this Issue were our Troubles with the Indians brought in the end of the year, 1676.

That which hath been already said in that kind, may serve to give an Account of the Murthers, Slaughter••, Cap|tivities of several persons of the English Inhabitants of New-England: together with the burning and spoyling of divers of their Villages and houses, spoyling of their Estates, by those their pe••fidious and barbarous Enemies. That which remains, is only to satisfie the Inquisitive Rea|der about some other particulars, which have a Relation unto, or depen|dance upon the former: as to shew what may be the principal and leading Causes Civil or moral, of those strange Successes of the Indians, in some of their first Encounters with the English there, what presages or other ominous Accidents were observed aforehand, what assistance they received from other Forreign Nations, French, or Dutch, what is since become of those Indians that were the Authors of the foresaid mis|chiefs, what progres•• Christian Religion hath already made, or is like fur|ther to make amongst the rest, all which may serve as an Epilogue to the T••agical History, foregoing.

It is no d••ubt but that (as sometimes was said of the Divisions of Re••|ben) there have been, and are great thoughts of heart amongst them that wish well to this poor Country; for the Calamities that of late have here fallen out, every one taking occasion to put that Construction up|on what hath hapned, which suits best with his own understanding and humour. Possibly those that live at a distance have made many uncer|tain guesses at things which have passed here. For those that ••••ved up|on the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 have very sad Apprehensions both concerning the Rise and ••ssue of ••hem. In a matter therefore of so much difficulty to give the best account we can of the things under debate; It cannot be denyed but that things ever since the planting of these Colonies of New-England, they ha••e been signally bl••ssed of God, and made to flourish above ma|ny other Forreign ••lantations, both for the number of Towns and Villa|ges, Increase of Families, growth of Trade, flourishing of Religion, proba|bly therefore, this sudden and unex••ected turn of Providence, may oc|casi••n m••ny to think, that either there hath been some notable De••ten|••ion from former Principles and wayes, or else the world hath been

much ab••s••d by former reports of our prosperous proceedings here. But it sh••uld be observed that Arguments taken barely from Success, and the Event of things, l••ke Cyph••rs standing alone and not joyned with others, as some have said, do not increase•• the number, ••he•• the whol•• Summe is to be made ••p, they will sign••fie what they were intended for; Every thing is beautiful in its Sea••on, but in the mean tim•• sad Events should rather be improved to our own Instruction than the condemning of others: following the dark Cloud of Providence without the ••••ery Pillar of the Scripture, will lead into uncertain paths. This is not the first time that Christian People have been exposed to many Outrages, and barbarous Calamities from their Pagan Neighbours, to whom they have been many wayes Offic••••us. It is well known what hapned in the Neighbour Colony of Virginia on the twenty second of March, 1622. when by a general Conspir••cy of the Indians three hundred and forty se|ven persons of the English Planters, were barbarously massa••red; at that time when they had the greatest hopes of Converting them to Christi|anity; yet need no: this any whit discourage charitable Endeavours that way; for if it had not been for one Converted Indian, that revealed the Plot, in all likelihood all the rest of the English there planted, had been in like manner cut off at the same ti••••. The Heathen in New-England are scituate in the same Climate, therefore cannot be supposed to be much differing in their manners and disposition. But besides that we are hemm'd in on both sides▪ and almost round about, with People of Forreign Nations, whole designe is neither Religion, nor yet planting Colonyes of Civil People, so much as present Emolument by Commerce and Traffick with the Indians, who notwithstanding their barbarous manner of living, are yet furnished with some rich and useful Commo|dities, for the obtaining of which, those that come amongst them have not been unwilling to offer them in way of Exchange, such Commodi|ties as the Indians most fancy and desire, as Powder and Amunition, not considering how destructive the Trade thereof may prove to others, which hath made some wise m••n both fear and foretell the dangerous Issue of Trading those things with the Indians here. It hath been said the Hollanders used so to deal with the Spaniards, at such times as they had their fiercest Wars with them, saying, that if they did not, others would carry▪ those Commodities to their Enemies, which they thought they were as good to do themselves, that so in Case of bad Succes•• in the Wars, the gain of the Barter might help to make amends for the loss of the Battle. The same Reason possibly put them upon the like practice in that part of this Country called the New-Netherlands: for which

they have pre••ty well smarted themselves, as now they have helped others to do by their Example. Some prudent Gentlemen that govern|ed in Virginia at the first, were aware of this mischief; wherefore it was strictly forbidden them, upon pain of death to shew a•• Indian the use of a Gun; if the like Course had been continued here, it had scarc•• been possible according to the Eye of Reason that so much mischief could have been done us by our Indian Neighbours, at this time more than in for|mer years. Their wills were as good heretofore, but when they had nothing but Bows and Arrows to trust unto, they were capable of no such mischief: But now by their frequent Converse and Trading with the Dutch and French on each side of us, they are as well ••kil'd in the use of small Artillery as many other Nations.

