A demonstration of the first principles of the Protestant applications of the apocalypse together with the consent of the ancients concerning the fourth beast in the 7th of Daniel and the beast in the Revelations / by Drue Cressener.

CHAP. VII.

The first Query, Whether at Justinian's Recovery of Italy from the Goths, there had not been Two Changes of Roman Government since the time of the Vision?

THus far there seems to be a general agreement amongst al∣most all kind of considerable Interpreters, who make The Beast to be a Roman Power in being at this present time; and this seems sufficient for the main use that is to be made of this kind of knowledg.

But because Mens minds are usually very uneasy under such a general assurance of the main foundation, without a more par∣ticular determination of the first rise, of the time of the con∣tinuance, and the last period of so formidable a power as that of the Beast, and the False Prophet is described to be; I will now proceed to propound my apprehensions about those particular circumstances; which is so much the more necessary, because almost all the applications of the many Characters and Proper∣ties of the Beast, do seem to depend upon such a particular de∣termination.

And because I know it will be difficult to prevail with any who have framed to themselves an Hypothesis of their own about these things, to see any convincing proof for the way that I make choice of; To be civil to the Understandings and Assuran∣ces of others, I will now propound my own particular Applica∣tion under the name of Queries, instead of Propositions, thô to my self they may appear to be of much the same strength.

I would therefore first have it considered,

Whether at the time of Justinian's Conquest of the Italian [Query 1] Goths, there had not been, at least, Two such Changes of the Secular Soveraign Power of Rome, since the time of the Visions about the Beast, as might be called Two different Heads of the Beast?

For the Secular Soveraign Power of Rome at the time of the Vision, was the Imperial Government and Sixth Head (by

Prop. 19. and 5.)—And the Imperial Government as the Sixth Head was changed, at latest, upon the ruin of the Western Em∣pire by the Heruli and Goths (by Prop. the 22.)—There re∣mains then nothing more to be done for the determining of this question, than to show, That the Succession of the Heruli, and Goths, to the Government of Rome, and Italy, did make a new Head of the Beast: For then it will not be questioned, but that, the Conquest of the Goths by Justinian did also make the other Head that was to be revived.

That the Succession of those Barbarous Kings at Rome did make a new Head of the Beast, appears from the definition of an Head of the Beast (Prop. the 21st.) For upon the ruin of the Western Empire by these Kings, and their Reign over Rome, and Italy; The Supream Secular Power of Rome was changed, and another owned there in the place of it. Thô the one part of the Imperial Head remained still sound at Constantinople, yet by the change of the other part of it, which did more immediately preside over the City of Rome, the Soveraign power of the Ro∣mans came to be divided betwixt a King and an Emperor: And so, that which was a form of Government purely Imperial before, came to be a mixture of Kingly and Imperial Government.

For that the new Kings of Italy, and the Eastern Emperours, made still but one Supream form of Roman Government, thô divided in the Seats of their Empire, appears from the state of the Imperial Government before the ruin of the Western Empire by these Barbarous Kings. The Eastern and Western Emperor were then but one, and the same Imperial Head, Thô they had Two different Kingdoms; they had both of them their Autho∣rity from the a same people and Senate of Rome; and therefore were there half the Senate, and one of the Consuls, ordinarily residing at Constantinople. The Laws also of the Empire were joyntly subscribed by both, and do now in the Code bear the names of both the Emperors; and it is the Subject of a great part of Pancirollus's Explication of the Notitia Imperii, to show, that the Military Ensigns, and the Arms of the chief Dignities of the Empire, were almost every one of them Figures on purpose contrived by the Emperors, and given by their Authority to re∣present the Ʋnity of the Roman Empire all over the World un∣der the divided shares of the Two Imperial Heads of it, as has been before observed, page 148. And thus were the Two

Empires, but like the Two Provinces of the Two Consuls of Rome, which nevertheless were but one Ʋnited Supream Govern∣ment of the Romans.

Now all the change of this Imperial Partnership in the Go∣vernment, by the change of the Western Empire, was the in∣troducing the Kingly power into that share of the Empire.

For in every thing else, The new Kings observed b the old form of Government which they found in use at their coming to the Crown, as appears from all the History of their Government; They changed no Roman Custom, says Rubeus. And it may more particularly be seen in Cassiodorus's Variarum, That they re∣tained all the same Magistrates, by which the Government of the Western Empire was administred.

