A demonstration of the first principles of the Protestant applications of the apocalypse together with the consent of the ancients concerning the fourth beast in the 7th of Daniel and the beast in the Revelations / by Drue Cressener.

The Fourth BOOK.

THE Application of the Characters OF THE BEAST In the REVELATIONS.

CHAP. I.

The force of the Applications of the Characters of the Beast to confirm the first date of his Reign. A Caution to those who have taken up with a former Hypothesis. The uncouth Composition of the Beast, of the Parts of a Lyon, of a Leopard, and of a Bear, applied to an absolute exactness. The Ri∣sing of the Beast out of the Sea; The Continuance of his Reign for 42 Months.

AFTER the more close and demonstrative way of proof, that has been made use of to determine the particular nature, and first Rise of the Beast, It will much confirm the knowledge that is now had of him, to see how easie and natural the Application of all the other Circumstances of his History will appear to be upon this foundation.

And this may serve for an additional proof à posteriori, as the Demonstrations of the principles of natural things by their cau∣ses are much strengthned by their perfect agreement with all the effects that we can apply them to, or with all that experi∣ence does teach us of them. But yet it must always be remem∣bred, That though the Application of an Instance or two should seem to be something harsh, or forced; That no man ought for that to question the former Conclusions, unless upon a new examination he can find them less necessary, than they did at first appear. No man ought to doubt of a plain and manifest truth, be∣cause he sees it to be seemingly inconsistent with some other Conclu∣sions that are deduced from it, which are not so plain and ne∣cessary.

I know not of any such harshness in any of the Applications that I am now going to make, but rather think them so well agreeing with the Characters of the Text, that they are enough to surprize one into an admiration of the Congruity of them. But I interpose this as a convenient Caution to those who may find a convincing evidence in the proof of the maint Point, to which the Applications are fixed; but by reason of some preju∣dices, and long use of a former Hypothesis, may not think some of the Applications so well fitted to the Prophecy, as they will imagine their own to be. For this will be apt to make them judge many things, which to all others would appear very tole∣rable at least, to be harsh and uncouth to them.

To begin then with the figure and composition of the Beast; It is said to be in the several parts of it like a Lyon, a Leopard, and a Bear, which do manifestly refer to its being the Fourth Beast in the 7th Chapter of Daniel, which is there represented immediately after the account of the Three Kingdoms shown by those Three Beasts, and is said to have devoured them. And those Three Beasts are agreed to be the Babylonian, Persian and Graecian Monarchies: The Beast here is represented as consisting of these Kingdoms, as the parts of his Body; which if it has any reference to the Roman State at the particular Rise of the Beast with Justinian, must signify, That it should be that particular Roman Power which was in possession of Greece, Babylon and Persia, or that part of Asia which belonged to the Babylonians and Persians. And then it does very clearly signify, That the Rise of the Beast should be at the advancement of the Eastern Em∣pire

to the Government of Rome? And does not that suit well enough with Justinian's Conquest of Italy?

This would tempt one to be very confident, That this was designed as a very plain Character to know the Rise of the Beast by, since there is no such mention of any of the Parts of these Beasts, in the Dragon in the Chapter just before, which yet is the same kind of Figure with this, and is known to signify the Ro∣man State a long time after that it had been in possession of Greece and Asia. And one would be very apt to judge, That what is represented as particular to the Beast in the 13th Chapter, and was omitted in the Dragon, which yet is known to be the Ro∣man Empire, must be added as a mark of distinction of the one from the other. But if others will have this mark of the Three Beasts to belong to the general nature of the Beast, as it signi∣fies the Roman Conquest at its first appearance after the destru∣ction of the Greek Monarchy, it will not prejudice my Opinion. It is enough to show, That as this Beast does signify the parti∣cular state of it under its last Ruling Head; So this character of the Parts of it does most exactly agree with that, which I make to be the last Ruling Head at its first Rise, in distinction to all o∣ther states of the Beast.

The rising of the Beast out of the Sea, is known to signify, that it should arise out of great Commotions, and by great Wars and Tumults. For so are many Waters interpreted by the Angel him∣self, to signify in this Prophecy, chap. 17. 15. Multitudes, and Peo∣ples, and Tongues, and Nations, which being added to the nature of those Waters in the Sea, do determine it to signify great com∣motions of those Multitudes, and Nations. And certainly this does very well suit with that strange bustle which Justinian made in the World by his Wars with the Goths, and Vandals, and Persians, and with his Conquests of those People at his taking possession of the Western Empire. The ascending of the Beast out of the Bottomless Pit, Rev. 17. 8. is the same thing; as the Sea is usually called by the name of the Abyss in Scripture, which is the word here used for the Bottomless Pit.

I could never meet with any satisfactory Account from any o∣ther Hypothesis concerning the date of the first appearance of the Beast, why the whole time of its continuance, both in Daniel, and the Revelations, should be expressed by a Time, Times, and half a time, or 4•• Months, which is the same (Coroll. 2. Prop. 24.)

For one would be apt to conclude, that a the three, and an half, in that expression, must have a reference to some seven, as the whole number of it. Three years, and an half, is in it self so pre∣cise, and unusual a determination of the whole time of a thing; and the whole number seven, so commonly used in the Old and New Testament, to signify the whole of things of the same kind, that it must be thought to be very likely to be here referred to; especially, when it is also considered, That the number seven is very frequently in use all over the Book of the Apocalypse: Alcasar has observed, that it is made use of there no less than forty times. Epist. Dedicat. Comment. in Apocalyp.

The three years and an half, of the preaching of Christ, to which these three years and an half, are said to allude, are also in the 9th Chapter of Daniel, last verse, made to be a reference to half a week of years.

With this it is also to be observed, That the other two fa∣mous Prophecies concerning the Captivities of the Jewish Church (which is every-where made the scheme of the Christian Church.) The first about the 70 years Captivity by Jeremiah, and the o∣ther of the 70 weeks Captivity, till the time of the Messias (which is mentioned with the former in the 9th Chapter of Daniel)▪ They both have the number seven for their denominator, and common measure. And from Jacob's seven years service for Leah and Rachel, and from the Liberty of an Hebrew Servant at the end of seven years; It appears, that the space of seven years was the known space of time for servitude amongst the Jews, where the Prophecies were delivered. And the seven years that we are now enquiring after to fix the half of them to, must be some seven years of the Bondage of the Church, though with some lightsome intervals.

As this does make it very likely, That the Time, Times, and an half, of the Tyranny of the Little Horn, or Beast, over the Church of God, does certainly refer to some whole number of seven Times: so is it now worth the enquiring, to what parti∣cular seven Prophetical Times they are referred.

This difficulty in the way, that I have found my self deter∣mined to by the Prophecy, is easily resolved. For if the first ap∣pearance of the Beast be at Justinian's Conquest of Italy, the Time, Times, and half, of the Beast in the Revelations, and Little Horn of the Beast in Daniel, are just as long a space of time, as it was

from the first beginning of the Captivity of the Jews under the Assyrians (who were much the same Kingdom with the Babylo∣nians) in the 9th year of the Reign of Hosea, to the time of Justinian.

For that Captivity of the Ten Tribes, by Salmanasar, was in the 3993d year of the Julian Period, and 720 years before Christ. If to this be added the Year of our Lord, when Belisa∣rius carried Vitiges, the King of the Italian Goths, in triumph with him to Justinian, which was Anno Dom. 540, there will be just the same number of 1260 years to the beginning of the Reign of the Beast at Rome, for the first half of the seven Pro∣phetical years of years, without their Epagomena, or the five days at the end of them, as is determined in the Revelations. And tho the Goths did after that Triumph of Belisarius, get head again in Italy, yet the example that we have of the computation of the 70 years Captivity, from the first carrying away of Jehoia∣kim, long before the final Desolation, is a very plain Rule given for the fixing of the date of the Conquest of a Nation in Pro∣phecy. For Belisarius's Conquest of the Goths at the taking of Vitiges their King, was exactly the same kind of Conquest of them, as Nebuchadnezzar's Conquest of Judaea at the carrying a∣way their King Jehoiakim in Fetters, though the Line of their Kings continued to the end of Zedekiah.

By this it appears, That from the first times of the Bondage of God's Church at the beginning of the great Captivity of the Jews, to the last end of it at the ruine of the Fourth Kingdom in the 7th of Daniel, succeeded there by the Kingdom of the Son of Man; there is just the space of seven Prophetical years, or in the phrase of Daniel, seven Times, of which the one half begins with the Captivity of the Ten Tribes, and ends at the first ap∣pearance of the Reign of the Beast; and the other half is the times of that Reign. At the end of which the great Prophetical Week of Times is accomplished, or the times of the Servitude and Bondage of the People of God: For as seven years was the allotted time in the Law for the slavery of a Servant, so did that time seem to be made the Type of this great state of Bondage.

To confirm this, We see the end of the Time, Times, and half, declared to be the end of the Jewish Captivity, Daniel 12. 7. Which does clearly show, that those Times were only a part of that whole Captivity; and where they appear to be the just half,

and to be called three, and an half, who would not assure him∣self, that they must refer to the whole number of seven Times, or years of years, which was the whole time of that Captivity?

And thus comes the whole time of that long Captivity of the Jews, to be measured out to our admiration by these two halves of it, from the first time of the Captivity of the Kingdom of Israel (as the 70 years from the first Captivity of Jehoiakim) to the Rise of the Beast, or Little Horn, and from the beginning of that Reign, to the end of it.

But if the 1260 years in both the halves should be also ac∣counted without the five days, or the Epagomena, at the end of each year in them, just as three times, or three years, and an half, are here but 1260 days, then they would be 18 years short of that number of years; and then the first half of the whole seven would end just about Justinian's entrance upon the Throne in the East, or at Justin's being crowned by Pope John, four years before, in acknowledgment of his Right over the Roman Empire. And this might be so much a more remarkable date of the Rise of the Beast, because this is said by Petavius, Ration. Temp. Part. I. L. 7. cap. 3. to have been the first Instance of the Crowning of an Emperor by the Pope. And this was near 18 years before the other date from Belisarius's Triumph over the Gothish Kings, and made remarkable by the change of the com∣mon Aera ab Ʋ. C. for that of the year of our Lord presently after by Dionysius Exiguus; and by the beginning of a new Digest and Code of Laws by Justinian, which have continued ever since to be the acknowledged standard of Civil Law to all Nations, though properly nothing but the Laws of the Roman Empire.

The other half also of the Time, or the 1260 years of the Beast, must thereupon be concluded to end 18 years sooner, or soon after the Year 1760.

It has indeed been already determined, that the first ap∣pearance of the Beast was at Justinian's Conquest of the Goths. But though his first publick formal appearance might be not till then, yet the time of his Reign might very well be accounted from the time of his first Inauguration, or Coronation, for that Design, by the False Prophet, since it seemed to be but one con∣tinued Design for the Elevation of the Eastern Emperor into the Western Throne. And so was that Action of Pope John inter∣preted by the Goths in Italy, as a translation of the Western Em∣pire

upon him; and upon that account was the Pope so closely imprisoned at his return by the King of the Goths, as it cost him his life. The first date then of the 42 months of the Beast's Reign, may very well begin at his first Coronation by the Pope, as the Eighth King of Rome, or the seven Hills.

But after all, it is to be observed, That there is an apparent ground from the Prophecy for the apprehending the two halves of the seven times of years not to be altogether of an equal length. The mention of a Time, Times, and an half, is indeed ground enough to make one conclude, that they refer to an whole week of times, of which they are three and an half. But then to shew, that this latter half was of a different length from the other three and an half before them; these latter are industriously explained in the Revelations to be no more than three years and an half without the five days, which were usually added to the twelve Babylonian Months in every year: Which seems to be a plain ex∣ception there put in to distinguish them from all other Accounts of Babylonian years, that had not that limitation added to them, and therefore more particularly to shew their difference from the first three and an half in the seven times.

According to this, The first three times and an half, ought to be accounted according to the full number of days in the Ba∣bylonian year, or with the addition of the five days, or Epago∣mena, after the other Twelve Months; which would make e∣very one of these first half of the seven Times to contain five days more in it, than is accounted in every one of the latter half: And then the first Three Prophetical Times and an half before the Reign of the Beast would be 17 years more than 1260 full years; which would make them reach from the first Assyrian Captivity of the Jews, to the year 558 after Christ, when Belisarius made an end of the last remainder of all the op∣posers of Justinian's Conquest of the Western Empire, viz. the Nation of the Huns; the Times of the Reign of the Beast, the latter half would by this account not begin till about the year 558: and if they were full 1260 Babylonian years, they would then reach to about the year 1820 for their Last End. But by the same reason, that they are made to be but 1260 years, or 17 years short of the full account of the three Times and an half; every of those 1260 years as has been observed, may be judged

to want five days in them; and then they would reach but to just the year 1800.

And this I account to be the true way of determining the number of the years in both the halves of the Week of Times here referred to. For the industrious care, that the Prophecy seems to take in three Chapters of the Revelations to limit the number of years contained in the latter half of that great week, is sufficient ground to conclude, that the former half of it before the Times of the Beast, which has no such limitation in it, is to be accounted according to the received Custom of the Babylonian Nation, for their number of days in a year, to which all this pe∣culiar calculation of the Times does refer. For the Exception expresly put in to the one half, is a confirmation of the common way of account in the other half, where there is none.

Thus may we observe, That this great Tribulation of the do∣mination of the Beast, does in that resemble the time of the greatest Tribulation that ever befel the Jews, as it is characte∣rized by our Saviour. The days that this should have in it in proportion to the other half of the seven before it, are shortned for the Elects sake.

And all the grounds that there are for the shortning of the length of 1260 years by the Chaldaick and Greek Account, with∣out the additional five days, expresly referred to in the Prophe∣cy, do also prove, that the Rise of the Beast, whose time is mea∣sured out by these years, could not be about the Year 450. for then his time would now have been almost just run out. For 1260 Chaldaick years would be but 1242, which added to 450, would make but 1692 for the end of the Beast. And yet that is the time to which the first Rise of the Beast is fixed by the most Judicious of the Protestants, that take other ways for the succession of the Eighth King, called The Beast.

But in the shortest account of these years they appear however to be so prodigious a length of time for the Reign of One Ty∣rannical Kingdom over the Church of God, in comparison with any other of the Four Monarchies (by which the whole time of the Captivity of the Church of God is measured out in the 7th of Daniel) That that is a very sufficient Reason for the particular mention of them, as the half of some week of years: For by that, this Antichristian Tyranny is set out by that which is the most remarkable Circumstance in it, viz. The continuance

of it in the last Monarchy of the Four, as long as all the rest of the time of the slavery of the Church under all the other Three Monarchies, and that also in but the one part of the Fourth Monarchy.

CHAP. II.

The Character of an Eighth, which was one of the Seven, explained; of was, and is not, yet is; Of coming after a Seventh, which should continue but a short space: Of the changing of Times, and Laws: Of the Ten Kings reigning one hour with the Beast: Of the Image of the Beast.

TO go on with the rest of the Characters of the Beast in the Revelations. The Imperial Head cut off by the Goths, and restored by Justinian, does very naturally agree with the Chara∣cter of its being an Eighth King, which was one of the Seven. Be∣cause it was the Sixth of those Seven Kings at the time of the Prophecy, and an Eighth in the time of its Restauration by Ju∣stinian. And it is a strange thing to see how others are forced to make either their Eighth King to be the same with their Seventh, or their Seventh King to be none of the seven Heads, to uphold their Interpretation.

And that also shows, How the Imperial Head restored by Ju∣stinian, was the Head wounded to death, and healed again; ch. 13. 3. And the Beast that was, and is not, and yet is, ch. 17. 8. which do but signify the same thing with its being the Eighth, which was one of the Seven that had been once past before. For all those Expressions signify no more, than that the Imperial Head was, before it was deadly wounded by the Goths, then ceased to be, while the Gothish Kings were the Kings of Rome and Italy; and afterwards was healed again by the return of the Imperial Rule over Rome in Justinian.

Where by the way may be observed, how justly the continu∣ance of the Roman Imperial Power in the East, after the ruine of the Western Empire, does answer the Character of, and yet is, at the time when it had but a small share in the Authority of the City of Rome, together with the Gothish Kings. See the Account of their Union in the choice of their Consuls, &c. But whereas the first of these Expressions seems to belong only to an Head of the Beast, and the other is said of the Beast indefinitely; It is to be considered,

that the notion of the Beast, is the Beast in the particular state of its last Head (Prop. 6.)—which is the healed Head (Coroll. 3. Prop. 10.)

As for the Riddle of was, and is not, and yet is, The Learned Dr. More has shown, that that is to be understood of the Beast, as it was subject to those several changes of one and the same state of it, and not to be tied to any one set particular time, when those inconsistent Characters were really verified of it al∣together, as several compounded Names of things are found to be in the Old Testament. For to understand it literally of the sub∣stance of the Beast, is an open contradiction; or to understand those Characters about the same qualification of it in the same re∣spect at the same time. And yet it cannot but be seen, that in the time of the Gothish Kings, it was very near being verified to the greatest nicety about the Imperial Government. It was Su∣pream at Rome before them, it was not so in their time; and yet it was owned for its share with them in the Authority of it.

But to make out this difficulty by applying these Expressions only to a quality of the Beast, that was, and was not, and yet was (as Dr. More does to the Idolatry of the Romans) is con∣trary to that, which has been proved to be the constant accep∣tation of the Beast (Prop. 6)—that is, The particular state of it under the Eighth King, which therefore must be the thing of which, was, is not, and yet is, must be verified.

The Character of his being an Eighth after a Seventh King, which should continue but a short space, agrees very well with the Restauration of the Imperial Rule after the Reign of the Goths in Italy. For their whole time was not above seventy years, which is but the Age of one Man, and is by the Prophet Isaiah called the days of one King; and is a very short space of time in compa∣rison with those Kings betwixt whom it stands, and to whose time of Reign the reference is made. For those seventy years were as nothing in comparison of either the Imperial Rule before it, which had continued for above five hundred years; or of that after it, which has already continued above a thousand years. And besides, it is a shorter space of time than is attributed to the Seventh King, by almost all others who do not make him to be a single Emperor.

The changing of Times, and Laws, attributed to the Little Horn in Daniel, may signify no more than appearing like a new

Lawgiver in the Church. But if it be desired to see this more particularly verified of the Reign of Justinian; Is it not sufficient for that purpose, that His Code was then made the standing Law of the Roman Empire, and has ever since continued to be so? And that the Epocha, that Dionysius Exiguus did then bring in of the Year of our Lord, against the old Epocha ab urbe conditâ, has ever since been observed? But I rather stick to his Settlement of the Laws of the Roman Church.

There is no manner of difficulty about the Ten Kings, which are said to Reign with the Beast either one hour, or at the same time. For the number Ten is usually taken in Scripture for an uncertain multitude of those things of which it is said to be the number; and in such a long succession, and change of King∣doms, as it is here joined with, and where there is no other cir∣cumstance to shew it to be a definite number, it ought in all rea∣son to be taken in that sense; that is, for an uncertain multi∣tude of Kingdoms, that were to be set up with the Beast in the bounds of the Roman Empire, according as they are represented by Horns of that Beast, which is agreed to be the particular Ro∣man Monarchy, Prop. 16.

For it is unimaginable, That ever that definite number of Ten Kingdoms should be found to have been constant under all those Changes of Masters, that the Divisions of the Roman Em∣pire have have been successively ruled by. I am sure in the time of the Saxon Heptarchy in England, it could not be so: And many other Instances of the like nature might be produced against it. But however, it is not questioned by those, who maintain the definite number, but that these Ten Kings were up in Rule at the same time with Justinian. That they should have their first Rise with him at one and the same time, is not at all necessary from the Text, though the signification of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 should be granted to be at the same time. See pag. 216.

But indeed the common, and unforced signification of that Expression, is one hour, that is, a small time, as has been ob∣served: And then all that could be made of it, would be, That those Ten Kings, which are said to have received no Kingdom in St. John's time, yet should receive power as Kings, or as free In∣dependent Sovereigns, for a small time with the Beast; and that only, till, as it is said, they should give their power, and strength, and Kingdoms to the Beast; that is, Till they should submit them∣selves,

and their Kingdoms to that Roman Usurpation, which the Imperial Authority should set up, and be the Secular Head of; which will be better understood, when it is explained what the worship of the Beast, and of his Image, is.

For that end it will be now requisite to enquire what the Image of the Beast can be determined to be. It seems at first to be a figurative Expression, and so capable of variety of Inter∣pretations; but there will be peculiar marks enough found of it in the Text to determine it to one certain thing.

But before we enter upon that, it is to be premised, That the mention of the Beast, and his Image, is a very manifest allusion to the b common custome of the Romans at that time, to raise the Emperors Image in all publick places at his election to that Dig∣nity, and to continue the adoration of it during the time of his Reign, and to pull down, and break those Images at the end of every respective Reign. The Emperor's Image, and the worship given to it, was the publick signification of his being in power: And that they might have the fairer Title to Adora∣tion, c they were consecrated with a form of words, as the Idols that were dedicated to the honour of the Gods: And so sacred were they after that, accounted to be, that it was High-treason for any to sell them after Consecration.

The Beast then, and his Image, are here joined together with a reference to the worship of the Emperors, and their Images. The False Prophet, who is the contriver of this Image, has been already found to be a Church-Head with Supream Authority over the Roman Empire, and that he is really distinguished from the Beast, who is the Secular Head of it. Prop. 24.

And this False Prophet is determined to be in particular, the Papal Authority, (Coroll. 3. Prop. 25.)

The Characters of this Image in the Text are to be next con∣sidered.

It is said to be the Image of the first Beast, which had the deadly wound, and was healed again. It was then the Image of the Im∣perial Roman Rule restored again by Justinian, Coroll. 1. Prop. 5. & Query 2.

Now an Image of any thing, is something made after the like∣ness of the thing of which it is the Image; And particularly, in this Case it must have as great a likeness to its Original, as

the Images of the Emperors used to have to the Emperors themselves.

But then this Image is different from all Carved Images of the Emperors: For it is said to have life put into it; and therefore must it be a living likeness to its Original. That which it repre∣sents, is the Imperial Roman State, which is said to have power over all Kindreds, and Tongues, and Nations. This Image then must also be a living Supream Power over all tbe same Jurisdiction; for otherwise it cannot be a living likeness of the former. A Carved Image is indeed but the dead likeness of some single Per∣son. But an Image of a Publick State, that is alive, as this is, must be some Ruling Power in the same State, that has a very lively resemblance to it; for it is in being at the same time with it; the Beast and his Image are ordinarily described to be together. And the Image is made in honour of the Beast, and so must, like the Images of the Emperors, be within the bounds of the Authority of the Beast; And besides, is made by a False Pro∣phet in the exercise of the Power of the Beast.

This living Image then, must necessarily be an Universal Rule of the World, like to that of the Imperial Roman State. And accordingly we find it speaking, and commanding all the World to worship it, chap. 13. 15. forcing all men to receive the mark of it, and to take the name of it, v. 16. which shows the extent of its Power to be as large as that of the Imperial Power, its Origi∣nal. It had also power of life and death in it, v. 15.—which is the peculiar Prerogative of Supream Power.

Now this was all for nothing else but the enforcing of False Worship, which it was inspired with life by a false Prophet to effect. And one of the Punishments was Excommunication, That men might not buy or sell, which was an usual punishment d of the Elders of the Synagogues amongst the Jews. All which de∣notes it to be an Ecclesiastical Power, equal to the Secular Power for the universality of its Jurisdiction: Indeed what kind of Power within the same Bounds and Territories can it possibly be, but Ecclesiastical, that can be a living Image of the Secular Ex∣ercising Supream Authority at the same time with it, and in the same places, as this is described?