Their young men so much delighting therein, that upon point they mind little else, and are so proud of their Skill, that they thought they could easily deal with, if nor over-match their Masters; that first instructed them.

It is reported by an Ancient Marriner yet living in these parts, a person of good Credit, that above twenty years since being in the Eastern parts about Kennibeck, he heard an old Indian tell this story, that when he was a Youth, there was a Fort built about Saga-de-Hock (the Ruines of which were then shown this Relater, supposed to be that called St. Georges Fort in honour of Captain George Popham, the President of the Company sent over Anno, 1607.) And possessed for some time by the English: But afterward upon some Quarrel that fell out betwixt the Indians and them, the English were some of them killed by the said Indians, and the rest all driven out of the Fort, where there was left much of their Provision and Amunition; amongst which there was some Barrels of Powder, but after they had opened them, and not knowing what to do therewith, they left the Barrels carelesly open, and scattered the Powder about, so as accidentally it took fi••e, and blew up all that was within the Fort, burnt•• and destroyed many of the Indians, upon which they conceived their God was Angry with them for doing hurt to the English; It had been well these Indians never had had any other acquain|tance with the nature of that Commodity, then by such Experimental knowledge of its Force and power. But Covetousness was and will be the Root of all evil in every Age of the World, of which this may be reckoned one, and not the least, that for the sake of a little Lucre, Civil and Christian Nations have been induced to instruct a barbar••us and Salvage People (before ever they had been reduced to good order or Civil manners, much less Christianity, in the use of our A••tillery,

and furnish them likewise with Amunition, to improve that Skill to the destruction of themselves, and their Posterity. Th••mas Mar••in was said to be the first that like Epimetheus opned this Pandora's Box but he was not the Vulcan, that forged all their G••••s, with other weapons of, War they are found so well furnished withall.

The Commiss••••ners of our united Colonyes have for a long time care|fully and seriously endeavoured the preventing this Inconveniency in eve|ry of the three Colonyes, by strict prohibition of Trading Amunition with the Indians; Nor hath it been given way unto, till of late years, when by the continual Sollicitation of some of our own People (that possibly since have paid dearly for their forwardness therein) who a••leadged the Example of the French and Dutch, and of some of our own Na••ion bo••|dering upon us; The former restraint hath been taken off, and it is verily supposed that as to some of our People, that in the last Insurrection of the Indians amongst us, have felt both•• the first and worst part of their, Rage and Cruelty; it was Effected by the Amunition not long before, pu••chased of themselves, which it may be was reserved for that very end and p••rpose. It is no small Aggravation of the misery befalling a place or person, when it is known to be brought about, by means of their own p••ojecting; As sometimes was said to the Tyrant s••ain by a weapon of his own forging, suo sibi hunc jugulo▪ gladio.

But if Enquiry be made into the moral and procuring Causes, where|by God hath been provoked to let loose the Rage of the H••athen thus against us; It is not hard to give an Answer. The S••ver••••gn Ruler▪ of the World need never pick a Quarrel with any sort of men (the best of his Servants at all times giving him too just occasion of Controversy with them) or be to seek of a ground why to bring a Scourge upon them, having also other holy ends why he contends with his People; of which he is not bound to render the world an account: It may be Rea|son enough to work in them a S••mpathy for the Sufferings and Calami|tyes of others: or to keep them from being exalted above measure; or to humble and prove them, that they should not by their long Peace and Prosperity b•• ready to look upon themselves as less sinners than others, who have drunk deep of the Cu•• of Trembling before them: To prevent what Evil may, as well as reform what is already grown up amongst them. Standing waters are most ap•• to corrupt, Gods Dispensations of this n••ture in the world, are usuelly observed to be for Correction of the Vices, as well as for the Tryal of the Virtues found in his Servants, And what people or person is there upon the ••••ce of the Earth, who hath not Reason to lay their hand upon their mouths, and to abhor them|selves