Besides, the fall of the Western Empire was in the time of Zeno Emperor of the East; and Zeno could not be less a part of the Supream Government of Rome after the fall of the Western Em∣pire, than he was before the fall of it; because he had his part of the Senate of Rome, and the choice of one of the Consuls still continued to him all the the time of Odoacer the Conqueror's Reign; and c by his own Authority did Zeno first make Theodorick, who Conquered Odoacer, one of the Roman Consuls, Adopted him for his Son like a new Caesar, then gave him a formal Commission for the Government of Rome and Italy, as the Emperor used to create another Emperor to share with him in the Government; and from that time was there much the same Union in the Publick Acts of the Government betwixt the Gothish Kings, and the Eastern Emperors, that there had been before betwixt the East∣ern and Western Emperors. Accordingly do we find the dates of the Decretals of the Popes of those days, to have the mention of the years of the Gothish Kings, as well as those of the Eastern Emperors.

As for their occasional differences, That was no more than what used to be sometimes betwixt the two Emperors, and must ne∣cessarily be sometimes betwixt the most united Soveraigns, as it is expresly intimated by Sigonius, as the Case between Zeno and Odoacer, Lib. 15. de Imperio Occid. Zeno, says he, took Odoacer's Invasion of Italy so ill, that he would have no Society of the Em∣pire with him; which shows by the way, That the Agreement of the Emperors with the following Kings of Italy, was the same kind of sociable Government of the Roman Empire, that

had been before used amongst the Eastern and Western Emperors. Thus was Theodorick d chosen King of Italy, and of Rome, by Zeno and the whole Senate, and with pomp accompanied by them out of the City in his Robes of State; He is received at Rome for their King with the Applauses, and Acclamations of the Peo∣ple, and the Honours of the Senate.

After a small difference with Anastasius the next Emperor, in e the beginning of his Reign, Theodoric begs Peace of him, with an acknowledgment of his Superiority over all the World; and moves him to it by this consideration, That these two Common∣wealths of the East and West, were always one body under the former Princes; And there ought to be but one Will, and one Judgment in the Kingdom of the Romans.

And Onuphrius Pauvinius observes, Fastor. pag. 308. That Theodoric enjoyed the Government of Italy, by the consent of Anastasius; and the very difference betwixt them at the begin∣ning of Anastasius his Reign does show, what opinion Theodo∣ric had of his being the Emperor's partner in the Government of the West: For upon Anastasius's conferring the honour of Consul, and Augustus upon Chlodoreus King of the Franks, Theodoric is said to have declared War against him, for the Provinces of the Western Empire.

A manifest instance does he give of his owning the same con∣junction with the Eastern Empire, that the Western Emperors be∣fore him did testify by their joynt Suffrages, in chusing of each of their Consuls. He sends to that Emperor to joyn his Suffrage with his own in f the choice of Felix for that years Consul, that he might show his care of both the Common∣wealths; And g Verientius, Theodoric's Comes domesticorum, was chosen Consul with the Emperor Anastasius. And the joynt consent of the two Emperors in the choice of their Consuls, was one of the most remarkable testimonies of their perfect concord in the same common Government of the Roman Empire: For the h Consulary dignity was always accounted the next in Degree and Honour to that of Emperor.

In the time of the Gothish Kings we do also find the ancient Ensign of Honour continued to be carried before those of the Consulary Dignity, which had been i used ever since the divi∣sion of the Empire, to signify the Ʋnity of the two Emperors in the Roman Government; And which Pancirollus says (p. 46.

Notit. Orient.) That it was the chiefest of all the Ensigns of Pub∣lick Authority; And that was, to have the Heads of both the Princes of the East and West carried before them upon a Mace: As may be seen in the Forms of the Gothish Kings Letters to the new Elected Consulary Magistrate, Cassiod. Var. Lib. 6. Epist. 20. Vultus quinetiam Regnantûm, &c. The Faces of the Princes are car∣ried before thee in Pomp, That thou mayst be Reverenced for the Autho∣rity of the Governors. And again, The name of Consul bespeaks thee to be Merciful: And the Images of the Princes declare that thou oughtest to be feared. And there were Two and Twenty of these Consulary Magistrates in the Western Division, which appear to have continued to the time of Justinian. Pancirol. Notit. Imp. Orient. p. 249. The same Figure had the chief Military General engraven upon the backside of a Book, Id. pag. 56.