This Image therefore must be a Church-Rule equal to that of the State; And since the Jurisdiction of it is Universal, or Ca∣tholick, and also Roman, can it be any thing else but the Roman-Catholick-Church?

And since all the life that it has, is inspired into it by the False Prophet, who is already known to be the Pa∣pal Power (Corol. 3. Prop. 25.) what plainer description could we have had of the Roman-Catholick-Church under the Pope? Or what can there be that is a e more exact living Image of the Ro∣man State under the Imperial Power? For the Head of it has a Jurisdiction equal to the Head of the State: Both Pope and Em∣peror have long since had the Title of The Lords of the World; They have both a Triple Crown, tho for different Jurisdictions. They are both called King of Kings. The body of the Image is just the same with that of the Beast. The Ecclesiastical Jurisdi∣ctions are parted out exactly according to the divisions of the Civil Government of the Empire. The Patriarchs, Archbishops and Bishops, had their Ranks and Places every-where according to the Divisions of the Provinces of the State; and the name of the Ecclesiastical Diocesses did arise from the distinction of the se∣veral Civil Diocesses of the Empire by Constantine. And it is established by the Canons of f two Synods, That if any City were newly raised by the Emperor, the Ecclesiastical Dignities there should be conformed to it. So that the Church and State did run parallel to one another through the whole Body of the Roman Empire, just like the Arteries and Veins in the Body of Man, and observed the same proportion every-where to one another.

CHAP. III.

Wherein the Worship of the Beast, and of his Image, doth consist.

BY the process of the former Chapter we have all the Confederates in the design of the Beast discovered to us. There is the Imperial Roman State for the Beast with his last Head; The Image and false Prophet for the Roman Catholick Church, and the Pope. The ten Kings giving their Kingdoms to the Beast; for those Roman Catholick Kings, who force their Sub∣jects to submit to the Roman Religion, enjoyned by the Papal Power, or Imperial Authority.

And now it is to be examined, what is meant by Worship∣ing the Beast, and his Image.

It is certain, in the first place, That the words here used to express the Worship of the Beast, and his Image, are the same with those which were in use at the time of the Vision, to signifie the Adoration given to the Emperors, and their Images, publickly set up. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and adorare were the terms, in common use amongst the Greeks and Latines of those times to express that profound Reverence which was paid to the Emperor and his Image. And then there seems to be no∣thing more required to make Application of this Phrase, but only to show what obedience was given to the Secular and Ec∣clesiastical Authority of Rome, by all the World, from the time of Justinian.

But because we find that the a first Christians did pay that Reverence before-mentioned to the Emperors and their Images, as well as the Pagans; It is manifest, that there must be some∣thing more here meant, than a bare external Civil Veneration of the higher Powers as the Ordinance of God.

It must be something very much like the Worshipping of Nebuchadnezzar's Image, and of those Babylonian Kings, in such a manner, as not to be allowed the exercise of the true Reli∣gion: And nothing less than this, can answer the Character of the man of sin, 2 Thes. 2. 4. who is said to exalt himself above all that is called God, or that is worshipped: So that be as God sitteth

in the Temple of God, shewing himself, that he is God. And by the consent of all Interpreters, that Prophecy does certainly be∣long to that state of things that is represented by the Beast and his Image.

By this then it appears, that by the Worship here mentioned, must be understood, the giving of Divine honours, or the pecu∣liar Prerogatives of God, or Christ, to the Beast, or his Image; that is, to the Civil and Ecclesiastical Authority of the Ro∣mans, after the Restauration of the Imperial Roman Govern∣ment in the West.

The unquestionable way to effect this, would be to make the Arbitrary will and pleasure of the Supreme Authority of the Roman State, or the Church, to be acknowledged for the Law of God, Divinely inspired, or to be publickly obeyed as such by outward compliance with it: This is certainly to set up ones own will for the will of God; and so to stand ones self in the place of God to the World. And if this be exercised with an irresistible power over the Universal Church of Christ upon Earth, it is plainly the showing ones self to be a God in the Temple of God. For there could nothing else be understood by the Tem∣ple of God, after the Destruction of Jerusalem, but the Christian Church, which also has that name in several places of the same Apostle's Writings.

A still much higher improvement of this Worship is it, if it be enjoined as necessary to Salvation to believe these Arbitrary De∣crees to be the Inspirations of God, and to obey them.

But especially if these Decrees be not only about things left in∣different by the Word of God, but are also Injunctions contrary to the Will and Word of God; For this is to oppose and exalt ones self above God in the Temple of God; And if this be done with the shew of the Authority of God himself in it, this is to oppose all that is called God, shewing himself to be God. For he does certain∣ly make himself very near as absolute a Sovereign of a Nation, who does unjustly exercise all the Acts of the Sovereign Power of it, against the will of the undoubted Prince of it, but yet un∣der the name of his Authority, as he that does it by an open Usur∣pation of the Title of the Sovereign Power.

This Power and Authority is carried on with a still greater arrogance and claim of divinity in it, if it pretends to a Title of Infallibility in all that it can enjoin. For as this Divine Attribute

is the fundamental ground of all the highest Acts of Faith in God; so is it a claim of an infinite power in men; and does give b Authority to all the Acts of their own Will, frees them from all Bounds and Measures, or Rules to distinguish betwixt Truth and Falshood; sets them out of the reach of all humane Ju∣dicature, and makes their Will and Pleasure the last Appeal for all Controversies; and their Arbitrary Decisions to be the Ora∣cles of God.

How inconsiderable does the Worship of Nebuchadnezzar's Image appear to be, in comparison with this profound Venera∣tion of the Soul and Conscience, given to the arbitrary, false and wicked Decrees of either ignorant or designing Men, un∣der the Character of the Word and Will of God?

And all these particulars are made good in the matter be∣fore us, by the Imperial Laws, and their Sanctions, and Edicts, to force their own Faith in indifferent things. And the Errors of General Councils upon the Consciences of the whole Chri∣stian Church Catholick, to be assented to as c Divine Truth, and many times as necessary to Salvation: and the giving of the Secular Arm to execute the like Injunctions of the Roman Church.

Of this kind also are the unwarrantable Acts of Councils, and the unlawful Canons of the Roman Church, inforced by the d Papal Authority, and the Church of Rome, as necessary to Salva∣tion; and as dictated by an Infallible Authority, with the claim of Infallibility, as an inseparable Prerogative of their Au∣thority.

Of the same Nature is the exercise of the power of the Keys in that Church, by which they confine all Divine Favour, and all Right to the Kingdom of Heaven, to the Communion of the Roman Church, and only as Roman, and by which they pretend to have the Power of the Curses of God, and of Eter∣nal Damnation in their Hands, to pronounce against all those who own not that Divine Authority, and Infallible Spirit in them, by which they appear, as in the place of God, in the Church.

For by this does the Church of Rome appear manifestly to sit as a Goddess in the Church Catholick; to which all must sub∣mit with all the outward Worship of their Bodies, and the in∣ward Veneration of their Souls, as the only Oracle of God,

in all its Decisions and Definitions of Faith and Worship, and as the immediate Voice and Thunder of God from Heaven in all its Anathema's and Excommunications: And all this about matters, which either were never made to be the Will of God, by any other Authority, but the meer Will of the Roman Church; Or which are known to be absolutely contra∣ry to the revealed Will of God, the Light of Natural Consci∣ence, and to the common Sense and Reason of mankind, which is the Candle of the Lord; and the most fundamental Criterion of the Truth or Falshood of Revelations or In∣spirations.

But some will question, whether all this can amount to the charge of commanding Men to Worship the Beast and his Image with Divine Honours, tho these things should be done without any warrant from God for them; because God himself is intended for the only Object of all that Worship that is thus enjoyned.

This doubt may soon be resolved by what Men would judge of the Worship of Nebuchadnezzar's Image, tho he should have pretended, that it was the peculiar Presence of the God of Is∣rael, as well as his own Image; and that it was to be Worship∣ped upon the account of that immediate Union of the True God with himself and his Image. Or by what Men can think of the Worship given to Simon Magus, under the supposition of his being the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, at several appea∣rances; Whether would the Adoration be excused, for being intended to the True God?

I would but demand of any sorts of Christians, what they would think of such an unbounded Power as has been men∣tioned, in any Party of Men, from whom they differ, which should now arise with these Claims of Superiority and Juris∣diction over the Universal Church of Christ upon Earth, and should force Mens Consciences to acknowledge these Claims to be due by Divine Right, and should really think them to be so, upon as slight Grounds, as the Church of Rome does now be∣lieve its own pretences upon; and should exercise these new powers with as zealous designs for God's Service, as they of that Church seem to do? It would be hardly possible for any of a differing Party to forbear the charging of this new Pre∣tender with the Character of sitting like a God in the Temple of

God, or in the Christian Church. For he that requires meer human Laws to be accounted Divine Inspiration, which yet are nothing but his own will; he plainly makes his own will a Divine Law: And if he forces it upon all the World for such, he makes his own will the Universal Lord of the Consciences of Men, which is the peculiar Prerogative of God alone.

Without all question, if the King of France, and the Assembly of his Clergy, should use the same methods and pretences that they have done to the Protestants, to force the Consciences of the Papal Party all over the World to the Opinions of the Gallican Church, they would not stick to charge him with the Character of usurping upon the peculiar Prerogative of God in his Church.

I do take it all this while for granted, That the Claim for this Universal Power in the Church of Rome, and to the Title of Infallibility, is unwarrantable; and that is so easie a thing to be satisfied about, that I think it not needful here to dilate upon it. There needs no better satisfaction to be had about it, than what the slightness of the grounds that are alledged for this Authority, compared with the vast importance of the thing that they are to prove, does at the first sight offer to any that are impartial. But others have made it their business, and to them I remit it.

The unwarrantableness of this Claim is supposed in the Ob∣jection: And if that be once granted, let the intention of the Church of Rome be never so fair in its Exercise of this Power, the instance above-mentioned will make it sufficiently clear, how just the charge of the Worship of the Image is due to it: tho it should exercise this power over the whole Church of God, within much more moderate bounds than it is known to do. The reality of their intention may without any difficulty be believed; For it was long since foretold, that the time would come, that whosoever killed the true Members of Christ, should think that he did God service in it. And it is said to be foretold on purpose, that when the time should come, we should remember, that it had been told us of them. St. Paul does give the example of it in himself; he verily thought with himself, that he ought to do many things contrary to the Name of Jesus of Nazareth, and ac∣cordingly did them: For he shut up the Saints in Prison; when they were put to Death, he gave his Voice against them:

He even compelled them to blaspheme; and was exceeding mad against them; and yet was zealous towards God, while he was Persecu∣ting that way unto the death: And yet surely none would ever maintain, that the zealous intention of these cruel Actions would excuse them from the guilt of Inhumanity and Murder.

The sincerity of the Intention in all these Diabolical acts of Antichristian Tyranny, does only denote, how absolute the power of the Devil is in them, by the power he has over them to make them believe, that it is the doing God service all the while, that they are acted by the Rage of the De∣vil.

Wherefore it may now be safely concluded, That the great malignity of the Worship of the Beast and his Image, does lie in the Acknowledgment of an Ʋniversal Arbitrary Jurisdiction over the Consciences of all Men, in the Governing-Power of the Roman State and Church.

I need add nothing else to make the Character of it com∣prehensive enough of all the particulars included in it.

For this unbounded Power, especially when secured by the Plea of Infallibility, does comprehend in it all the Tyrannical impositions that can enslave the Souls of Men, to give an Ab∣solute and Divine Reverence to the Supreme Power. An un∣grounded belief of an Infallible Spirit in Men in the exercise of their Jurisdiction over the Conscience, does oblige a Man to a blind Faith in them for every the most absurd and extra∣vagant thing that they affirm; and to a blind obedience to all their most Unreasonable and Arbitrary Injunctions. It binds him to renounce all use of his Understanding, that should en∣able him to discover a falshood; and to stifle all the Light of Conscience in him, which would make him discern betwixt good and evil: And by this means does it not only lay a Man open to the inspirations and illusions of the Devil, but to take them also for the Oracles of God; and makes him uncapable of the Grace of Repentance.

This does make it easie to understand how the Worshippers of the Beast do also Worship the Dragon, who gives Power to him. For this Power being not of God, but of the Dragon, and for his service, as it is expresly said to be; the Worship that is paid to it, is, the Worshipping of that e Dragon, or of the Devil, for whose service it is. Besides, that the Devil or Dragon is

represented as the constant companion of the Beast to the last, and so must be the Inspirer and Manager of the Beast in all he does. And then the Devil may be said to be as really in the Throne again, as he was in the Red Dragon; so that the Dragon by that, does become the Life and Soul of the Beast; and both together make one and the same Body of Sovereign Power that is worshipped.

And this does very well express the Tyrannical Persecutions of the Faithful Members of Christ by the Roman Powers, which is almost the whole Character of the Red Dragon in the Chapter before this; and for which he wears those bloody Colours.

CHAP. IV.

An Essay to apply the Idolatrous Worship of the Beast, to the Imperial Power. The Church no Monarchy before Constantine. With him came in the Monarchical Form of Church-Government, with an Ecclesiastical Se∣nate. The Resemblance of the Imperial Power in the Church, both as to the Legislative, and Executive part of the Government, with the Civil Power in conjunction with the Roman Senate. The first Ground of the Au∣thority of the Bishops of Rome.

THE Charge of the Idolatrous Worship before-mentioned, may seem at the very first sight to be just enough for the Worship of the Image, or of the Church of Rome, and of the Papal Authority, which is the Head and life of it; But it may not appear to be so easie to apply the Worship of the Beast to the Secular Imperial Power.

For a clear satisfaction in this, It will be convenient to take a view of the different states of the Church, when under Persecu∣tion, and when advanced to the Imperial Throne. It is very evident, that the Catholick Church, however united it might be, yet was certainly no Monarchy in the times before Constantine. The Bishop of Rome, who is the only pretender to the Sovereignty at that time, is sufficiently known to have had then but a very li∣mited Jurisdiction; and nothing did pass for a Law of the Church, but what was decreed by the Common Assembly of the Governours of it.

The Church did much resemble the Union and Government of the States of the United Provinces. The Bishop and his Clergy were the standing Authority of every particular Juris∣diction; and the People and inferior Clergy were generally the Electors of the Bishops into their particular places; and the general Assembly of them all in Council, was the Supream Au∣thority of the Church: By them were Laws made, and they were accounted the last Appeal for the determination of all ma∣terial Controversies about Jurisdiction.

Upon Constantine's Conversion a there appeared a new form of Government in the Church. That which before was but an Aristocracy, comes now to be a Monarchy under an Emperor, and an Ecclesiastical Senate; but yet with so much deference to the Emperor, as he might evidently be perceived to be the Su∣pream Governour of the whole Church. It was b the Emperor that summoned the General Councils at his pleasure; He often presi∣ded himself in them, and managed the Disputes there, and ap∣pointed others to preside in his absence. All Applications were made to him, as the Supream Authority amongst them, when he was present; And those that were the Judges of the Assembly in his absence, were delegated from him; His will was consulted upon all occasions; The definition of Faith, that the Council sub∣scribed to, was many times proposed by him, and it was called the Emperor's definition of Faith; and after the Bishops, the Em∣peror subscribed to the Acts of the Councils in the last place, and as the last confirmation of it; and then was the Councils said to be c confirmed, or made valid, and not before; For the Emperor had a negative Voice in all they did, as well as the chief power in the doing it, whenever he pleased to concern himself in it: Af∣ter the conclusions of these Assemblies, that which made their Definitions and Decrees to be universally received and obeyed, was d the Emperor's Edicts for that purpose, which were pub∣lished with the Threats of Anathema's, as well as Civil Punish∣ments: e And the Executions of the Canons of the Church up∣on irregular and disobedient Bishops, by Deprivations, &c. was by the Imperial Authority. The Church-Rights were still in∣deed preserved for a while in Elections, Church-goods, &c. But the whole External Government of it was managed by the Imperial Authority, in almost as absolute a manner as the Civil Government. f They made Laws about Apostates, and Hereticks, and their Books, about Churches, about the regulation of the Cler∣gy in Elections of Bishops, about the Qualifications, and Depositions of Bishops. And these Laws were very ordinarily executed upon Bishops according to the Emperor's will.

But that which does the most fully shew, what share the Em∣perors had in the Government of the Church, and in the Ca∣nons of Councils, is the 45th of Justinian's Novels, where all the Canons of Councils are turned into Laws of the Empire. Indeed the general definition of the Law in the Code, together

with the explication of it there, does expresly determine the will of the Emperor to be the only rule and measure of Law either in Church or State.

The general definition of a Law, is in these terms. Whatever the Prince declares to be his Pleasure, has the force of a Law; upon which it follows; Wherefore, whatever the Emperor does appoint by the Subscription of the Bishops, or decrees of his own knowledge, or does publickly declare by word, or does command by Edict, does appear to be a Law. Where it is evident, That the Acts of Councils be∣came Laws of the Empire only by the Emperor's will in Coun∣cil, and had nothing in them to enforce them upon those, who would dissent from the Council as erroneous, g before the Em∣peror's command for it.

We do accordingly see what effect the fear of the Imperial Authority had upon the Councils themselves. For all the Coun∣cils assembled under Arrian Emperors, were of the same mind with the Emperor that called them; And if some should think, that it was rather the judgment of their own Consciences, they must then allow, that the generality of the Governours of the Church were really Arrians, and sincerely Orthodox, within the space of less than thirty years. It is certain that the Arrian Coun∣cil of Ariminum was more than twice as numerous as the biggest General Councils besides; The Councils indeed were of the same mind with the Emperor that called them; And it is well worth the observing, how the Bishops of the East and West divided at the Sardican Council about the business of Athanasius, according to the different minds h of Constantius and Constans, who sent them thither.

By this then it appears, that the Imperial Authority did from its first owning of the Christian Religion, look so big in the Church, that those of the highest Character in it, did bow down to its will and pleasure. And when withal it is considered, that all the Parts of the Catholick Church were under this Roman Government, it is plain, That the proper appellative of the Chri∣stian Church at that time, was the Roman Church, because Ro∣man and Catholick were of the same import, when all the World was Roman; And the Principle of Political Ʋnity amongst them all, which made them one Body, and one Church in the face of the World, was their owning the Roman Emperor; with his Ecclesia∣stical Senate (or General Council) for their Supream Ruler and Governour.

It appears then, that the Imperial Power was the Supream Au∣thority at that time in the Church upon Earth. General Coun∣cils were but his Senate; And whether they were in the right or the wrong, it was his consent that gave them their i actual force for a general outward compliance; and without this Im∣perial Assent, we find scarce any Symbol of Faith, or Canons of discipline publickly or universally enjoined, after the Emperors were become Christians: But after the Decrees of either of those kinds were concluded upon in Council, it was the Emperor's Sanctions, and Edicts, that gave them the effectual force of a Law to the whole Church; which shows the Emperor's share in the Le∣gislative Power of the Church, to be near a-kin to his Power in the Senate about Civil Affairs; but at least very near as great in the Councils as the Papal Authority was afterwards, before it came to its full height.

And then in the Execution of the Laws and Canons of the Church, the Imperial Authority appears every-where to be the last resort, and the last Power that they k appeal to for redress, or for correction of Church-Governours; which shews it to have had also the full possession of the Executive Power; And ac∣cordingly do we find the Title of the Ʋniversal Bishop of the Church, in respect of the External Government of it, assumed by Constantine.

In this state did the Imperial Authority continue in the Church, when the exercise of its power was the most unblame∣able. So that here was a Roman Catholick Church established from the very first appearance of the Imperial Throne in the Church; and no other Political Ʋnity was there then of the Ro∣man Church, but only this Imperial Headship. The particular Jurisdiction of the l Bishoprick of the City of Rome, was in no o∣ther account for Supremacy, than the rest of the Episcopal Ju∣risdictions, and all of them were confined to their own parti∣cular Territories.

But it was reputed just and fitting at the coming in of the Emperors into the Church, that the Bishop of their Ruling City should have a mark of distinction from the rest, as an honour due to the Emperor's Court, and Residence; And thus came the Bishop of Rome to have the precedence of all other Bishops in the Church; And upon the same account had Constanstinople the

second place to that of Rome, when that City became the Seat of a new Empire.

This Primacy gave the Bishops of Rome a great advantage over the Interests of their Fellow-Bishops; And being become very necessary to the Emperors for upholding their Power in the midst of the Invasions of the Barbarous Nations, the Emperors were willing to enlarge their Authority, to make use of it for the management of their own Affairs; And after that the Divi∣sions of the Roman Empire were setled in so many Sovereign Princes, that Church-Authority, which they themselves had now lost in those several Kingdoms, they were not unwilling to bestow upon the Chief Bishop of their City; and so by small ad∣vances he came at last to get the Title of Occumenical Bishop, and Ʋniversal Head of the Church of Christ upon Earth.

But yet still did the Emperors retain their Power of the setting up of every new Bishop of Rome; The Emperors m Consent was still held necessary for the confirmation of the Election, as the Chief Power upon Earth, that gave him his Authority; And upon this account he was set up as the Emperor's Deputy and Creature, to be the Universal Head of the Roman Church, in all the divi∣ded Kingdoms of the Roman Empire, which now would own no other Secular Head of the Churches in them, but those So∣vereigns which ruled them; And thus came the divided Roman Empire to be ⁿ one entire thing again, and the several Kings in it to own one Roman Head again set up by the Imperial Authority.

Things continued not long in this mere spiritual and Ecclesi∣astical State. The new Ecclesiastical Head used all ways to make himself universally acknowledged for such: And to that end, as Head of the Church, he assumes a power of executing the Ca∣nons of Councils upon Sovereign Princes, to the depriving them of their Kingdoms, if they refused to execute the Orders of the Church upon all those that were disobedient to it, and that even to the punishment of death.

From hence then we have a perfect Idea of the worship of the Beast, and of his Image, from the first Rise of the last Ruling Head, or of the Imperial Power restored by Justinian.

The Imperial Authority was at first the sole Head of the Ro∣man Catholick Church; Afterwards the Submission of the divi∣ded States of the Empire to one Ecclesiastical Sovereign, who was set up by the Emperor, made this new Empire the exact

Image of the first, in respect of the Church-Government of it; And the Manager and Contriver of this new Model, is in Hi∣story, the Bishop of Rome; and is in the Prophecy called, the False Prophet.

CHAP. V.

Four Grounds for the applying of the Worship of the Beast to the Imperial Power: How the False Prophet does Exercise all the Power of the First Beast, causes all the World to Worship him; makes them make an Image to him; Gives Life to that Image, and makes All receive its Mark, &c.

BY the Observations in the preceding Discourse, it is easie to see, How justly the Worship of the Beast may be applied to the Imperial Authority after the degeneracy of the Christian Religion.

1. For the Imperial Authority, as has been observed, p. 221. was 〈…〉〈…〉 a long while the only commanding Head of the Ro∣man Religion, and the a only Soveraign Authority upon Earth, that was acknowledged in all Ecclesiastical Affairs; so that all obedience given to the erroneous Acts of those Councels, was really an obedience to the Emperors will only: For those things had no obliging power in them to overrule the Con∣science upon the account of the Councels Authority; And therefore since it had been long before that time received as a maxime by those who owned that Councel, That all was there done by the b inspiration of the Holy Ghost; The Emperour's mere will was thereby made a Divine Law, obliging the Con∣science, under the notion of the immediate will of God, whenever the things enjoyned were really no part of his de∣clared will. And thus came the Emperours to make good the Title of Their c Divinity (which was before the stile of their common Edicts) upon much more proper and real grounds than ever before was thought of; and the obedience that was given to their will in such things under the notion of the dictate of the Divine Spirit, and as necessary to Salvation to be believed, was the giving them a Divine Honour, and the worshipping of their will, as the Will of God.