in dust and ashes, if the Almighty shou'd go about to enter into Iudgement with them: No doubt but after so long a time of Peace and Prosperity, as hath been enjoyed, the like Corruptions have began to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 forth, as are usual in such a Case, as Pride, Luxury, Inordinate Love of the World, &c. Nor need He be instructed by men, what Instruments to make use of, in the chastning of his People: Why may not God as well as G••deon teach the men of Suc••oth, and of other places, by the Briers and Thorns of the Wilderness. If a more particular Indagation of the 〈in non-Latin alphabet〉〈in non-Latin alphabet〉 or the very original Offence in this matter be ex|pected; All things considered, it may be feared to spring from some Ir|regularities and miscarriages in our Transactions and dealings with the Indians themselves, according to that known Rule. In quo q••••s peccat in eo punitur, yet must not this be understood, so as to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 upon the People of the Vnited Colonyes in the Gross: Whose supream Courts in their several Jurisdictions, have endeavoured by the sharpest and severest Laws imaginable to prevent any miscarriage of such a nature; But it hath arisen only from such places & persons as border upon us round about, both Southward and Eastward, yet never were, nor would be, subject to the Laws of our Iurisd••••tion, nor had nay Reprovor in the Gate, or Ma|gistrate to put he Offenders to shame Such as make the Advantage they have in their heads the Rule for their Consciences to act by; It is no wonder if they be ready to transgress the Rules both of Sobriety and Righteousness in their deali••gs with men, as well as Piety before God, The things that the Ind••ans are more eager to Trade for, being known to be either strong Liquor or Powder, and Am••nition: And many have been found Indirectly and under hand to gratifie their humour therein. The one hath proved alwayes most hur••ful to themselves, the other ••ear|ed (and justly as it hath been proved) most destructive to our selves. The more sober and prudent of the Indians have alwayes most bitterly com|plained of the T••ading of strong Liquor in our English, as well as in the French and Dutch, whose ordinary Custome i•• first, to make them, or suffer them to make themselves drunk with Liquors, and then to Trade with them, when they may easily be cheated both in what they bring to Trade, and in the Liquor it self, being one half or more nothing but Spring water, which made one of the Amonos••oggin Indians once com|plain that he had given an hundred Pound for water drawn out of Mr. P. his Well. But this is not all the Evil that atten••s this wicked Trade of strong Liquor, for when they are drunke therewith, they are ready to fight with their Friends, Parents, Brethren, &c. Yea, often have murthered one another. Should I not be avenged on such a People,

or persons as these saith the Lord? Good old Iacob sometimes complain|ed after the Villany of his two Sons, committed upon the S••bechemite••, that he was made to stink in the sight of the People of the Land, and that be should be destroyed he and his house: It is well if some of our Borde|rer•• have not had cause, not only to fear, but to feel the like Calamity in Reference to themselves, or some of theirs, thus what hath been gotten over the back of the evil Fiend is lost under his belly according to the Proverb.

Besides all this, it hath been observed of many of these scattering Plantations in our Borders, that many were contented to live without, yea, desirous to shake off all yoke of Government, both sacred and Ci|vil, and so Transforming themselves as much as well they could into the manners of the Indians they lived amongst, and are some of them therefore most deservedly (as to Divine Iustice) left to be put under the yoke and power of the Indians themselves, and hence it is that in many parts, the people void of Councel and common prudence as well as Courage, have so frightfully deserted, or Cowardly delivered up several places of strength (though Tenable enough of themselves) into the hands of Con|temptible Enemies; and so like Ripe Figs upon the first sh••king of the Tree, have been ready to fall into the mouth of the Eater, as the Prophet speaks; As hath been too sadly verified in some of the Southern, and all the Eastern parts.

If it be here Objected, that the same or like Calamit••••s have befallen many of those places and persons; where no such Evils could justly be complained of; It may as easily be Answered, and that from the obser|vation of Heathen themselves, that in such publick Calamities, it is not easy to distinguish between the good and the bad, sape Diespiter, iratus incesto add••dit integrum. The Righteous many times have an equal share with the wicked. In these Cases saith Solomon, all things come alike to all, no man knoweth love or ••atred by all that is before him: The Confused Events of worldly Affairs, are oft times so limited and re|strained by the holy hand and wise Providence of God, that it is hard to find a difference; therefore concerning such places, which may be thought not touched with the guilt of the forementioned miscarriages, yet have by the overruling band of Providence been not withstanding made 〈◊〉〈◊〉 suf|fer as deeply as others. I judge them not, yet hope, if they have ought for which to judge themselves before him that searcheth the hearts, they will take occasion hereby to humble themselves under the mighty hand of God, that in his due time they may be Exalted to their former Tranquility and P••ace.

