A loyall subjects beliefe,: expressed in a letter to Master Stephen Marshall, Minister of Finchingfield in Essex, from Edward Symmons a neighbour minister, occasioned by a conference betwixt them. With the answer to his objections for resisting the Kings personall will by force of armes. And, the allegation of some reasons why the authors conscience cannot concurre in this way of resistance with some of his brethren.

SECT. III. Royall birth is equivalent with Royall unction, and speakes the best Title to a Kingdome.

I do beleeve also that Royall Birth in those Kings that come to their Kingdomes by Inheritance, is equivalent every way with Roy∣all unction, it speakes the same thing as truly, and as loud; which is onely a right title, by Gods appointment without usurpati∣on; and royall unction spake no more: this was the language of Royall birth of old, as well as now, for after the first of a Family had beene anointed, to note Gods choyce, unction was no more used in that family, (unlesse there arose a strife about the Kingdome, as betweene Solomon and Adonijah, Joash and Athaliah) the eldest sonne of the Predecessour was afterward the Chosen of the Lord; His Birthright spake the Lords Appointment, as plainely as his forefathers unction had done, and invested him with the title of the Lords Annointed, as wee may see in Iosiah and Hezekiah, and the other Kings of Iu∣dah.

And I do beleeve, that the Prince who is once possessed of a King∣dome coming to him by Inheritance can never by any, upon any occasi∣on be dispossessed thereof againe, without Horrible impiety, Sacri∣ledge, and Injustice in the Instruments: Royall unction was an indeleble Character of old; it could never more be wiped off, where it was once powred on; this was apparent in Saul, who remained the Lords Anoin∣ted to his last gaspe, David himselfe confessed it, who durst not take the right of Government actually upon him while Saul lived, although he had it in reversion, being already anointed thereunto, and had re∣ceived the spirit thereof.

Now Royall Birth-right being the same in sense with Royall uncti∣on, it followes that he who is truly borne unto a Kingdome, is in like

fort, the Lords anoynted for ever (according to right and justice) to his dying day: He that is born a King or a Prince can never be unborne more, semel Augustus semper Augustus.

Yea I believe that the eldest Son of such a King is in respect of birth the Lords anoynted in his fathers life time, even as David was before Sauls death' and to deprive Him of his right in reversion, is as true in∣justice, as to dispossesse him of it, were he actually invested with it.

I believe, where unction speaks not, Inheritance by birth is the best Title to a Kingdome; had unction been silent, Adoniiah by this had surely prevailed as the succeeding Kings of Judah did, Solomons own words to his mother inferre as much 1 Kin. 2.22. aske for him the king∣dome also for he is mine Elder brother. as in this our Nation Birth hath alwayes been the best and most unquestionable plea unto the Crowne: the Conque-rour himselfe made use of it, so did Henry the fourth, and Richard the 3. though both usurpers, we may observe how Gods spe∣ciall providence & blessing hath alwayes favoured this title, and pre∣ferr'd it: they that marke what story tels, concerning the opposite in∣deavors of some, both in Henry the eighth, Edward the sixth, & Queen Elizabeths dayes, must needs confesse Gods speciall care, in conveying the Kingdome to that Royall family where now 'tis seated, being line∣ally descended in the Elder surviving bloud, from both the divided Houses after the union: And on the other side it is most evident that God hath sharply punished those that have offered wrong unto right of Inheritance, yea, the whole Nation hath lost much both Noble and Vulgar bloud in former times, for suffering injustice to be done unto it, if we remember but the wars between Yorke and Lancaster, we shall finde somewhat in the root of them to this purpose.

Concerning Monarchy, I do believe, that of all Governments it is [Sect. 4] the best, and most perfect; it being most opposite to Anarchy, most agreeing to well ordered nature (as appears among planets, birds, beasts and bees) the most ancient and Noble, from the beginning of Nations, yea of families, whereof there is still an Image in every well guided house where one is chiefe; and lastly, it being that which God set up among his owne people, and hath the nearest resemblance of himselfe: for where Majestie is all concentred in one, there is a more compleat Image of God who is but one, yea and Majesty so uni∣ted, makes it as in God, more amiable to the good, and more terrible to the wicked.

And from hence I cannot but see and confesse to Gods praise, this Nations Happinesse, which hath ever been subject to this Government: and if I should be of that sect who are weary of it, and wish for an al∣teration, I believe I should neither feare God nor the King as I ought to do, as Solomon infers they do not, who associate with them that are seditious, or affect a change, whose calamity (sayes he) shall rise suddainly: surely God is wiser then man, and that Government which hee so long time hath blessed a Nation with, is doubtlesse the best for that Nation.

In a Monarchy I do believe that the King hath neither superior to compell him, nor equall to affront him, for then he were not the su∣preme, as the Apostle cals him: and I do conceive that in regard of his supremacy, he is fons legum, The Law giver, the Authour and modera∣tour of the Lawes, or rather the Lex viva of his Kingdome, without him the Lawes are dead, and on him dependeth salus reipublicae: Him∣selfe is bound to no Lawes, save those of God; and the reason is, quia nemo sibi fert legem, sed subditis suis, He is the King onely of his peo∣ple, and to whom onely he is a King, to them onely he gives Lawes: A King in this is like God, and must indeed be like him further, who notwithstanding hee may dispense with his own precept (and so doth in some cases) yet for the most part himselfe is pleased to walke to∣wards us, by those rules hee gives unto us: Indeed the free conformi∣ty of a Prince to his own Lawes, doth constrain his people to a more loving obedience.

In a Monarchy also I do believe suscipiendi belli Authoritatem pe∣nes esse principem, as Augustine contra Faustum speaks; and if men have not their Princes warrant, they have not Gods call to go to war, nor can they upon any good ground looke for Gods blessing. God call'd Ioshua and the people to that prosperous undertaking against Amalek by the mouth of Moses. We do not read in Scripture of any just war ever undertaken by Subjects, without the will and command of the Sovereigne, voluntiers in such a case are non entia in Gods book: justa causa, recta intentio, personarum idoneitas et authoritas principis, are the 4 Conditions that make a war compleatly righteous: doubtlesse the justnesse of the cause alone cannot give a lawfull power, (as some imagine) no though the cause be Religion it selfe, and the persons Holy men, & their intentions good, yet to take up armes without the Prince, is crimen laesae majestatis, and no lesse than Treason: & if war without the

Prince be so unlawfull though for Religion, then much more unlawfull is it, if against the Prince, or contrary to his command though for the same cause.

And I belive that in a case of war a subjects duty is, to looke princi∣pally at a lawfull call, yea more than at the cause it selfe, for that may be supra nos, and therefore nihil ad nos, if we prye into the reasons of Princes undertakings we may prove our selves busy bodyes, who in the Apostles judgement are guilty Persons: Peter Martyr out of Aug. tels us that fieri potest, ut princeps ipse contra Conscientiam bellum gerat, et milites tamen nihil peccent, dum ordinariae potestati obtemperant: popu∣lum enim obtemperare oportet principi suo, id vero dum faciunt, potest illis dubium esse, an a principe suo, contra mandatum dei pugnetur, excusan∣tur autem dum in causâ dubiâ principi suo parent, suo inquam, non alieno. and their own Prince is Hee under whose protection they were borne, and unto whom onely they have sworne Allegiance.

Concerning Authority I believe it to be a most high and sacred [Sect. 5] thing, the very Crown and dignity of a Prince, the Repositum which God hath committed to his charge, and he who is faithfull to God will sooner part with life it self, then suffer that which hee by him is entru∣sted withall, to be violated, undermined, or diminished.

Yea, I do believe, that a Sovereigne Prince is bound in Conscience to uphold and maintaine this beam of Divinity with the sword, if he be so hindred by obstructions, that hee cannot defend it by his Lawes, and I believe that all his Subjects upon his call, are bound in Con∣science as they will answer the contrary unto God, to assist him.

I believe also that the Authority of a King or supreme Governour, is the naturall and essentiall investment of his Person, though it extend where his Person is not, even all over his dominions, yet in him 'tis ra∣dicated, & is as unseperable from him as his life is; who ever aimes at the one, aimes also at the other, is the voice both of reason, Law, and story: I do conceive, that though the distinction holds good of inferi∣our Governours, that they may be considered as men, & as magistrates, yet not so of the supreme who comes to his Authority by inheritance, Hee ought not to be considered of in any notion severed from that of King; Sauls Person was Gods anointed.

In others their Authority is onely sacred, and addes veneration to their Persons, and is separable from them, the man may live when his

Authority is extinguished; but the very Person of a King (in regard of royall birth or unction, and of immediate dependance upon God) is sacred as well as his Authority, and doth adde veneration unto that, as well as that to him: indeed they adde honour to each other, and are inseperable, they live and dye together, they are of Gods conjunction, (whereas other Authority is of mans) and though man may sever what himselfe hath joyned, yet what God hath joyned no man must sever.

Hence I believe that as hee who resists the Authority of an inferior magistrate, resists the King; so hee that resists the Authority, yea or the Person of a Prince or supreme magistrate, resists God; not onely his Power intrusted to him, but also his wisedome in making and ordaining of him, in fastning or bestowing the Authority upon him; And as hee that resists the King in his Officers, shall from the King receive puni∣shment, a cruell messenger shall be sent unto him, so they that resist God in the King His Minister, shall receive to themselves damnation, either temporall from the hand of him that is resisted, unto whom God will deliver them up, to scatter, and to bring the wheele over: or from some other in his place, as the Kings Son slew those that slew his father: or else eternall if they scape here, for Solomon sayth, hee that provoketh a King to anger, sinneth against his owne Soule: God doubtlesse will main∣taine the Act of his owne wisedome, their devise shall be onely mischei∣vous to themselves that seek to pull him downe whom God hath exalted: therefore Solomon well, against a King there is no rising, namely with∣out the confusion and ruine of the risers; to prevent which he gives his advise in the next words, if thou hast done foolishly in lifting up thy self, (acknowledge it,) if thou hast thought evill, lay thine hand upon thy mouth.

Private mens Injuries may be washed off with teares, but wrongs done to Princes in regard of God his neare and speciall interest, are hardly wiped off but with bloud: who ever (saies David) lifted up his hand against Gods Anointed, and was guiltlesse? as if he had said, can any one out of any story name me a man, whom vengeance in such a case hath not alwayes followed?

I do believe; that Military strength and outward wealth, are the [Sect. 6] nerves and sinews of Authority, for by these feare and reverence is pro∣cured to that, and love to the Princes person, in all those who are not able to see God in the face of Majestie, of which sort there are too ma∣ny:

therefore to take away or with-hold these, is to endeavour the weakening of the Kings Authority, and to bring the same together with his person into contempt, and his life it selfe into danger: sure∣ly if a King be appointed of God to be the Supreame in Authority, it is the Subjects duty to manifest their approbation of Gods will, and their obedience to their Prince, in yeilding to him the superiority over themselves in such matters, true feare of God will make men honour him whom God honoureth, and faith in God to trust him whom God trusteth.

The Hearts of Subjects (I beleeve) next to the Arme of God, are the strength of the Princes strength, and the wealth of his wealth, and therefore to rob him of these is the greatest theft, it is to rend from him his Honour, his Reverence, his Authority, and what ever God hath invested him withall: and this is often done by publishing and aggra∣vating his humane infirmities, but most commonly by laying to his charge things whereof he is not guilty. When Absolom and Achitophel went about their horrid Treason, they cast Iniquity upon the King, they found none upon him, but they laid some on, that so his Subjects might hate him as themselves did, and joyne with them against him: this I beleeve hath alwayes proved a sinne of a purple dye, and is a blasphemy against God as well as against the King, for he that speakes evill of the King, speaks evill of Gods Law which commands the con∣trary, and so of God himselfe. A King is the light of his Israell, the Sunne of his Kingdome; and true Religion (which is a light too) ob∣scures not that light: the Locusts that came out of the Pit were they that darkened the Sunne, this condition better becomes Jesuites, such as Sanders and Parsons were, then Protestants.