Athalaricus k after Theodoric, Sollicites the favour of Justinian, that they might continue in Peace and Ʋnion, as his Father had done; and commemorates the former Emperors kindnesses, in making his Grandfather Consul at Constantinople, and his Father Consul in Italy; For his Father Eutharicus was l Consul with the Emperor Justin; and his Father's Consulship in Italy is an evident sign of the joynt suffrages of both the Princes for the Consul of Rome, especially when it appears, that m Lutharicus was once the Consul of the East, viz. when he was Collegue with Roatheus the Western Consul. Onuph. Panci. Fastor. Anno 510.

He professes the strength of his Kingdom to lye in his good correspondence with the Emperors; and mentions n his Fa∣ther's being his adopted Son, like those who were made Augusti or Partners of the Empire by others, and desires the same for himself.

Amalasuntha, and Theodohadus, after the death of Athalaricus, send the same professions of Amity, and desire an Ʋnion be∣twixt the Two Kingdoms, as that which was then confirmed by long o Custom, and become like a Law betwixt them: And they both send to the Emperour for leave to transport p Marble for the Ornament of that Roman World, and Commonwealth, which they express his glory to be concerned in; and Theodohadus in particular sends his recommendation of a Petitioner to him about the Affairs of the Church at Ravenna, notwithstanding that Ravenna was Theodahadus his Royal Seat: But the Goths being Arrians, they committed the chief care of the Orthodox to the Emperour.

Vitiges pleads with the r Emperour Justinian for Peace in the same stile; shows him how much Rome, the Head of the world, had suffered by the War, moves him to Peace, by the consideration of the advantage of both parts of the Roman Commonwealth by it, and the Examples of all former Princes; and sollicites the s concur∣rence of the great Men of that Court with him in that motion, upon the account of the common Liberty of the Roman Nation.

The Senate also of Rome it self uses the same motive to Ju∣stinian for Peace, t because Rome ought to be his care, and there∣fore not to be suffered to be ruined upon his account; And that it was his Agreement only with the Goths, that made that City find favour with them, because of his concern in the common In∣terest of the Romans.

And well worth the perusing for this purpose, is u That Pro∣sopopaeia, which the Senate represents to Justinian in the name of the City of Rome, as his peculiar City, that ought to be his care and concern; and that he ought to maintain Peace and Unity with the Goths for her sake.

It is also a remarkable observation of Joh. Fersius Silesius to this purpose in his Book de Praefect. Praetor. That Justinian de∣manded of the Gothish King as the condition of the Peace, That he should never set up his Statue, without Justinian's in an higher eminency than his own, and at the Right hand, as the more Honourable place; which confirms the former Cu∣stom of setting up both the Princes Statues to signify one Empire in common to them both, thô the Emperour would have the prece∣dence.

Again, both the Eastern Emperours and Gothish Kings had the name of Rerum Domini, or Lords of the World, from the same City of Rome, which was then called, The Head of all things. Of the Emperours, it is unquestionable; and x of the Gothish Kings it is no less certain, from Lib. 11. and 12. Cassiod. Varia∣rum, in above Twenty several instances of that Title. And both Emperour and King were represented together in Italy at least, as the one conjoyned Soveraign Authority of the Roman Empire, as appears from the before cited form of the Kings Letters to the new elected Consulary Magistrate, where the Heads of both the Princes are said to be carried before them.

And accordingly we find the Dates of the Pontificates in those times, to have the King of the Goths, as well as the East∣ern

Emperour signified in whose time the Popes lived. The Wars betwixt the Goths and Justinian, are no greater objection against their being One Head of the Romans, than the Civil Wars be∣twixt the Two Consuls, Sulla, and Cinna, &c. Or the Wars betwixt the Two Emperours of the East and West, who yet for a while, at least, are acknowledged by the chief Adversaries of my opinion to have been one of the Heads of the Beast.

From hence then it may be certainly concluded, That so con∣siderable a change of the Form of the Sovereign power of Rome is sufficient to give it the name of one of those two last Kings of the Eight, Rev. 17. 10, 11. which should come imme∣diately after that Imperial Sixth Head which Ruled at the time of the Vision; for it has all the qualifications of one of those Kings; That is, it is a change of the Supreme Government of Rome. And to know what kind of change of that Govern∣ment is sufficient for the Title of one of these Kings, one must consult the Examples of those, which were past be∣fore it.