When Gods Judgements are abroad in the Earth, then should the Inhabitants of the World lea••n Righteousness. This C••••••ion is judged the more necessary here to be added, in that it is the genera•• observation of all indiffer•••••• and unconcerned persons about the like Troubles; That they have ordinarily either begun, or have fallen heaviest upon t••ose places and p••rsons that have had most to do in the Trading with Indians.

If any such have as yet escaped their hands, to be sure they have been Threatned, as if they had been before others, particularly lookt upon by them, as the Obj••ct of their Revenge, which makes some moderate per|sons fear, that those men have either themselves offended in that kind, or else have connived at others under them, to carry on the Traffick with the Indians, by such wayes and m••ans, that have been as well offen|sive to God, as injurious to those they have Traded wi••h.

In the second place, touching the various Success we have met with|al, in our several Encounters with the Indians, Victory and Conquest did 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a long time seem to stand Neuter, and our Condition and Warfare not much unlike the Conflict between Israel and Amal••k in the Wil|derness, nor can it be denyed ••ut that our Enemies for a time had great Success in their Outrages, Providence as it were seeming to offer them opportunities of doing us much mischief; when we could find none of taking just Revenge: Things of that nature being strangely either hid from the Eyes of the Leaders, or else the weather hath so ••allen out as that it was not possible for our men to have pursued them: Al|though both the Commanders and Souldiers, sent ••orth from all the three Colonyes, have joyntly and severally pursued their Advantages, with in••Credible hazard and diligence, and with as I••••••••cible Courage as ordinarily hath been found amongst men. But as it is said, the Battle is not alwayes to the strong, nor the Race to the swift, but Time and Chance hath strangely Interposed to the prolonging of our mi|series, and the hardning and embold••ing of our Enemies: Much of our disappointments, and the loss of many of our Forces en|gaging with them, must be imputed in a great measure to our mens unacquaintedness with the manner of their fighting, they doing most of their mischiefs, either by Ambushments, sudden surprizals, or over|matching some of our small Companyes with greater numbers, h••|ving ••ad many times six or seven to one: Possibly also many of our Overthrows have proceeded from our too much Confidence in our own weapons, Courage and Martial Discipline Not making Allowance for the difference of Times, when th••v before engaged us, only with Bows

and A••ro••s, but now came to fight us with our own weapons) which ••ath proved no small Advantage to our Enemies, and disadvantage to our selves; or else to the distance of our Towns one from the other so as ofttimes they were destroyed, or in danger the••••of, before any notice was taken of their danger. If that be a sure Rule whereby Valour is to be judged, plus animi est inferenii p••ricul••m quam propulsant••, s••. that there is more Courage seen in the Assaylants, than in the Defendants; a few of our men have frequently defended the••selves against multi|tudes of them, unless at such times when Provide••••e seemed as it were to trouble the Wheels of our Motions, and fight against us, so as ordina|rily our people used not to want Courage: For at Lancaster where they seemed to have had the greatest Cause of boasting for their Success in any Assault (although it were since known, that they had five hundred fighting men when they Assaulted that small Town of about fifty Fami|lyes) yet were they able to surprize but one garrison house, which nei|ther was fenced round, nor were the Defendants able to ply their shot behind it, but so as the Enemy came to the very Walls and Roof on the back side with their Fuel, or else they had never been able to have dis|possessed the Inhabitants. The same Indians within a while after, had not been able to have done the mischief at Groaton which they did, had not a Garrison been unadvisedly as it were delivered into their hands. In one word they were more beholding to their perfidious Sub|tlety and Falshood, or to the Advantage of Season, place, and Number than nay Valour or Courage in all their Victoryes, shewing only a Bel|luine Rage and fierceness, when they had an opportunity in their hands to destroy or do mischief. For soon after when the time of Ven|geance was come, and God seemed to owne the Cause of his People, a small handful of our men hath surprized hundreds of theirs, as hath been already declared in the Narrative. The Dispensations of the Al|mighty have been very awful towards us, for a long time, not seeming to go forth with our Armies, nor helping us in defending our selves, or defeating of our Enemies, as if he had a purpose and designe to bring a sharp Scourge upon us, by that means to humble us, and pro••e us, and then (as we trust) to do us good in our latter end: acting therein as wise Parents that after they have corrected their Children, to cast the Rod into the Fire. For our Enemies to the Southward, were in the beginning of these Troubles, possessed of many goodly Havens, many rich and Fertile places, as at Moun••-Hope, and all along the Narrh••agansit Country. But are by this occasion, (quarrelling with us without cause) themselves in a manner all destroyed by the special hand of God, and