A Prince is the breath of his peoples nostrils, and his honour is the breath whereby himselfe lives, and whosoever have indeavoured to stop or infect this breath, have gone about to murder all the Subjects, as might be evidenced by examples, what ever pretences at first were, the issue in the end hath beene, the Land was an Acheldama.

Surely I beleeve that Piety and Allegeance doth instruct a loyall Sub∣ject to prize his Soveraignes good name before his owne, yea to be glad and joyfull of an occasion, even to drowne his owne credit in his Princes service to advance him; Scripture teacheth to deny our selves to Honour our King, Samuel at Sauls request (when he had told him

that God had rejected him, and so knew him to be actually under Gods displeasure, and thereupon was himselfe departing from him in anger) yet was content to turne againe, to honour him before the people, to put all respect that possibly he could upon him, as he was a King.

I beleeve a true religious Subject dares not entertaine an evill thought of his Soveraigne, nor beleeve evill of him, he dares not con∣ceipt meanly or slightly of the Lords Anointed, that place of Scripture doth much awe him; Curse not the King in thy heart, the word in the originall being disrespect not, disesteeme not: a disrespectfull thought of a King is an accursed thought, and who so harboureth such a thought shall not escape a curse, for rather then such a sinne should goe unpunished, God shall inable a bird to reveale it, as that Text further teacheth: We all know what a curse God laid upon Michal for despiseing the King in her heart; and how they are called men of Beliall, who despised Saul in their hearts, when God had elected him; but they whose hearts God had touched honoured him, sayes that Text.

Sure (I beleeve) that our duty is to thinke of the King whom God hath set over us, as of an Angell of God for excellency, as Davids Sub∣jects did of him; and to endeavour too that others may have the same thoughts of him: I have reasons for my faith in this particular.

1. God gives Kings speciall spirits, and he undertakes in a speciall manner to guide and order the Kings heart, and to direct his mouth.

2. God hath honoured a King above other men, and we are bound to submit our thoughts to Gods, to concurre with him, in exalting him most highly whom God so exalteth.

3. A Prince is Pater patriae, the father of the Country, yea, and of the Church a nursing father, and children must both have themselves, and indeavour to worke in each other a reverend esteeme of their common father.

A good Subject neither can nor will see or beleeve any thing dis∣honourable of his Sovereigne, should he be where he might behold a nakednesse or a weaknesse, he would shut his eyes and not see it, so farre would he be from acting Chams part, in discovering it unto o∣thers.

4. A King (as I conceive him) is the most excellent Image of God in the world, and the most glorious; Christ was God, Man, and Me∣diatour,

in all which respects he hath his Image amongst us. Every true Christian is the Image of Christ as Man, every true Minister of the Gospell is the Image of Christ as Mediatour, (and accordingly ought to approve himselfe;) but a Christian King is also the Image of Christ as God, and as so, is to be reverenced and esteemed by us: He is the Image of Christ, as Judge and Governour of the world, of Christ glorified, whereas every other Christian is onely the Image of Christ crucified: a King is also the Image of Christ, as he shall come; where∣as we are onely Images of Christ as he did come.

Christ came at first in the shape of a servant, was humble to all, sub∣jective to the Civill Magistrate, did not resist his will though contrary to Law, and like him herein I beleeve must all Christians be, of what ranke soever (as such) under the Supreame: they must be meeke and lowly, patient when contemned, and (if providence so order) that they be delivered up to the will of the people their most deadly ene∣mies, for no cause, as Christ was against all Law of God or Man, like him they must make no bodily resistance against Authority.

But when Christ shall come the second time, he shall appeare after another manner, viz. clothed with Majestie and Glory, as a Judge and Ruler, as the high and lofty one that inhabiteth Eternity; nor will he yeild himselfe then to be despised and abused as he was before: no more will he (I beleeve) long suffer those that beare his Image in that respect to be contemned in the meane while; verily, I doe beleeve, it is the most high and transcendent boldnesse that can be imagined to abuse or slight in the least degree the Image of Christ, as Judge, as God.

Surely it is the duty of Soveraigne Kings, to remember in what sense themselve are Christi imagines above other men, that so their lookes may be answerable to their dignities, for the chasing away e∣vill from others, and the preventing of contempt unto themselves: But if a Prince shall be so gracious as to deny himselfe sometime, in respect of his greatnesse, and (as Christ at his first comeing did) lay a∣side his glory for a season, to converse more familiarly with his people for their good, shall he (being most highly adorned with the sweet Spirit of the Gospell, and the conditions thereof, meeknesse, patience, mercy, affability, and the like) rather delight to appear to his Subjects as Christ a Saviour, then as Christ a Iudge, as Christ hath done, then

as he shall do: I thinke his Subjects have no reason to esteeme more meanly of him for this, or to say from hence we will not have this man to reign ouer us, but (unlesse they be of the Pharisees stampe) they will have a more high reverence and love toward him, if not, they de∣serve by him to be accounted rather Enemies than Subjects, and (as they in the Parable were) to be handled accordingly.

Indeed I believe, that as the best Christians, so the best Kings in this world, are liable to persecution both of hand and tongue, in regard of that Image of God which is upon them: when the insurrection of evill doers had driven David from his royall City, then did Shimei's mouth also open against him, to the enlargement of his sorrowes: we know the Scripture tels us, that the nature of the self advancing Bram∣ble (when he is gotten up) is to be most spightfull against the Cedars of Libanus; the most eminent in grace or place. Holinesse alone can∣not defend a Prince from ill usage, it rathers make him obnoxious unto dangers, preserve me O Lord for J am holy, said that Holy King.

Yea, as among inferiours, so among the chiefe, the best inclinations are most opposed, the sweetest natures most abused by Satan and his Members, whose main endeavours are to blunt (if possible) the edge of goodnesse; to stop all wayes of discovering or dispensing love, to prevent Subjects from their full tasting of that grace, which is intend∣ed towards them by their Sovereigns.

Experience shewes in many places, that when Enemies have slan∣dered right intentions, their labours are to force the doing of some∣thing w^ch may put a colour of truth upon their scandals, they will drive a man (if they can) into such streights that (if God do not help from Heaven) he must at length by a kind of necessity be constrained to step into that disclaimed path, whereof at first they did seem to prophecie.

And this God permitteth sometimes (for a season) to be done even to Princes themselves, that he thereby might have occasion more evi∣dently to declare himselfe their saving strength, in upholding and deli∣vering them, and in subduing their people under them; as also that the Eminency of fortitude, wisedome, meeknesse, and those other graces, which himselfe hath planted in a King may be manifest, to the encou∣ragement of his Subjects under their particular Burdens: If we look unto Iesus with the eye of faith, & upon our Soveraign with the eye of

sense, and consider both how they have endured the contradiction of sin∣ners, we shall not be wearied or faint in our minds, but shall runne with more patience the race that is set before us: some of us may truly speak it, that now obstructions hindered our Kings protection of us from evils, his fellowship in sufferings doth afford us supportation un∣der them.

But I believe further, that a Prince in regard both of Person and Office, (notwithstanding all that darkenesse which for a season may cloud his Glory) is under the Almighties most speciall care: God hath an eye to Princes in their dangers, was the Collection of Iosephus upon the wonderfull escape of Titus at the wals of Ierusalem: great delive∣rance gives he unto his King, (saies David) deliverance unto others, but great deliverance unto his King, for hee is His King, His immediate and choicest servant; it concerns Gods Honour to afford a speciall de∣fence to Him, as men think they are bound in honour to maintain those whom themselves imploy: And from good experience doth David sing in another place, It is God that giveth salvation unto Kings, (even because Kings) it was God that delivered David his servant (and so Charles his servant at Keinton Battaile) é gladio maligno from the hurt∣full or malignant sword.

Yea I do believe that all these expressions of Divine love, and pro∣mises of favour, which are made in Scripture to any good King, doe most truly also belong to ours; for our King trusteth in the Lord, in his care and providence, (as his many convincing Declarations do well expresse) and therefore through the mercy of the most high (though the waters swell never so,) hee shall not miscarry hee shall not be moved.

Yea I do not doubt but his hand shall finde out all his Enemies, his right hand shall find out all that hate him, for God is his strength who teacheth his hands to War, and his fingers to fight: God shall give power to his King, (saies Hannah in her prophecy) nay hath not God given power to his King, above the expectation of some? How is that small handfull since last August (notwithstanding all those endeavours to the contrary,) come to be an Army like the Host of God? How did the Lord (that the worke might be noted more clearly to be his own) when Hee had brought him to as low an ebbe (in outward appearance) as e∣ver gracious Prince was in, raise him againe to this mighty greatnesse? How hath the feare of the Lord fallen upon the people, as upon them in

Sauls time, when they came out with one consent to help their King, whom (in the wickednesse of their Spirits a little before, some of them had despised:) Surely (Sir) this is the Lords doings, it should be marve∣lous in our eyes.

O cried some (you know) in their carnall confidence, when they went forth for to pursue, He may fly from place to place for a while, but there is no remedy, he must yeeld and come in, at last, he cannot possibly withstand our great forces: (an expression like that in the Ps. which was used against David, let us persecute and take him, for there is none to deliver him:) But this the Lord heard, who was even then near to his Annointed, as since then, his wondrous works for him, have well declared: and who will doubtlesse perfect what he hath begun, even for his own names sake: as Samuel said, the Lord will forsake his peo∣ple, for his own great name sake, because it hath pleased the Lord to make you his people, so may I conclude, the Lord will not forsake His King, for his great names sake, because it hath pleased the Lord to make him his King.

Yea, I doe beleeve, that God will give the King his hearts desire, and fully grant the request of his lips; his seduced people shall be un∣deceived, his owne righteousnesse shall be as the Sunne, to dispell the cloud which blinds them; his true intentions for their welfare shall be as apparent as the noone day, to the shame and confusion of his enemies, whose unreverend, disloyall, and unjust reports, he shall like a pious Christian, and a Royall King, (according to the Apostles precept) for ever silence by his well doing: and I am confident that 1000 of his Subjects even in this our County) do beleeve that His Majesties chiefe desire of prevailing is, to gaine this advantage.

But I proceed now to declare my faith more particularly concerning the Subjects duty.

[Sect. 7] I doe beleeve from these fore-named particulars concerning Kings, that every Subject is bound (as he will answer it at Gods dreadfull Barre) 'to honour and reverence his Soveraigne above all other men, and forsaking all others to adhere onely to him; yea to suffer none but God to sit in his heart above him, not to dare to wish him evill, or to have an ill thought against him, any more then he would dare to have it against God himselfe.

Gods honouring Kings with the name himselfe is called by doth

confirme this; it doth teach us not onely to difference them from all other men, but also to honour them with the same inward honour sub∣ordinately wherewith we honour him: and to my apprehension the Law of the Nation consents hereto, for whereas 'tis no capitall crime, onely to wish or seeke another mans destruction, yet the Kings it is; for a bare purpose, if no hurt ensue to another, no man shall suffer death: but 'tis not so with a King, a bare purpose or endeavour to kill him is deadly: yea, we reade of some that have lost their heads, but for raising a force to take away (as was pretended) evill Counsellors from the Prince, because the Law did interpret that act to be a secret intendment against the life of the Soveraigne; and as I conceive the reason of the Law is this, because as Kings participate of Gods name, (are called Gods) so doe they of this divine Priviledge, that as against God so against them the thoughts of the heart are mortall sinnes.

Yea further, Gods conjunction of the King to himselfe, and our du∣ty to both, under one word feare, (My sonne, feare God and the King) doth also inferre, that he would have us acknowledge the same reve∣rence due to the King under him, which we owe unto himselfe: and that other connection by the Apostle, Feare God, honour the King, doth suggest that the most visible and immediate evidence that we can possibly give of our fearing God, is our honouring the King. Yea, I doe verily beleeve, that what Gods wisedome hath conjoyned in his Word, his Spirit hath coupled in every honest and religious heart.