2. All the honour and preference that is given to the Ro∣man Church, is said even by General Councels, which did first

distinguish this Church from the rest, to be given it only, be∣cause Rome was the Imperial City of the World; All the Worship then that is given to the Roman Church, is given it only in Honour of the Imperial Authority of that City; and so the worshipping of that Church, is the worshipping of that Authority. d The second General Councel at Constantinople did decree, That the Bishop of Constantinople should be the next in precedence to the Bishop of Rome, because that City was new Rome; And this is thus explained by the Fathers of the 4th General Councel of Chalcedon, at their confirmation of equal Privi∣ledges to the See of Constantinople with those of the See of Rome. The Fathers, say they, gave the See of old Rome its Pri∣viledges upon the account e of the Imperial Authority of it; upon the same account did the Hundred and fifty Bishops (at Constantinople) give the same Priviledges also to the See of New-Rome; judging it in all reason fit, That a City adorned with a Senate, and an Imperial power, should enjoy the same Priviledges with Old Rome, 〈…〉〈…〉 like unto it, to have the tokens of Majesty in Ecclesiastical Affair.

The Synod in Trullo gives the general reason of this, from 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ancient Canon of the Church in its Thirty eighth Canon; which was, That the Ecclesiastical dignities should follow the Impe∣rial Orders for the precedence of the Cities to which they did belong. And Baronius himself does openly acknowledg this, An. 39. 10. The Ancients, says he, observed no other Rule in instituting the Ec∣clesiastical Sees, than the division of Provinces, And the Prerogatives before established by the Romans.

But the Authority of the Councel of Chalcedon in the parti∣cular Case of the Bishop of Rome, is an unanswerable evidence; for it was the biggest of all the first four famous General Councels, which Pope Gregory did reverence as the four Go∣spels. And this was there carried f against the will of the Bi∣shop of Rome, thô then at the greatest height that he ever had been, which does manifest the sense of the Councel to be contrary to the tenure that the Pope claimed to hold by. And further, That this was the true aim of the Councel, does ap∣pear, not only from Pope Leo's Exception against this Decree, but also by the opposition that there was ever after betwixt the Patriarch of Constantinople, and the Bishop of Rome, about the precedence, till the time of Boniface, who got the Title of Universal Bishop; but yet not without much opposition from

the Greeks upon the account of the change of the Seat of the Empire to Constantinople. By this then it appears, that the Impe∣rial Power was the principal object of the Worship that was given to the Roman Church, because it was given to that Church only in veneration of that Power. For that for whose sake a thing is honoured, is the principal object of that honour. And g Boniface the Third, notwithstanding all his good services to Phocas, could not get the Title of Universal Bishop, without much opposition from the Greeks, upon the account of the change of the Seat of the Empire to Con∣stantinople.

3. The chief Head and Life of the Roman Church is the Pa∣pal Authority; 'Tis that which is the contriver of that Image, and is also the evil spirit of it, that instigates it to all the mis∣chief that it does. Now the Popes of Rome were nothing, but h the Emperours Creatures. No Election of the Bishop of Rome was valid till after the i Emperor's confirmation of him; and was the Imperial Authority, that did many times call them k to an account for their irregular actions, and depose them. The usual Titles that the Bishops of Rome gave their Emperors, were, l Our Lords the Emperors; Our Most Gracious and Pious Lords; and subscribed themselves, Their meanest Ser∣vants: And that which is the chief flower of their Authority, their, Universal Headship, or Supremacy over the Catholick Church, was begged m of the Emperor Phocas by Boniface, and could not be obtained but by the drudgery of an approbation of Murder and Assassination; and then also not without n great contests against it, as an usurpation upon the Rights and Liberties of other Churches, to mind him by whose favour only he came to possess it. For the Emperor o Mauritius, just before, had commanded Pope Gregory to acknowledg John, Patriarch of Constantinople, for the Universal Head. There is great reason then to account the Honour shown to the Papal Authority, and his Clergy, which are the Life and Soul of the Roman Church, to be an honour done to the Power that raised him, and sup∣ported him.

4. The Worship that is given to the Roman Religion, may well be called the Worship of the Imperial Authority, because it is the Secular Arm that makes the Church-Laws to be obey∣ed; and thereby it does appear, That it is the owning of

these Laws by the Secular Power for its own will and com∣mand, that gives all the life and force to them, and that there∣fore they are obeyed as the Laws and Will of that Power only. The Church might make what Laws it pleased, to the Conscien∣ces of men. Their Anathema's would not have been much re∣garded by those, who knew them to be unwarrantable: But that which sets the edge upon them, is the Secular Arm of the Civil Power.

'Tis then the Secular Arm, that is in reality the chief thing that is worshipped, or whose will is complied with as the Will of God, and as the Law of his Religion. It is therefore very properly the Worship of the Beast, both before the division of the Empire, when all the Secular Authority was only Imperial, and also after the appearance of the p Ten Kings in it, be∣cause they are found to give their Kingdoms to the Beast, or to that Religion which the Imperial Authority does set up. For this end alone is it, that the Imperial Authority has its confir∣mation at present from q the Head of the Church, that it may enforce the Spiritual Power of the Church; and by this means do both the Civil and Ecclesiastical Power come to be Wor∣shipped in one and the same Act of obedience.

From hence it is now easie to apprehend how the false Pro∣phet does exercise all the power of the first Beast before him. For since the first Beast is found to be the Imperial power, the ex∣ercise of all his power must be an Universal Supremacy over the Roman Catholick Church; and this does very well answer the Popes exercise of the power of both the Roman Swords. And it is said to be done before the first Beast, as that signifies in Honour of him, or in Honour of the chief seat of the Em∣pire.

The first great effect of this power, is to cause all the world to worship the first Beast; And that is, when the Papal Authority does either make the World receive the Imperial Laws, and their Sanctions of Councils as the Will of God about the way to Salvation; or make them receive the Roman Religion it self, as the Gospel of Christ, only upon the account of its being the Doctrine of the Roman Church, which has all the Authority, that it lays claim to, from the will of the Emperors, only in veneration to the Majesty of that Empire, and the Supream Ruler of it; or when the Pope does make the Emperors to be

owned for the r defenders of the Faith of that Church by a Divine Commission to them from his hands, at their confirma∣tion in the Imperial Dignity; and thus recommends them under that Sacred Character as the immediate and special Ordinance of God in the Roman Church, whose will must be submitted to in their commands for the owning of the Infallibility of the Roman Church, or the Divine inspiration of it in all things.

The next exercise of the False Prophets power, is by all the deceitful Arts of persuasion to get the World to make an Image to the Beast, which does set out the great industry of the Papal Power upon its exaltation to the Supremacy over the Church, to make the Church of Rome to be as Universal an Empire over the World, as the Civil state of it was; and so to be the Image of the Roman Empire.

When this was obtained, it is said, That he had power also to give life to this Image; and questionless all will own the Church of Rome to have almost all its life from s the Papal Authority in it.

Of which there could be no more lively a proof, than to make the Image speak, and cause all to be killed that would not wor∣ship it; And does not this very exactly agree with the Decrees and Canons of that Church put in execution by its own Courts of Judicature, and by the concurrence of the Secular Arm, which it makes its Officers and Executioners? It is known, That any dis∣sent from the Faith of that Church, is judged by them to be Here∣fie, and that the punishment of Heresie is death. And since all the Government of the Church is made a Papal Monarchy, and the Pope the Supream Head of it, it is very properly said, that he does cause the Church to do all these things.

The last mentioned exercise of the False-Prophet's power, is to make all men receive a mark in their hand or forehead, or to have the name of the Beast, or the number of his name.

This seems to be very mystical at the first sight of it: But the custom of all the Eastern parts, to give their Soldiers, and Slaves, a mark to know them for their own, does make it plain, that it is to be understood of some t peculiar mark and name, which does distinguish those of the Roman Church from all other Christians. But that which does the best open the mystery of these expressions, is that observation of Grotius upon

this place, That it was a common fashion in St. John's time for every Heathen God to have a particular Society, or Fraternity belonging to him; and the way of admitting any into these fraternities was, 1. By giving them some Hieroglyphick mark in their Hands, or Forehead, which was accounted Sacred to that particular God; as that of an Ivy-leaf to own themselves of the fraternity of Bacchus. 2. By Sealing them with the Letters of the name of that God. And, 3. with that number, which the Greek Letters of their name did make up; for the Numeral Cyphers of the Greeks were the Letters of the Alphabet. Thus the Greek Letters of the Name of the Sun, did in all make up 608. And therefore his fraternity were marked with XH.

A very great confirmation of this way of interpreting the Name, and Number of the Name, is Irenaeus's Testimony from the mouth of those who had received it from St. John,

That the Number of the Name of the Beast is the number ex∣pressed in those Greek Letters, of which the Name of the Beast is made up, according to the usual computation of the Greeks by the Letters of their Alphabet; and which in the present instance must in all make up the number of 666.

This indeed is not to be meant of the Sealing of any such Marks upon the flesh of the followers of the Beast in a literal sense; yet by Analogy it must be understood of some particular marks of distinction betwixt the Romanists and others; and then what does more fitly suit with this, than the Greek name of Latinos, which does exactly fill up the number of 666, or the number of the Beast? What was more likely to be design∣ed by it in the Text, than this, since this was the known di∣stinguishing name of the Western Romans from those of the East, after the division of the Empire? And in the whole Body of these Visions about the Beast, I make no question but all the Characters are such, as all the World might easily know them, when they came to be fulfilled. Now it is evident, That in all the solemn Acts of the Empire, and in General Councils, This di∣stinction was always observed betwixt those of the Greek and Latin Church; and that name of the Latins had the Western Bi∣shops, Princes and Potentates; especially amongst that people in whose Language the Apocalypse was writ, That is, The Greeks.

That which does extreamly confirm this is, u That the name of Latins was so well known to signify the Romans about the time of the Vision, That Irenaeus does pitch upon this, as one of the most likely names that did answer the number of the Beast, with this Reason for it; For they are the Latines, says he, who are now in Rule.

So that he takes a Latin and a Roman for the same thing in his time. Wherefore to have the mark, name, and number of the name of the Beast, may very well signify the having and owning the name of a Roman, or Roman-Catholick, as that is the same thing with the name of a Latin, and is a word of distinction betwixt a Member of the Roman, and of any other communion of Christians.

It is very remarkable to this purpose, according, as has been by others observed, that this does very happily answer the fondness of the Roman Church for the Latin Tongue, as that which they would have generally known to be the peculiar Language of their Church in distinction to both the common Language of the World about any other Affairs, and to the Language of any other Churches.

Thus it is decreed, That notwithstanding the very change of the Language of Rome it self, none of the publick Offices of the Church shall be in any other Language than Latin; And that the Word of God it self shall be conveyed to the people in no other Language, nor any other Translation allowed to be Authentick, but that of the Vulgar Latine; so that they will not allow either God to speak to his people, or his people to speak to him, but in the Latin Tongue; and by this do they distinguish themselves, as the publick Shibboleth, by which they are known all the World over. St. Hierom gives an instance in his censure of Ruffinus's Translation of Origen into Latin, How naturally any one would judge the Language of Babylon to be the Latin Tongue, Apolog. advers. Ruffin. You alone, says he, are suffered to translate the poyson of Hereticks, and to drink to all Nations out of the Cup of Babylon.

There cannot surely be found a more remarkable badge, or token, to be publickly and universally known by, than this mark in the mouth of the Beast, compared with the name of a Roman, that every one that enters himself into their Commu∣nion must list himself under. 'Tis as manifest and publick a

mark to know them by in their mixtures with other Commu∣nions, as the Badges of the Order are to distinguish the Knights of Maltha, in all places of the World where they are. And the name and number of the name here mentioned, is questi∣onless such a manifest and remarkable name, as all the World may take notice of, because it is to be received by all men; and chiefly because all the rest of the Characters of the Beast are of the same General, and Publick cognizance. And one may well question the truth of the Application of any of the Characters of so universal a Rule, as that of the Beast is found to be, which is not applied to something that is very signal, and ma∣nifest to the senses of all the World.

It is no manner of considerable objection against this, That the true word in the Greek is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 with an Iota only: For nothing is more ordinary than to x use 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Dipthong for Iota, when it is a long Vowel. Irenaeus his acceptation of it in that way, is an unquestionable Authority for it. For he was one of the Greek Fathers. And it is a very strange slighty ex∣ception that Grotius does make to this, as if this were no∣thing but the usual mistake of Stone-cutters; whereas we see nothing more ordinary amongst the old y Latin Poets, in imitation of the Greeks; Or, however it would be but the taking of the word Latinos after the Ancient way of the Latins.

The False Prophet's punishment of those who had not the mark or name of the Beast, is just the same with z the Pa∣pal-Excommunications: For the hindering them from the Market, or from buying and selling, was one of the effects of the Excommunications of the Jews.

CHAP. VI.

Ʋnder the name of the Beast, is comprehended all his under-Agents in the same design. How the ten Kings give their Kingdoms to the Beast. How the Cha∣racter of speaking like the Dragon, can agree with a Christian Bishop: It cannot be any thing else.

THE particular instances explained in the former Chapter, do clearly show, that the exercise of the Power of the false Prophet, does in all the parts of it regard the Beast, as the principal concern of his design.

The Worship, that he promotes, is the Worship of the Beast. The Image that he causes to be made, is an Image made in honour of the Beast it self: And the Worship that is given to it, is because of its being the Image of that Beast that was deadly wounded, and was healed again. And the mark, name, and number of the name, is the name of the Beast, by which all Men were to own themselves the peculiar slaves of the Beast: And this is no more than what the Character of that Power, which the false Prophet did exercise in all these ways, does plainly intimate to us; for it is said to be the Power of the Beast it self, ex∣ercised hefore him: And therefore must the exercise of it be on∣ly upon his account; and those that were employed in it, were therefore but his Ministers, and Instruments in it.

All which does signifie to us, That the Supremacy of the Pope, the Infallibility of the Church of Rome, the blind Submission and Veneration that is paid to it, the taking the name of a Roman Catholick, the confining of all the publick Offices of Religion and Devotion to God, and of the lively Oracles of God, to the old Roman Language: That all these things are done in honour of the Universal Imperial Power of the Romans, or of the Em∣pire of the City of Rome; and that in the time of the Impe∣rial Authority over Rome restored by Justinian: And therefore are all these things signified to be the Worship of the Beast, un∣der the last Ruling Head; because it is not a Civil honour that is given to this Empire, and the Head of it; But the giving

them the Prerogative of Almighty God, the Power of setting up a Spiritual Authority, which shall give Law to the Consci∣ences of Men, according to their own will and pleasure, and shall have the Spirit of God confined to their Arbitrary pro∣ceedings; and the Curses of God to dispose of at their will, against all that dissent from them.

The Beast therefore is the final Object of all the Worship and Honour that is given: and therefore does generally com∣prehend in it all the under-Actors and Instruments in this De∣sign, where he is mentioned alone.

Thus ln the 17th. Chapter of the Revelations, there is no men∣tion of the false Prophet, or of the Image, but only of the Beast, and of the magnificent appearance of his Empire under the name of Babylon. And therefore by the Beast must there be un∣derstood all his Ministers and Instruments joyned with him, ac∣cording to the nature of the several Characters that he is joyned with.

As in the time of the Mayres of the Palace in France, by the name of the King, must many times be understood the will of those Mayres to the prejudice of the Royal Authority, because it was the King's Power that was exercised by them: And all the Honour and Obedience that they had, was upon the account of their being authorized by him. So also do the Actions and Honour of the false Prophet, and the Image, go under the name of the Beast in that Chapter, tho in reality they have been much to the diminution of the Imperial Authority.

It is enough to qualifie them, to be comprehended under the name of the Beast, that they concur with the Beast in his great design of making all the World to submit to an Ecclesiastical Authority of his own Creating, as the acknowledgment of the Honour of his Empire. For all the Worship that is here∣by promoted, is, The Honour shown to the Imperial Power of the Romans, which is submitted to as the only ground for any hopes of Salvation: And that not upon the account of its being the Catholick Church of Christ, but for that which is at present a contradiction to it, viz. for being the Roman-Catholick Church.

Wherefore, when the ten Kings are said to give their Power, and Strength, and Kingdoms to the Beast, it is to be understood of their concurrence to advance the Roman Religion, as the Impe∣rial

Religion of the Romans, which was first set up, and pro∣moted by the Imperial Authority, and so still continues to be defended, and protected by it; and therein does the Worship of the Beast more eminently appear, because of the submission of crowned Heads to it, who have no Superior upon Earth, but God alone. For it is very difficult to understand how ten Kings can be supposed to be of one mind, and to agree to give their Kingdoms to the Worship of any Power upon Earth, but only in this way of an Uniformity in a common Religion, which is set up by the Will, and to the Honour of ano∣ther.

And here it is to be observed, how exactly the Prophecy, and the Event, do agree with one another in respect of the Or∣der, which is observed in the Text. The Beast is described as beginning the Scene first, and setting the design on foot: And the false prophet and the Image come in afterwards to perfect and accomplish it; which was very punctually verified by the beginning of the Universal Monarchy of the Church of Rome under the Imperial Authority, and the advancement of it into a perfect Tyranny by the Roman Hierarchy. So that after a while, the False-prophet seems to take the power of the Beast out of his hands, and to exercise it before his face; and then the Beast had little to do himself in the management of it, and seemed only to give Authority to what was done by others; which is also now manifest from the common course of the Ro∣man Church in their proceedings against Hereticks. They judge, condemn, and pronounce sentence against them, and then deli∣ver them over to the Secular power, who are the executioners of the Sentence. All that the Civil power does in it, is but to follow the commands of the Church, and to strike the last stroke only, which is all that can make them be said to have an hand in it.

And thô it must be confessed, that the Secular part in it, is that which does the most effectually persuade to the worship of the Beast; yet it is plain, That the Church is the principal Agent in that also; because they overawe the Civil Power into com∣pliances with them, which does very naturally answer the power of the Image in the Prophecy, to cause all those who would not worship it, to be killed.

The False-prophet is the Head of this Image, and so is the chief manager of this Church-Tyranny; and therefore is it ac∣cordingly said of him, That he spake like a Dragon, or like that Red Dragon in the 12th Chapter just before, and found to be the Devil raging against the followers of the Lamb.

If any one should question, a whether so dreadful a character of a Beast speaking like a Dragon, or like the Devil, can belong to a Christian Bishop of so great eminency in the Church of Christ, as the Bishop of Rome is; he may easily be satisfied, if he considers, that by his description he ought to be nothing less than such a person. For that he must be the Head of a Roman Church extended over all the World, has been shown from his Character of being a Church-Head over the same extent of dominion, that the Beast did Rule in. For he exercised all the power of the Beast: And then, that he must have the show of the chief Head of the Christian Church, appears from his having Two Horns like a Lamb. For the signification of a Lamb, all over the Book of the Revelations, is nothing but the person of Christ. It would indeed have a more plain reference to the other men∣tions of that word, if it were said, like THE Lamb. But we have Grotius's Authority for it upon this place, which in Cri∣ticisme is of the best account, when Impartial, That nothing is more ordinary in Scripture, then to b omit the Article of reference be∣fore a word, which should denote its relation to the former mentions of it, where yet the sense does shew it to be necessary to be under∣stood.

It appears then from the description of him, that he must be as it were c a Vice-Christ, or pretend to be the Vicar of Christ, which is the same, as both of them are also the same with an Antichrist.

Besides, this Beast thus described in one place with Two Horns like a Lamb, in the other Chapters is called the False Prophet; To acquaint us, that the Horns of the Lamb were but the out∣ward show of the Christian Spirit. So that if we put these two Characters of him together, and then add the other of his speaking like a Dragon, and consider that the name of a Dragon is very ordinary in this Book, and that it every where else relates to the representation of the Devil in the 12th Chapter just be∣fore this, as a raging Red Bloody Dragon; What can more mani∣festly denote him to be A False Prophet in Sheeps cloathing, but in∣wardly

a Ravenous wolf? How could this have been more clearly expressed in a Prophecy, where the Lamb and the Dragon are in a very peculiar manner, and very commonly restrained to signi∣fie Christ and the Devil? And what could more openly show us the difference betwixt the Dragon in the 12th Chapter, and the Beast in the 13th. thô both enemies to the Christian Church in the same Seven Headed, Ten Horned Empire, or better satisfy us why there needed two different figures of Dragon and Beast, to signify those two kind of Hostilities against the Church of Christ?

For by this it appears, that the Beast and the False Prophet were to be in outward appearance the most directly contrary to the Dragon, that could be, and even to look like Christ himself; and therefore that this False Prophet must really be such an one of that Kind, as our Saviour calls d a False Christ, or a false pretender to be his Deputy, and Vicar upon Earth; The Cha∣racter of which kind of False Christs, and False Prophets, in being able to deceive the very elect by their great Wonders and Signs, is just the same with the power of this eminent False Prophet for doing great wonders also, for deceiving all those that dwell upon earth by the Miracles which he had power to do.

Wherefore the speaking like a Dragon in this False Prophet, with the appearance of a Lamb, must signify his speaking or commanding under the vizard of the Vicar of Christ, the same kind of acts of Cruelty and Tyranny for an Idolatrous wor∣ship, which the Red Dragon was active in against the Woman in the Chapter just before. The profession of Christianity is now we see so far from excusing the Bishop of Rome from the Cha∣racter of the False Prophet, That it is necessary for him to be a more eminent Professor of that Religion, than any other person in the Church, to be capable of having it applied to him.

And the enforcing of false-worship by all the Arts of Cru∣elty, under the pretence of the Authority of Christ, does therefore fill up the whole Character that is given, of his having the Horns of a Lamb, and speaking like the Red Dragon; for nothing does more resemble the nature of the Devil, than An∣tichristian Tyranny under the Mask of Piety.

Well therefore may the Dragon be said to give his power to the Beast, since the Devil may be safely enough supposed to inspire this design of carrying on this Adoration of the Roman Power,

and of that Church, by force of Arms, and sanguinary Laws, like the Reign of the Red Dragon in the time of Heathen per∣secution described in the Chapter just before.

By this may be understood the true meaning of the casting down of the Dragon with the Seven Heads and the Ten Horns, out of Heaven, in the 12th Chapter. For as that Figure has the proper mark of the Roman Empire in the Seven Heads; so must it be the Devil inspiring the Roman Empire to bloody Acts against the followers of the Lamb, who are said to have overcome him by not loving their lives unto the Death: Wherefore the casting down of the Dragon out of Heaven, can signify nothing else, but the mor∣tifying of the Pagan Power against the Christian Church, after the conversion of the Imperial Head to the Christian Reli∣gion.

For since the Beast is found to arise with Justinian, and the fall of the Roman Dragon is in the Text described to be before the time of the Beast, and yet to be after the time of St. John; the Dragon can be no other raging power of the Devil Reign∣ing at Rome, and Tyrannizing over the Christian Church, but only the Devil raging in the Heathen Emperors before the Con∣version of Constantine. From the time of Constantine, to the Reign of Justinian, there was no such Roman Tyranny exercised against the Christians, that had the least show of so dreadful an appearance; and whatsoever any professed Christian Emperors might do in that kind, must be under the appearance of the qua∣lities of the Lamb, and so be another Beast different from the Dragon; It is certain, that at this appearance of Christianity upon the Imperial Throne, this Prophecy was apprehended to be so plainly fulfilled, That Constantine's Effigies was set up in pub∣lick over his Palace-Gate, trampling upon a wounded Dragon, which, says Eusebius, was done to signifie his conquests of those Ty∣rants that oppressed and persecuted the Church, at the instigation of the Devil, in allusion to the Books of the Prophets, where the Devil thus raging against the Church, is called a Dragon. And Constantine him∣self in his Epistle to Eusebius for the repairing of the Churches, calls his conquest of Licinius, who was the last of the perse∣cuting Heathen Emperors, The foiling of the Dragon, and the re∣storing of Christian Liberty to all Men.