their Posterity quire rooted out, as were the P••quots before them, where|by it may be gathered a•• we hope, that God is making way to settle a better people in their rooms, and in their stead; when, the whole frame of Gods Counsels, and purposes are put together, and accomplished by the Issues of his Providence, it will, not doubt, appear a work very beau|tiful in its Season, not only for the glory of the Author but for the good and benefit of his people, that are concerned therein.

As for pred••ctions, or presages of these late Troubles,

Something of that nature hath been observed by some Iudicious per|sons in reference to the present Calamities, of which something hath already been published to the World, concerning which I have nothing to adde, only that some such things have been affirmed by credible per|sons, as presages of what hath lately come to pass. The noyse of Guns is affirmed by many, to have heen heard in the Ayre, in sundry places not many years before; Concerning which the Judicious Reader may take what notice he pleaseth. Although I would not be too forward in obtruding uncertain Reports upon the belief of the far distant Reader, especially considering how much the world hath oft been abused with false Coyn•• of the like nature.

But for other predictions of the present Calamities, some wise men have thought it not unworthy to be communicated to Posterity what hath been observed amongst the Indians themselves, as if either God himself had left some Impression on the minds of some of them this way, or that by some strange Instinct or other, they had some Reason to forbode the Troubles now begun, although not yet ••••ded, sed dabit Deus his quo{que} finem, in his own time.

There was within the Compass of the last seven years now current, a Sagamore ab••ut Ki••tary, or the North-East side of Pascataqua River, called Roules, or Rolles; who lying very sick, and bed rid, (being an old man) he expected some of the English, that had seazed ••pon his Land, should have shewn him that Civility, as to have given him a visit in his Aged Infirmityes, and sickness; It matters not much, whether it was to|tally neglected or not; to be sure at the last he sent for the chief of the Town, and desired a favour of them, viz. that though he might, as he said, challenge all the Plantation for his own, where they dwelt, that yet they would please to sell or give him a small Tract of Land, possibly an ••••n|dred or two of Acres, and withal desired it might be Recorded in the Town Back, as a picblick Act, that to his Children which he left behind, might not be turned out, like Vaga••onds, as destitute of ••n habitation amongst, or near the English, adding this as the Reason; That he knew

there would shortly fail out a War between the Indians and the Eng|lish all ove•• the Country, and that the Indians at the first should prevail, and do much mischief to the English, and kill many of them; But after the third ye••r, or after three 〈◊〉〈◊〉 all the Indians which so did, should be roo••ed out, and utterly destroyed.

This Story is reported by Major Waldern, Mr. Ioshuab•• Moodey, Captain Frost, that live upon, or near the place. And one of the three forementioned persons was desired by the said Saga•••••••• to make a Re|cord hereof. Valeat quantum valere potest ••ut deb••••. Many Stories of like 〈◊〉〈◊〉 are confid••ntly told, by such as have been more ••o versant w••th the Indians, which shewed that either the Conspiracy was a long while in Cont••••ving, or else that some Impression was by a Divine hand made upon the minds of some of them.

For the actings of our Neighbour N••tions round about us, whether they have had actually any hand in our S••fferings, either ins••••gating of our Enemies, o•• secretly and underhand supplying them with nec•• s|saries where with to carry on their designe against us, without whose ••s|si••tance it is supposed they cou••d hardly thus long have ••eld out. It is no question bu•• there are those in the world, that say A••a, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Cala|mities of our Sion, and that like Edom in Ierusalems day cry, Rase it, Rase it, even to the Found••tion thereof: But for our n••a•• Ne••ghbours, whether Dutch or French, their designe in their several Planta••ions, being solely, or principally Trade, and knowing that as forme••ly they 〈◊〉〈◊〉, so may they still have more benefi••, and Advantage by our Commerce and Traffick than by our Ruine; it seems therefore not so probable, that they should promote or designe such a wicked end to themselves, much less that they should joyne with Pagan Infidels therein; more Charity we judge is due to them that profess the Christian Name, whatever 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or Superstition their Religion or worship may be blinded with

We may well conceive that either of them would not be much un|willing to part with any thing they have to sell for Beaver, nor would they very s••rupulously enquire what the Indians do with their Pow••e••; provid••d they could get their pay for it, no more than the Cutler did, to know (as the Tal•• goes) what the Cutpurse did with the k••i••e he made him: But that purposely either of them have furnish••d ••ur Enemies with m••ans to do us m••schief, we are not forward to believe.