And now as by the feare of God is signified the whole worship of God, so by fearing and honouring the King is understood all that duty whereby the dignity, credit, esteeme, safety, content, and comfort of our Soveraigne by any meanes is preserved and kept undefaced: and as this our feare must be the same in specie, so must it have the same manner and way of expression: as namely by our beleeving him, by having an high esteeme of him, by our obedience to his will, by our manner of addresse unto his presence, by our unfeigned and constant love unto his person, and by our endeavouring to rejoyce and glad his spirit; for by these particulars we doe expresse our honour and reve∣rence of heart unto the Lord.

1. We honour God when we doe beleeve him, yea then most of all (as Luther sayes) for thereby we give him the glory of all his attri∣butes; nor doe we ever more disparage the Majestie of God, then

when we make him a lyer like unto our selves, in not giving credit un∣to his sayings: those (who would neither beleeve nor speake one word of truth themselves) did most of all dishonour our Saviour when they voiced him to be a deceiver and a false speaker: so no greater dishonour can men offer to their Prince then not to take his word, (un∣lesse withall to labour that others might not.) Surely it is a part not onely of good manners, but also of that reverence and duty which a Subject owes unto his Soveraigne, to credit and beleeve him before any other in the world, especially upon his Protestations: But indeed the more like unto Christ a Prince is in meeknesse, mercy, truth, sweet∣nesse of disposition, and desire of doing good, the more of Christ's en∣terteinment shall he meet withall in this world.

2. We honour God, by having an high esteeme of his Majestie, and by manifesting the same in termes accordingly, to his praise upon all occasions; and after this sort must we testifie our honour to the King, we must have an high and pious conceit of him, speaking of him alwaies as good, and praying for him not as evill: To make mention in prayer of a Christian Prince as if he were an Infidel, or an enemy to goodnesse, is rather to calumniate and vilifie him to slander and disgrace him, then to shew reverence and honour to him: it is rather the way to insinu∣ate a tediousnesse of him, and to worke an odium against him in the hearts of men then a venerable esteeme of him. When Saint Paul re∣quired it, as a thing good and acceptable in the sight of God, to pray, supplicate, and give thankes for Kings, and commends it as a meane whereby to live a quiet and peaceable life, in all godlinesse and honesty; I beleeve he did not intend such kinde of prayers as should leave a mis∣conceit of Kings in the mindes of their people, no I beleeve such pray∣ers have beene the seeds of these our present troubles, they have pre∣judiced our peace and quiet, and provoked but little to the practice of true godlinesse and honesty; the Lord in his good time touch the spi∣rits of the seeds-men.

3. We expresse our honour and feare to God, by our full and perfect obedience to his will and word; so must we to our Soveraigne, by our obe∣dience to his Person and Lawes, preferring none but God before him; the first in Authority must alwaies command our first obedience, God that gives Authority to the King is therefore the greatest, and so to be first obeyed; the King gives Authority to all inferiour Magistrates, and

therefore is greater then all they, (both divisim & conjunctim) and so before them to be preferr'd in our submission unto, should they com∣mand any thing contrary to his will. If it be said: but suppose the in∣feriour Magistrate commands according to the Kings Law, which is his revealed will, then 'tis lawfull not onely to disobey his person, but also to make resistance.

I answer: This objection shall be dealt withall anon; onely for the present I say this, God is not honoured by being resisted, no more surely is the King. Moreover, Authority is rather rooted in the Prince then in his Law, for as he gives beeing to the inferiour Magistrate, so he doth to the Law it selfe, making it authorizable; Et propter quod aliquid est tale, illud est magis tale, He is greater therefore then his Law, & not to be resisted for the sake of that; which may be evidenced farther thus, if when the Prince commands any thing contrary to the revealed will of God, who hath given him his power, he is not to be resisted, though not to be obeyed; then much lesse when he commands any thing contrary to his owne Law, to which himselfe hath given power. Christian Religion hath hitherto taught, that the Prince his will must alway be done of us, or on us; of us, when 'tis according to, or not against the Word of God; on us, when contrary to the same; we must one way or other submit to Authority, to the penalty if not to the command; nor doe I conceive how I disobey the Law of the Land, by submitting to the penalty annexed in obeying the will of the Prince, seeing I must honour his person by my obedience.

4. We doe manifest our reverence to God by our manner of addresse into his presence, we doe not use to carry our Petitions to God with our hands upon our swords, nor goe to him with threats and armes to have our requests granted; neither must we in that fashion repaire un∣to our Soveraigne: nor doe we use to thinke to make God yeild unto us, by fore reporting of him that he meanes to doe so and so, that we might force him for his credit sake to doe the contrary: but we goe to him with selfe-denying hearts and words, confessing his goodnesse and our owne unworthinesse, intreating him to take advantage of our necessities, to manifest his owne free grace, and to cause his owne glory to appeare, and after such a manner, and with such termes must we goe unto our King; the humble way is Gods way, which he will make successefull.

5. We honour God by our unfeigned and constant love unto him, and for his sake to those that love him, or that he loves; which is ex∣pressed by our speaking good of him and them, and not by endeavour∣ing his or their disgrace and ruine. And so must we also shew our ho∣nour to our Prince by our love, which must be unfeigned and constant, both to him and his in all conditions; we must be willing rather to suf∣fer for his and their sakes, then to countenance any evill against either. Indeed our love to our King will be thus natured, if it be rightly groun∣ded, namely on Gods command, and because he is our Soveraigne: for though indeed we are to pray that a Prince may alwayes be as emi∣nent in grace and goodnesse above others, as he is in dignity; yet if he be not, we must remember, that we owe him the highest honour as he is the Lords Anointed, and appointed of God to be our Governour; God who hath deserved from us to be obeyed, hath commanded us to honour and love our King.

Indeed a Christian is Homo per se, and hath a foundation for his du∣ty and love peculiar to himselfe; he loves not his father onely because he begat him, or his mother because she bare him in her wombe, and gave him sucke, or his friend because beneficiall unto him, or his So∣veraigne because he doth protect him: these are vulgar grounds, and of meere naturalls, yea of bruit creatures, but his principall foundation is the Command of God, and the apprehension of Gods love to him∣selfe; and as Gods Love and Word is capable of no alteration, no more is a Christians love and duty which is built upon it, it is in its measure and degree like that, constant, and unfeigned: yea, though the Prince should change and omit what belongs to him, yet a true Christian Subject changeth never, nor dareth he to neglect the least tittle of his duty. O, sayes he, Gods love to me in Jesus Christ hath kindled in my heart a love unto my Soveraigne, set over me by him∣selfe: Gods word in my soule is the root of my duty to my Prince, therefore so long as God continues to love me, so long will I conti∣nue an obedient Subject, as nothing can separate Gods love from me, neither life, nor death, nor Principalities, nor Powers; so nothing shall separate my heart from my King; neither feares, nor threatnings, nor plunderings, nor persecutions: as nothing can nullifie Gods word. Hea∣ven and earth shall passe away, before the least tittle of that shall perish: so nothing can or shall alienate me from my Allegiance to my Prince, but

him will I Honour, him will I love, feare, and obey, actively or passive∣ly, although he should account of me and deale with me as with an Enemy.

6. We Honour God by rejoycing his Spirit, and by being carefull not to greive the same: after which manner also we must Honour the King: our endeavours must be to glad his heart, and our studies to make him chearfull, that so he may govern us with comfort, and give up his ac∣count with joy, which will be most for our advantage, as the Apostle speaketh in another case.

Indeed crossenesse and perversnesse is a great wickednesse when ex∣ercised against any, specially against a Prince, yet even such a Person is sometime so afflicted: When I speake of Peace (saies King David) then they make them ready to battaile, such was their crossenesse: & in a∣nother place, they dealt perversely with me, without a cause, indeed when ever men deale perversely with their Prince, they do so without cause, for there neither can, nor ought to be any cause to move a man to break his duty to his Sovereigne, or rather to his God who hath commanded his constant and loyall obedience.

It is not spoken in Scripture to the commendation of those vexati∣ous Sonnes of Zerviah, that they were too hard for David, and so of∣ten greived his Spirit; but every true David must meet with such men, to discover him to the rest of his people, to be a man after Gods owne Heart, meeke, wise, and patient.

Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria, (as some write) having got pow∣er with the Empresse, did vex Ioh. Chrysostome to death, by tormenting his Spirit, and molesting of him, who can thinke of that act without indignation? & it was reported of you know whom, that he vexeda mi∣nister to death by his unjust and incessant troubling of him, an horrid thing (if it were true) and worthy of a sharpe censure, but I pray God that some of them that blaimed him, have not since had a finger in such endeavours, and against a more High and Sacred person: omne occul∣tum tandem revelabitur:

Thus (reverend Sir) by this glimpse you see what kind of Honour I believe is due unto a King, and how the Subjects are to expresse the same, and now Sir I instance not in every particular way, as in pay∣ing tribute or the like, which our Savior and Saint Paul commandeth; because that will naturally follow upon that which hath been said. And

now Sir, discern my faith in the whole case, & the grounds of it, & you may perceive I am one of those that conceive the Standard of Gods word to be the best rule to measure at a subjects duty by, indeed I would have all men obey for Conscience sake, & the great Apostle (I am sure) is of the same minde.

[Sect. 8] And now I come to the second thing, namely to shew, how those objections are removeable, which as I remember were opposed against my judgement, of the unlawfulnesse to resist a King.

I then desired to maintaine, and indeed do still believe, that to what∣soever the King commands we must either yeild our active obedience, or (if against Conscience,) we must suffer, or fly: you added a fourth, (which I did not acknowledge,) and you called it defensive resistance: And your position was this:

A defensive resistance against the Kings will or Personall commands when contrary to his legall, is lawfull, yea necessary.

To make good this position, there was (to prove the lawfulnesse) alleadged the Example of the peoples resisting Saul in the behalfe of Ionathan, of Davids strengthening himselfe against Saul, of Davids purpose at Keilah, if the men therof would have stood unto him, of Ʋz∣ziah the King his beeing resisted, and thrust out of the temple by the Priests.

Arguments from reason also were produced, or rather similitudes in∣stead of Arguments (which I suppose were to shew the necessity of it) as of resisting a father or master, commanding by unjust violence things unlawfull, and unsutable to his fatherly or masterly relation.

And then the Oath or Covenant which the King takes or makes at his Coronation was alleadged, as giving countenance to a defensive resistance on the Subjects part, if the Prince doth make a breach thereof.

Lastly, I was required to shew some Scripture oppugning this re∣sistance, which I then promised.

Sir, If my memory doth not faile mee, this was the summe to which according to my Conscience, and weake ability, I shall now more fully answer then I could (in regard of your own or my precedeing labours, it being the Lords day at night) do then: Intreating you to remember that as then, so now we discourse of the matter onely as a case in Divi∣nity.

1. Concerning the Position; the termes thereof, and then of the mat∣ter therein.

The practice of some in this sinfull Nation, doth at this present too too sufficiently expound what is to be understood by the terme of de∣fensive resistance: but I confesse their exposition is very new, or els 'tis figurative, per 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 quae vox est signans cuntraria dicto, as war is called bellum, quód minimé bellum, so defensive resistance quod oppug∣nat magis.

To defend of old, and properly, was and is to keep of, or to avoyd, not to give blowes; not to begin the assault: but it inferres an Assault made, & a staying at home rather then a going abroad, or a being driven from thence, rather then a driveing, it is not to hunt or pursue from place to place, but it presupposeth a being hunted or pursued: and I shall ra∣ther take the terme in its ancient and prer signification, as perhaps you would have mee thinke you take it, (as being the more gentle,) then in that new sense which this boisterous Age doth: I conceive by a defen∣sive resistance, an active resistance by divers renouncing passive obedience.

Against the Kings will or personall command, if they that maintaine this position, be of the privy Councell to this resisting generation, we may suspect two things from these their words, if they doe not flander.

1. That the present war is not principally against those that are with the King, as the common people are made to believe, but rather against the Kings owne Person: Indeed that voice, to fight against the King, would call together but little money, and few men in this Nation; nor can all that looke that way, hope to weare the Kings Crown; but they may promise to themselves a portion in the estates of the Kings friends, who if he perish (which God defend) are sure to fall with him.