By the same reason, whatsoever is expressed to follow the Dragons fall, and to be before the rise of the Beast, must be un∣derstood

of the Roman Empire turned Christian before the time of Justinian; and therefore the Dragons casting a flood of water out of his mouth to carry away the Woman with it, must be under∣stood of some great inundation of multitudes of Pagan people upon the Roman Empire, that was able to have carried away, and to have buried the true Church in it. For waters are in∣terpreted to signifie multitudes of people in the 17th Chapter; A Flood therefore must denote e some very extraordinary over∣flow of such multitudes; And was there ever any thing more exactly answerable to this, than that prodigious inundation of barbarous Nations over all the Western Empire, presently after the full accomplishment of the Victory of Christianity over Heathenism about the times of Theodosius? St. Jerome describes those times, with the characters of the last dismal state of things, which should be the forerunners of the end of the World.

The swallowing up of this flood by the Earth, to help the Woman, can thereupon be nothing else, but the Leagues that were made with these people, with the several allotments of habitation to them within the bounds of the Roman Empire, as one people with the Romans; and their entrance thereupon into the Church. And thus comes the Roman Empire to appear with Ten Kingdoms in it, shown by the Ten Horns; and this was the helping of the Woman, because the Church by this got her freedom and peace, and gained these Barbarians to her.

But the Dragon is said to be still in great fury against the Woman, and therefore went to make War with the remnant of her seed, which keep the Commandments of God, and have the Testimony of Jesus Christ; where we may observe a plain distinction made betwixt the Seed of the Woman: The Warr, that the Dragon makes, is with that part of her Seed, which keep the Commandments of God, and have the Testimony, or are the Witnesses or Martyrs of Jesus Christ; which intimates, that the Rest of her Seed should de∣part from the Commandments of God, and from the truth of the Gospel of Christ.

By this we have a new scene opened about the enmity of the Dragon against the Church; The Time of it is after the Settle∣ment of the Divisions of the Empire in those Kings of the Barbarians, signified by the swallowing up of the great flood by the earth, That is, after the rise of the Ten Kings in the Roman Empire; and the party against whom this War is carried on,

are the Godly Seed of the Woman; not against all her Seed, but against those only, who keep God's Commandments, and are the Witnesses or the Martyrs of Jesus, or as they are elsewhere called, The Witnesses in Sackcloth.

How this was brought to pass, That which does immediate∣ly follow this design of the Dragon, does inform us: For im∣mediately upon it, appears a Beast with all the same Emblems of the Roman Empire, that the Dragon had; and to him the Dra∣gon is said to give his Power, and his Seat, and great Authority; And thus does the Dragon fulfill the intention that he had just before, to War with the chosen Remnant of the Womans Seed: He does not appear himself in it, but inspires another set up in his place to do it. By which it is evidently signified, That this new war with the dutiful part of the Womans Seed, is not managed by any Roman Power, which is openly known to be the professed Enemy of God, and of the Christian Religion, as that Government of the Empire was, which had the open ap∣pearance of the Devil's management in it; And if it were not such a Power that should appear like an open professed Enemy of the Christian Religion, it must be such as must profess that Re∣ligion; and out of a pretended zeal to it, exercise all the Ty∣ranny of the Devil, or Dragon, against the true professors of it. For all the great business of the Beast, is Religious worship; and if that Religion be not professed enmity to the Christian (be∣cause that would make it the open show of the Dragon, as it was before his fall) It must then be a zealous outward profes∣sion of the Christian Religion, to persecute and to destroy the true maintainers of it.

This does determine the time of the first settlement of the Woman in the Wilderness, for the space of a Time, Times and an half. For thô it be said, Chap. 12. 6. That She fled in∣to the Wilderness; yet it is not there said, that she was setled there; but only, that she had a place prepared for her there, to be fed for One Thousand two Hundred and Sixty days. And be∣sides, after many great Actions intervening, she is said at the 14th Verse to be but then in a condition to fly into the Wilderness; and after she was flying thither, the Dragon cast out a flood after her, and hindred her settlement there, till that was swal∣lowed up; and therefore did her Time, Times, and Half-time, begin but just at the same time with the Dragon's persecuting

the remnant of her Seed, which was just at the first rise of the Beast, and so confirms the Synchronism of the Woman and the Beast for their whole time.

We are therefore now to enquire from the History of the Christian Church, how it can be said, that from the time of Ju∣stinian, all the true Professors of the Christian Faith, were forced by Tyrannical usage to worship the Will of the Christian Roman Emperors about matters of Religion, thereby to fit the Cha∣racters here given to the Beast, to the Imperial Head restored in the West?

And thus we find, that at the Time that the Christian Church (The Woman) was secured in the Two Imperial Seats of the East and West (the two Wings of a great Eagle) from all the inundations of Pagan people (or from the face of the Serpent) The Devil did then set up persecution in the Roman Throne, against the true and faithful Members of the Christian Church, (The Remnant of the Seed of the Woman, which keep the Commandments of God) while she her self was in the Wilderness, or in a place of security.

CHAP. VII.

The particular point of the first date of the Rise of the Beast, enquired after in order. The first conception and progress of the chief Malignity of the Beast. It entred with Theodosius, and was setled by Justinian: And appears to have been the enforcing of Ʋniversal Con∣formity by Penalties able to make the generality of the World to comply against their Consciences. Justinian's peculiar Talent in the setling this Method for Con∣formity.

FRom the former Account of the over-ruling Authority of the Christian Emperors in all Church-Affairs, and of the great veneration which they had for the Councils assembled un∣der them, it is obvious for any one to conclude, That they lay very open to the danger of requiring Divine Honours to be given them. For this must needs make them very apt to command many things (which God has left free and undetermined) to be received for Points of Faith necessary to Salvation, as inspired by the Holy Ghost in Council. And it is evident, that in such a case, the will of him that enjoins such things, is taken for the Will of God; and so he may very well be said to require the Honour of God to be given to his own will.

One cannot but think it very probable upon this account, that such a kind of Worship, as is called the Worship of the Beast, was sometimes enjoined before the Rise of the Beast, since there were many Erroneous Councils before that time; And, it may be, many things in Orthodox Councils made to be Inspirations of the Holy Ghost, and pressed upon the Consciences of men, as Di∣vine Oracles, necessarily to be obeyed, which were but the mere Arbitrary Injunctions of men.

But yet, though the same kind of Worship might have been commanded before his appearance, yet it could not be the wor∣ship of the Beast, till it was the owning of the Roman Authority for the Will of God in those particular Circumstances of Antichristian

Idolatry, and Tyranny, in which it is described to be all over the Prophecy; And this it came not to be, till it was the wor∣ship of the last Ruling Head, in the midst of the several divided Kingdoms of the Roman Empire, according to the description of it in the show of the Figure: Chap. 13. 17.

And besides, there is one peculiar circumstance in the worship of the Beast, which was never fulfilled till the time of his Reign; and that is, an actual conformity of all the whole world to it. How peremptory soever the command for that Worship might be be∣fore, yet it will appear, that it could not long obtain amongst all those that were of a contrary judgment, before the setled esta∣blishment of it at the new return of the Imperial Government in the West.

The reason that I give for this, is, because the Laws and Commands of the Emperors for Uniformity, either had not be∣fore that time any penalties in them sufficient to make all the world to comply with them, or were hindred from any setled continued execution of them. The Penalties annexed to their Laws for Conformity, were generally either nothing but Anathe∣ma's, which Dissenters would not value, or deprivations of Cler∣gy-men, and Military men; And the pulling down, and con∣fiscating the publick Meeting-place, or prohibitions to all men a∣gainst coming into the Imperial City: And there was no force in these Penalties for an Universal Conformity; And the Com∣motions in the Western Empire would not allow the other severe and more general Penalties to have any constant effect.

We see Honorius soon after, alledging this reason for his re∣newing his Commands for the terrifying of Hereticks, viz.

be∣cause he was then delivered from the fear of Attalus the Ty∣rant, and Alaricus the Gothish King. Now, says he, that the Oracle is taken away, by whom they were encouraged to the exercise of their Heretical Superstition, Let all the Enemies of the Holy Law know, that they shall be punished with Banish∣ment, and also to blood, if they will dare to meet still in pub∣lick. Hieron. Rubeus. Histor. Ravennat. lib. 2. pag. 78.

Wherefore it can never be thought that there was any thing of this General Conformity in the 4th, or 5th Centuries, either in the Reign of the Orthodox, or Arrian Emperors. Constantine seems to have gone as high in his Commands as most that came after him, till the time of Theodosius: We have a in his Edicts,

and Epistles, all the great apprehensions that the World had of General Councils, as immediately inspired by the Holy Ghost, as the only Warrants for Unity and Uniformity, and as vested with a power of denouncing the Curses of God upon Dissenters; We find there the suppression of all their b Conventicles, the deposing of dissenting Bishops; and which seems more terrible than any thing that we find in his Successors, the c penalty of death threatned to those that should conceal any of Arrius's Books, and not deliver them up to be publickly burned; but there was nothing in all this, that did oblige the generality of the Arrians to Church Com∣munion.

The Laws of Theodosius were indeed something more severe, and of more force for a general conformity d to the Roman Church. But whatsoever force these Laws might have, yet we may be sure, that the inundation of the Barbarous Nations (who were generally Arrians) all over the whole Empire a few years after, must necessarily put an end to that General Unifor∣mity.

Socrates, who lived in those times, does indeed tell us, That as Gratian before him had granted a general Toleration, so Theodo∣sius constrained none of the Sects to be of his Communion, but gave them the free exercise of their Religion in publick without the Walls of the City.

But Sozomen, lib. 7. cap. 4, and 5. and Theodor. 5. 15. asserts the quite contrary of Theodosius, that he made Decrees for pu∣nishing the Arrians with the greatest Severities. To the same purpose Philostorgius, l. 9. c. 19.

If indeed we come narrowly to search into the Laws of Theo∣dosius, Arcadius and Honorius, one may very reasonably que∣stion Socrates's fidelity in this account of those times; However, the Confusions of the Empire by the Inundations of the Barba∣rians, till the fall of the Western Empire, may with all reason be judged to have given a continual interruption to the execution of the severest Laws of this kind, at least to that general Con∣formity, which is made the Character of the Power of the Beast; And then, the momentary appearance of this Power of the Beast for so inconsiderable a time, can be taken for nothing, but his endeavour to appear, and which upon its first rise was im∣mediately crushed.

It is certain, that e the Ephesine Council, not long after the time of Theodosius, had made an excellent provision against any incroachment of any one part of the Christian Church over the rest; so that though there might be some irregular exercise of the Imperial Authority, yet whenever any considerable Diocese should have stood up for their Liberty, though against the Roman Church, they had a right to plead for it from that Council.

In this estate did things continue till the fall of the Western Empire, and then the Arrian Goths being the Masters of Rome, and the West, there was a composition betwixt them and the Eastern Emperors for a f mutual Tolleration of Orthodoxy and Ar∣rianism in their respective Jurisdictions; And before that, had the Emperors Zeno and Anastasius contrived a form of Faith for a Comprehension and Union, and did connive at a general Liberty of Conscience.

But the Emperor Justin, after them, begins the Project of an Ʋniversal Conformity to the Roman Religion. At the sollicitations of Pope Hormisda, he makes g an Union betwixt the Greek and the Latin Church, which had been in a Schism against one ano∣ther near forty years; After that, in Pope John's time, sets out several Edicts against h the Hereticks, and heavily persecutes them; so as even to suppress all kind of Heresie throughout the Eastern Empire: But he was forced by i Theodorick, king of Italy, to desist; and so his Design came to nothing.

But however, there was so good a Correspondence by this means setled betwixt the Emperor, and the Bishop of Rome, for that common Interest, that the Emperor submits to be crowned by the Pope, which was the k first Example of that kind, and got the name of Justin l the Orthodox, for his Piety to the Church.

This good Correspondence betwixt the Secular and Ecclesiasti∣cal Power of Rome, was the only means to carry on an Ʋniversal Ʋniformity in the Roman Religion. For the Imperial Authority was now confined to a very small Jurisdiction, and the rest of the Empire was divided into several Kingdoms, which had no other Secular Sovereign to command them, but their own particu∣lar Kings. There was therefore no other way of reducing them all to one Religion, but by the advancement of a Spiritual Roman Authority to be the principle of Ʋnity amongst them, whose bu∣siness it should be to overawe the Conscience with the Curses

of the Church, for the enforcing the execution of the Imperial Penalties.

For as the Imperial Laws were for every thing else the standing Laws of these divided Kingdoms, so the only way to make their Edicts and Sanctions of Councils about Church-matters to take place amongst them, was to have them confirmed and enforced by the Authority of an Universal Head of the Church. And though the Church Head seems by this to be the principal in all this Affair, yet the Temporal Penalties of the Laws, being the only certain means to effect an Universal Conformity, and this Sovereign Head of the Church himself being also a Creature of the Imperial Power to carry on his design of Uniformity in the Roman Religion, as has been observed; all the Obedience that is given by other Princes, and their Subjects, is really nothing but the Worship of the Beast, or of the Imperial Religion; and they give their Kingdoms to the Beast, when they force their Sub∣jects to submit to that Religion.

There was nothing that could make it look more like the worshipping of that Roman Authority, than this Submission of the Ten Kings, who were absolute in their Kingdoms, and had as much right to appoint the Laws of Religion to their Subjects, as the Roman Emperor had in his own Territories; But by this conformity to the Romans, they did seem to lay down their Crowns at the feet of that Nation, and to adore them, as the great Dictators and Oracles of the Will of God.

There is indeed not the least appearance of so general an Uniformity at the end of the Reign of the Emperor Justin, who, as has been observed, was not able so much as to bring it about within the bounds of his own Territories.

But Justinian, immediately after him, appears in this Design like a new Blazing-star in the East, whom all the World began to be afraid of. One would indeed from a cursory view of his History, be apt to entertain no other Idea of him, than as a very eminent Conqueror, and Restorer m of the Imperial Authority in the Western Empire. But as that made him eminent and re∣markable enough to be taken notice of for the beginning, or the restoring of a new Head of the Beast, so did the great Bustle which he made in Church-matters, signalize him as much for laying the first foundation of a general Uniformity in Religion.

His Contemporary n Procopius, gives a Character of him, that shows how much the Affairs of the Church were the concern of his heart; He says of him, That Justinian was so continually ta∣ken up with Church-men in private for the determining the niceties of matters of Faith, that he lost his best time amongst them, which he should have spent about his more weighty Coneerns; And we do ac∣cordingly find him as fierce, and severe in his Injunctions for a general conformity to the Definitions that were made about them.

In the beginning of his Reign, He sets out o an Edict concern∣ing his Faith, therein threatens all who should dissent from it; that they should have no manner of indulgence. And that upon the discovery of them, they should suffer the Law as professed Hereticks, which was to be banished the Roman Territories, and which was never executed upon the generality of Dissenters be∣fore. And here does his Faith appear to be made the Rule and measure of Orthodoxy to the whole Empire upon a Penalty which had terror enough in it.

This Faith he sends to Pope John for his concurrence with him in it; And tells him, that he did it to conform all to the Church of Rome; that it was always his desire to preserve the Ʋnity of the A∣postolick See, and the state of the Holy Churches of God; And for that purpose to bring all the Eastern Churches under his subjection, and to unite them to the See of his Holiness.

p Pope John's Answer to him does repeat the same thing out of his Letter, with great thanks to him—As, that he did pre∣serve the Faith of the Roman Church, and did bring all else under the subjection of it, and did draw them into the Ʋnity of it.

Therein also does Justinian expresly call the Church of Rome; the Head of all Churches, and desires a Rule of Faith from the Pope for the Bishops of the East.

The Pope on the other side confirms the Emperor's Faith to be the only true Faith, and that which the Roman Church did al∣ways hold; and that whosoever should contradict that Faith, must judge himself to be none of the Catholick Church. And all this Inter∣course betwixt the Pope and the Emperor is inserted into the Code of the Imperial Law, as the Standard and Rule for all to con∣form to, under the Penalty of being judged to be Hereticks, that should either deny the Faith, or the Authority of the Church that enjoin'd it; and the q Penalties against Hereticks was ba∣nishment.

Though the Emperor's Faith should be accounted Orthodox, yet the inducing such a new Penalty, which should force it upon the Consciences of all men, as so necessary to salvation, that a man could not possibly be a Member of the Catholick Church without the profession of it, was certainly unwarrantable, and the first beginning of that Tyrannizing Power in the Roman Church, which made the whole World to conform to all its Arbitrary Decrees, and to worship it with a blind obedience to all its most unreasonable Commands.

But the most publick Instances of the effects of the Emperor's zeal for Uniformity, are the Synods that were called by him. The first was that under Mennas, against Anthimus, Severus, and others, where after the condemnation of their Opinions, they, and all the other Hereticks with them, were banished by the Empe∣ror's Edict, and very great Penalties, says Evagrius, l. 4. c. 11. were enjoined for all such as maintained their Opinions: This indeed was the only means to arrive at a general Uniformity, and Ju∣stinian had the first glory of it.

But this was nothing to his Behaviour in the Controversie about the three Chapters, and in the fifth General Council, as it is called, which being after his Conquests of Africa and Italy, found his Spirit in a right disposition to affect to exalt the Imperial Authority in the Church.

He first publishes a Book about those things, and passes a cen∣sure upon the three Chapters against the will and sollicitations of his Clergy; then forces Mennas, the Patriarch of Constantinople, with the rest of the Patriarchs, to subscribe to it; sends for Pope Vigilius, and after much reluctance he at last gets him to sub∣scribe with the rest.

The next year Vigilius publishes a Decree, in which, with a Salvo to the Council of Chalcedon, he does expresly condemn the three Chapters. Justinian not content with this, uses all means with Vigilius, by threats and contumelies, to condemn them absolutely without any mention of the Synod of Chalcedon; but being not able to break him to it, to shew him that the Bishop of Rome was set up for nothing but to be the Emperor's Property, and to promote a general Conformity to the Imperial Religion; Against the Pope's will he calls a General Council at Constantinople for this end; which had always been the method of the former

Emperors to unite the Differences about Religion, and to make the whole Church conformable to their minds.

The Pope in the mean while declares against this Assembly, not upon the account of any claim of a Superior Authority in himself above that of the Emperor; but because he judged the Emperor's mind to be contrary to the Council of Chalcedon; And it was accounted a kind of Sacrilege to revoke any thing that was decreed in Council.

But neither could the Authority of the Pope, nor of the rest of the Clergy, hinder the Council from doing, as Councils used to do, that is, from being of the same mind with their Empe∣ror; And so, as Justinian would have it, they condemned the three Chapters, and pronounced an Anathema upon all those who should defend them, or any part of them, by the Authority of the Council of Chalcedon: Whereas it is manifest, that in that Council, the chief of these things were particularly examined, and Ibas, and Theodoret, the Authors of these Writings, were re∣ceived by the Synod as Orthodox, and the r Epistle of Ibas in particular, declared to contain in it no heretical Opinion.

Here was as great an instance of Imperial Authority over a Council, as could well be given, to make them define his Will to be an Inspiration of the Holy Ghost, contrary to matter of fact. And the Pope, and his own Clergy, were sufficient Witnesses of it to the World, by refusing to subscribe to that falshood about a thing, which their Eyes might be the Judges of in the Acts of the Council of Chalcedon.

In that Synod does Justinian also Authorize a new way of Ana∣thema's in the Church; and that was to curse the dead, whom he judged not to have been right in the Faith, which was a practise never before heard of; And therein among the rest he curses Origen, who in his time was accounted one of the most eminent Fa∣thers of the Church for sanctity of life, for profound Learning, and his great Services to the Church. So that if it has pleased God to par∣don him, and some of the rest, their Speculative Errors, they pos∣sibly may be those Saints in Heaven, against which the Beast is said to open his mouth in blasphemy, Rev. 13. 6.

But besides this, he brings in fashion another way of cursing in the Council, which all the Rational World cannot but look upon as very strangely extravagant; and that was to anathematize all such, who did not damn all those whom they called Hereticks: Which

certainly was one of the highest Acts of Tyranny over the Con∣sciences of the Universal Church, and which of all their Injun∣ctions was the most difficult to subscribe unto. For whatsoever accommodating Interpretations men may find out to subscribe to a form of Faith, which they do not believe in the common sense of the words, yet they can never justify themselves in pro∣nouncing the Curses of God upon all those who do not subscribe to it. And yet both this and the former way of Cursing was from that time continued in the Church.

Never was there before, such an appearance all at one time of a new assuming Power over the Church of God, as in the con∣duct of all that business of the three Chapters; insomuch that it was generally enough taken notice of to make the worship of the Beast appear a very strange, and new thing, and to make the World wonder after the Beast, as it is said of him. The Books of Facundus, Bishop of Hermiana, against that Emperor, for these Arbitrary Proceedings, are a sufficient Testimony, what noise these things did at that time make in the World; and nothing could have made them to be so slightly passed over in History, but the greater Extravagancies of the Popish Councils that came afterwards.

That Bishop tells him, s

That it was not lawful for the Emperor to intermeddle in this manner in the Office of the Priest: shows him the Example of Ʋzziah and Dathan, and that none but Christ alone can have a Kingdom together with a Priesthood; That his Book was against the Decrees of the Council of Chalcedon; and that no Emperor but he, did ever before change the Decrees of a Council of his own head; bids him look up into Heaven with the Eye of Faith, and there see all those Blessed Fathers, which he had accursed, now Inha∣bitants of Heaven:

And speaking of the like haughtiness of the Emperor Zeno—

As if, says he, the Faith of all the Churches did depend upon the Emperor's Will, and as if none must be∣lieve otherwise than the Emperor should command him to be∣lieve.

Baronius also does censure him, as guilty of great Arrogance in presuming to set forth these Decrees concerning the Catho∣lick Faith. Anno 546.

However, we find Justinian still keeping his point against them all; he defends this cursing of the Dead in a publick Edict of

the Confession of his Faith, and turns the Council into a Law of the Empire, Novell. 42. The Pope all this while, whose Au∣thority is pretended to be so absolutely necessary to the making of a Council, declared himself contrary to all this, was banished for it, and so ill handled in it, that it was at last the cause of his Death. So that here was a very clear appearance of the Imperial Roman Authority in the Church, which appears to be the only soul and head of this, which is called the fifth General Council. For it could not have its name of a Council of the Roman Church from any at that time, but the Bishops there assembled, and the Imperial Authority, which confirmed it.

To pretend that it was afterwards confirmed by another Pope, and so made a Council, is to give the Pope a power to change the nature of things; For if it wanted its due Authority at that time, it must be no Council at all; and the Pope may as well be allowed to turn all the Religious Meetings of Bishops, that ever were, into Councils at his pleasure.

There was then nothing here, but the worship of the Beast alone, without the False Prophet to assist him. But that all the Irre∣gularities of these Procedures are chargeable upon the Roman Church as the beginning of the Tyrannical Exercise of their Power, is manifest enough from tbe confirmation of this Fifth Council, by almost all the Roman Councils after.

And now came those Laws about Hereticks and Apostates, in fashion, which were always found to do the greatest service to Ʋniformity in the Roman Religion; and those were such as had a sufficient Penalty in them to oblige all to obey them; such as these, t that Hereticks were not to continue within the bounds of the Roman Empire: And Hereticks were defined by Justinian's Law, to be all such who did not communicate in the Church, although they did call themselves Christians; But those who were of the Church, were enjoined by u another Law, to be called Catholicks.

Of the same kind is that x other Law against Apostates, that their Estates should be exposed to sale; and another, That y none but the Children of Orthodox Parents should be capable of the right of succession to the Estates of their Parents. And Petavius is sufficient Authority to make any believe, that he did by an innumerable company of Edicts press the Faith and Discipline of the Roman Church. And of what nature those Edicts were to force Conformity, may be apprehended from the Character of him, which Petavius does

immediately add to it, viz. That in the whole course of his life, he was eminent for z Oppression, Covetousness and Perfidiousness.