It is certain, That the five first changes (called the five Kings past, and one in being) could be nothing but the change of the name of the Civil Sovereign power, let them be what they will in particular: For there was one and the same Religion in them all. There are then five plain instances in the same Figure, to justify the making of this change of the name of the Civil Roman Government at the ruin of the Western Em∣pire to be one of those Two Kings of the Eight, which were to come after the Imperial Sixth Head, that was the King at the time of the Vision.

Besides, There is also the example of the Ten Horns, or Ten Kings (represented by them) to show the difference betwixt the Supreme powers, which they signified, to be nothing but outward civil differences. For those Ten Kings are said to be of one and the same Religion, to be of one mind, and to agree together in false Worship.

Here are then Sixteen instances in the same Figure, to show that the change of the Civil Form of Roman Government by the Gothish Kings was sufficient to make them to be accounted one of those Two Kings that were to come after the Sixth King, that Ruled in St. John's time.

If further we consult the usages of the Figures in Daniel, that signify Kings, we shall find there, that the only note of di∣stinction to know different Kings by, is some outward civil dif∣ference, either upon the account of a different Dominion, or for being another name of the Civil Government in the same Dominion; and the number of the instances of that kind in that Prophecy are about Thirty.

So that there seems to be no manner of reason, why this change of the name of the Sovereign Power of Rome, by the Goths succeeding the Imperial, should not be one of those Two Kings, that were to come after the Imperial, since All the Eight Kings are agreed to be so many changes of the Roman Go∣vernment.

And thô it should be said, That the change of the Religion of the Empire by Constantine, was one of those Kings; yet since the different kind of the Civil Government under the same Religion, have been found to be the difference be∣twixt all the Kings besides, that are figuratively mentioned in Daniel, or the Revelations; This constant usage of Pro∣phetical expressions, in above Sixty Instances, is surely war∣rant enough to make that remarkable change of the Civil Form of the Sovereign Power, at the fall of the Western Em∣pire, to be another King, thô the Religion might continue the same.

Now if this change of the name of the Civil Government by the Goths, were either the Seventh or Eighth King after the Imperial, then it must make a new Head, because it is one of the first and clearest Propositions that has been advanced, That every one of those Eight Kings are one of the Seven Heads of the Beast, by Prop. the 5th.

Notes

• Rev. XIII.
• Chap. xvii. pag. 157, 158.
• a

  SEe Note the second on Chap. 3. Grotius de Jure Bell. & Pac. lib. 2. c. 9. Art. 11. and in the Annotat.

  Onuphrius Panvinius lib. Fastor. does frequently make mention of the Constantinopolitan and Roman Consuls, and shews them to have been indif∣ferently chosen from either of those Cities. See Pancirollus in Note 2. Chap. 4.
• Ch. 17.
• b

  Sigonius de Occident. Imper. lib. 15.] Odoacer did humble the Authority of the Senate and Consuls,—but in every thing else he retained the Old Constitutions of the Commonwealth, and the Rights and Names of the Magi∣strates;—gave the Bishops and Churches their due respect.—And speaking of Theodorick after him, lib. 16.—He retained the Roman Magi∣strates; and because he reigned by the Emperour's Favour, and the Consent of the Senate, he laid aside his own Country Habit, and wore the Purple and the Royal Robes;—He set up a Kingdom every way like the ancient Western Empire.

  Joan. Fersius Silesius de Praefectura Praetor.] Theodoric retained still the Ro∣man Laws and Customs, and the very same Magistrates; so that the Citizens of Rome were ashamed to create them themselves.

  Cassiodor. lib. 3. Variar. Ep. 43.] Theodoric says,

  We delight in governing according to the Laws of the Romans, whom we desire to maintain by our Arms.

  —And all over that Book, nothing is more frequent than

  the mention of the Roman Commonwealth for the Kingdom of the Goths in Italy.

  And the whole business of it is, The Kings or Governours Letters for the administration of the Civil Government after the same manner, and by the same kinds of Magistrates, that the Western Empire had been go∣vern'd by before.

  Hieron. Rubeus Histor. Ravennat. pag. 867. speaking of the Gothish Govern∣ment in Italy:—

  But altho they changed not any Roman Constitutions, as the Senate, the Praefects, the Comites, the Curators, and the like; yet they did ordinarily model them after their own fashion, but yet all in imitation of the Roman Laws and Dignities.