2. That this warre is not to defend Religion, as the ignorant also are perswaded, but onely to crosse the King; that he might not have His will: Indeed the great and onely Controversie between God and man is, whose will shall be done; no marvell if a good King be in Gods Condition.

Against the Kings Personall will, when it contradicts his Law: I suppose the reason is, because we must love the Law, better then we do the King the fountain of it: but how if the Kings will be concurrent with His Law? how if he not onely protests he will, but actually doth ad∣venture

his sacred Person to defend his Law? I hope in such a case, it will be yeelded without dispute, that resistance is unlawfull, because haply it would be suspected, that those that make it, do beare as ill an Affection to the Law it selfe, (as fearing a triall by it) as they do unto the King, (who would bring them to it.)

But that is not our case you'l say, if you mean that which your self have put, I grant the case concernes not us: but why then is the position of lawfull resistance now preached? do any purpose in aftertimes to get their King into a streight, and so force in him some breach of Law, to gaine advantage of resistance, and therefore would have people by this doctrine ready prepared before hand, to aid them against him on the suddaine without scruple: well, yet I hope the Consciences of true Protestant Subjects will never swallow this principle.

But concerning the Position, I conceive 'tis built partly upon that distinction already disliked as improper, specially for Subjects to make use of, it being indeed of evill and dangerous consequence: namely, that a King may be considered as a man without his office, and as a King in his office: for in an Hereditary Kingdome the Kings right to Regality was at the beginning of his Personality, they were borne and they die together, and therefore not so much as ly Subjects to be con∣sidered asunder. Indeed the King himselfe may use this distinction in the case of pardoning those that offend his person as he is a Christian, he may forgive, (for he is not borne a Christian though a Prince) but those that offend him as he is Pater Patriae (as by stirring up Rebellion in the Common-wealth, and by shedding the bloud of his innocent Subjects) he must punish in regard of his office: I confesse 'tis a sinne of a purple dye to offend the person of a Prince, but true magnanimity can pardon great faults, specially when none is offended thereby but he that pardons.

Againe, I conceive the distinction betweene the Kings personall and legall command, is of no ancient standing in the School of Christianity; Faction bred it, and Sedition (if let alone) will nourse it; it hath been already the mother of much strife, and I pray God it prove not the Grandmother to confusion: but admit it good, yet I doe not see how it belongs to Subjects to determine of the Princes will, to be contrary to his Law, whensoever to outward appearance it seemeth so: God (sayes Job) giveth not account of his matters, no more doe Princes

(those earthly Gods) give a reason of all their doings to their Subjects. When Solomon pretended to divide the quicke childe betweene the two Harlots, (a most cruell and unlawfull thing to outward appea∣rance) yet none of his Subjects were so sinfully bold as to resist him in it, or to say, Thou art ungodly; so when Jehu pretended to serve Baal more then ever Ahab did; and Constantine, to honour those that would offer sacrifice to Idols, and to banish those that would not, neither of them were opposed by their people: beside the effect shewed that their Wills were as right as their best Lawes, notwithstanding those pretences. It was once your owne honest interpretation (before the publike Congregation) that if the Kings Majestie were acquainted with the comeing forth of that booke of Liberty on the Lords day, it was onely to discover the consciences of his Clergy, how tender and faithfull they would be for the service and day of God their master.

But I proceed from the fashion or out-side, to the matter or sub∣stance [Sect. 9] of the position it selfe.

There is a difference made, or rather coyned, betwixt the King and His Law; and the Authors thereof say, It is lawfull to resist the King to keep his Law, yea necessary: as if not obeying and resisting were both one, or must of necessity goe together; the Apostle sayes, They that resist shall receive to themselves damnation; not they that doe not obey: doubtlesse therefore there is a difference. I have alwayes thought pas∣sive obedience to be the Medium or Christian vertue betweene them, and surely so it is, unlesse Rebellion of late hath tane it from its place, made a vice of it, and clapt it into prison; Reason sayes, that by an humble submission to the penalty, a man may deny obedience with∣out resistance, to the Personall as well as to the Legall commands of the Prince: if men obey not the Law when the King forbids, nor the Kings will where the Law inhibits, neither is resisted; had all the Nation beene of this mind, we had bad no fighting, though the Kings will had truly opposed his Law, as is pretended.

But let them be (as some would have it) both one: you say 'tis lawfull to resist the King to keepe his Law, and why not as lawfull (at least as pious) on the other side to neglect (I say not to resist) his Law, to obey him, when the thing commanded is not ungodly? if the King be greater then his Law, we may. Nay, if to obey the King be Gods

Ordinance, and to obey the Law, but the Ordinance of man, it is our duty: These two particulars I will briefly prove.

1. If the King be greater then his Law we may; for as was shewed before, the greater first must be obeyed, but the King is greater, for he hath a more immediate dependance upon God, then his Law hath; He is the fountaine of that, and not that of him: He is the Lawgiver, (as the Scripture stiles him) the Sanedrim or great Councell of Elders may prepare or fit the matter of the Law, but the King gives the forme or beeing to it, he sets the stampe upon it, and so makes it authorize∣able, whence 'tis called the Kings Law: And as he gives a beeing unto, so he may dispense with his owne Law, or with a Subject for the breach thereof; but the Law hath not that power over the King, therefore the King is above his Law.

Truly I cannot apprehend how the Princes Will is more resistable then his Law, unlesse it were proved to be subordinate thereunto; rea∣son sayes, that rather his Law is subordinate to his Will, being that his Will makes his Law, and not this his Will. The Kings Person (from which (sure) his Will is not excluded) as hath beene granted, is Solu∣tus Legibus, freed from his owne Lawes; scil. from their coactive power, and is Obligatus tantùm vinculo pietatis, bound onely in con∣science to have respect unto them, as they are or may be rules for bet∣ter direction; and for the breach of conscience onely even we to God onely are accountable, and therefore (sure) the King by us in such a case is not resistable.

2. If to obey the King be Gods ordinance, and to obey the Law be but the ordinance of man, then to obey the King in the first place is but our duty: but this is evident, Gods word which is unalterable, sayes, Ho∣nour the King; whereas 'tis onely an humane constitution which is revokeable, (and perhaps to morrow) that sayes, obey such or such an Order, which is contrary to the Kings minde: now whether it be our duty to obey God or man, judge you.

[Ob.] But you say, that that Scripture, Honour, or obey the King, and such like, doe meane onely the Kings Law, or his Authority.

[Answ.] I answer, that I finde not Scripture making any such restriction of the Subjects obedience onely to the Kings Law, or allowing any sepe∣ration of his Authority from his Person: the Scripture commands obe∣dience

to the King, and the terme King may include both his Will and Law, if not his Will rather, (as being an essentiall of his Person) when both doe not agree; indeed, if the Kings will contradict Gods will, 'tis better to obey God then him; and so 'tis if his Law contradicts the Law of God.

[Ob.] But you say further, that Gods Word doth onely in this case tye the conscience to obey the Legall commands of the King, for when good Lawes are once established, then comes Gods Word in, and requires our obedience to them, and not before.

[Answ.] I answer: If I did beleeve Gods will were subordinate to the Peo∣ples appetite in the choice of a King, that he onely submitted (as some are pleased to speake) to their Election, with his consent and approba∣tion; I might haply be induced also to be of that opinion, concerning His word: but (as my judgement is) I neither can, nor dare conceive so meanely of Gods Word, as to thinke it in this case onely subservi∣ent to the precepts of men, to account it no more then a bare Copula betweene humane Lawes and mens consciences, when as rather it is, or ought to be the foundation of, and guide unto both.

I doe finde and feele that Gods Word tyes my conscience to obey every one of the Kings commands (that are not against piety) yea his Personall, as well as his Legall, and those first in case of difference: nor doe I (for my part) obey the Kings Law, because it is established, or because of its knowne penalty annexed, nor yet the King himselfe, be∣cause he rules according to his Law; these are not my grounds of obe∣dience, but I obey the Kings Law because I obey the Kings and I o∣bey the King, because I obey God; I obey the King and his Law, be∣cause of God and his Law, which I hold to be the best obedience, and that of a Christian man: when the feare of the Master makes the Scholler obey his precept, it is better then when the feare of the pre∣cept makes him obey his Master: so when the reverend and loving regard of the Prince makes us obey his Law, 'tis better then when feare of the Law makes us obey the Prince.

[Ob.] But you say, to obey the Prince his Personall Command against His Legall, is to obey him against himselfe.

[Answ.] So (as I thinke) is to obey his Legall Command against his Personall, for I take his Person to be himselfe: But we must remember, that the dispute is not about obedience to the one, rather then unto the other,

but about active and violent resistance against the one, in behalfe of the other, which I believe is unlawfull against either: because the Kings Authourity goes with both: you deny the lawfulnesse of resistance against the Legall Commands, although ungodly, because established, (for here, say you, comes in passive obedience.) And shall I hold resi∣stance lawfull against the Personall, though not impious? it must be then earatione because Personall, truly (Sir) I dare not, those Scrip∣tures Honour the King, and whoever resisteth shall receive damnation, do forbid me.

Besides, if it be unlawfull by violence to resist Kings, or to defend our selves by Armes against them, when they command contrary to Gods Lawe, my reason cannot reach how it agrees with Christianity to lift up the hand against them, when they command onely against their owne, sure mans Lawes ought not to be dearer to us then Gods, nor our owne wealth more precious then Gods truth.

[Ob.] But shall we preferre the Prince his passion before his reason? Reason goes with his Law, but passion with his will.

[Answ.] This hath been answered in part already, only I adde these particulars.

1. The Prince his Personall commands, do not alway presuppose passion, nor are attended with it: if they did, yet the Apostle saies we must be Subject, for feare of wrath which not onely may, but usually doth proceed from passion.

2. Yeelding pacifieth wrath, allayeth passion, removes the cloud that darkens reason, whereas grievous words (and much more violent acti∣ons) do stirre up and increase anger; and who so provoketh a King there∣unto, saies Solomon, sinneth against his owne soule.

3. It is the advice of the wise: that if the Spirit of the Ruler rise up against thee, leave not thy place, that is modesté te in statione tua teneto, nec rebellato (saies Tremelius) keep thy selfe modestly in thy station, and do not Rebell against him, He forsakes his place, (saies Cartwright) qui animum ex accept á injuriâ abalienatum gerens, obsequium subducit, aut etiam aliquid in principem molitur: that being alienated in affection from his Prince, withdraweth his obedience, & doth endeavour some∣what against him by way of resistance.

[Ob.] But to what purpose then are Lawes established, if the Kings will be above them, or must be obeyed in the first place?

[Answ.] Lawes are established to instruct the Subjects in their duty, not to

rule the King, they are the Kings will in scriptis his revealed, or writ∣ten will, and therefore 'tis supposeable that his personall will may yet at least be coordinate with them, and so no more resistible then they▪ for we must remember still the question is about resistance.

But for the matter of obedience, let me adde further the Lex or Law is one thing, and Ius or right may be another, it may be supra legem, and on the Kings side when his will commands contrá, & in such a case even Conscience it selfe requires us to preferre the dictate of his will in our obedience.

There was among the Romanes a power called potestas regia, which was absolute, and above the Lawes, (still reteined in that Common Wealth, after the enacting of that festivall called Regifugium, for the banishment of their Kings;) and it was inherent to the Person of the supreme magistrate, that was pro tempore; for those wise men, (though they were great lovers of that which they called Liberty, yet they) conceived that if the chiefe Authority were restrained within the streights of Lawes, it could not be exercised to the publike utility, and therefore since all Lawes were to be interpreted pro ratione loco∣rum, temporum, ac personarum, with respect to place, time, and person, and many things fell out which might render the Law evill, that was in it selfe good, they thought it fit in all doubtfull cases, to repaire ad Dictaturae Ius, to the Personall direction of a chiefe Magistrate called the Dictator: et quod Dictatori (ut res postulabat) fuit temporarium, Imperatori et Regi oportet esse ut sit perpetuum, what was to him tempo∣rary is to a setled King perpetuall, the State of the Kingdome so re∣quireing.