If we put all these things together, and consider that all the Imperial Edicts were generally published with the Stile of aa Our Divinity, Our God-head; and that Justinian does in particular turn bb all the Erroneous Canons of the Church into Imperial Law; And that he was the first that made the cc Bishop of Rome's Crea∣tion to depend upon the Emperor's Confirmation. And that dd he was the first that made the Primacy of the Pope, a Law of the Em∣pire. It will not be thought to be an hard Censure of him to think, that the Character of sitting in the Temple of God, and shewing him∣self there as God, may be fitly enough applied to him as the first appearance of that Anti-Christian Supremacy in the Christian Church, after the division of the Empire amongst so many Sove∣reign Absolute Princes. It is certain, That by his Conquests of the Western Empire, and his suppression of Arrianism in all the parts of it, and by the conversion of the Arrian Kingdoms in France and Spain, about the same time, to the Roman Faith; There was a very fair Appearance of a General Submission to the Roman Reli∣gion, for which the Ten Kings are said to give their Kingdoms to the Beast, and to be of one mind, and to agree together in it.

'Tis certain, that his ee Example was so taking, that the de∣sign of an Ʋniversal Conformity was ever after prosecuted with great success.

Gregory the Great, the best Bishop that they ever had after those times, did ff not long after clear Egypt of the Agnoitae, Africa of the Donatists and Arrians, and by Gennadius, the Emperor's Ex∣arch, converted the Arrian Goths, and banished the rest out of Italy.

The Successors of Justinian continued also to be acknowledged the Supream Governours of the Roman Church, and were so ac∣knowledged gg by the Bishops of Rome; Their ordinary Style was, Our Lords the Emperors, and themselves their meanest Servants. They got indeed not long after the Title of Ʋniversal Bishop over all the whole Church; but it was then known to be got hh by the Emperor's Allowance, and Protection in it; And the very opening the Pantheon for the worship of the Saints, was wholly ii by the Emperor's Grant and Favour.

But notwithstanding this Grant, we see kk the Imperial Juris∣diction over the Councils still continuing; ll The Sixth Gene∣ral Synod is acknowledged in the Acts of it, to be called by the Emperor Constantine, to be wholly managed either by himself, or such as he deputed in his absence, to be confirmed by him, and to be made an Imperial Law by his Edict, for the observance of it. Therein also do we find Pope Honorius anathematized for an He∣retick; But Justinian's Fifth Council, with all the Extravagancies of it, though called, managed, and enforced by the Emperor's sole Power against the will of Pope Vigilius, is there made a perpetual Rule for the Church, and of equal Authority with the first four famous Councils, which Gregory the Great did reverence like the four Gospels, and Justinian's Faith there celebrated by Pope Agatho, as a great Pattern.

Thus did things continue till that famous Breach betwixt the East and the West about the Point of Image-worship; and yet at that time did Gregory the Second, who rebelled against the Em∣peror Leo Isaurus, call him the King and Head of the Christians.

And long after that, did the mm Popes not only continue to be confirmed by the Emperors, but also to be chosen by them. But since it was necessary for this universal conformity to the Roman Worship, to be managed by a Church-Head after the division of the Empire into so many absolute Civil Sovereigns, there can be no dispute in this case about the Imperial share in the worship of the Beast, though the Papal Power should afterwards appear to be the almost only active thing in this Affair. For it must ne∣cessarily be so, to fulfil that which is said of the False-prophet, that he did exercise all the power of the first Beast, and caused the World to worship that Beast, and made men make an Image to it, which they must worship under pain of death; For the power of the Roman Church under the Pope, does exactly answer these things; and this being all done in honour of the Imperial Command of the City of Rome, makes it still the worship of the Imperial Power.

CHAP. VIII.

The first date of the Idolatry of the Roman Church very early. The worshipping of Images, or Saints, in honour of the True God, Idolatry, shown from Hosea 4. 15. and chap. 8. 13. compar'd with chap. 13. 2. So also chap. 8. 5. Idolatry begun in Justinian's days, proved from the Second Council of Nice. The 82d Canon of the Synod in Trullo. From the Zeal of Serenus. From the 26. c. Episc. & Clero. Saint-worship in use before St. Augustin's days, and unquestionably in his time shown from the Accusation of Faustus the Manichee. The occasion of this. Idolatry not enforced by effectual Laws till Justinian's Reign.

I Have been the more particular in the Explication of the wor∣ship of the Beast, because that is made in the Prophecy to be the chief malignity of his Power. For the exercise of his Ty∣ranny over the Consciences of Men is that which gives life and spirit to all the Corruptions of the True Religion, which the Ro∣man Church sets up for the indispensable Laws of the Christian Faith. The Idolatry of the Church of Rome alone by it self would want the greatest part of the frightful Appearance, in which the Beast is described; and which the enforcing it upon the Consci∣ences of all men by the secular Arm, has set it forth into the sense and feeling of the World.

But besides the Characters of the Malignity of the Beast which are generally summ'd up in the Worship of him, there is also a particular description in the 17th Chapter of the Idolatrous state of the Roman Church under the name of Babylon, the Great Whore, which is a known term amongst the Prophets to express the Ido∣latry of a Nation, which had been the True Church of God.

And this charge of Idolatry is brought against the Church by the Prophets, not only when they worshipped strange Gods, but also when they worshipped the True God by corporeal Repre∣sentations; as it has been sufficiently made out of late by the

disputes about Aaron's and Jeroboam's Calves; and may be suffi∣ciently shown from that one place in Hosea, chap. 4. 15. Though thou Israel play the Harlot, yet let not Judah offend, and come ye not to Gilgal, neither go ye up to Bethaven nor swear the Lord liveth—where their Idolatry is made to consist in a Religious Oath to Je∣hovah, or to the true God in the places where the Calves were placed.

And that they did really intend all that worship to the True God, appears further from Chap. 8. v. 13. They sacrifice flesh for the Sacrifices of my Offerings, and eat it; but the Lord accepteth them not.—And that they applied themselves to the Calves in those Sacrifices, appears from Chap. 13. 2. They say of them, Let the men that sacrifice, kiss the Calves—which does all belong to E∣phraim, and to Samaria, who had just before been mentioned for their Calves; so that their swearing by the Lord, and their sacrificing of his Offerings—which are said before to be done at Gilgal, and Bethaven, the places of the worship of the Calves, cannot possibly be understood of any other intention of worship, than to the True God in the presence of those Calves. So again Chap. 8. v. 5. Thy Calf, O Samaria, hath cast thee off; mine Anger is kindled against thee—where the kindling God's wrath against them is called their being cast off by their Calf, as they had represented the presence of God in his House by that figure.

Now for this kind of Idolatry we need not be long in seeking, after the recovery of the Western Empire by Justinian.

We find, that in the Second Council of Nice, about 200 years after, that they insisted, Act. 7. upon the old Tradition and pra∣ctice of the Universal Church for the use of Images; which though it cannot be verified of so long a practice of the Church as they pretend, nor (it may be) of that degree of honour, which they defined, for any time before, yet we cannot think such an Assem∣bly of men, from all parts of the World, so impudent, as to plead ancient Tradition, and long practice for that, to which there had been nothing like in use of the Church before their time.

But the proof of it, which they alledge out of the 82d Canon of the Sixth Council in Trullo, which was near an hundred years before that time, is a very clear instance of such practices in the Church so little a while after Justinian. That Canon ordains, That the Image of Christ, as the Lamb of God, should be received amongst the rest of the Venerable Images—which gives us to understand,

that Images were then frequent in Churches. And the 73d Ca∣non of that Council does intimate to us, what use was made of the Images that were made to represent the Person of Christ; For it ordains, That Adoration should be given to Christ by the figure of the Cross; and to shew their reverence to it, that it should never be en∣graven upon the Church-floor, lest it should seem to be trampled under foot, and triumphed over.

By both these Canons it did appear, that Images were then commonly used with great veneration, if not adoration, in the ser∣vice of God.

So common a practice as this, not much above 100 years af∣ter the Reign of Justinian, may very safely be concluded to have been begun in his days; And indeed it is evident to have been then in use by that celebrated Act of Screnus Bishop of Marseils, in breaking the Images that he found to be adored in his Churches; And this was but about 40 years after the death of Justinian, and must be supposed to have been some while in use before it came to be so grosly abused, as to stir up the zeal of Serenus to break them, which Pope Gregory the First tells him never any Bishop before him ever did.

And Hospinian's Account of the first occasion of Images in the Church, Histor. Monachatus, pag. 49. does agree well with this. He makes the Irruption of the Barbarians upon all the Roman Empire, to have been the occasion of introducing the custome of Images, which they had been always used to in their Paganism, and were indulged in it upon their conversion in a new way: and their Irruption was long before the time of Justinian. There also he affirms, that Gregory himself was the Establisher of the Invocation of Saints, and of the use of Images, which might well be looked upon as the earnest of spiritual fornication in the Church, before they came to be openly adored; and therefore might de∣nominate the Church an Harlot, as that name may well enough be given to an Adulteress, from her first entertaining of the solli∣citations of her Paramour.

But even in the days of Justinian, according to Caranza's Ex∣plication of the second Canon of the Second Synod of Tours, it appears, that Images were so commonly received in the Church, that there was a place set a part for them upon the Altar, called by the name of the Armarium; Caranza Annotat. on 2d Canon▪ Synod the Second.

And it appears from the 26th Law of Justinian's Code, Tit. de Episcop. & Clero, that the Image of the Cross, and the Reliques of the Saints, were looked upon to be so holy, as to be thought fit to have an Imperial Law made, that they should not be set up in any Prophane, or Common Places, but only in Religious Houses. We decree, says that Law, that none shall endeavour to bring in the Venerable Cross, or the Reliques of the Holy Martyrs, into places made use of for the Peoples Sports, or into the Temple of Fortune—For now there is no want of Consecrated, or Religious places to put them in.

But there was another kind of spiritual Fornication, which was certainly in common use before the beginning of the Sixth Century; and that was, The Invocation of Saints; And this Mr. Mede has given an excellent account of, in his Discourses up∣on the Doctrine of Devils, 1 Epist. Timoth. 4. 1.

And St. Augustine does acquaint us what the rest of the World thought in those days, of the practices of the Orthodox of this kind, Lib. 20. cap. 2. contra Faustum. Faustus the Manichee is there represented by him as accusing the Orthodox Party of being per∣fectly like the Pagans, in these words— You have turned the Pagan Idols into Martyrs, which ye worship with the same kind of In∣vocation.

And Vigilantius was a known Stickler in those days against the Superstition of Saint-worship in the Church: And his Adversary St. Hierom himself does commend him for it; and many Bishops were there of his Party.

Indeed it may easily be observed, that with the conversion of the Empire from Heathenism to Christianity, after that the Im∣perial Throne was come into the Church, were by degrees in∣troduced most of the Ancient Ways of the Heathen Worship, with a new name only of some Christian Ceremony to cover it. So that in effect, it was Heathenism new christened, or with a Christian name upon it. As may be more at large seen in the Third Part of the Church-Homily against Idolatry. And thus came in first the Invocation of Saints in imitation of the lesser Gods of the Hea∣thens, of which there was afterwards a most remarkable Instance of Boniface the Third's Consecration of the Pantheon for the wor∣ship of the Virgin and of all the Saints, which had been before dedicated to the Worship of the Mother of the Gods, and all the Lesser Gods.

But till the Reign of Justinian, these Idolatrous Customs were not pressed upon the Consciences of men; whereas in his time it was made a Law, that all that did not communicate in the Church, where these things were practised, should be † banished the Roman Dominions under the name of Hereticks. And thus, though there might have been the worship of the Devil in these Adorations of Daemons, or of Souls departed, as Mr. Mede does very critically observe, yet it was not the worship of the Beast, and of the Dragon, till it was inforced by that Power and Authori∣ty which the Dragon resigned up to the Beast, and which has been found to have had the first beginning of its uninterrupted Settle∣ment in the Reign of Justinian. Before that time, as it has been shown, all the endeavours that were made for it, were by some means or other put a stop to, and forced to be laid down again. But Justinian, upon his reuniting the most considerable part of the Western Empire with the Eastern, was in a very fit capacity to accomplish the Design of an Ʋniversal Conformity to the Worship of the Roman Church; And he did accordingly lay hold of that advantage, and by his Laws, and the execution of them, did very effectually compass his Design.

The Ten Kings also, or the rest of the Crowned Heads, with∣in the compass of the Roman Empire, were not wanting on their parts to contribute their assistance to him at that time. They did so unanimously give their Kingdoms, and their Power and Strength to this Design of the Roman Head or Beast (as the Prophecy ex∣presses it) that at the end of that Age, there was no considera∣ble appearance of any other Faith and Worship in publick all over the extent of the old Roman Empire, but only that of the Roman Church.

Notes

• Rev. XIII.
• Rev. 13. 2.
• v. 7, 23.
• Book the IId.
• Chap. 12.
• Rev. 13. 1.
• Isa. 8. 7. & 17. 12. Jer. 46. 8.
• Dan. 7. 25. Rev. 13. 5. & Chap. 12. 14.
• a

  ALcasar. Notat. 4. ad v. 2. cap. 11.

  All the Persecutions of the Church are set out by three years and an half. Three days and an half refer to a Week. And on chap. 12. We have seen, that by 1260 days are signified three years and an half, accor∣ding to the Graecian and Jewish Account. We have also there seen, that the space of three years and an half is to be taken mystically, and that by it is signified in the middle of a week of seven years.
• Gen. 29. & Chap. 21. 2.
• Petav. Rat. Temp. part. 1. l. 2. cap. 2. in Ezechia. Part. 2. l. 1. c. 4. in fine.
• Petav. Rat. Temp. part. 2. l. 3. c. 12.
• Petav. Rat. Temp. l. 7: c. 5. in fine.
• N. B.
• N. B.
• Rev. XIII.
• Rev. 17. 11.
• Note 20, 21. on Chap. 18.
• Vol. 1. p. 642.
• Ch. 17. 10.
• Isa. 23. 15.
• Rev. 17. 12.
• Chap. 13, 14.
• b

  Panciroll. de Notitia Imp. Orient. pag. 46. gives the examples of raising the Emperour's Image, and carrying it about, to denote his Exaltation to the Empire. And pag. 47. gives the examples of breaking the Emperour's Images, or the throwing them down, to signifie the end of his Reign, or his being Deposed.
• c

  Panciroll. pag. 47. Notit. Imp. Orient. shews the way of consecrating the Images of the Emperours, and the unlawfulness of selling them after it; no less than Crimen laesae Majestatis, or High-Treason.
• Chap. 13.
• v. 14. v. 17.
• d

  Selden de Synod. l. 1. cap. 7. De effectibus Excommunicationis. He that was excommunicated, with either greater or lesser Excommunication, was said to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; And the effects of them, were Separation from Converse, from the Synagogue, from the publick Assemblies, from all the People and Commonwealth of the Jews.—And he that was ac∣cursed with Cherem, was not to have any Commerce with any, but just so much as to get Victuals.
• e

  Leo Sermo 1. de Natali Apos.] Rome has a larger Jurisdiction in its Spiri∣tual Reign, than it had formerly in its Worldly Empire.

  Bellarm. l. 5. de Pontif. c. 6.] From whence it appears, That the Pope is greater than the Emperour, &c.

  Stenelius Eugubinus lib. 1. de Donat. Constant.] By the Exaltation of the Papacy, Rome has recovered a Greatness very little different from that of the Ancient Empires, since all Nations from the East to the West reverence the Pope of Rome in the same manner as they formerly did the Emperours.

  See the expressions of Pope Gregory VII. of his own Authority, Greg. 7. Epist. 37.

  The Roman Ceremonial, l. 1. c. 2. shews this to be the manner of investing the Pope with his Authority:

  I invest Thee with the Authority of Pope, that Thou maist Rule over the City and the World, Urbi & Orbi.
• f

  Concil. 6^o in Trullo, Can. 37. The Canon which was made by the Fa∣thers, we do also observe, which says thus: If any City be, or shall be new raised by the Royal Power, the Ecclesiastical Dignity shall follow the Publick and Civil state of it.
• ^a MAlvenda de Antichristo, pag. 234. de 10 Cornibus—The number Ten is very often in Scripture used indefinitely for a great many.
• Rev. XIII.
• a

  GRotius in Decal.] Nor did the first Christians think it contrary to their Religion to fall down before the Emperours Images: But when they afterwards joined the Images of false Gods with their own, they chose to endure any thing, rather than to worship them.
• Grot. Respons∣de Antichristo, pag. 77. I detest every thing that be∣longs to the Spirit of Anti∣christ; (that is, the imposing, persecuting Spirit.) And that has ap∣peared not on∣ly near the Ty∣ber, but about the Lake Le∣manus, and in other places.
• b

  Thomas de Albiis, in his Tabulae Suffragiales, does the best lay open the dreadful Consequences of establishing Infallibility in any Head of the Church, or any where, where it really is not. Tab. 20, 21. This Claim, in reference to the Pope, he proves there to be the Mother of all Heresies, and the worst of all sins, because if those who claim it should err, it would lead all the Church into the same, without any possibility of remedy. There is the same reason for that Claim in any Governing-part of the Church, where that Privilege really is not.
• See Refe∣rences.
• c

  It had been the common stile of Councils, ever since the Council of Nice, to publish their Decrees under the Title of Things Divinely Inspired. Thus does Socrates shew, lib. 1. cap. 6. Ep. That Constantine there says of the Decree of the 300 Bishops at Nice,

  That it was to be looked upon as the Sentence of God himself.

  And ibid. Ep. 4. To the Churches, he says of all Councils,—That whatsoever is decreed in the Holy Councils of Bishops, the same is to be attributed to the will of God.

  Cardinal Julian's Harangue to the Deputies of the Bohemians in the Coun∣cil of Basil, tells them,

  That the Decrees of Councils are not less to be believed than the Gospel, because it is THEY that give AUTHORITY to the Scriptures.
• See Refe∣rences.
• d

  By vertue of such Orders from that Power, as these Determinations in the Decretals and Glosses do authorize, viz. That the Pope of Rome is by the Order of God set over the Nations and Kingdoms; That it belongs to the Pope to depose the Emperour, and all other Kings and States, and to assign them Deputies.—That the Pope is to be esteemed the Vicar of Jesus Christ, for all things here upon Earth, in Heaven, and Hell.—That he can make that which is square to be round, Injustice to be Justice; that which is nothing, to be something.—That he has an Absolute Power of Judg∣ing, and that justly, Against the Law of Nature, Nations, and of particu∣lar Countreys, Human and Divine, above and against Right, against all Decrees and Orders of Council.—That he can dispense with the Injunctions of the Apostles.—And these Glosses the Popes do recommend to the Publick, as AUTHENTICK. See Jus Canonic. Gregor. 13.

  Aventin. lib. 6. Histor. Boior. mentions the Emperour Henry's Charge a∣gainst Pope Paschal, Ann. 1107—He says there of the Papal Power,—That they take an Oath of every Bishop to own all that for Law, that they shall say.

  This Oath is described, lib. 2. Decret. Tit. 24. where they swear to obey all the Popes Commands, and to assist him against all that shall oppose themselves.
• Prov. 20. 27.
• John 16. 2, 4.
• Acts 22. 3, 4. Acts 26. 9, 10, 11.
• e

  Ribera on 16 B. cap. 13. moves a Doubt, How Antichrist, that is to deceive the World with a false shew, can perswade them to worship the De∣vil, or Dragon?—And thereupon says, The Interpreters do thus an∣swer:—Men shall worship Antichrist: But because he shall have his Power from the Devil, by worshipping of Him, they shall worship the Devil. So Aretas, Primatius, Ausbertus, Haymo, Ambrosius Anselmus.
• Rev. 12. 3.
• Rev. XIII.
• a

  THe Jesuit Pererius Disp. 5. in Apocalypsin, De Constantino.—

  Then was the Imperial Majesty first brought into the Church, and the Church came to be armed against its Enemies with two Swords; The one the Temporal Sword, in the hands of Seculars, (or Laics), and of Christian Princes; the other Spiritual, in the hands of the Church-Prelates, but chiefly that in the Papal Power.
• b

  Constantine summoned the Council of Nice, and presided there, Euseb. vit. Constantin. l. 1. c. 37. l. 3. c. 6. And before had commanded and en∣joyned the meeting of the Synod of Arles, Euseb. l. 10. c. 5.

  The Council of Sardica was summoned by the Order of the two Empe∣rours (Constantius and Constans.) Sozomen l. 3. c. 10. The Synodical Epistle of that Council in Theodoret. l. 2. c. 8. says,

  The Emperours, well-belo∣ved of God, gathered us together, from divers Cities and Provinces, and have ordered us to hold a Synod in the Town of Sardica. So also Atha∣nasius, Apol. 2. of the same thing: By the Edict of the most religious Em∣perours, Constans and Constantius.

  The Second General Council at Constantinople was summoned by the command of the Emperor Theodosius, as Socrates expresly says, l. 5. c. 8. & Theodoret. l. 5. c. 9. that they were assembled by the Letters of the Em∣peror.

  The Synodical Epistle of the Council, 1 Tom. Concil. expresses their be∣ing assembled at the Emperor's Command; and desire him to confirm their Decrees by his Judgment and Seal.

  The Third General Council at Ephesus; Epist. Synodal. ad Theodos. apud Cyrill. Tom. 4. Concil. We present our Persons in the Synod that you have commanded, &c. And they desire leave of the Emperor, with all humili∣ty, to go to their several homes, till the business was determined.—And the Emperor in his confirmation of it, says, The Emperor duly in∣formed of all, is well satisfied, that the Holy Synod has done all things Canonically.

  Soon after this does Theodosius call another Council at Ephesus, and says of Dioscorus to that Council—

  We give Him according to the Canons of the Holy Fathers Authority, and the first Seat there:

  Baronius calls it usurping upon the Rights of the Pope.

  The Fourth General Council at Chalcedon, is said, in the Acts of the Council, to be called by the Decree of the most Pious Emperors, Valentinian, and Marcian. The Emperor Marcian bespeaks them as the chief amongst them, prescribes them their bounds in their Disputes, not to say any thing contrary to the Council of Nice. The Judges of the Assembly were appointed by the Emperor, and the Senate sat there with Him as the Presidents, and Moderators of the Assembly, who correct the Pope's Le∣gats in their Demands, &c. And Eusebius, Bishop of Doryletum, appeals to them, and conjures them by the safety of the Emperors, next to the Holy Trinity, which was a plain evidence, who were then accounted the Highest Au∣thority amongst them under God. And in the conclusion of that Action, all give thanks to the Emperors, the Judges, and the Senate. Actione prima Concil. Chalced.

  Pope Leo in his Epistle to the Emperor Marcian, tells him,

  That he had thought his Clemency would have granted him his desire to have the Sy∣nod at a more convenient Season.—But since his love for the Catho∣lick Faith would have the Assembly to be at that time—that he had sent his Legat to it to supply his place.

  In the fifth Action of the Synod at Chalcedon, it is ordered, that a Defi∣nition of Faith be brought in by some Bishops appointed for that purpose—And in the sixth it is said, that after the Emperor Marcian's Speech. the Emperor's Definition of Faith was read, which had been mentioned in the fifth Action.

  The Emperor in the same Action confirms the Acts of the Council, and threatens the Contemners of it with condign punishment; the same does he mention in his Letter to Palladius.

  But nothing does more shew the Custom of calling Synods to be by the Supream Civil Power, than the exercise of this Right in the Roman Church by the Arrian Kings of Italy, after the fall of the Western Empire. Several Synods were called at Rome by those Kings to appease the Divisions of that Church and Clergy. Tom. 2. Concil. In Synodis Tempore Symmachi.