  And pag. 128.

  Then began Italy to breathe, and flourish again; and Theodoric, when he saw the Romans, whom he had an affection for, very much bent upon their ancient Liberties, he commanded all things should be administred by Roman Magistrates;—He committed the whole Government of the City to the Senate and People of Rome; but so, as that he himself chose the Praefect of the City.
• See Refe∣rences.
• H. Rubeus Histor. Raven. p. 128, 167.
• c

  Jornandes, who was the Gothish Bishop of Ravenna, in the time of the Reign of the Goths in Italy, gives this account of King Theodoric, in his Book De Rebus Geticis, sect. 86.]

  Zeno, upon the report that he heard of Theo∣doric, then chosen King of the Goths, invites him into the City; and re∣ceiving him with Honour, placed him amongst the Nobles of his Palace.—And after that; to shew him greater Honour, he adopts him his Son for the Wars, and gave a Triumph in the City at his own Costs;—then made him Consul in Ordinary, which is the highest Honour in the Empire—But Theodoric, weary of living idle, begs of Zeno that he would give him leave to try his Fortunes for the recovery of Italy, which had been a part of the Roman Empire, and contained in it that City, which was Head and Lady of the World.—For it is better, says he, that I, who am your Son, should possess that Kingdom by your Gift, than one that tyrannizes over your Senate and Commonwealth; for if I be Conquerour, I shall hold it as your Gift and Favour.

  —Which Zeno hearing, did yield to his desire, and sent him away with Honour, recommending the Senate and People of

  Rome to his Care.

  Blondus Decad. l. 3. pag. 32. speaking of Theodoric's Petition to Zeno:

  —When Zeno had reported this to the Senate, they voted, That it was not only very reasonable, but that it ought freely to be offered him of their own motion; wherefore Zeno, when he had honoured Theodoric with a consecrated Veil (which was then the surest Confirmation of the Empe∣rour's Grant for any thing), sent him away, with a recommendation of Italy, and the Senate and People of Rome, to his Care.

  Carolus Sigonius de Occid. Imp. lib. 15. concerning this Grant to Theodo∣ric.—

  Zeno thereupon gives him a Grant of Italy, by a publick In∣strument (per Pragmaticum), putting a consecrated Veil upon his Head.

  De Translat. Imp. Rom. in German.—Amongst the rest of the proofs that he gives of the Translation of the Western Empire upon Odoacer and the Goths, brings this for one;

  That Theodorick had the Grant of it by the Consent of the whole Imperial Senate; for which he quotes Sigebert, Abbas Urspergensis, &c. And that he was the Emperour's adopted Son, and made Consul, which was next in Dignity to the Emperour, and had a conse∣crated Veil from him, which he says was the Imperial Purple. And that Pope Symmachus was subject to him; and that he governed all the Bishops of Italy.

  Ibid. As for the Name of King, he proves from Baldus, Examp. Col. fin. de probat. & in lib. penultim. C. de donat. inter Vir. & Uxor.

  That a King in his Kingdom, is the same with an Emperour: the Emperours ordina∣rily called themselves Kings as well as Caesars, Augusti, & Emperours.
• See Refe∣rences.
• d

  See Not. praeced.—And Sigonius de Occid. Imp. l. 16. says of Theo∣doric,

  That he conformed himself to the Purple of the Roman Princes, and laid away the Habit of his own Country, because he was made King of Italy by the Roman Emperour and Senate.

  And Blondus says, pag. 37. Decad. l. 3.

  That Theodoric was received at Rome with the applause of the Senate and all the people.

  Hieron. Rubeus Histor. Ravennat. pag. 122. says,

  That Zeno and the Senate conducted Theodoric out of the City in his Robes of State.
• e

  Cassiodor. Variar. l. 1. Ep. 1. Theodoric to Anastasius; wherein those mentioned expressions are found, and amongst them an Acknowledgment

  of frequent Messages from Anastasius, To love the Senate,

  To observe the Roman Laws, To take care of all the Members of Italy; which shews how much the Western Empire was still accounted by the Eastern Emperours to

  be a part of the Roman State, as it had been before, in Union with the Eastern.
• Pomponius Lae∣tus.
• f

  Cassiodor. Variar. lib. 2. Ep. 1. Theodoric does first acquaint the Empe∣rour Anastasius, That he himself has chosen Felix for Consul; and then re∣commends him to him to join his Suffrage with him, according to the old Custom of the joint Consent of both the Eastern and Western Princes in that Choice.