As for the French a•• Cannada they live at 〈◊〉〈◊〉 grea•• a distance, to ••a••e much Comm••rce with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Enemies: And besi••es they are not t••emselv••s so secure of the Indians they deal with as to be forwa••d to 〈…〉〈…〉 others, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 th••r•• by they come to lea••n the way to

fall upon themselves. And besides it hath been affirmed by some of their own Nation, that not long since were there, and passed home this way, that they are more aff••aid of Attempts from hence, than we have cause to be from them.

Other Reports possibly have been tak••n up concerning us, as if we were divided in our Counsels, and were too tenacious of our goods, and readier to keep them so our Enemies, than prudently to lay ou•• what was necessary for our own defence and preservation: no question b••t many such Rumours as these have taken place, in the minds of 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ Bu•• it is hoped that such as are wise and serious, will not give too much to sinister Report till they are rightly enformed. Greater Vnity of minds in things of such a nature, hath seldome been found amongst men, that might all along have been observed here. If in any thing propo••nded for the better carrying on the war against the Indians, there hath been some difference of apprehension either from the seeming Impossibiity and Ardu••••sness of the A••tempt, or difficulty of the Season; it never occa|sioned the least Remo••a of the Action, though in things of the greatest moment. Nor was there ever any difficulty in the disb••rsing what was necessary for carrying on the Affairs of the War, how chargeable soever and Expensive it hath been found. The scarcity of Coy•••• hath occasion|ed a little Trouble in some present E••cigent, otherwise no Reason hath been given of any just complaint this way. But it being the usual Lot of them that are most sorely afficted of God, to be most deeply censured of men, but we must expect to pass through Evil as well as good Report.

Possibly a••s•• some may here take notice of a very distinguishing P••o|vidence in these our late Troubles, in that this Rod of Affliction hath seemed not ••o••ly, in an equal proportion upon the body of the people of New-England; which is no new thing to observe in Calamities of this nature; wherein it is very ordinary for those parts of a Country that lye next boraering upon the Coast of the common Enemy to be most obnoxi|cus to their Incu••sion, and to be more frequently than other•• harness••d the••eb••; As hath been the Case of us here in these paris of the Earth, ever since the first planting thereof: The great 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Salvages be|ing swept away by some unusual mortality in all those places, where the body of the people that came over ••ither, 〈…〉〈…〉 themselves; so as they were not so lyable to their Injuryes and Insolenci••s, as those were, who not long after were called to plant the more remo••••r parts of the Country, where were greater numbers of them left. Which was the occa|sion that the said Colony of Connecticut was then sorely afflicted with t••e Pequods at their fi••st planting, when above 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of them fell into the

hands of those cruel miscreants, they bordering next or near upon them, so as they had an opportunity to assault them in their first At|tempt for planting that side of the Country, as sometimes Amalck did unto Isr••el of old. Further also it may be considered, that our Brethren of Connecticut have had no small part of this present ••••yal, in that they have been necessarily called to lend their assistance to the other Colonyes, which they have upon all occasions (to their honour be it spoken) most readily and freely done, not only by their Articles of Confederation, but as they were of necessity constrained in common prudence for their own safety to do—iam proxim•••• ardet Vealegon: he that will not help to quench the fire kindled in his Neighbours house, may justly ••ear to loose his own. It may truly be said also, that they have had their turn in like troubles at the first band, their Fleeces being only wetred with a like bloody showre, when the ground all about was dry; as now the contrary hath ••emed to fall out. To be sho••t we are all but one Political body, which ought to be sensible of the Sorrows that befell any particular mem|bers thereof: we all came over into these parts of America, with one and the same end and aime, viz▪ to enjoy the libertyes of the Gospel in purity and peace, and to advance the Kingdome of our Lord ••••sus Christ, and b••ing in our first setling, (by the wise Providence of God) farther dis|persed upon the Sea Coasts and Rivers, then was at first intended, so that we could not according to our desire communicate, in one Government a••d Iurisdiction, and being likewise where welive, encompassed with people of several Nations, which may prove injurious, as they have for|merly committed insolencies, and Outrages upon several of our Plantati|ons, we were necessi••ated to enter into a Consociation amongst our selves for m••tual help and strength in such conc••rnme••ts as have now fallen out, as is expressed in the Preface to the Articles of Confederation, agreed upon May twenty ninth, 1643.