  By the command of the most Religious King, says the Fourth Synod—and that the King had signified, that the Pope himself had desired him by his Letters to appoint the Synod,—and that the Synod presumed not to de∣clare any thing in that Affair without the knowledge of the King;—and that Pope Symmachus was commanded by the King to engage with his Adver∣saries there—And that according to the command of the Prince, they had power allowed them; But that they did restore him all the Ecclesiastical Right, both within, and without the City.

  The Fifth General Council was summoned by Justinian, and the Pope Vigilius banished by the Emperor for not obeying the Summons.

  The Sixth General Council is said to have been summoned by the De∣cree of the Emperor Constantine at Constantinople—The Emperor there seated in the Highest Place, with the Consuls and Judges on his side.—And the Emperor first gave order for the Dispute, and after it by the Empe∣ror's command the first Action was concluded. Actio prima, Concil. 6.

  In the second Action the Emperor presides again—Praesidente Imper. Piissimo.

  In the third Action the Emperor again presides.—The Emperor, and the Judges do there consult together about a Passage in the Fifth Synod—And the Judges determine with the Synod.

  In the fourth Action the same Emperor presides.

  Pope Agatho in the second Action tells the Emperor,

  If he offers him∣self to render ready Obedience to the things that had been commanded him by the sacred Patent of his most Clement Fortitude, and says—to fulfil the obedience of my Service—according to the most pious Command of your Clemency—for the Obedience which we owe.

  In the fifth Action the Emperor presides—orders Macarius to bring forth his Testimonies—And by the Emperor's Command the Action was finished.

  In the sixth the Emperor presides—is applied to by the Pope's Legats, to desire that he would command the true Copies of the Book cited by Maca∣rius, to be sent for, and the Emperor did accordingly order it to be done the next Session.

  In the ninth the Emperor presides, and orders those of the Synod of one Party to declare themselves.

  The Emperor presides also in the 10th and 11th Actions, and then or∣ders his Deputies, two Patricians, and two Exconsuls to preside in his room for the future, because he had heard the Principal things himself—They continued till the 18th Action.

  And in the 18th Action the Emperor presides, and the Council first sub∣scribe to the Acts, and then the Emperor.

  Thereupon does the Emperor issue out his Edicts to the People of the West, to confirm all that had been decreed.

  The Seventh General Council is said to be called by the Emperor Con∣stantine, and Irene his Mother in their Letters Patents, and that at the Re∣quest of Tharasius, Patriarch of Constantinople; and the Council it self says it was by that pious Decree, Action. 7.

  The Council of Frankford celebrated soon after in the West, is by Char∣lemaigne, in his Letters to Elipard, Archbishop of Toledo, said to have been summoned by his Command. He presided there, and the Circular Letter of the Synod is dispatched in his Name. So are the Councils of Arles, Aix, Tours, Chalons, Mentz, about the same time said to be summoned by the Command of the Emperor Charles. There was also a Synod at Rome said to be summoned by Charles, in the time of Pope Adrian, as Gratian affirms, D. 6. C. Adrianus 22.

  And in the Council of Francford does Charlemaigne give a very remar∣kable proof of the Imperial Authority. For by his countenancing it, it condemned the famous Second Council at Nice, and with it the Four Coun∣cils that were held at Rome before it, about the same business, in the years 713. 716. 742. 768.

  And even after the depriving of the Eastern Emperor of his Right in Italy, yet do the Popes then date their Councils according to the year of the Reign of those Emperors, as it always before had been the Custome; as that of Pope Zachary at Rome against Godescalcus.—

  In the Reign of our most pious Lord the Emperor Constantine Augustus, the six and twen∣tieth year of his Reign.

  All the several Kings in the West had also the same Authority for the summoning of Provincial Councils, as may be every-where observed in the Tomes of the Councils.

  The Eighth General Council is said by the Bishops of it, Action 6. That it was summoned by the Emperor (Basilius) crowned of God—And in the 7th Action, That the Emperor had used all diligence to get the Legats of other Patriarchs, as well as those of Rome, and had thereby assembled an Universal Council.

  But Pope Stephens's Letter to Basilius is the best Testimony of it—

  What evil has the Roman Church done? Has it not, according to the custom of the former Synods at Constantinople, sent its Legats at thy Command?

  And the Emperor himself says in the Preface to this Council, That the Divine Benignity having committed the Helm of the Ʋniversal Ship to his care, he had taken care before all things to appease the Ecclesiastical Storms.

  The Popes Legats did indeed preside in this Council. But it is the first, where-ever they can be found to have done so.

  Radevicus says of the Council of Pavie, that was called to judge of the Schism betwixt Alexander the Second, and Victor the Second, in the Year 1160. That the Emperor Frederick did declare, that he summoned it by his Authority, according to the custom of the Ancient Emperors. And in his Decree for it to the Bishops, expresses the same thing. Radevic. c. 51. & deinceps.—And all their meeting in Council asserts his Authority from the Examples of Constantine, Theodosius, Justinian, Charles and Otho.

  Aeneas Sylvius, Ep. 34. says of the Council of Basil, That it was called by the King of the Romans, with the permission of the King of France.
• See Refe∣rences at the end of the Fourth Chap∣ter.
• c

  Concil. Arelatense. sub Carolo M. Ann. 823. cap. 26.

  These things we have decreed should be sent to our Lord the Emperor, beseeching his Clemency, that if there be any thing here omitted, it may be supplied by his prudence; If any thing unreasonable, that it may be corrected by his judgment; If any thing be well determined, that it may have its effect by His Assistance, the Divine Aid concurring with it.

  Eutychius in Origen, says, That the Bishops of the Council of Nice, upon Constantine's resigning up himself, and his whole Empire to them, by the laying down of his Sword before them, did begirt him with his Sword again for the defence of the Faith.

  Euseb. de vitâ Constantin. l. 4. c. 35. Constantine tells the Bishops there,

  That they are Bishops for the things within the Church, and he appointed by the Grace of God to be Bishop over the things without the Church.

  And l. 1. c. 37. ibid. that he called a Synod, as if God had appointed him to be the Universal Bishop.

  Concil. Milevitan. under the Emperors Arcadius and Honorius, cap. 11.

  It was also decreed, that Legats should be sent from this Honourable Council to obtain from the most Glorious Emperors, whatsoever they shall judge useful against Hereticks, Pagans, or their Superstitions.

  Novell. 42. Cod. Justinian. Justinian gives this account of the Deposi∣tion of the Patriarch Mennas, by him, after he was condemned by the Coun∣cil.

  We according to the Usage of the Imperial Power, have our selves also resolved upon this Law. For whenever the Assembly of Bishops have eje∣cted any out of the Priestly Thrones, as Nestorius, Eutyches, Arius, Macedo∣nius, Eunomius, and others—The Imperial Power did agree to it.
• d

  Concil. Arelatense. sub Carolo M. Ann. 823. cap. 26.

  These things we have decreed should be sent to our Lord the Emperor, beseeching his Clemency, that if there be any thing here omitted, it may be supplied by his prudence; If any thing unreasonable, that it may be corrected by his judgment; If any thing be well determined, that it may have its effect by His Assistance, the Divine Aid concurring with it.

  Eutychius in Origen, says, That the Bishops of the Council of Nice, upon Constantine's resigning up himself, and his whole Empire to them, by the laying down of his Sword before them, did begirt him with his Sword again for the defence of the Faith.

  Euseb. de vitâ Constantin. l. 4. c. 35. Constantine tells the Bishops there,

  That they are Bishops for the things within the Church, and he appointed by the Grace of God to be Bishop over the things without the Church.

  And l. 1. c. 37. ibid. that he called a Synod, as if God had appointed him to be the Universal Bishop.

  Concil. Milevitan. under the Emperors Arcadius and Honorius, cap. 11.

  It was also decreed, that Legats should be sent from this Honourable Council to obtain from the most Glorious Emperors, whatsoever they shall judge useful against Hereticks, Pagans, or their Superstitions.

  Novell. 42. Cod. Justinian. Justinian gives this account of the Deposi∣tion of the Patriarch Mennas, by him, after he was condemned by the Coun∣cil.

  We according to the Usage of the Imperial Power, have our selves also resolved upon this Law. For whenever the Assembly of Bishops have eje∣cted any out of the Priestly Thrones, as Nestorius, Eutyches, Arius, Macedo∣nius, Eunomius, and others—The Imperial Power did agree to it.
• e

  See Cod. Theodos. Tit. de Haereticis. Item Cod Justiniani Tit. de Episcopis, & Clericis. Item de Apostatis.

  So also was it in the times of the Gothish Kings of Italy, after the ruine of the Western Empire. Cassiodor. Variar. l. 9. Ep. 15. King Athalaricus to Pope John concerning the Conditions of the Elections of Bishops.

  Novell. 434. Justiniani, Orders that no Bishops be sued without an Impe∣rial Command for it. And Pope Pelagius the First, upon the choice of Pau∣linus, Bishop of Aquileia, in his Letters to Narses, desires him to send the principal of the Faction to Justinian, and gives this reason for it, that Totila himself would not suffer the Bishop of Milan (who consecrated Paulinus) to be created without his leave first had in writing for it.

  Cod. Theodos. Novel. Valentin. l. 2. Tit. 12. The Emperor Valentinian for∣bids the Bishops to be Judges of the persons of Bishops, and that in any Ci∣vil, or Criminal Causes, but that they should come before the Secular Judges, unless they go by consent to the Bishops Courts.

  Liberatus in Breviario, c. 22. gives an account of Belizarius's setting up, and deposing one Pope after another,—And that Anthimus being deposed by Justinian, gave up his Pallium (or Episcopal Robe) to the Emperor.

  Gregory the Great, in the Case of Januarius, does expresly order his Legat to go according to the Laws of Justinian's Code—And of Januarius—It must be considered, that it was done perfectly against the Laws, to draw him by force out of the Church, which, he says, ought to be punished as High-Treason, l. 11. Ep. 54.

  Sigonius de regno Italiae, l. 5. The Emperor Lotharius declares for a Coun∣cil at Pavie, to regulate the Clergy; thereupon follow'd a great Disorder at Rome. But Pope Leo, in his Letter to Lotharius, affirms,

  That he did observe his Laws, and his Predecessors, and would always observe them; desiring him also, that the Roman Law might be kept for the future, as it had been before.
• f

  Concil. Milevitan, See Note ^c of this Chapter, & ibid. Canon. 17. They desire an Imperial Law to enforce the Canon of the Council upon Con∣temners.

  The Emperor Marcian in Action. 6. Concil. Chalcedon.—

  After the decla∣ration of the Catholick Faith by the Holy Synod, we have thought it just and expedient to take away all dispute and contention about it for the fu∣ture. And therefore, &c. where he proceeds to the inflicting punishment.

  upon the several Offenders against the Canons.
• C. de Offic. Principis.
• g

  Sozomen. l. 3. c. 10. By the Order of the two Emperors it was decreed, That the Bishops of each Party should meet at a set day at Sardica, a City of Illiricum.

  The Synodical Epistle of that Council says the same. So also Balsamon in his Preface to that Council. And Socrat. l. 2. c. 16.
• h

  See Note ^c, and ^f, of this Chapter, Constantine Universal Bishop.
• i

  Baronius, Anno 418. about the Schism of Boniface and Eulalius for the Papacy. Symmachus, Governor of the City, writes to the Emperor Ho∣norius.

  Because it belongs to your Piety to determine it, I thought I ought forthwith to consult Your Majesty about it. Thereupon Honorius writes back—We command by Our Positive Order, that Boniface do forthwith leave the Place, and obey the Celestial Commands; (that is, the Imperial Order) idem Anno 419. which was obeyed.

  So was it ordained by Athalaricus, King of Italy, after the fall of the We∣stern Empire, that in case of wrong, the Clergy should appeal to the Secular Court. Cassiodor. Variar. l. 8. Ep. 24. & l. 9. Ep. 15.

  So also does Justinian, Novell. 123. command the Bishop of Rome to exe∣cute an Order of his—jubemus Episcopum Romanum.

  See Dr. Barrow's Supremacy of the Pope, from page 324, to 372. In∣stances of Emperors appealed to in Ecclesiastical Affairs, Popes not inter∣medling.

  The Donatists appeal from the Council of Arles to the Emperor Constan∣tine (after two Councils appointed by him to decide the difference) who does thereupon assign them to meet at the Council of Milan. S. Augustin. contra Crescon. l. 3. c. 71. and Ep. 162. & 68.

  And Flavian, Bishop of Constantinople, was beaten and banished for ap∣pealing to the Court of Rome from the Synod at Ephesus. Petav. Ratio. Temp. part 1. l. 6. c. 19.
• k

  Hieron. Rubeus Histor. Ravennat. p. 180. The Archbishops of Ravenna do there contend with the Popes of Rome for the Superiority. John the Arch∣bishop had many of the Italian Bishops of his Party in it.

  And Sigonius de Regno Ital. l. 2. & Blondus. Decad. 1. l. 9. Ann. 608. gives an account of this Contest of Ravenna with Rome all the days of Pope Martin the First, Eugenius the First, Vitalian, and Adeodat. They would have no Pallium nor Consecration from Rome in acknowledgment of any dependance upon them.

  S. Hierom. ad Evagre.—

  If you dispute about the Authority of the whole World, Orbis major est Urbe—Wheresoever there is a Bishop, whether at Rome, or Eugubium, at Constantinople or Rhegium, he is of the same Dig∣nity, and of the same Priesthood.

  Cardinal Cusan, l. 2. c. 12. shews that all Bishops are equal—But the execution of their Office is bounded by Human Laws, and Orders, which if they come to cease, those Differences of Greater and Less, return again to their natural Right, that is, to an Equality.

  Aeneas Sylvius, Comment. l. 2.

  Before the Council of Nice, every Bishop lived independent in his own Jurisdiction.
• Dr. Barrow, p. 324. to p. 372. Grot. in. Decal. Praecep. 2. Note the 3d.
• l

  Ludovic. Bebenberg. de jurib. R. & Imp. Romanor. pag. 142. In Commentar. M. Freherus.

  —

  When the Emperor Henry had objected to the Romans, why against the custom of their Ancestors they had chosen them a Pope without the leave of the King; The Pope excused himself, that he was chosen by force; but that he would not be consecrated, till he did perfectly under∣stand by an Embassy, that both the Emperor and the Princes had con∣sented to his Election.

  Hieron. Balbus de Coronatione, cap. 14.

  It had been an ancient Custom, that the Clergy and People of Rome should nominate the Pope; After which it was in the Emperor's power to confirm or invalidate the Election, and as he pleased, either to admit him, or to substitute another in his room; c. Agatho 63. distinct. And this Custom continued to the time of Pope Adrian, Anno 815.—who would have changed it—But the old Custom obtained again, of expecting the Pope's Confirmation from the Emperor, as Platina observes in Gregor 9. in the Year 1072. Gregory was reconciled to the Emperor Henry—who confirmed him Pope, as it was then the custom.

  Caronza Concil. summa, pag. 437. Severinus Papa in locum Honorii subrogatus ab Isaacio—Hexarcho in Pontificatu confirmatur, &c.—

  Severinus was con∣firmed Pope by Isaac the Hexarch of Italy. For the Election by the People and Clergy was not accounted valid in those days, unless the Emperors, or their Exarchs, had confirmed them.

  Platina says the same in Severinus; And Blondus the same with this of Caranza, l. 9. Decad. 1. and adds, That the Confirmation was put off for a year and an half, because Isaac did not go from Ravenna to Rome before.

  Sigebert in his Chronicle mentions a Council held by Charlemaigne at Rome before he was crowned Emperor, by virtue of his being made De∣fender of the Church by Adrian—And there Adrian and 150 Bishops did confer the Right of chusing the Pope, upon Charles, and of ordering the Apo∣stolick See, and the Dignity of the Prince. The same is mentioned by Gratian, D. 69. c. Hadrianus 22. And by Sigonius de Regno Ital. l. 4.

  In the time of the Emperor Ludovicus, the Son of Charlemaigne, upon Pope Stephen's being elected contrary to the Order, without the Emperor's Command—Stephen to mend the matter, makes this Order in the Canon. Quia Sancta, D. 52.

  Because the Roman Church suffers great Violences at the Death of the Pope, when the Election is made without the Emperor's knowledge; We ordain, That when the Bishop of Rome is to be chosen, that he be elected in a full Assembly of the Bishops and Clergy, and in the presence of the Senate and People; and so being chosen in the presence of the Legate of the Emperor, that he be consecrated.

  Baronius, Anno 827. says of the Election of Pope Valentinus, That his Consecration was deferred till the Emperour should be consulted a∣bout it.

  Pope Leo the Eighth, Anno 963. makes this Order in behalf of the Em∣peror Otho—

  That according to the Example of Adrian, Bishop of the Apostolick See, who granted unto the Emperor Charles the ordering the Apostolick See—That he likewise, with all the Clergy did constitute, and by his Authority corroborate to his Lord Otho (first King of the Theutons) and to his Successors in the Kingdom of Italy, The power of chusing a Successor, and of disposing of the Bishop of the Sovereign Apostolick See: and for that purpose, that the Archbishops, and Bishops should take investiture from him—And that none for the future should take upon them the power of electing, or consecrating the Bishop of Rome, or of any other See, without the Consent of the said Emperor.

  D. 63. in Synodo 23. The Title of the Canon in Gratian is—The Election of the Bishop of Rome does of right appertain to the Emperor.
• m

  This is thus well expressed by John Wex de Antichristo, p. 119.

  And so the Ten Kings delivered to the Beast their Kingdoms which they had got at the dissolution of the Western Empire, according to Apoc. 17. 12. For after that the Western Empire was broken in pieces, all the Kingdoms of the West did join again together in one body, that by the bonds and tye of the Babylonish Superstition of the Bishop of Rome, they might fight against the Lamb.
• Rev. XIII.
• a

  SOcrates Proam. in l. 5.

  We have therefore in the whole course of out History given an account of the Emperor's interest in it; because that since they began to embrace the Christian Religion, Ecclesiastical Affairs did seem very much to depend upon them; so that the most eminent Councils were in times past, and are at this day summoned by their consent and procurement.

  See Notes on the third Chapter, ^b, ^c, ^d, ^e, ^f, ^g, ⁱ, ^k.

  The Emperours had always the Right of Investing Church-Governours

  in their several jurisdictions, till the Council of Worms, in the year 1122. And then the Emperour Henry the 3d. wearied with the vexations occa∣sioned him by the Popes, gave up his Right of the Staff and the Ring (the Ceremonies of the investiture) to Pope Calixtus the 2d. Aventin. Histor Boior. l. 6.

  The Abbot of Ursperg, in his Chronicle, gives the form of this Con∣cordat betwixt the Emperour and the Pope.

  And the Pope in return, agrees for the future, That the Elections of the Bishops and Abbots, &c. should be performed in his presence, &c. And that He that was Elected should receive the Regalia of the Emperour, by the Scepter: And this was called, the Uniting of the Royal Power with the Priesthood, and long endea∣voured after, under that Name.

  Cardinal Cusan. Concordia Catholic. c. 6, 7, 8, 9. Affirms,

  That every Em∣perour and Prince in their several Jurisdictions are of God alone, and that it belongs to the Emperours to summon General Councils, and to regulate the Procedures in them; and to every Prince to do the same in his respective Territory for National and Provincial Councils.—And that if the Pope be negligent in these things, the Emperour ought to make use of his Authority in all such Cases,—That the Emperour always presided in the Councils, assisted with fifteen or twenty of the Nobles of his Court, whom he made to take place before all.—And He, and his Legats propounded the matters that were to be considered.

  Pererius in Apoc. Disp. 5. de Constantino—

  Then came the Imperial Majesty first into the Church, which was then Armed with both the Swords, &c.—For though from the first, The Church had that Sword, (viz. the Secular Sword) yet then first began the facility and conveni∣ency of exercising it against whomsoever it pleased.
• b

  Socrates, l. 1. c. 6. Ep. 4. Constantine unto the Churches, He there tells them,

  That whatsoever is decreed in the Holy Councils of Bishops, is to be attributed to the Will of God. And of the Sentence of the Council of Nice in particular, Ibid. Ep. 2. to the Church of Alexandria,—For that which has been agreed upon by the 300 Bishops, is to be taken for no∣thing but the determination of God himself.—The Holy Ghost resi∣ding in the minds of such worthy persons, and inspiring them with the Divine Will of God himself.

  Concil. Constantinop. Universal. 6. Action. 17. sub finem. The Council thus speaks:

  We have pronounced a definitive Sentence, free from Error, cer∣tain, and Infallible, by the assistance of the Holy Spirit.
• c

  Cod. Justinian. tit. Trinitat. l. 3. Theodos. & Valentinian. Hormisdae. P. P.—According to those Laws which have already been made by our Divinity—How much Our Divinity abhors—And Novell. 126. A most manifest constitution Of Our Deity, Nostri Numinis.

  Baronius, Anno. 419. Honorius the Emperour gives this order to Symma∣chus, Praef. Urb. upon the information sent him about the Schism of Boni∣face and Eulalius.—We Command that Boniface forthwith depart, and obey our Celestial Command.

  And Symmachus in Answer to Honorius's fur∣ther order to receive Boniface, returns this,—We having published the Celestial Decree—every one was rejoyced at it.

  Pancirol. Notit. Imp. Orient. p. 109.

  The Emperour did first subscribe his name to the Rescript, before any else. A. A. Manu Divina.

  Ibidem. p. 172. 6. And thus used the Prince to subscribe his Hand. A.

  M. D. That is, August. Manu Divina. Novel. Valentinian. l. de Homicidio. ca∣su—And those who had the Emperours hand to their Letters, are said to be pricked, or pointed down by the Divine Hand, lib. 4. c. de Advocat. dicitur. jamjam. Justinian calls this, A Divine Marking out—Divinam subnotationem. l. 1. in fin. c. de Justin. c. confirmand.

  Accordingly had the Emperours Letters-Patents the name of Sacra, in distin∣ction to all other Licenses.

  So Zeno Lib. penult. c. de Re Militari—

  We allow none for the future to be Listed either in their Horse, or Foot, without the Commendatory Letter of our Divinity, sine numinis nostri sacra probatoria.—And after∣wards—That they only be listed on the Confines, or in the Lists, who have a License for it from Our Divinity, Probatorias (sc. Sacras) a nostra Divinitate.

  And Pancirol. Notit. Imp. Orient. pag. 255. Observes in general, That the

  Actions and Affairs of the Emperours have every where in the Civil Law, the epithete of Divine; as His Divine Indulgence, His Divine Dele∣gation, His Divine Sanction, His Divine House, &c.
• d

  Concil. Constantinopol. sub Gratiano, & Theodosio Canon 5. So Socrates, l. 5. c. 8. And Sozomon gives this Reason for it, l. 7 c. 9.—

  Because that Constantinople had not only the same name, and a like Senate and Magi∣strates with Rome; but did also carry the same Ensigns of Authority after the manner of Rome, and was equal to old Rome in all Rights and Ho∣nours.
• e

  Concil. Chalcedon sub Mareiano & Valentin. Canon 28.—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—for its being the Reigning City.

  Baronius, Anno. 448—Cites Valentinian's acknowledgment of the See of Rome, Novell. 14.

  That the merit of St. Peter, the Dignity of the City, and the Authority of the Synod, were the foundations of its Pri∣macy—If there had been a Divine Right, it would have been a di∣minution to it to speak of the other.

  And in the year 451.—He quotes Galla Placidia's Letter to her Son Theodosius, about that Affair, who says there,

  That it did become them to keep up a due reverence to the City of Rome, because it is the Lady of all the rest.