[Ob.] But suppose Ius or Right be on the Lawes side, and the Kings will be to violate that, as well as the Law.

[Answ.] I answer, that notwithstanding a King should do so, yet I do not conceive it lawfull for Christian Subjects to resist him by force of arms; In the Jewish Politicks (we know) that were made by Moses, was couched not onely Law, but even Right it selfe, yet when Samuel fore∣told the people of the conditions of their King, and mentions such acts of His will, as might be reckoned among such kinde of violations, he did not grant them any warrant or countenance for resistance: when the King should take away their Sons and Daughters, to serve his lust and will, their servants and feilds, to dispose of according to his

pleasure, Samuel doth not say thereupon, and you shall fight it out in that day against your King. But, and you shall cry out in that day, because of your King: and to whom shall they cry? to the people, or to one another? no, but even unto the Lord, (saies the Text) who gave the King, and who alone is above the King, and who sometimes permits a King, for the peoples sins to do such things.

Indeed reason saies that God onely, whose servant the King is, hath power over him, and to him onely we must repaire if we have any bu∣sinesse concerning him, to which parpose the Spirit saies: the Kings heart is in Gods hand, who turneth it as himselfe willeth, all mens hearts (we know) are in Gods hand too, but the Kings heart is said to be there in a speciall manner, to teach that our duty is to use Gods helpe onely when we would have the Kings heart turned to us: if we neg∣lect God in such a case, and addresse our selves unto the people, stir up them to rage, and be tumultuous, wee shall rather drive the King fur∣ther from us, then draw him nearer to us: no way, or hand can, or shall incline the Kings heart but the way, or Hand of God; Nehemiah went to God when he would have the Kings Heart inclined to him, and his request, and so did Mordecay, and Hester when they desired the like favour from the King.

These are (Reverend Sir) the objections, as I remember, that were expressed or involved in your discourse, which according to my weak power and my Conscience, I have thus answered, and do conclude, that I cannot see how it is lawfull to resist the Kings Personall commands in the behalfe of his Legall, when opposite; I do conceive, that rather then so, his Personall (if not against the Commands of God) are to be obeyed, nor can I apprehend how a man in such a case, can properly be said to breake any Law, that obeyeth the Commands of the Law-maker.

[Sect. 10] I now come unto your Scriptures which were alleadged to prove the lawfulnesse of resistance. They are not precepts any of them, yet for points of practice in matters of far lesse moment, precepts are neces∣sary: and I must confesse I thinke it strange, that a businesse of such high concernment••••s resisting a King by force of Armes) should be in a∣ction among Christians, and not one direct command of God to bot∣tome it upon.

[Ob.] Yea, but if the Examples be pregnant, and nothing in Gods

word contradicting, they being many may be as valid as a precept.

Yes haply in some cases, though whether in such a one as this, I question: but are these such? nothing lesse; they are rather blinde, and unlikely suppositions, and so thread-bare with often use for want of better change, that for this purpose (almost to every eye) they seeme worthlesse.

The first is, that of the peoples resisting Saul in the behalfe of Jo∣nathan, 1 Sam. 14.45. But how did they resist? the words of the Text are these: The people said unto Saul (who had made a rash vow) shall Jonathan die, who hath wrought so great salvation in Israel? God forbid: as the Lord liveth there shall not one haire of his head fall to the ground, for he hath wrought with God this day; so the people rescued Jo∣nathan that he died not. Here we see are onely Reasons and Argu∣ments, such as might become prayers; here is no intimation of Armes or violent resistance: as therefore Saint Peter might be said to be res∣cued out of prison by the prayers of the Church; or Nabal and his fa∣mily from slaughter, by the prayers of Abigail, so was Jonathan out of danger by the prayers of the people: And that is the judgement of Divines, Junius, Borrhaius, Psiander, whom Willet alleadgeth in this case, and Gregory as I finde him quoted. And reason sayes, that Saul might easily be intreated by his Subjects (without any violent resi∣stance on their parts) to breake a rash and unlawfull vow, to save the life of his eldest sonne, whom he loved, who was innocent; and had that day been Gods Instrument of so great salvation unto Israel: Nay, Peter Martyr addes further, that if the people did any more then pray, if they pressed violently upon Saul in making a mutiny, they sinned; so that the first example is nothing to the purpose.

The second is of Davids strengthening himselfe against Saul. To which I answer, that I finde not in Scripture that David ever strooke up the Drum, or used any meanes to call or gather men unto him for any such end; indeed 'tis said, that many that were afflicted (as he was) gathered themselves unto him, and he became their Captaine, so that properly he strengthened not himselfe, they rather strengthened him, or the Lord by them preserved him for that imployment whereunto he was appointed: But doe we ever reade of any act of hostility that David with them did exercise against Saul, or against any of his fol∣lowers, so long as Doeg was in favour, they might well pretend that

the King had ill Councellours about him, yet we reade not of any vio∣lence that was used to remove them: Nay, very easily might David have revenged himselfe upon the Ziphites, that did their good will to betray him into Sauls hand, if his conscience would have served him to kill any of the Kings Subjects, against the minde of the King.

Whereas you say, that you gather from 1 Chron. 12. that David was 40000 strong in the dayes of Saul; and 'tis probable he did not lie still with his great Army. I answer, it is not apparent that all those Captaines mentioned in that Chapter, brought all their men with them: yet if it were so, it makes against you; that David being so strong, should alway flee from Saul when pursued by him, and resist never, much lesse seeke after him; should get him out of Sauls King∣dome with so many men following him, and beg a place to dwell in of Achish King of Gath.

But (Sir) the truth is, David was never above 600 strong, till about the time that Ziglag was burnt, which was about the time of Sauls death, and that great concourse of men mentioned, 1 Chron. 12. came then to him, it may be probable that they fled from the battaile where∣in Saul was slaine; for the Text sayes, vers. 21. some of them helped David against the Rovers: And vers. 22, 23. 'tis said, They came to him to turne the Kingdome of Saul to him, according to the word of the Lord. It was well knowne in Israel that David was appointed to succeed Saul, and who will not (at such a time) looke to the Sun∣rising: Thus to my apprehension the second example is as farre from the marke, as the former. (Beside David being an extraordinary per∣son, full of Gods spirit, and by unction designed of God unto the Kingdome, his example in such a case is not proper.

The third you alleadged is the businesse at Keilah: It is supposed (say you) that David would have defended that Towne against the King, if the Inhabitants would have beene faithfull to him: ergo. 'Tis lawfull to resist the King, and to keepe his Townes against him.

We use to say, à facto ad jus non valet consequentia; indeed this was not factum, yet I see not how it followes.

It is so supposed, but not by every body, for some may (and perhaps as simply) suppose because 'tis said afterward, that David kept himselfe close in Ziglag) that he would also here have lien close in Keilah, if the men thereof would (as Rahab did the spyes) but have concealed him.

But by the way here is one thing notable; David it seemes though he was 600 strong in that Towne, would not venture upon it for to hold it, untill he knew whether he should have the good will of the Inhabitants, he did not seize upon it on the suddaine, whether the King and they would or no, before they were aware, and keepe it by force against both, robbing, killing, and plundering his fellow Sub∣jects.

But to the place: the Text sayes, vers. 9. that David knew that Saul secretly practiced mischiefe against him, and thereupon fearing some treachery in the men of Keilah if he stayed there, being in a great streight, He asked counsell of God about the matter, and the Lord an∣swered him accordingly, and this was all the businesse: But if you will suppose further that David had a purpose to have kept the Towne a∣gainst the King, if the Citizens would have stood to him; I hope it may be lawfull for me to suppose also, that the Lord (whose counsell was asked) both could and would have inclined their hearts to have beene faithfull, if the thing purposed had beene lawfull; but Gods an∣swer speakes to my apprehension his disallowance of it, and so doubt∣lesse it did to Davids, as appeares by his departure, and his never at∣tempting any such matter afterward: if the answer of God had been cleane contrary to what it was, or such as might in any sort have coun∣tenanced his stay, there had beene some colour to have alleadged this story for this matter of resistance; but Gods wisedome would not have any such example upon record in his Word, he fore-saw that they, who are so bold upon a bare supposition, would have beene more bold (if more could be) upon a plaine example, Gods answer there∣fore is such, that all may understand (if they please) his refusall of a blessing upon such an enterprise.

If it be yet urged upon me farther, as was before the Committee; what I thinke David would have done, if he had staid in Keilah till Saul came; I must make the same answer as I did then: what David would have done I cannot tell, but I suppose the men of Keilah would have done to him as the men of Abell did to Sheba afterward, (even cut off his head, and throwne it o're the wall) had the King came, or sent for to demand it: But truly I wonder that the example of David should be alleadged in this case of fighting against the King, conside∣ring

what his deportment to Saul was at two severall times, when he had him at such advantage.

But now for the last example, that of Ʋzziah, who for going in the pride of his heart (sayes the Text) into the Temple, to meddle with the Priests office, was withstood by Azariah the Priest, and fourescore Priests with him that were valiant men: But how was he withstood by these men in the Temple? not with swords, or weapons, but vers. 18. They withstood Ʋzziah the King, and said unto him, it per∣teineth not to thee Ʋzziah to burne incense unto the Lord, but to the Priests the sonnes of Aaron, who are consecrated thereunto; goe out of the Sanctuary therefore, for thou hast trespassed, neither shall it be for thine honour from the Lord God: thus they withstood Ʋzziah by saying these words unto him. Indeed when he persisted notwithstanding this, The Lord strooke him with leprousie, vers. 19. and then the Priests thrust him out of the holy place, because of his uncleannesse; (according to the Law) Nay, sayes the Text, vers. 20. himselfe hasted also to goe out, because the Lord had smitten him: this example therefore makes nothing at all for the lawfulnesse of resisting the Kings person, com∣manding against his owne Lawes.

Other examples as little to the purpose are also alleadged by those that would faine winde Gods Word to speake the language of their owne spirits: but these onely were mentioned at our conference, and therefore I will not spend time to answer any other, which indeed are already answered by abler pens then mine.

[Sect. 11] Now I come to the Argument from reason, which in your thoughts (as it seemes, if you be in earnest) doth imply a necessity of resistance in such a case; Salus populi which is Suprema lex, doth require it: for thus you argue.

It is according to reason that every particular man should endeavour the preservation of his owne being; yea, 'tis Lex naturae, every mem∣ber of the body, every creature in the world will doe it, ergo, much more man, who hath also the use of Reason to perswade him to de∣fend himselfe against an unjust violence. Indeed (say you) Christia∣nity commands us patiently to submit when we are wronged by the Law; but if against Law, then we may stand upon our owne guard by all the Lawes of Nature and Nations.

As for example (say you) if a father or master (whose commands are to be bounded within the compasse of their particlar relations) shall by unjust violence require things unsuteable to be done, the childe or servant may and ought to defend himselfe, even to the disarming of his Governour: so if a Prince shall command any thing beyond or beside the relation of his Kingly office, (as for example, when a sen∣tence is passed by a triall at Law, for me against him, he shall notwith∣standing in his passion, send to my house to do me violence) I must defend my selfe, and disarme him if I can, for if in such a case I shall yeild my throat to his fury to be cut, I shall be guilty of selfe murder: and if this may be done for the safety of a private man, then much more when Salus populi wrich is suprema lex doth require it:

These in breife (as I remember) were your Arguments and illustra∣tions, to which I thus answer.

First, in generall; Reason I grant ruleth well, when Religion oppo∣seth not, but 'tis her duty to vaile unto faith, and therefore as you and I have often taught, even reason her selfe must be denied in some ca∣ses, as well as nature: a Christian as well as another creature, may and must looke to his owne preservation; but we are bought with a price, and so are not our owne, nor must be in the first place for our selves: the Honour of that profession which he that bought us, hath entrusted us to maintaine, must be preserved by us, before life it selfe; if selfe de∣fence will blemish my Holy profession, if resisting the King speakes ra∣ther the doctrine of the Iesuits, then of Iesus, I had rather by patience possesse my soule in safety, then by opposing endeavour the preservation of my body.