In the last place, upon the consideration of these late Vproars amongst the Indians, some may be like to ecquire, what is become of the Con|version of the Natives, so much famed abroad, and what progress the Gospet hath made amongst them, fearing (as well they may) it is like to be not a ••ittle obstr••cted hereby. It may probably be supposed, that th•• pious endeavours of some to preach the Gospel amongst several of the Indian Natives, hath given the first occasion of the Quarrel, as usually it hath done in the world, But that Opposition meeting with no better Success in the Southern parts, than the Ruine of those that made the first ••••bellion against us, Satan hath lately changed himself into an Angel of Light, under that shape, making this his last Attempt, to the Eas••ward▪

For the chief Leader of those Indians is a Sagamore called Squando, who hath (as is said by them that lately escaped from their hands familiar Con|verse with the Prince of Darkness, though under the notion of a good Dei|ty, putting him upon a form of Religion, and forbidding any acts of Cru|••lty and murther to be used against any they oppose, if they be willing to yield, and in that way promising great Success to his Followers, what the Issues of his proceedings will be, God only knows, and a little time may discover. But for those that before these troubles have professed|ly owned the Christian Name, many of them have given notable proof of their sincerity, by fighting against their, and out Enemies, and have been very successful in their Endeavours: as well these in the upper parts of Cape-••od, commonly called Cape Indians. as those about Natick, and Hassinameset, within the Massachuset Iurisdiction. It is not my pur|pose to enlarge much on this hand, that I might not raise the expectation of the world to greater matters than for the present do appear.

There are about six Societies of Indians in the Country, who have professedly owned themselves Christians; In every one of which it is sup|posed there are some, that do make a serious profession of the Christian Religion. The Salvation of whose Souls is worth far more pains and cost than ever yet was laid out upon that work.

It is not a small thing, that in these dark places of the Earth, which in all Ages past, since mankind had any knowledge thereof, have been full of nothing but the habitations of Cruelty, the light of the Gospel should take so much place, as to cause any number of those Vassa••s of Sa|tan where he so long hath had his Throne, professedly to owne the Name of the Lord Iesus Christ. What Harvest is like to be of the Bod•• of them, in the present, or in the future time, is not for any of us to speak: neither at what hour, or under what Viall, they shall be sent to labour in Gods Vineyard, least we should there by seem to ent••••••ch upon the Sove|reignty of the Almighty, in whose hands are the times and Seasons of grace, as well as of nature. There are many Nations in the world, to this day, lying out from the Kingdome of the Lord Iesus, who were never yet known professedly to owne his Scepter, although probably the Gospel hath at some time or other been preached unto them, or sent amongst them; It may be, only to be a Testimony unto them, and so to leave them without excuse another day.

Whether any farther end in Reference to these amongst our selves is aimed at, in the wise and unsearchable Counsels of the great God, is known only to himself, and may be thought more convenient for him that writes, and them that read the present Narrative, to leave to the

after determination of future Events, rather than to intrude our selves into that which is out of our Line, or beyond our Sphere. Thus much without offence may be affirmed, that in all the habitable places of the Earth, whereever God hath, or ever had a People calling upon his Name, never any notable work of Religion was known to take much place, where some kind of Civility, and Culture of good manners, had not gone before.

Adde quod ingenuas, didiciss•• Fideliter Artes: Emollit mores, nec sinit esse feros.