  A clear evidence of the ground of the Primacy of the See of Rome, is that Law of the Emperour Leo, l. 6. l. 15. and in sin. c. de Sacros. Eccles. which was made a little while after the Councel at Constantinople, when the Empire of Rome in the West was just falling,

  We judge, and or∣dain, says he, That the Most Holy Church of this Most Religious City of Constantinople, the Mother of our Piety, and of all Christians of the Orthodox Religion, and the Most Holy See of this Royal City, for ever have for the future, in consideration that it is the Imperial City, All Pri∣viledges, and Honours over the Creations of Bishops, Right of Prece∣dence before all others, and all other things, which they shall be known to have had either before, or during our Reign. And that this continu∣ed, appears from l. 16. c. de Sacros. Ecclesiis. The Church of Constantinople is Head of all other Churches.

  Upon this account also was it, as Guicciardin observes, l. 4. Histor. That the Bishops of Ravenna and Constantinople so often disputed the Pri∣macy with the Bishop of Rome, because that it was thought that the chief Seat of the Church followed the residence of the Imperial Power. And the Arch-bishop of Ravenna in particular, refused to receive the Pall from the Bishop of Rome in acknowledgment of the superiority of the Pope, for the Reign of four Popes together, viz. Martin. 1. Eugenius 1. Vitalian and Adeodat; and they were therefore called Autocephali, or Self-headed, by the Popes, in memory of it. Anastasius Bibliothec. in these Popes lives says, that it was against the Supremacy that they contended.
• f

  See the contest betwixt the Pope's Legats, and the Councel about this Affair, Concil. Chalcedon. Action. 16. where it was in fine determined against the Legats by the Judges and Council.

  Bellarmin acknowledges this in his Preface to his Book de Pontifice. The Greeks, says he, opposed this (That is, the Universal Supremacy of the Pope) in the Council of Chalcedon in the year 451.
• g

  Platina in Bonifacio tertio. He obtained of the Emperor Phocas,

  That the Seat of St. Peter—should be called, and esteemed to be the Head of all Churches; but yet not without great contention about it, many affirming, that there ought to be the nrst and chief See of the Church, where the Head of the Empire was.

  Anastasius Bibliothecarius in Bonifacio 3. He obtained of Phocas,

  That the Apostolick See of St. Peter should be the Head of all Churches; whereas the Church of Constantinople did write it self the chief of all Churches.

  Caranza Concil. Summa. p. 369. Bonefacius 3.—He obtained, &c.

  That the See of St. Peter should be accounted the Head of all Churches, which Title the Church of Constantinople did challenge to it self, evil Princes favouring it, and affirming that the chief See (of the Church) ought to be there where the Head of the Empire was, that is, at Con∣stantinople.

  Gregor. M. just before Boniface, is full of the mention of the Patriarch of Constantinople's claim to the Title of Universal Bishop, in his 4th, 6th, and 7th Book of his Epistles.
• h

  Edictum, sive Decretal. Pap. Hilarii, Ep. 11. About the Year 476. when the Western Empire fell into the hands of the Barbarians, and so the Pope seemed to be the sole Head of the Church of Rome; It has also been de∣creed by the Laws of Christian Princes, That whatsoever the Bishop of the Apostolick See should upon examination pronounce concerning Churches, and their Governours, should with reverence be received, and strictly ob∣served.

  Dr. Barrow's Pope's Supremacy, p. 244. speaking of the Episcopal Sees be∣fore the time of Constantine—so stood the Order of Church-Dignities, till it was confirmed by the Council of Nice, backed with Imperial Authority—What before was but custom, by so August a Sanction became Universal Law, and with such veneration, as by some was accounted immutably and everlastingly obligatory, as appears in Pope Leo's Maxims.

  This does best appear from the ground of the Supremacy of the Pope, which was because they were the Bishops of the Emperor's chief Seat; And also from the Authority by which they came by it, which was by the Impe∣rial Laws, by whom their Primacy was established. See Not. preced And they were set up, and deposed, by the Emperors at pleasure, and were created by them.
• i

  Caranza. Concil. summa in Severino. Ann. Dom. 634.

  Severinus was set up in the room of Pope Honorius by Isaacius the Emperor's Exarch (or Deputy in Italy.) For in those days the Election of the Clergy and Peo∣ple was not accounted valid, unless the Emperors, or their Exarchs did confirm it. After he had before observed in Pelagius the Second, Ann. Dom.

  580.

  That Pelagius was created Pope without the Roman Prince's Autho∣rity, against the usual custom. For in those days nothing was done by the Clergy in the Election of the Pope, without the Emperor's Approbation. But there was no conveniency at that time of sending to (the Emperor at) Constantinople, because Rome was then besieged by the Lombards. But he afterwards begged pardon for it by his Legat Gregory.

  But in Adrian the Third he does thus more remarkably confirm this Custom. This Pope (Ann. Dom. 888.) was so stout, as in the beginning of his Pon∣tificate to bring in this Law to the Senate and People, That the Authority of the Emperor should not be waited for before the Creation of the Pope.

  This was so commonly acknowledged, that it appears, that the Popes used to pay a sum of money to the Emperors for their Confirmation. Canon. Agath. 21. Can. distinct. 63. See Note ¹ on Chapter the Fourth.

  Onuphrius Panvinius gives an account of the first Rise of this Custom at Justinian's Conquest of Italy.

  In Pelag. 2.

  The Goths, says he, being beaten out of Italy by Narses, and Italy together with the City of Rome, being made a part of the Eastern Em∣pire, under Justinian the Emperor, by the Authority of Pope Vigilius, there was a New Custom brought up in the Assemblies for the Elections of the Popes; which was, that upon the death of the Pope, there should forthwith be an Election made by the Clergy, the Senate, and the People, after the manner of the Right of Majors. But the new elected Pope could not be consecrated, or ordained, before his Election was confirmed by the Emperor at Constantinople, nor before he had the Emperor's Letters-Patents for his Consecration in order to enter upon the Papal Jurisdiction: For the obtaining of the grant of which, the new Elect was to send a sum of Mo∣ney to the Emperor. After which he was consecrated, and administred the Bishoprick of Rome. Before that time the Pope was chosen, and con∣secrated the same day.

  This is farther confirmed by Guicciardin, l. 4. Histor.

  In these times (of the Exarchs, set up by Justinian in Italy) the Bishops of Rome had no Civil Power, and for their degeneracy from the ancient purity of their Manners, were not much admired, or reverenced by men, passing their lives under the subjection of the Emperors, without the Au∣thority of whom, or their Exarchs, they durst not receive, nor exercise the Papacy, although they had been elected by the Votes of the Clergy, and the People of Rome. So Sabelli. Aenead. 8. l. 5.

  And Cuspinian de Caesaribus, pag. 144.

  But I find the Magistracy of the Exarchate first set up by the Emperor Justin (the Younger) that he should be in a manner the Emperor's Vice∣gerent in Italy; and with so great Authority, that he that was created Pope at Rome, was first to have his Approbation. And pag. 149. Gregory was sent by Pope Pelagius to the Emperor Mauritius to beg his pardon for suffering himself to be proclaimed Pope without his leave.

  For the no∣mination of the Pope was then held to be of no effect, unless the Emperor had confirmed it.

  Pope Agatho, about the Year 673. writes to the Emperor Constantine, acknowledges the City of Rome to be the Servant of his Most Christian Em∣pire, and has this answer to his Request from the Emperor; That by the Imperial Command he was discharged at his request from that which the Bishop of Rome used to pay for his Ordination; but yet upon this condi∣tion, That the Election of the Pope should not pass on to Consecration till the Emperor had been advised of it, and had expresly commanded it, accor∣ding to the Ancient Custom, L. 6. Pontifical. in Agathone. And D. 63. c. Aga∣tho 21.

  Pope Adrian, in a Synod at Rome, with the Universal Consent of the Great Men there, Bishops, Abbots, and others there assembled, gives Char∣lemaigne the Authority of chusing the Pope, and of ordering the Apostolick See. D. 63. c. Adrianus 22.

  And Gratian mentions the Anathema there pronounced against all that should do contray to that Decree, and the confiscation of his Goods, if he did not repent.

  The Oath that was to be taken for the Dutchies, which were given the Pope, as well for all other, was this;

  I promise to be faithful to my Lord Charles, and his Heirs, without Fraud, or Covin, all the days of my life. Sigonius de Regno Ital. l. 4.

  which does sufficiently shew the dependence and subjection of the Popes to the Emperor for all that they have.

  Anno 796. Leo the Third succeeded Adrian the First, who forthwith sends an Ambassadour to Charlemaigne to acquaint him with his Election, presents the Keys of the Confession of St. Peter to him, that is, the Keys of the Sepulchre, and the Standard of the City, in token of homage ••nd fealty. Baron. An. 796.

  816. Stephen the Fifth succeeded Leo the Third,

  and, says Aimoinus, l. 4. c. 103. contrary to Law was chosen, and consecrated without the Em∣peror's Order for it.

  But then he hastens into France to get his Consecra∣tion of the Emperor, sending two Legats before him to beg it. And to make amends, he makes this Order, before quoted in the Canon, Quia san∣cta, D. 53. G. quia sancta 28.

  Because the Roman Church suffers great violences at the death of the Pope, for having the Elections and Conse∣crations of the Successor made without the Emperor's knowledge, against the Canons, and the usual custom; the Emperor's Embassadors that should hinder the Scandals, being not there, We ordain, That when the Bishop of Rome is to be made, the Bishops and all the Clergy being assembled, he be elected in the presence of the Senate, and People, and be thereupon consecrated in the presence of the Emperor's Embassadors.

  817. And though Paschal a year after was chosen, and consecrated

  with∣out waiting the Emperor's Order, yet he acknowledges his fault to the Emperor, and begs pardon, because the Papal Honour was forced upon him against his Will. Aimoin. l. 4. c. 105.

  The Emperor Lotharius, not long after, does therefore make a new Or∣der; That the Emperor himself, or in his absence, his Deputies should as∣sist at the Consecration of the Pope. This he commands to be observed for the future.

  827. At the death of Valentin, Gregory the Fourth succeeded; And, as Sigonius relates, l. 4. de Regno Ital. 1. His Consecration was deferred, because the Emperor's Deputy was absent.

  845. Sergius the Second succeeded Gregory the Fourth, and was forced to be consecrated before the Emperor was acquainted with it; upon which the Emperor Lewis marches to Rome with an Army.

  847. After Sergius, was Leo the Fourth chosen, and consecrated the same day against the Law, without staying for the Emperor's Order; and the Ro∣mans excused themselves for it to the Emperor, that they were surrounded with the Sarazens, and Leo himself, that he was forced to it by them. But yet Anastasius Bibliothecarius, in that Pope's Life, says, that the People were in great fears of the Emperor's resentment of it. And the same Pope, up∣on the Emperor's sending his Son Lewis to set the Church in right or∣der, professes to him, That he did observe the Commands of himself, and his Predecessors, and always would observe them.

  855. Benedict the Third succeeded next but one to Leo the Fourth, and was consecrated without the Imperial Order; but was fain to be chosen a∣gain, and confirmed by the Emperor's Authority. Anastas. Biblioth. in Be∣nedicto.

  858. Nicolas the First was chosen presently after the death of Benedict, which the Emperor Lewis hasted to Rome to prevent, but found the Election past; and Nicolas absconded, to shew that he was forced to it for fear. He was a few days after consecrated in the presence of the Emperor. Anastas. Nicol. 1.

  867. Adrian the Second succeeds without the Emperor's Order, or the assistance of his Deputies, though they were in the Town; the Emperor being then deeply engaged in War with the Sarazens.

  875. John the Eighth, or Ninth, succeeds Adrian the Second, makes Charles the Bald, Emperor of Rome, upon condition that the Pope should no longer wait for the Emperor's confirmation, Rome should be left wholly to the Pope's disposal;

  And from that time, says Sigonius, the Title of Empe∣ror began to be wholly the gift of the Pope.

  885. Adrian the Third, after John, gets a Law made, That for the future there should be no expectation of the Emperor's Confirmation.

  961. But then the Emperor Leo the First, takes Rome, puts the Pope to flight, and the Romans swear Fealty to him, with this express Clause, That they should never chuse and consecrate a Pope without the Consent and Choice of the Emperor Otho, and his Heirs: Then assembles a great Coun∣cil at Rome, where Pope John was deposed, and Leo the Eighth substituted in his place by the Emperor's Approbation; And the Old Law, that there should be no consecration of the Pope without the Emperor's Order, was renewed by the Authority of the Pope, and another Council, and Anathe∣ma and Banishment was the punishment of the Disobedient. D. 63. C. In Synodo 23. See Note ^l on the Thirteenth Chapter. Theodor. à Niem. says, He saw the Patent, from whence this was drawn, preserved at Florence in testimony of the Imperial Dignity, and he lived under John the XXIIId.

  The Emperor Henry the Second, upon complaint of great Disorders of the Roman Church, goes in the year 1046. to Rome, there deposes Gregory the Sixth, and fets up Clement the Second, and the Romans swear to him, that they would never chuse them any Pope without his Con∣sent. And upon the meeting of a great Council there, it is ordained that the New-elected Pope shall not be so accounted till the Authority of the Em∣peror should confirm it; and that the Pope ought not to be created without his Authority. Petr. Damian. in lib. Gratis. Platina, & Onuphr. in Cle∣ment. 2.

  The Council of Lateran, Ann. 1055. order the Election of the Pope to be begun by the Cardinals, and the rest of the Clergy and People to consent to it; and adds,—seeing nevertheless the Honour due to our dear Son Henry, who is at present held for King, and to be Emperor afterwards, as we have granted to him, and his Successors, who shall obtain this right in person of the Apostolick See.

  In the Synod at Rome, in the Year 1106. is that dreadful Charge drawn up against Gregory the Seventh, or Hildebrand, for aspiring to the Papacy, without either the Consent of the Emperor of the Romans, or the Senate, or People.

  In the Year 1107. the Emperor Henry the Third sets forth a Remon∣strance against Pope Paschal the Second, and concludes,

  That although by Right, and force of Arms, he could retain the Ancient Custom, observed of so long time by so many Holy Fathers touching the Election of the Popes, and the Right of Investitures, yet he should not much trouble himself about it, if they would return him the Estates and Chattels which they retained by the Gifts of the Laity, and would content themselves with the Title. Aventin. Histor. Boior. L. 6.

  And upon taking Pope Paschal Prisoner by Henry, it was sworn to by the Pope, That the Right of confirming or investing the new chosen Bishop, should be always in the Emperor, and none should dare to own them be∣fore they were invested by the Emperor's Command.

  Sigebert says thus concerning this Affair, Chron. Ann. 1111. The King or Emperor would use the Authority which the Emperors had used since the time of Charlemaigne, for 300 years, and more, under 63 Popes.

  1118. Gelasius the Second succeeded Paschal the Second, and was created without the knowledge of the Emperor Henry, who thereupon returns from Padua to Rome, and consecrates Gregory the Eighth in his place.

  1165. Paschal the Third was confirmed Pope by the Council of Wurtz∣bourg, where this Remarkable Decree was made,

  That for the future, no Pope should be created but after the Ancient Fashion, by the Consent of the Emperor. Aventin. Hist. Boior. L. 6.

  And afterwards, That the Pope should be called only Nuntius Christi, and not to be the Rival of the Imperial Power. And an oath was there∣upon taken by all there present.

  The Universities of Oxford and Paris agree about the Year 1404. that the Emperor has right of Patronage to the Pope, and to the Roman Church. That the Election of the Pope does not appertain of divine Right to the Cardinals, but to the People; and the Confirmation of him, to the Emperor. Epist. Universit. Paris Editae A. Hutten. Ann. 1520.
• k

  Nothing is more common in the History of the Church, than the sum∣monings and depositions of Popes by the Emperors.
• l

  Guicciard. Histor. L. 4.

  In this time (of the Exarchat, that is, after Justinian's recovery of Italy) the Bishops of Rome had no Civil Power—passing their lives under the subjection of the Emperors, without the Authority of whom, or of their Exarchs, they durst not receive, or exercise the Pontifical.

  And therefore their Addresses to the Emperors must be proportionably submissive, as follows.

  601.

  Gregory the Great, who by the Romanists is made the Example of a Good Pope, in his Second Book, Ep. 62. & 65. to the Emperor Mauri∣tius, hath these Expressions.

  He is guilty before the Almighty, who in all that he says, or does, is not clear towards His Most Serene Lords, and I the Unworthy Servant of Your Piety, If, &c.—And I, when I speak thus to My Lords, what am I but dust, and a Worm of the Earth, &c.—Power is given My Lords from Heaven over all men. I have committed, will Christ say, my Priests (or Bishops) into thy hands. And, l. 2. Ep. 64. my tongue cannot express the favour that I have received of the Almighty, and of the most Serene Emperor, My Lord. And, Ep. 52. I have sent him to the Feet of My Lords.

  And yet Gregory speaks boldly enough to him, when he reproves him as his Confessor, L. 2. Ep. 64. And, L. 6. Ep. 11. to Anastasius, Bishop of Antioch,—

  All that are advanced into Holy Orders, ought always to give thanks for it to Almighty God, and always pray to God for the Life of our most Pious and most Christian Lord the Em∣peror.

  Pope Agatho, Concil. 6. Act. 2. and 4. tells the Emperor

  That he gave ready obedience to the things that were commanded him by the Sacred Letters Patents of his most Clement Fortitude.—And that again, To do his due obedience to the Emperor, in making the Bishops of those parts Address themselves to the Most Pious Feet of his Goodness.—calls Rome the Servant City of his most Serene Empire—often uses—according to your most Pious Command.—And—we beseech you upon the bended knees of our Soul.

  800. Ado Viennensis in Chronic. An. 798. Aimoin. l. 4. c. 90. Refute the Coronation of Charlemaigne by Pope Leo.—And that after the

  Accla∣mations of the People, He was adored by the Pope after the manner of the former Emperors.

  And Salvian, in Epistolam ad Parentes, Explains what is meant by the manner of the Ancient Emperors. He says,

  That As Servants, they kissed the feet of their Masters.

  An. 854. Pope Leo the 4th writes to the Emperour Lotharius,

  That he observed His and his Predecessors Commands; and should always ob∣serve them. Dis. 10. c. 9.

  An. 1158. Pope Adrian the 4th,

  Together with all the Cardinals and Clergy, send to the Emperour Frcderick, and acknowledg him Lord, and Emperour of the City, and of the World, Urbis & Orbis, Raderius de Gestis Frederici. l. 1. c. 22.

  Paulus Diaconus de Gest. Longobard. c. 37. who was near those times—

  Phocas, says he, at the request of Pope Boniface, did Decree, That the See of the Church of Rome should be the Head of all Churches; because that the Church of Constantinople did write it self the first of all Churches. See Note ^g on this Chapter.
• m

  Boniface the 3d did so far acknowledg this Title of Universal Head, to be the Emperour's favour, That he has the Emperour's grant for it pro∣claimed at Rome, in a Council of 62 Bishops. Platina in Boniface 3.

  Sigonius says, That Boniface sent an Embassy to Phocas to desire it; by which means he obtained that Decree.
• n

  The Contest about the Universal Headship appears plainly to have continued from the Order of the Council of Chalcedon, for the place of the Patriarch of Constantinople.

  The Law of the Emperors Leo and Anthemius, l. 16. c. in fin. de Sacros. Eccles. for the superiority of the See of Constantinople, was soon after that Council.

  Pelagius the 2d. condemns John, Patriarch of Constantinople, for that claim, and so does Gregory the 1st. after him. See Note ^g on this Chapter.

  Platina says in Boniface 3.

  Though his pretentions were not always obeyed, yet there has ever since that time been a Schism betwixt the Greek and the Latin Church.

  Bellarmin. in Praefat. in lib. de Pontifice.

  The Greeks opposed (the Popes Supremacy) in the year 451. in the Council of Chalcedon, and in the year 600. declare the Bp. of Constantinople, Universal Bishop.
• o

  Cuspinian de Caesaribus, p. 140. Mauritius wrote to Pope Gregory,

  To obey John, Patriarch of Constantinople, as if Head Patriarch of all others.
• p

  Canon. 3. Concil. Lateranens. 1.

  The Secular Powers are enjoyned to take an Oath to prosecute Hereticks, to the Rooting them out of their Territories—And those Princes that neglect to do thus, are to be Excommunicated, and their Subjects Absolved of their Oath of Alle∣giance to them; and their Lands to be exposed to the Seizure of Catho∣licks.

  See Note ^c and ^f on Chapter 4. The Council of Milan and Arles, send to their Emperours to make their Decrees effectual.

  Aeneas Sylvius, afterward Pope Pius 2d. Epist. l. 53.

  We are all of the same Faith with our Princes; If they were Idolaters, we should be so too; and should deny, not only the Pope, but Christ himself also, if the Se∣cular Power did but press us to it.

  Otho Frisius. in prol. l. 4. Chronic.

  There are two persons set up in the Church, The Sacerdotal, and the Regal; the one to execute the Ecclesi∣astical Censures by the Spiritual Sword; the other carries the Material Sword to execute the Secular Sentences. And as Spiritual possessions are under the jurisdiction of the Spiritual Sword; so are the Dignities of this World, as Dutchies, Counties, &c. under the jurisdiction of the Material Sword.
• N. B.
• q

  Goldast. Polit. in Imperial. H. 1. pag. 72. Speaking of the Installation of the Roman Kings, or Emperours,

  They do then require an Oath from the Supream Monarch of the whole World, To defend the Roman Church, to exterminate Hereticks, and to secure the Dignity of the Pope by all manner of ways.

  Glabar. l. 1. Histor. in fine. Benedict the 9th made this Decree,

  That none should be called, or taken for Emperour, but He, whom the Pope for his good behaviour shall make choice for a fit person for the Common∣weal, and upon whom he shall set that Imperial Crown, which is a Golden Apple set with Jewels; and a Cross in the middle of it, viz. To denote the end of his power to be to defend the Church.

  And such is every Imperial Crown of every particular Prince.

  Clementina unica de jure jurando, Gives the Oath that the Emperour takes to defend the Rights of the Church.
• Rev. 13. 12.
• Ibid.
• r

  Gregor. 7. Ep. poll. 18. l. 6. Richard, Prince of Capua, takes this as part of his Oath to the Pope—

  I will acknowledg the Emperour Henry for every thing else, and will Swear fealty to him, when I shall be exhorted to it by thee, or thy Successours, always with the exception of the Holy Church, &c.

  And it is the general practice of that Church, in case of the Emperor's failure of this Defence of the Church, or in case of Heresie contrary to it, He is to be deposed.
• Rev. 13 14.
• V. 15.
• s

  This appears from the Oath that all the dignified Clergy of the Church of Rome take at their Creation; the form of which is thus set down, Lib. 2. Decret. Tit. 24.

  I N. N. by the Grace of God, and of the Apostolick See, Bishop of &c. will assist for the retaining of the Roman Pa∣cy, and the Regalia of St. Peter, and to the maintaining them against eve∣ry Man; I will take care to preserve, encrease, defend, and further the Rights, Honours, Priviledges, and Authority of the Roman Church, of our Lord the Pope, and his Successors; I will prosecute, and suppress to my power, all Hereticks, Schismaticks, and Rebels against our Lord the Pope.

  Add to this, the Oath that the Emperour and Kings take at their Co∣ronation to defend the Rights of the Apostolick See, and then the Papal Authority seems to be the sole Head of the Image, and the inspirer of it.
• Ibid.
• Rev. 13 16, 17.
• t

  Malvenda de Antichristo, Pag. 434. Let it therefore be taken for clear and undoubted, which all the Fathers did unquestionably teach, That this number of the name of the Beast 666, does not relate to either the birth, or death of Christ, or to any kind of duration, or space of time; but that it is to be the real name of Antichrist—And he there mentions Romanists and Latines.