[Ob.] But for the particular instances: every member of the body (say you) will defend it selfe.

[Answ.] True, and all the Head, yea every one of them, will defend the Head before it selfe, 'tis naturall to them; and if wee be right mem∣bers of the Commonwealth, the King is our Head.

[Ob.] Every Creature will endeavour the preservation of its own being.

[Answ.] So will a reasonable man, and a Christian in speciall ought so to do, that he may do his Creator the more service; but onely in that way, and by those meanes, as may not crosse the end of his beeing.

[Ob.] But Christianity commands to submit with patience onely when wronged by the Law.

[Answ.] It hath beene already answered that Christian patience is not so li∣mited, if the Law be on my side when the King wrongs me, my wrong is the greater, and my patience in such a case is more glorious, and comes nearer to perfection.

[Ob.] But the Kings Commands are bounded, as those of a Father or ma∣ster within the compasse of their particular relations.

[Answ.] That is already denyed, and must be better proved before I an∣swer further, onely this I adde, that the similitude of a father or master is not to this case corresponding: for, 1. I am equall to my father or master as I am a Subject, (though their inferiour in my particular rela∣tion to them,) but so I am not to my Prince. 2. I have a Law to war∣rant me to stand upon mine owne defence against them, and to disarme them when they breake the Kings peace upon mee, but I have not, to justify me in my so doing against my Prince. 3. The King hath not given a father or master potestatem vitae et necis over those that in their relations are under them, as God hath given the King, therefore al∣though I may defend my selfe against them, yet not against him, to whom (being the publick father and Lord) I owe the greater duty and obedience, and am to forsake them to serve him,

[Answ. 2] Besides, I do not wholely yeild to the lawfulnesse of resisting a father or master, onely for the unsuteablenesse of their command, or perhaps, because jujurious to the childe or servant, if it be not impious in it selfe: for that place of the Apostle seemeth to gainsay it: servants, b•• subject to your Masters with all feare, not onely to the good and gentle, but also to the froward, for this is thanke worthy if a man for Conscience sake toward God indure griefe, suffering wrongfully. q. d. when in the fro∣wardnesse of their Spirits, they command things unsuteable; submit your selves, and resist not: now if subjection in such a case be due to Masters, much more is it unto a Prince.

[Answ. 3] Or lastly I answer, there is a medium between obeying and resisting, in a case of that nature; and that is complaining to those that are above them, for fathers and masters are themselves also under Authourity, un∣to which their children or servants may appeale for their own defence, when unreasonable commands with violence are forced upon them:

and so may and must the Subjects do, appeale to God in such a case, who onely is above their Prince. 1 Sam. 8.18.

[Ob.] But suppose the streight be such that the Son or servant cannot ap∣peale to the Magistrate, hee must either yeild to the thing unlawfull, or be killed, if he do not resist.

[Answ.] The case is never so between us and God, hee is every where to whom we may appeale, yea providebit in monte, our extremity is his best oportunity.

[Quest.] But what warrant for this?

[Answ.] I know your selfe at leasure can finde many, I'le minde you but of two, one a precept, and another an example: the first is Esay 50.10. whoever feares the Lord when he is in darkenesse and hath no light, that is, in such great streightes, and deep dangers, that he can see no glimpse of deliverance from the creatures, no hopes of escape: let him (namely at such a time) trust in the name of the Lord, and stay himselfe upon his God: O! (Master M.) when shall wee live by faith, if not in such a Condition?

The second warrant is the example of David in the wildernesse of Maon, Saul had beset him round, hee was in a great distresse, fly hee could not from his Prince, fight he durst not against his Prince, what shall he doe? He stayed himselfe upon his God, who appeared to his helpe, by diverting the King to a businesse of better consequence, a messenger comes all on the suddaine, and brings him word the Phili∣stines had invaded his Land:

[Ob.] But suppose the Prince sets upon me in mine owne House, and I therein am able to defend my selfe, (which perhaps David in his di∣stresse was not) why may I not so do? and trust to Gods Assistance that way, my House is my Castle:

[Answ.] I yeild your house is, and may be your Castle, to defend you against any private Person, but whether against your Leige Lord the King, or no, I question? or if the Law yeilds you this, that the House which was left you by your predecessors, be your owne, and the weapons therein which you bought with your owne money, be solely yours, for your defence, and for that purpose you may use them. But (not for∣getting your similitude) suppose you be in your fathers or masters House, and the weapons therein be his weapons, whether you may

keep his owne house, or use his owne weapons against himselfe, Hoc restat probandum.

[Ob.] But shall I yeild my throat to be cut, then I shall be guilty of selfe-murder?

[Answ.] It doth not follow, that if you yeild to your Prince in such a case, that your throat must needs be cut: for we read of some that by faith stopped the mouth of Lions, and escaped the edge of the sword: God is a∣ble (and will if you pray and trust to him) by your yeilding to your offended and displeased Prince, mollify his heart towards you, as hee did Sauls heart to David, Labans to Iacob at one time, and Esau's to∣wards him at another. (O deare Sir) have wee beene preaching faith and patience thus many yeares to others, and shall we thus boggle and wriggle against the Power of faith, and the practice of patience, when we are put to trials? nay shall we argue in the behalfe of flesh and bloud against the power of faith?

But I returne.

[Ob.] To permit a Prince (said you) to do what he will without resi∣stance, is the way to destroy the whole society of men, and the Church in speciall, if a Prince be so minded.

[Answ.] It doth not follow, for Church and Commonwealth are both preser∣ved by Gods providence, God is Governour of and in both, and so far as the rage of men shall make to the praise either of his wisedome and justice in punishing the wicked, or of his Power and grace, in the trials of his servants, so far doth he permit it, and the remainder thereof doth he restraine: we see it in Assur. Es. 10. and in all the Tyrants of all Ages; the Romane Emperours that had their wils, had also but their time, and did no more by all their fury, then Gods hand and coun∣sell had foredetermined should be done:

[Ob.] But this is Anabaptisme to hold it unlawfull for Christians to fight.

[Answ.] It is one thing for Christians to fight under their Princes Banner, and at his command, and another thing, to fight against his standard, and contrary to his will, to fight for him is Christianity, but to fight a∣gainst him is Anabaptisme: nor indeed do the Anabaptists hold it unlawfull to fight, when they thinke themselves strong enough to re∣sist, as appeared by their behaviour at Munster, but as Jsrael had beene in peace if Ahab had been as free from troubling it as Elias was whom hee accused, so should England at this time be, if they that

oppose Regality, and indeavour the dammage of it, were as far from Anabaptisme, as they are that hold such resistance unlawfull.

[Ob.] But Salus populi is suprema lex, and for the preservation of the whole we may resist a part.

[Answ.] There is indeed much talke of Salus populi now adayes, but I believe there is a great mistake both in Salus, and in Populi.

1. In Salus, which as appeares by mens proceedings is thought to consist in fighting rather then in flying, in resisting rather then in yeild∣ing, in shedding one anothers bloud, rather then in sleeping in peace; God the generall conserver of mankinde, hath created man for that end, conservare speciem; and his will is that those vertues should be spe∣cially practiced and maintained, that are most conducible thereunto, and those are not warres, and contentions, strife, and debate, but love, meeknesse, and patience, bearing and forbearing one another: I pro∣fesse (Sir) it is a Paradox to me, that men should lead people from peace to warre, to preserve them▪ sure there is a mistake in Salus.

2 And so there is in Populi too, for whereas some say, by the people they meane all, who conjuncti•••• are as much above the King, as hee is above any one of them sigill••atim: and therefore though one may not resist him, yet all may (as if the sinne were the lesse because many com∣mit it, or rather none at all, if they have but strength and company for to act it) others againe by the people do interpret every mans parti∣cular selfe; whence arise those expressions, I value the King no more then I do another man; I would rather disarme the King, then he should disarme me; yea, and kill him too, to save my selfe. I tremble to mention these sayings, doubtlesse these varlets to save themselves would deale so with God himselfe, if he were capable, and they could reach him.

I do believe, your selfe will yeild that there is a mistake also in Populi.

But Sir, is not the King the Head of the people, and can they be safe without him; I admire at some of us, that dare in the pulpit separate betwixt them, and vilify Majestie to advance popularity.

O, cry some, the whole must be preferred before a part, [Ob.] for Christ saies if thy right eye, or right hand offend thee, cut it off, and cast it from thee, 'tis better that a part perish, then the whole. [Answ.] Yea but Christ doth not say if thine head offend the, cut off that, for that would be to the ruine of the whole.

[Ob.] O, say others, the Kingdome is cheifly to be regarded, the King is but for the Kingdomes sake; Hee is the younger of the two; there was a people before there was a King, he was ordained for their good, and therefore is to serve them.

[Answ.] So Esau was Iacobs elder Brother, yet the elder was appointed to serve the younger: and the whole world, that great Kingdome was made before man, yet made for his sake to serve him, not he to serve that: indeed a King is no more ordained for the peoples good, then they are for his good, they are each ordained for other good: and both for Gods glory, which is most advanced by peace and union, so that 'tis not Salus populi alone, but 'tis Salus Regis et populi, that is suprema Lex; and so highly to be regarded: nor doth Salus populi consist in resisting or suppressing the King.

What saies Pilate the Heathen, (to them that called themselves Gods people) shall I crucify your King? q. d. what an unnaturall, and unreasonable thing is it, for Subjects to goe about to ruinate their own King? if they had answered, O 'tis to save our selves, Pilate would have laught them to scorne: although indeed perhaps when people go about any such businesse, 'tis to save some of themselves, whose black merits do make them suspicious of the Kings mercy; but should they prevaile, the effect would shew, that the safety of the enemies would never countervaile (to the Commonwealth) the Kings dammage.

Some there be that thinke Salus populi to consist in Liberty, and Li•• qerty (as they conceive) is for every man to do what is right in his owne eyes, be of what Religion he please, commit Idolatrie, and A∣dultery, rob, plunder, and take away the goods of others, be both his owne Carver; and his owne Judge: and thus it was of old, when there was no King in Israel: ergo.

But Sir, though some (upon a taste of this kinde of Liberty which hath of late been permitted to them) cry out, O these be the blessed dayes, these be the happy times: yet you and I cannot but conceive that they are the beginning of sorrowes, & wil end in bitternesse; we know this Liberty is every way destructive, and rather Beast-like then Hu∣mane; whereas this should be Christian, which consists cheifly parendo, Gods service is a perfect freedome: and there was a King set up in Is∣rael, to remedy those abuses.

And thus (Sir) you see, that I doe not apprehend from your rea∣sons

or arguments any necessity of such resistance in the case.

Now concerning the Oath or Covenant which the King takes or makes at his Coronation: how that doth countenance a defensive resi∣stance [Sect. 12] on the Subjects part, if the Prince shall make a breach thereof, we shall a little consider.

First (Sir,) let me minde you: of what you yeilded, namely, that the King is King before his Coronation; indeed his Crowne is but a note or ensigne of his Kingly dignity, he hath a right unto, and is in a∣ctuall possession of his Inheritance given him of God, before he makes his Covenant on the Coronation day, which cannot therefore be sup∣posed to be conditionall with the people; nor be thought that he by it from them receives his office with a quandiu bene se gesserit, so that of necessity he must forfeit his power unto them, if he breakes his pro∣mise.

We read that supreme Princes in ancient times, as they were free from Lawes, so from Oathes; the Romane Empire was not wont to sweare unto the Senate, or to the people, but they both did take an Oath to him. Those Oathes & Covenants the Scripture mentions in the Story of the Kings of Iudah, were not made or taken by the King, (if we marke them) but by the people to their King; or by the King and people together, unto the Lord, after some generall defection from his worship and service: no, this custome of a Kings swearing, is the Infant of later times, it was borne ad faciendum fidem, peoples di∣strust was the parent of it: evill suspicion (as being for the most part the root of Rebellion) was ever counted ominous; and therefore to prevent a sinister opinion of a new King it was thought meet by such Princes, upon their solemne Coronation day, to enter into a visible Covenant with God, in the presence of their people.