God in his natural Providence, hath taught the Husbandman to plough the ground, to break and open the Clods thereof, before he casts in the Seed: In the dispensation of his grace ••e usually observes the same method; to break up the fallow grounds of the Nations of the world, and not to sow among Thorns. When he that sits upon the white horse, with his Bow and his Crown, and went sorth conquering and to conquer, it was amongst the Civil, and not amongst the Barbarous and Salvage Nations of the World: They that preach the Gospel else will have a double Task, (the least of which hath been found ha••d enough for the best of men, who is sufficient for these things, saith St. Paul) the great Apostle of the Gen|tiles to convert men, First, from Salvage Paganisme, then to Christiani|ty. It is commonly said that the Turks will not admit a Iew to become a Mahometan, till he hath first turned Christian•• To be sure we rare|ly find any Gentill Nation turned Christian before they became Hu|mane. Divine Providence hath improved the Roman Sword to make way for the Scepter of the Gospel of Peace. That Civility that is found amongst the Natives of this Country; hath hitherto been carryed on and obtained, only by the gentle means of Courtesy, Familiarity, and such like civil behaviour, which in other places was never yet attended with any eminent Success that way. It seems some Religious Gentlemen in Virginia, had great hopes of the Conversion of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Christi|anity, a lit••••e before the Massac••e there; The means p••incipally used by them was Familiarity and ••••••dness: One Mr. Thorps well re••uted for Religion, and in Command one of the principal in Virginia, did so truly affect the Conversion of the Indians there, that whosoever under him did them the least displeasure, were punished severely. He thought nothing too dear for them▪ And to content th••m in all things, he c••••sed many English Mastives to be killed, and would have 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Course to ••ave sufficiently tamed the rest. He conferred often with their great Sachem about Religion, and made him confess that the English mans

God was better than the Indians: This Gentle man out of his good mean|ing was so full of Confidence and void of Suspition, that he would never believe an•• hurt of them, till he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their cruel hands imbrued in his own blood; they barbarously murthering him amongst the rest. Mr. Stockain a serious and Iudicious Minister in Virginia, & Pious also, for ought is here of his Life at that ••ime when all things were so prosperous there, & the Sal|vages were thought to be at the point of Conversion, against the Opinions of all others, ••oth Governours and Council, wrote his mind to the Coun|cil and Company in England about this point in these words.

For the Conversion of the Salvages, I wonder you use not the means: I confess you say well to have them converted by fair means; but they scorne to acknowledge it; As for the gifts bestowed on them, they devour them, and so they would the givers if they could. Many have endeavoured by kindness to convert them, yet find nothing from them, but derision and Ridiculous Answers: We have sent Boyes among them to learn their Language, but they return worse than they went: But I am no States man, nor love I to meddle with any thing but my Books; But I can find no probability, by this Course to draw them to good••ess: And I am perswaded if Mars and Mi|nerva go hand in hand, they will effect more good in an hour than those Verbal Mercurians in their lives: Adding that the••e will be no op•• of their Conversion till their Priests (possi••ly he meant th••ir Powaws) be removed from them.

The natural barbarousn••ss and perfidiousness of their disposition may in part be gathered by this Story

When some of Pocasse•• Indians in Plimouth Iurisdiction had profes|sed their Service to Captain Church; as they were in pursuit of the Indians our Enemies, one of the said Indians from the top of an hill discerned a Company of Wigwams, where those they went to seek, had taken up their Stations, he called to his Captain, and pointing to one of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••u••er|most Wigwams, told him that was his Father•• Wigwa••, and asked if he must now go and kill his Father; No saith Cap••ai•• ••ourch, do b••t shew me wher•• he is and I will deal with him, do you fall upon some others: to which the said Indian only replyed in broken Engl••sh; That very good speak; whereby their natural Persidiousness even to their nearest Re|lations may be observed, which makes their Treachery towards us their F••r••eign Neighbours, the less to be wondred at. And therefore till 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be reduced to more Civi••ity, some wise men are ready to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Religion wil•• not take much place amongst the body of them.

Likewise when Philip was k••pt in the Swamp at Pocosset, it is cer|tainly ••ffirmed that several of their young Chi••••ar••n were ki••••••d by them|selves,

that they might 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be betrayed by their crying, or be ••indred with them in their 〈…〉〈…〉 they made their escape.

The generality of the Indians in New-England are in their 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and na••ural disp••s••••ion, not much unlike those in Virginia living much in the same Climate; who have likewise made an Insurrection, much about the same time this year, as our Indians did with us: But God who is able to graft in again the unbelieving Iews, is able also of these stones to raise up Children unto A••ra••am: And if it be the pleasure of the So••e|••ereign Lord of Heaven and Earth, to impart the Salvation of the Gos|pel to any of these, far be it from any of us to repine at his grace, or neglect any due means lying in our Capacity or reach to help forward that blessed work, who knows what tendency the present troubles may have to such an End. For though a great number that are implacable and im|bittered against us in their Spirits, may be for the sake of our Religion found ••ardned to their own destruction, yet a Re••nans may be reserved, and afterward called forth, by the power of the Gospel, to give glory, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the God of all the Earth.

Errata.

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