  Alcasar in c. 13. Apoc. de Charactere Bestiae.—

  The Mark, says he, is not here any thing distinct from the number, and the name, 1. because it is said the Mark, or the Name, or the Number of the Name, which does not intimate three distinct things, but only three distinct Names of the same things. 2. Because Chap. 20. Apoc. it is said, That all that had not re∣ceived the Mark of the Beast, did Reign with Christ, where the Mark in∣cludes in it the Name and Number. 3. Because Chap. 14. 9. It is said also of the punishment of the followers of the Beast, That it was to those who should receive the Mark, where all that had the name and the number are also comprehended.

  He there also adds,

  That it was the Custom for Soldiers to receive the name of their Prince in their Skin. So Vegelius, l. 1. c. 8. and l. 2. c. 5. Soldiers are Listed by being pricked in the Skin with the name of the Prince or General. So Lipsius, l. 1. c. 9. Quotes Justinian's Code for it, St. Augustine, Chrysostom, and Prudentius.

  The Society of Bacchus were thus marked with an Ivy-leaf.
• Irenaeus l. 5. c. 24.
• u

  Ibid. Alcasar against those, who would have this name to be different from all things that were then known.—Aenigma's, says he, or dark

  Riddles are made for that end, not that things before unknown should be known by them; but that things before known, should be concealed in the dark terms of the Riddle from those to whom the Riddle is given to be revealed. This Truth is so clear to me, that I cannot sufficiently ad∣mire those, who fancy, That this Number 666 was here given to signifie a name, that was before unknown to the Church; and he quotes Arethus upon this place to the same purpose,—That thereby was signified, that the great things there mentioned about the Beast, did not relate to things whose Names were unknown; but to a Name then very well known.
• L. 5. c. 24. Contra Haeres.
• x

  The same Author shows, That Latinos is to be read with an ei

  Dip∣thong, and quotes Mekertius, who says, That the indifferent Vowels, or Vocales ancipites, are used by the Ancient Greeks to be doubled in the pronunciation (or to be made long like Dipthongs) and cites Augustinus de Numism. and Lipsius de Antiquâ Pronunciatione, Cap. 8. who there shows, that the Romans formerly did write I Vowel by ei Dip∣thongs.
• Respons. de An∣tichristo.
• y

  The same Author shows, That Latinos is to be read with an ei

  Dip∣thong, and quotes Mekertius, who says, That the indifferent Vowels, or Vocales ancipites, are used by the Ancient Greeks to be doubled in the pronunciation (or to be made long like Dipthongs) and cites Augustinus de Numism. and Lipsius de Antiquâ Pronunciatione, Cap. 8. who there shows, that the Romans formerly did write I Vowel by ei Dip∣thongs.
• z

  The effect of the Papal Excommunications for this purpose, does ap∣pear from the Bull of Pope Martin the 5th. in confirmation of the Council of Constance, and to be found at the end of it,—

  Which commands all Emperours, Princes, Lords, and all Civil Magistrates, as well as Eccle∣siastical, to expell all Hereticks out of their Territories, not to suffer them to make Contracts, or to exercise any kind of Merchandize amongst them.
• Rev. XIII.
• N. B.
• Rev. 17. 13.
• a

  COrnelius à Lapide, in c. 13. Apoc. v. 11.

  The Two Horns (accord∣ing to Josephus Acosta, l. 2. De temporibus Noviss. c. 17.) are the Ensigns of the Episcopal Dignity, viz. the Mitre, or the Episcopal Crown. It should seem therefore by this, That this false Prophet should be some Apostate Bishop, a great pretender to Religion.—It is not therefore the Mitre, but some Mitred Apostate that is here set out, who shall trea∣cherously abuse these Horns of Christ (the Lamb) to propagate the Party of Antichrist.—And before, when he had reckon'd up the several opi∣nions about the 2d Beast,—In the fourth place, says he, the best opini∣on is that of Irenaeus, Tertullian, Ribera, Viega, and others, who by this Beast understand some Eminent Pastor of the Church, the forerunner, and Preacher up of Antichrist.

  Viegas, in c. 13. Apoc. v. 11. after the mention of the opinion of others; But Andreas Caesariensis, and Irenaeus, to me seem to have been much more in the right, who understand by the 2d Beast, some Eminent Preacher, the ••••••erunner of Antichrist; The Armour-bearer of Antichrist, as Irenaeus.
• b

  Ribera upon this place of the Apocalypse, after he had pleaded for the indefinite signification of, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from the absence of the Article, concludes,—

  But yet this which I have said of Articles, is not al∣ways observed by the Greeks.

  Alcasar upon the same,

  The Article is wanting, and yet it is an allusion to the Lamb, Cap. 5.
• c

  Malvenda de Antichristo, pag. 348. quotes Irenaeus for making Anti∣christ a pretender to be Christ upon Earth. And Lactantius affirming, that he should falsly pretend himself to be Christ. And pag. 349. says, That it is the consent of the Fathers, That Antichrist shall take away Idols—

  And shall set himself up in the Temple of God, as Antiochus Epiphanes had his own Image put into the Temple at Jerusalem, who yet Worship∣ped his own Country Gods, and obtruded them upon the Jews. He contends indeed, That the Temple of God, in which Antichrist must sit, is the Temple of Jerusalem. But Pererius the Jesuit upon the 7th of Daniel, quotes Theodoret, Damascene, and others of the Fathers, Interpret∣ing it of the Christian Church: For that, says he, is the only true Temple of God.

  And then Antichrist must be like Christ the Head of the Church.

  And, pag. 351. Malvenda shows how Antichrist shall pretend himself

  to be true God, according to the agreeing sense of the Fathers, viz.

  As Nebuchadnezzar, Alexander the Great, and Julius Caesar; the latter of which did certainly do no more than order himself a like worship with the gods. And Antiochus Epiphanes, who is made the Type of Antichrist, did set up the Statue of Jupiter Olympius in the Temple, as well as his own: And is said by Malvenda, to have Consecrated the Temple of Je∣rusalem to Jupiter Olympius, and the Temple on Mount Gerizim to Ju∣piter Hospitalis. It is not therefore necessary, according to Malvenda, that Antichrist should set himself up as the one supreme God, or Christ.

  Irenaeus, pag. 483. Edit. Erasmi de Antichristo.—

  Of whom the Apostle in the 2d Epistle to the Thessalonians—He shall sit in the Temple, en∣endeavouring to show himself to be Christ.

  Bellarmin also says, Lib. 1. de Pontif. cap. 1.

  That by the common agree∣ment of all Christians, Antichrist is understood to be some Eminent False Christ.
• d

  See Malvenda Not. praeced. And the Fathers agree—

  That Anti∣christ shall take away the Worship of false Gods. See Irenaeus, Not. Praeced.

  Arethas, in V. 11. c. 13. Apoc. Two Horns of the Lamb—

  be∣cause he shall feign himself to be kind and benign, that he may de∣ceive.

  Idem, in v. 14. He doth Miracles, That Antichrist might be thought to be Christ.
• Rev. 13. 14.
• Rev. 13. 2, 3.
• V. 9.
• V. 11.
• Lib. 3. c. 3. de Vita Constan∣tini.
• Socrat. l. 1. c. 6.
• Rev. 12. 15.
• e

  Victorinus in v. 15. cap. 12. Apoc.

  The Waters which he cast out, do signify the Army that followed him.

  Ribera on the same place;

  Interpreters agree, That by the Waters, Per∣secution (that is, of multitudes) is understood.—The Devil sent an Army to Persecute the Saints that fled into the Wilderness. Sabo Tyconius—He cast out Waters after her—That is, the Violence of Persecutors.—And afterwards—It signifies an Army of Perse∣cutors.

  Andreas, Primatius, Haymo, and Ausbertus, say the same, and quote that of Psalm 122.—

  When Men rose up against me.

  To which may be added many other places in the Psalms concerning the Floods, and Water-floods.
• V. 16.
• Rev. 12. 17.
• Rev. 13. 1.
• v. 2.
• Rev. XIII.
• a

  SEE Note the 8th. on the 2d Chapter, Socrates, l. 1. c. 6.
• b

  Euseb. de Vita Constantini. l. 3. c. 63. To the Hereticks—

  We Enact, and Command by this Law, That none of you shall dare hereaf∣ter to meet at Conventicles—and that all those places, where you were wont to keep close meetings, be demolished; provided also, that you shall not keep any—meetings, either in publick, or in private Houses, or in remote places. c. 64. And threatned their maintainers with punish∣ments.
• c

  Socrates, l. 1. c. 6. Constantine to the Bishops and People—

  For as soon as he be taken, our pleasure is, That his Head be stricken off his Shoulders. Sozom. l. 1. c. 21.
• d

  Cod. Justinian. lib. 1. de Summa Trinitat. Theodos. Edict. ad pop. Constan∣tinop. We will have all the people of our Empire be of that Religion, which St. Peter the Apostle delivered to the Romans; and which it is manifest that Pope Damasus does now follow, and Peter Bishop of Alexandria.—And we command those that follow this Law, to take the Name of Catho∣lick Christian upon them;—and the rest, only the name of Hereticks—we decree shall be chastised by a Divine Vengeance first (by Excommunica∣tion) and afterwards also, by the Revenge of the motions of our own mind, as Heaven shall incline us.

  And all over the Theodosian Code. Tit. de Haereticis, there are nothing but Laws, either for pulling down the Meeting-houses of Hereticks, or for punishing them, and that even to Banishment. So Cod. Theodos. l. 15. Tit. 5. de Haereticis, l. 16. Tit. 4. de his, qui supra Religionem contendunt. Lex se∣cunda, item lex tertia, c. 67. de Haereticis, l. 21. item l. 26. And Inquisitors appointed, l. 9, 13, 15, 31, 32, 35, 52. Cod. de Haereticis.

  Socrates, l. 3. c. 4. The Emperour Basilicus's Edict there, does mention and enforce Theodosius's Laws, viz. That Laicks be punished with Banishment and Confiscation of Goods, and Bishops with Deprivation.
• Baron. Anno 585.
• Socrat. l. 5. c. 2. 4. 20.
• Honorius ad Heraclian. Co∣mit. Africâ, An. 411. Sciant omnes Sanctae legis inimici plectendos se poe∣nâ & proscri∣ptionis & san∣guinis, si ultra convenire in publicum tenta∣verint.
• e

  Concil. Ephesin, Canon 8. Upon the complaint of the Cyprian Bishops against the Bishop of Antioch's usurped jurisdiction over them. They Or∣dain,

  That all usurped jurisdiction of any Bishops over another's Pro∣vince, shall be, ipso facto, void;—And that—lest the fear of any Mans power should creep in, under a shew of an Holy Function, and so we should lose that Liberty insensibly and unawares, which our Lord Jesus Christ did purchase with his own Blood.
• f

  It appears from Cassiodor Variar. L. 10. Ep. 26.

  That the Gothish Kings did not press any in Italy to their way.—Theodate to Justinian, says there,—Since the Deity suffers many Religions to be, we dare not enjoyn one alone to be followed: For we remember it is said, That Men must sa∣crifice willingly to the Lord, not at the command of any one to force them to it.—With good reason therefore does your Piety invite us to that, which the Commands of God do require.

  And in the time of Justin before, The∣doric forced him to leave off persecuting the Arrians in the East. And Zeno and Anastasius before Justin, are represented as Lovers of Peace and Union, rather than a strict Conformity; of which Zeno's Henoticon is an example.

  Petavius says of the Emperour Anastasius, That he gave every Man li∣berty to profess what Sect he pleased. Rationar. Temp. Part 1. l 7. c. 3.

  Theodoric. to all the Jews, lib. 2. ep. 27. Gassiodor Variar.

  We cannot, says Command Religion, because none is to be compelled to believe against his Will.
• g

  See Petav. Rationar. Temp. Part. 1. l. 7. c. 3. Item Anastasius Bibliothe∣car. in Hormisdâ.
• h

  Petav. ibidem Item Blondus de Inclinat. Rom. Imp. in Occidente.—Pag. 37.

  Pope John, in whose time (the Emperour) Justin being wholly set upon rooting out all the Heresies throughout the Eastern parts, deprived all the Bishops of that Sect of their Places, and put their Ministers out of their Churches.

  —And a little after, not only the Eutichyan Heresy, but all kind of different Parties were suppressed throughout all the East.

  Anastasius Bibliothecar. to the same purpose in Joanne 1.
• i

  Anastasius Bibliothec. in Joanne 1.

  gives an account of Theodoric's send∣ing Pope John in an Embassy to Justin, to acquaint him, That he would ruine all the Catholicks in Italy, if he did not restore the Arrians in the East to their Dignities and Churches: And that Justin did thereupon com∣ply with him.
• k

  Petav. Rationa. Temp. Part 1. l. 7. c. 3. The Emperour received the

  Pope with all honour, and was the first that received the Imperial Crown at the Popes Hands. Anastas. Bibliothec. in Joanne 1.
• l

  Hieron. Rubeus, Histor. Ravennat. pag. 141. Item Anastas. Bibliothec. in Joanne 1.
• Chap. 22.
• N. B.
• m

  Therefore is Justinian chosen out by the people of Rome in their in∣surrection against Pope Innocent the 1st. as the example of the greatest Roman Prince for the Emperour Conrad to resemble; in favour of whom they declared in these Verses,

  Imperium Teneat, Romae sedeat, Regat Orbem, Princeps Terrarum, ceu fecit Justinianus.

  As Sigonius, Lib. 11. de Regno Italiae does give the account of it; so Procopius de Bello Persico makes Vitiges, King of the Goths, in his Letter to Chosroes King of Persia, give Justinian this Character;—

  That it is his Nature to be always coveting of new things, to which he had no Right.—And that he did aim at the whole World, and every Mans Kingdom.

  And in his description of Justinian's Buildings, in his first Oration, de∣scribes Justiman's Statue upon a Pillar, holding a Globe in his Left hand, to signify his Conquest of the World; and stretching out the Fingers of his Right Hand towards the East, to Command the Barbarians and Persians, not to advance any further upon the Roman Empire: without any Armour, or Sword; or Spear; but only with a Cross upon the Globe, to signify by what power he gained his Victories.—Which if it were to corrupt the Christian Religion, was a Magnificent show of a False pretender to the power of Christ.
• n

  See Praefat. in Cod. Justiniani.
• o

  See Lib. 5. Cod. Justinian. de summâ Trinitate.
• p

  Ibid. l. 8, 9, & 10.
• q

  L. 5. c. de Haereticis.
• Petav. Ration. Temp. part. 1. lib. 7. c. 7.
• Petav. Ration. Temp. ibidem.
• r

  Concil. Chalcedon. Action. 8va.—Which when he had said,

  All the Bishops cried out, Theodoret is worthy of his Seat in the Church; Let the Church receive its Orthodox Pastour, &c. And Action. 9. c. 10. The Popes Legat Paschasius, in the name of all the rest, pronounces, That upon reading the Votes of the most Reverand Bishops, Ibas was appro∣ved by them. For upon a review of his Epistle, we acknowledg him to be Orthodox; and for this, Decree him to be restored to his Bishoprick, and that the Church, from whence he was unjustly put out, be re∣paired.

  And this Approbation of the Council of Chalcedon, is quoted by Pope Vigilius, against Justinian in his Constitution—And decrees the contrary to him, with this preamble,—We, following the judgment of the Holy Fathers—And afterwards—These things therefore we having ordered with cau∣tion and diligence.
• s

  Facundus Hermianens. ad Justinian. Lib. 12. c. 3. & cap. 5.
• Petav. Ration. Temp. part. 1. l. 7. c. 7.
• t

  Lib. 5. Cod. de Haereticis.

  It is a good observation of Du Plessis Mornay, in his Mystery of Iniquity, page 100. That Pelagius the first, in Justinian's days, who confirmed the 5th Council, and desired the aid of Justinian against the Bishops of Milan. and Aquileia, was the first Pope, that made a Decree to employ the Secular Arm against those who should be condemned of Schism, or Heresie.
• u

  See Note ^d on this Chapter.
• x

  Cod. Justinian. de Apostatis.
• y

  Lib. 19. Cod. de Haereticis.
• Petav. Ration. Temp. part. 1. l. 7. c. 5.
• z

  See Note ^m on this Chapter, Vitiges to Chosroes Procopius.

  Tribonianus his great Counsellour in the making his Laws, &c. is set out by Historians, as a contemner of all Religions. Cuspinian de Caesaribus, pag. 141.
• Ibidem.
• aa

  See Note ^p on this Chapter, and Novell. Justiniani 126. in particular—A manifest constitution of our Deity, Nostri numinis. And Novell. 114. Jussionis Divinae. And Panirollus observes, That Justinian gave the usual Character of the Emperours Subscriptions (A. M. D.) the name of a Di∣vine Mark, Divinam subnotationem.

  Constantine the Father of Justinianus junior, Anno. Dom. 683. orders the Archbishop of Ravenna to go to Rome to be Consecrated; Divali jussione, by his Divine, or Sacred Command, Lib. Pontifical.
• bb

  See Onuphtius Panvinius's Observation in Pelagio 1. in Note ⁱ on the 4^th Chapter.
• cc

  Novell. 45. de Episcop. & Cler. We Decree, that those things that are defined by the Holy Canons, have as much force amongst them, as if they were written in Civil Laws.
• dd

  Novell. 131.—And therefore we decree according to their (the Council's) Determinations, that the most Holy Pope of Old Rome be the first of all Bishops; the most blessed Bishop of Constantinople, which is New Rome, to have the next place after the Holy Apostolick See of Old Rome.
• Novel. 45.
• ee

  Justinian's Example was upon all occasions quoted afterwards for the Imperial absoluteness in Church-Affairs, and for his Obligations upon the Church of Rome. See Sigonius in Note ⁿ on this Chapter—ceu fecit Justi∣nianus. So for all Commemorations of Donations to the Church, he is or∣dinarily put in with Constantine and Charlemaigne, as the three remarkable Raisers of that Church.

  Cardinal Zabarella de Schismate, about the Year 1406. contends that it be∣longs to the Emperor to summon the Council, as Justinian and Charle∣maigne did.
• ff

  See Baronius, Ann. 591. & Bolerus Rel. Univer. part. 2. lib.. 4. for these Exploits of Gregory the First.
• gg

  See Note the 23d on the 21st Chapter, especially that of Guicciardin there.

  Benedict. the Second obtained of the Emperor by Letters-Patents—

  That he that should be chosen Bishop of Rome by the common Agreement in full Assembly, should be owned for Bishop, without expecting either the Em∣peror's, or the Exarch's Consent—which was never known since the time of Justinian the First. Mornay, Mystere d'inquite, pag. 128:

  Justin Junior, to Pope Constantine, he sent him (sacram) his Letter to com∣mand him to come to Constantinople, and the Pope is said to have obeyed the Imperial Commands in it. Anastas. Biblioth. Constantius.

  Guicciardin shows, that the Popes always dated their Bulls according to the year of their Lord the Emperor's Reign, Imperante N. Domino nostro.

  Anno 1046. Gregory the Sixth is deposed by a Council held in Lom∣bardy by the Emperor's Order—The words of the Council are,

  That he was deposed by a Canonical, and Imperial Censure. Sigebert. in Chronic.

  Anno 1160.

  Frederick, upon a Schism betwixt two Popes, Victor the Fourth, and Alexander the Third, summons a Council at Pavie, according to the Custom of the Ancient Emperors; And thus summons the Bishops to meet, Having understood by the Decrees of the Popes, and the Decrees of the Church, that when there happens a Schism in the Roman Church by the dissention of two Popes, we ought to summon the one, and the other, and to determine the difference by the Advice of the Orthodox—at the day of meeting declares, that the right of assembling them, did belong unto him. For so, says he, did Constantine, Theodosius, Justinian, Charle∣maigne. Radevicus, l. 2. à cap. 52. ad c. 65.

  Grotius Respons. de Antichristo. Gregory the Great acknowledges the Emperor to be His Lord, and obeys his Edicts. And the Imperial Power was very magnificently exercised upon the Popes themselves by the Otho's; And Rome had its Magistrates set over it, that were sworn to the Emperor.

  Onuph. Panvin. l. de Fastis, pag. 61. From the time of Justinian the Power of the Consuls ceased at Rome; And it was governed by the Emperor's Exarchs, and by a particular Duke over the City of Rome. Hieron Rubeus Histo. Ravennat. Anno 590.

  Alberic. de Rofat. a Famous Lawyer shows, in verbo Roma—that Rome was under the Emperor's disposal to the time of Innocent the Second, and that the Popes acknowledged the Emperors their Lords.
• hh

  See Note ^m on Chap. 4. and the Note ^g, ibidem.

  Ludovic. Bebenburg de jurib. Reg. & Imp. Rom. Edit. Heidelbergi, pag. 46.—

  The Greeks a long while before the Translation of the Empire to Charle∣maigne, were departed from the obedience of the Roman Church, setting up the Church of Constantinople for their Head. And because that Church did write it self the first of all Churches: Phocas the Emperor—at the request of Boniface the Third, decreed that the Church of Rome should be the Head of all Churches.
• ii

  Anastas. Bibliothec. in Bonifacio Quarto.

  At the same time he begg'd of the Emperor Phocas, the Temple called Pantheon, which he made the Church of the Blessed Virgin, and all the Martyrs.
• kk

  See Note ^b, ^c, ^e, ^x, on this Chapter.
• ll

  See the Sixth General Council in Note ^b on this Chapter.
• Concil. Uni∣vers. 6. Action. 18.
• Concil. 6. in Trullo A∣ction. 18. Edit. Con∣stantin.
• mm

  See Notes ⁱ, ^l, ^xx, on this Chapter

  Platina in Pelag. 2.

  [Pelagius having been elected by the Clergy, and People, without staying for the Emperor's leave, because the Lombards did then besiege the City, sent Gregory his Deacon to excuse it to the Emperor at Constantinople] Because, says Platina, the Election of the Clergy signified nothing in those days without the approbation of the Emperor.

  Blondus, Decad. 1. l. 9. de Severino 1. & Honorio—

  Then was that Custom observed, that he that was chosen Bishop of Rome, was not crown∣ed till the Exarch came from Ravenna to confirm him.

  D. 63. c. Hadrianus. 22. & Sigonius de Reg. Ital. l. 4. By the Consent of all the Great Men of Rome, there assembled, it was agreed that Charlemaigne should have the power of electing the Pope, and of ordering the Roman Church.

  D. 63. c. in Synodo 23.

  Pope Leo the Eighth, Anno 963. in a Synod at Rome, consents to that Canon, That none shall be elected Pope but by the Emperor's leave. The Title of the Canon in Gratian is—

  The Election of the Bishop of Rome belongs of right to the Emperor.

  And also two years before, at his reception at Rome, Ann. 961. the Ro∣mans swear Fealty to him, and that they would never elect a Pope with∣out his leave, nor ordain him without the Consent and Election of the Emperor Otho, and the King his Son. Luitprand. l. 6. c. 6.

  Aventin, l. 5. Annal. Boiar.

  Till his time (Gregory the 7th) the Popes used to be chosen by the Clergy, Nobility, People, and Senate; and above all came in the Emperor's Authority to confirm it.

  The Council of Worms says the same of Gregory. Sigonius de Reg. Ital. lib. 9.

  The Diet of Ratisbonne 1322. published a long Decree against Pope John XXII. and amongst other things declare against the Pope's Election without the Emperor. Aventin. l. 7.
• Rev. XIII.
• See the Dean of St. Paul's Discourse of the Idolatry of the Church of Rome; and Pa∣pists not mis∣represented.
• An. Dom. 787. Petav.
• An. Dom. 707. Petav.
• Baronius, Anno 591.
• Idola Paga∣norum vertistis in Martyres, quos Votis simi∣libus colitis.
• †

  L. 5. Cod. de Haereticis.