And I beleive the custome's good as a meane (by Gods grace) to keepe a Prince his will, within the bounds of Conscience: but (in that it was not so ab initio,) it plainly shewes that a Kings entrance into his Government, doth no whit depend upon his Covenant, nor doth this Covenant at all diminish his supremacy, or derogate from the ab∣solutenesse of his Power: no, if it were made unto his people, as it is not, I do not see how of necessity it must make him any way liable to their subjection, God himself was pleased ad faciendam fidem to swear

to Abraham, and to David, yet did hee not thereby any way make himselfe their inferiour.

But indeed the Kings Oath and Covenant, is onely unto God, 'tis His Oath of Allegiance to the Lord; and in effect to this purpose, that he will discharge the trust imposed upon him by the God of Heaven and earth, of whom he holds his Kingdome; and this is made visibly in the presence of the people, that they might not distrust the faithful∣nesse or integrity of that Person, to whom is committed (by him who knowes all hearts) so great a Power.

And sure, as 'tis a heavy sinne in a Prince to falsify his Covenant with the Majestie of Heaven, so 'tis no small sinne in Subjects to distrust a Prince his fidelity upon slight grounds, or to expose him by any means to the generall suspicions of his people.

But now, (Sir) what warrant have the Subjects from hence for their resistance, if the King breakes his Oath to God? is not God able to revenge his owne cause? hath hee not alwayes done it? observe stories, and see if you can name one example of any King, though never so great, that brake Covenant with God, whom God hath not remem∣bred, and is his arme shortned? or is not his Justice still the same?

[Ob.] O yes, say some, we have a warrant to helpe the Lord against the mighty; Meroz was cursed, because she did not.

[Answ.] Meroz indeed was cursed with a bitter curse, and did deserve it, be∣cause she came not to helpe her King, her Captain, or supreme Judge whom God had set over her, & on whose side the Lord was, against his Enemies that rose up, or went out against him, & that were so many and so mighty; but she is not cursed, because she did not resist her owne Governour.

The breach of our Oath of Alleagiance unto the King, is onely an offence against the King, and to be punished by him, and not by any of his Subjects without his Authority, nay, if any breake promise and Covenant with one of us, our selves onely can justly accuse him, and shall we not allow God the same Priviledge? by what Authority there∣fore do you this thing, (call your Sovereigne to account for his breach to God (if he were guilty,) or who gave you this Authority?

To my thoughts that saying of David concerning Saul, should be able to tye up all hands from such an enterprise; when his men moved him to take the advantage, intimating that Gods providence (accor∣ding

to some former promise as might seeme) had afforded it on pur∣pose: O, saies David, God forbid, what do so to my master, the Lords Anointed; lay hands on him? absit mihi, farre be it from me; never let me come where God hath to do, if such a thought lodge in my heart; I have done more already in cutting off the lap of his Garment, then I have comfort in: So a little after when another like oportunity was tendered, and some were ready to conclude for him, that God had re∣newed the advantage, to check his former fearfulnesse, yea, and to take away his scrupulousnesse, one offered himselfe to do it for him; give but your consent (saies hee) and I will warrant, you shall never more be troubled with your Enemy: O, saies David, by no meanes, shall I suffer any to offer violence to the King? Lord be mercifull unto mee, and keepe me from such an Horrid thing: I streightly charge you, that you do it not as you love your own life, for who can stretch forth his hand against the Lords Anointed, and be guiltlesse? if we marke the words well, in both places they are denials with great vehemency; and indeed let us all againe and againe observe his Arguments in both pla∣ces, for they are very suteable to this purpose.

1. Hee is my master: scilicet, my Sovereign, my Leige Lord, I have taken my Oath to be true to him, therefore my duty is to defend him, against all the world; though he forget himselfe towards mee, and towards God too, yet I must not forget my selfe towards him, unto whom I am sworne, nor towards God by whom I have sworn, never servant or subject prospered that neglected his Oath and duty in a case of this nature, shall I be a forsworn man? shall I turn son of Belial? Childe of the devill, as those appeare to be that offer violence, and af∣fronts unto their Sovereigne? no, God forbid.

2. Hee is the Lords Anoynted, (saies hee) and this particular hee rests much upon, repeats the Title over 3 or 4 times, (as we may observe in the places) to manifest that awefull dread which he had in his own heart towards the King, and to worke alike in the hearts of those his servants that moved him to so impious a mischeife: and indeed of all Arguments, 'tis the most forceable to an Honest heart: q.d. what shall I rise against God? against him whom God hath anointed and mar∣ked? shall I lay hands upon what is Holy? Holy things are not to be meddled withall: His Person is Holy in respect of unction; his calling is holy; and 'tis sacriledge to offer violence to either: His Anointing is

the marke of God upon him, et quos Deus unxit nemo tanget, it is un∣lawful to meddle with anything that hath but another mans marke up∣on it, with his sheepe, his horse, his servant that weares his Livery; and shall I dare to meddle with him for hurt, that hath the marke of God upon him? O I dare not, hee is none but God's, and none but he may deale with him; as God hath sentenced him, so God shall put his own sentence in execution: v. 10. of the 26. cap. as the Lord liveth, the Lord shall smite him, or his day may come to dye, or hee shall descend into the battaile (namely against the Philistines) and perish: But from mee he shall receive no dammage God may smite him if he please, but I may not, I must not, though I know him to be rejected of God, & my self to be appointed of God to succeed him; Gods hand may be upon him, but mine shall never; or his day may come to dye, bvt not a day sooner for mee; for I wot well, hee is marked for God's, Hee is the Lords A∣nointed.

3. Who can stretch forth his hand against the Lords Anointed, and be guiltlesse? namely of high treason before God and man, hee (whoe∣ver hee be) shall be questioned for it, and found guilty of the highest crime upon triall, and shall have the due demerit of all Traitors, they that stretch forth their hand in a violent way against Gods Anointed, there will come a time, when their necks shall have a violent stretch for it, Hanging, drawing, and quartering, is the punishment of such crimes; God himselfe else will see execution done, if Humane Lawes, or power should faile in this particular, one way or other God will bring judge∣ment upon them even in this world, beside that which remaines for them in the world to come; for hee will never hold such guiltlesse: The Psalmist speaking prophetically of strange children (and such are all Traitors, and Rebels, of a strange birth, a Bastard brood, none of Gods) saies, cast out thy lightning and scatter them, shoot out thine ar∣rowes and destroy them, &c. God can from Heaven cut them off, or hee can cause their owne beasts to helpe bring them to their deserved end, as Absoloms mule did help to hang the Traitor his master: or hee can give them up to hang themselves, as Achitophel did.

Surely (Sir) God doth not use to chastise Princes for their failings by any of their own Subjects who are good men; some perhaps, that are vessels of wrath, he permits (on their owne head) to make them∣selves instruments thereof before hand: but good Subjects that are or∣dained

to be vessels of mercy, have hearts and spirits onely delighting in workes of love; vessels of mercy hereafter, are instruments of mer∣cy here; but whoever makes himselfe (without authority) Gods rod is sure to be thrown into the fire, Had Zimri peace that slew his master? Hee was a rod, and he felt the fire.

[Ob.] Yea, but (say some) in the Kings Oath there is quas vulgus elegerit, the King must make and maintaine such Lawes as the common people shall thinke fit to make choice on: therefore if the King do not so, the common people, or vulgus may force him, or at least make Lawes without him, for by that clause the King submits himselfe unto the people, and d••th in effect say unto them, as the good Emperour Trajan did unto his Officers, use the sword against my selfe, if I do not rule ac∣cording to the Lawes.

[Answ.] First, for that speech of Trajan, so oft quoted in pulpits, and pam∣phlets, to the shame (as must be thought) of Christian Princes, and for their imitation, I conceive it savoured more of Popularity, then of Christianity; and discovered the Author of it, a ranke Heathen, who knew not himselfe to hold his Authority of God: for a King beeing Gods sole and immediate servant, can no more give power to any of his people, to draw the sword against himselfe, then I beeing the Kings Subject, can give my servant power to kill mee; or if a King should so much forget God and himselfe, as to use such a sinfull speach to please the people, I am sure they (if such as truly feare God) dare not make any such use of it, though never so great provocations were given: they would thinke with themselves thus: what have we to do to meddle with anothers servant? we must leave him onely to God his owne ma∣ster: shall we be so vile as to thinke God either weake and cannot, or wicked, and will not punish him in his time? shall we make our selves Judges, or executioners for God? shall we thinke we can be more carefull for his credit, then himselfe is? shall we imagine to do him a good office, in promoting his glory in a way contrary to his reveale•• will? O let us study to approve our selves Gods good servants, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not his masters to teach him how or when to correct his owne i••••••¦diate Officer, upon the said Delinquents lands, cut downe his 〈…〉〈…〉 and timber trees, and make spoile of all: or if a Minister shall 〈…〉〈…〉 preach obedience to the King, when he sees his people 〈◊〉〈◊〉 waies of disloyalty, he should forfeit all his profits ipso 〈…〉〈…〉

forced to weare the brand of a malignant, yea of a very Cavaleir (a marke as bad as a Popish Sau bennet) untill he recant such his detesta∣ble errours, and preach more approveable Doctrine: Is the King bound by his Oath, to establish and defend such a Law? surely no, therefore people are much deceived in their interpretati••n of that clause, if there be any such in the Kings Oath: But his Sacred Majestie in one of his Declarations, doth fully declare the true meaning of it, and to that onely I do referre you:

Onely this, I would have you remember that the vulgus do com∣monly goe in the broad way, which as Scripture saies, &c.

But now for quas vulgus elegerit.

Whether there be any such phrase in that Oath which the King now taketh, I know not, but if there be, doth it thence follow that the com∣mon people alone must resolve what Lawes are just, and to Gods glo∣ry, and what not? and that the King must establish and defend what they onely thinke well of, or else forfeit his power to them, or be lia∣ble to their inforcement? every mans reason cannot reach this: for,

Suppose the vulgar should thinke it just at the present, and for Gods glory, that every man that would should be a Priest, (as it was in Iero∣boams time) and preach according to his owne spirit, or new preten∣ded light, though rents and divisions thereby are made in all places; and thereupon should choose to have a new Law made, that the Church Government allowed when the King tooke his oath, should be quite put downe; and those that hitherto have been called the Clergy sup∣pressed, and all learning (as Popish and prophane) discountenanced; and every man, be he weaver, pedler, or cobler, should have free leave in publicke to shew his gifts; is the King bound to establish and de∣fend such a Law? must he breake that part of his oath, which is to preserve the present established Clergy and Church of God to the ut∣••••rmost of his power? and when God shall call him to an account for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 will it be sufficient for him to answer, as Aaron did Moses, the peo∣•• ••uld have it so? I believe not.

〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••ough the vulgus be somewhat unreasonable, yet we wil not con∣••m 〈◊〉〈◊〉 so bold, as to urge the King by any new Law, to breake any 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ath or Covenant, because they seeme so carefull he should 〈…〉〈…〉 find such fault with the imaginary breach thereof: I will 〈…〉〈…〉 ••ce in another case.

to be vessels of mercy, have hearts and spirits onely delighting in workes of love; vessels of mercy hereafter, are instruments or mer∣cy here; but whoever makes himselfe (without authority) Gods rod, is sure to be thrown into the fire. Had Zimri peace that slew his master? Hee was a rod, and he felt the fire.

[Ob.] Yea, but (say some) in the Kings Oath there is quas vulgus elegerit, the King must make and maintaine such Lawes as the common people shall thinke fit to make choice of: therefore if the King do not so, the common people, or vulgus may force him, or at least make Lawes without him, for by that clause the King submits himselfe unto the people, and doth in effect say unto them, as the good Emperour Trajan did unto his Officers, use the sword against my selfe, if I do not rule ac∣cording to the Lawes.