  Onuphr. Panvinius Fastor. p. 61. & p. 290.] shews how the Consuls were chosen at Rome and Constantinople in the time of the Gothish Kings, and gives a particular Account of all the Consuls of the West and East.
• g

  See Onuph. Panvinius Fastor. p. 308. Anno 507. Cum Anastasio Augusto Consul Venantius Theodoric Comes domesticorum.
• h

  See in Note 25. chap. 4. Justinian. Novell. 105. 6. Cod. Theodos. Tit. 6, 7.
• i

  See chap. 17. Pancirollus about the Ensigns of Authority carried before all the great Magistrates in the time of the division of the Empire.
• N. B.
• k

  Cassiodor. Variar. l. 8. Ep. 1. Vos avum nostrum in vestrâ civitate celsis curulibus extulistis. Vos genitorem meum in Italiâ palmatae claritate deco∣râstis.

  Cassiodor. Variar. l. 11. Ep. 1. It appears by the Letter of Cassiodorus to the Senate, That Justinian had taken advantage of the Death of Theodoric to invade the Gothish Territories in Illyricum, while things were unsetled under the young Prince Athalaricus and his Mother; but that he was well repulsed in the Attempt, and that the Goths had gained upon the Eastern Empire in these parts.—

  In the very beginning of her Reign (says hc of Amalasuntha and Athalaricus) when Attempts are usually made, by rea∣son of the unsetledness of new Changes, the Army made the Danube part of the Roman Empire, in spight of the Prince of the East. It is well e∣nough known what the Invaders met with; which I purposely omit, lest the Genius of a Social Prince (that is, then in a League of Peace) should put on the blush of a Traytor.
• l

  Cassiodor. Chronicon pag. 702.] D. N. Eutharicus Cillica, & Justinus Aug. Cos.

  And there does Cassiodorus describe the Pomp in which Eutharicus ap∣peared at Rome in the time of his Consulship, after which he returned to his Father Theodoric to Ravenna.
• m

  Onuph. Panvin. Fastor. p. 308. Anno 510.

  Eutharicus Consul Orientalis, cum Boethio Occidentali.
• n

  Cassiod. Variar. l. 8. Ep. 10.]

  He was also made your Son for the Wars, in order to a closer Union.—This Name you will more fitly bestow upon so young a Man as I am, since you have given it to those that were much older.
• o

  Cassiod. Var. l. 10. Ep. 1, 2.
• p

  Cassiod. Var. l. 10. Ep. 8.] Justiniano Aug. Amalasuntha Regina.—

  For it is fit that the Roman World should be embellished by your assist∣ance, which the love of your Serenity does illustrate.

  And Theod. Ep. 9.]

  It is but fitting that you should willingly grant us those things, which, if we were negligent of, we ought to be stirred up by your Clemency to set about; for, without question, all must be very pleasing to you, whatsoever shall be done by us for the Ornament of Ita∣ly, because it is to your Honour, whensoever the Glory of our Common∣wealth is advanced.
• r

  Idem l. 10. Ep. 32.] Vitiges R. Justiniano Aug.—

  That you may do after your usual manner, that both the Commonwealths may continue in Concord, and that according to the manner of the Princes that have gone before, &c.
• s

  Idem l. 10. Ep. 33.] Magistro officior. Vitiges R.—

  For tho I may be thought to have deserved less of you, yet have some regard to the Roman Liberties, which by the Tumults of War are every-where violated.
• t

  Cassiod. Var. l. 11. Ep. 13.] Justiniano Aug. Senatus Urbis Romanae.—

  It is a very just and necessary thing to petition for the security of the Roman Commonwealth, of one that is a pious Prince of it, because it is reasonable for you to desire all that may contribute to our Advantage or Liberty, &c.
• u

  Ibidem.

  Be not thou the cause of my Ruine, who hast always con∣tributed to the Joy of my Life—Do not ruine by Discord, whom thou oughtest to defend by War.—Joyn Councels (with the King) and unite your Forces, that whatsoever may be to my Advantage, may redound to your Glory.
• x

  Idem l. 11. Ep. 1, 8, 10. l. 12. Ep. 3, 5, 6, 11, 18.
• Pag. 186.
• Rev. 17. 13, 17.
• ^q Idem l. 10. Ep. 15.