[Answ.] First, for that speech of Trajan, so oft quoted in pulpits, and pam∣phlets, to the shame (as must be thought) of Christian Princes, and for their imitation, I conceive it savoured more of Popularity, then of Christianity; and discovered the Author of it, a ranke Heathen, who knew not himselfe to hold his Authority of God: for a King beeing Gods sole and immediate servant, can no more give power to any of his people, to draw the sword against himselfe, then I beeing the Kings Subject, can give my servant power to kill mee; or if a King should so much forget God and himselfe, as to use such a sinfull speech to please the people, I am sure they (if such as truly feare God) dare not make any such use of it, though never so great provocations were given: they would thinke with themselves thus: what have we to do to meddle with anothers servant? we must leave him onely to God his owne ma∣ster: shall we be so vile as to thinke God either weake and cannot, or wicked, and will not punish him in his time? shall we make our selves Judges, or executioners for God? shall we thinke we can be more carefull for his credit, then himselfe is? shall we imagine to do him a good office, in promoting his glory in a way contrary to his revealed will? O let us study to approve our selves Gods good servants, and not his masters, to teach him how or when to correct his owne imme∣diate Officer.

But now for quas vulgus elegerit.

Whether there be any such phrase in that Oath which the King now taketh, I know not, but if there be, doth it thence follow that the com∣mon

people alone must resolve what Lawes are just, and to Gods glo∣ry, and what not? and that the King must establish and defend what they onely thinke well of, or else forfeit his power to them, or be lia∣ble to their inforcement? every mans reason cannot reach this: for,

Suppose the vulgar should thinke it just at the present, and for Gods glory, that every man that would should be a Priest, (as it was in Iero∣boams time) and preach according to his owne spirit, or new preten∣ded light, though rents and divisions thereby are made in all places; and thereupon should choose to have a new Law made, that the Church Government allowed when the King tooke his oath, should be quite put downe; and those that hitherto have been called the Clergy sup∣pressed, and all learning (as Popish and prophane) discountenanced; and every man, be he weaver, pedler, or cobler, should have free leave in publicke to shew his gifts; is the King bound to establish and de∣fend such a Law? must he breake that part of his oath, which is to preserve the present established Clergy and Church of God to the ut∣termost of his power? and when God shall call him to an account for it, will it be sufficient for him to answer, as Aaron did Moses, the peo∣ple would have it so? I believe not.

But though the vulgus be somewhat unreasonable, yet we wil not con∣ceive them so bold, as to urge the King by any new Law, to breake any part of his oath or Covenant, because they seeme so carefull he should keepe it, and find such fault with the imaginary breach thereof: I will therefore instance in another case.

Suppose the vulgus should for the present thinke it just, that all whom the King loves, or that love him, should be counted malig∣nants, and be liable to plundering, and should choose to have a Law made, that whomsoeyer the King casts his favour upon, (unlesse ap∣proved of by themselves) and whosoever shall speake in the Kings behalfe, should presently forfeit all their estate unto the said vulgus, unto whom it shall be lawfull (before any publicke triall) to seize

upon the said Delinquents lands, cut downe his woods, and timber trees, and make spoile of all: or if a Minister shall dare to preach obedience to the King, when he sees his people run into all waies of disloyalty, he should forfeit all his profits ipso facto, and be forced to weare the brand of a malignant, yea of a very Cavaleir (a marke as bad as a Popish San bennet) untill he recant such his detesta∣ble

errours, and preach more approveable Doctrine: Is the King bound by his Oath, to establish and defend such a Law? surely no, therefore people are much deceived in their interpretation of that clause, if there be any such in the Kings Oath: But his Sacred Majestie in one of his Declarations, doth fully declare the true meaning of it, and to that onely I do referre you:

Onely this, I would have you remember that the vulgus do com∣monly goe in the broad way, which Scripture saies is not the best, Company (you know) is the strongest argument to prevaile with the many; therefore Moses well, follow not a multitude to do evill, in∣ferring thereby that for the most part they go in a way of evill doing, and so of ill choosing, as when they forsook David to follow Abso∣lom, and Achitophel, nay when they chose Barrabbas, and would have an order to crucify Jesus: indeed 'tis true, some factious Priests, with some Scribes and Pharisees that were gracious with them, did perswade and teach them to make that sinfull choice, but their weak∣nesse did appear in their being so perswaded: and the Common people still are apt to be seduced, & thrust by such means into the worst waies; Bellua multorum capitum (you know) one cals them, they are apt to be led they know not whither, to say they know not what, & to cry they know not wherefore, as that example shewes, Acts 19.32. therefore nothing of that nature which was alleadged, but may be supposed of the vulgus: perhaps, experience also could say somewhat to the mat∣ter, if she might as safely use her tongue, as she may her eyes, and eares.

[Ob.] But though the vulgus or Common people may not (haply) on their owne heads resist the King, or call him to an account, yet the Parlia∣ment may, the great Court of the Kingdome.

[Answ.] What a Parliament may do, I will not determine. Onely this I hope (as a man desiring information) I may say: I do not see how the Parliament, taken in a compleat and perfect sense, conjoint together of head and members, scilicet of King, Nobles, and Commons, can be said to resist the King, or to call him to an account, for that himselfe is the principall or cheife part thereof: nor (if wee take it in an incompleate or imperfect acceptation, for the minor or in∣feriour part, as divided from the King and the major part of his Peers) do I see how properly (I am sure not kindly) the head can be resisted by the lower members: I see not how such a part hath power to do

more then the Prince himselfe can do; scilicet, dispence with oathes, & inable men without offence to God, to breake those his Lawes where∣in he commands Honour to the King, and forbids resistance, nor how such members may do that for which they were not chosen: scilicet arme us that chose them against him, that gave us power to choose, and them to sit: nor how that they themselves as Parliament men have Authority to oppose him, whom as private men they have sworn to obey, and whom God in his owne stead hath set over them; they are but the representations of us, our Images, and how they can pull downe the Image and representation of God I cannot see.

But this I know, and wil be bold to say, as a minister of Jesus Christ, that a Parliament (take it in either sense) though it may do what pri∣vate men may not do, yet it must not do, what a Christian ought not to do: I beleeve that the Members of that Honourable Court, are Christian men, & that their duty is in the midst of their State Affaires, to remember their relation to Christ, and to do nothing contradicting the same, for it will be no sufficient excuse, when he shall come to judge both quicke and dead, and charge any of them for breaking his Law, to say I did it as J was a Parliament man, and not as I was a Chri∣stian, for if the Parliament man be punished for his faults, I beleeve as a private man hee will feele the smart thereof: and so I conclude this particular, with my dayly prayer: Lord give to every member of that Honourable Court now Assembled, a full measure of thy grace, that they may be willing and ready to comply with his Sacred Majestie, their Gracious Sovereigne, and thine Anointed, in all those wayes that tend to thy Glory, and the peace of this Church and Commonwealth: Amen.

[Sect. 13] Now (reverend Sir) I have answered all your objections, that I can remember, and come to your request, which was to shew some Scrip∣tures oppugning this resistance.

(Sir) I know it rests onely on their part who forsake the old way, to produce Scriptures for their new; but because you know 'tis easier to overthrow that which you are upon, then to maintaine it, you are plea∣sed to put what you conceive is lesse difficult upon mee; which I ac∣cept both willingly, and thankefully.

I will not insist upon that precept of the Apostle, So much as in you lyeth, if it be possible live peaceably with all men, which the Doctrine of resistance doth manifestly contradict, if there be another course to be

taken, as undoubtedly there is, (according as I shall shew anon) nor will I much mind you of those places where he propounds prayer for, and obedience unto, (not resistance of,) Princes and Kings to be the necessa∣ry and onely way to live Godly, and honestly, quietly, and peaceably: nor yet of that saying, ye have not yet resisted unto bloud, which not onely the Apostle himselfe, but also David Dixon of Scotland; and all the godly learned expositors do interpret to be a passive resistance of evill, by suffering our owne bloud to be shed (after Christs Example in the former verses) not an active resistance thereof, by shedding the bloud of others: I say I will not insist upon these or any other Scriptures of like nature, because it will be answered as it hath been already, that those places concerne private Christians, not a Parliament or publicke State; as if a Parliament or publicke State, were not bound to do all that is possible to live peaceably; as if the members thereof were not chose on purpose to procure the peace of all, to settle godlinesse, hone∣sty, religion, and quiet in a Nation; as if the Parliament men were no Christians; as if by being advanced to that Honour they were exemp∣ted from the rules of Christianity, or could in their wisedomes, devise wayes to promote peace and godlinesse, better then those which Gods Spirit hath propounded; such language therefore (as I conceive) how frequent soever, is not to the dignity of that High Assembly: but (as I said before) I will not meddle with the power of a Parliament, nor do I desire to heare or know any thing of that Court, but what is pi∣ous and Honourable.

But the first Scripture which I will alleadge, shall be that which some, because they cannot evade, do scoffingly call our great place: viz. Rom. 13.1, 2. Let every soule be subject to the Higher power, for there is no power but of God the powers that be are ordained of God, whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the Ordinance of God: and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation.

I first demand, what is meant by higher power in this place? one an∣swers mee, That Authority which God and man hath put upon a man: I demand againe, is it onely naked Authority so put, without any rela∣tion to the man, on whom put, that must be subjected unto, and not re∣sisted? He answers yes, for 'tis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (which signifies power in the abstract or the power of the Law, and not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a more concrete word, which may implie also the power of the Person;

I confesse 'tis somewhat difficult to mee, to have such an abstrusive apprehension of Authority, yet because 'tis so Magisterially affirmed, I will not resist the higher Spirit: though I cannot upon such an ipse dixit beleeve, the full and true sense of the text to be, The power of the man may not be resisted but the man that hath the power may: for I would aske this question, why may the man that hath the power, be resisted? I confesse, the answer is ready, in respect of his illegall will, and wayes: & why in that respect? is it because Authority thereby is abused or mis∣applied? it should seem no for 'tis professed in the same page that Power and Authority though abused, is not to be resisted: where then doth the Burre sticke? is Authority subjected solely in the Kings Law, and no whit in his Person, though put upon him both by God and man? or is Authority it selfe the subject, and the person exercising the same, a bare accident unto that, beeing in it (only more separably) as pride and folly are in Homine? so it may appeare in the same place, for (saies that Rabbi) if one that is in Authority, command out of his owne will, and not by Law, I resist no power, no Authority at all, if I nei∣ther actively nor passively obey; no, I do not so much as resist abused Authority: for why? it must be beleived (as his fathers the Jesuits teach) that the Prince by his disordered will, (or dissent from Law) hath quite lost his Authority, and is become like another man: and so though Hee be resisted, yet Authority is not, for that's fled from Him.

But by the way, if Authority be wholly subjected in the Law, who placed it there? our great new master yeildeth the Law-makers (who it seemes are too indiscreetly prodigall of their Authority, to give it all away to their Lawes, and keepe none of it to themselves, nor can have any save what it pleaseth the Law to returne unto them) His words are these, if those who have power to make Lawes, shall make sin∣full Lawes, and so give Authority to any to force obedience, we say: here, there must be either flying or passive obedience, (no resistance) whence we may conjecture, that those who have power to make Lawes, are some Persons in Authority; and that those Persons have a possibility in them to make sinfull Lawes, as well as good; and when they have made those sinfull Lawes, they can give power to any to force obedience unto them; and those Officers so inabled with power, must not be re∣sisted for the sinfull Lawes sake: but if hee that made this sinfull Law, shall command out of his owne will a thing lesse sinfull, then what

(perhaps) the sinfull Law requires, He may be resisted, and yet no Au∣thority resisted by the resister, because no authority abused by the Commander, he having uncloathed himselfe thereof to adorne and strengthen his sinfull Law, to make that more venerable then himselfe, and lesse resistible:

If this be the mans understanding of the case, let us see how by this his Doctrine he must understand the text: by Higher powers (according to this) is meant Humane Lawes and ordinances, which are the bounds and bridles of restraint to Kings as well as to other men, let every soule, (the Prince himselfe not excepted) be subject unto these, and take heed of resisting them; for though they be evill, yet submission either active or passive, must be yeilded to them, for the establishment of iniquity by a Law doth make it altogether unopposeable: this must be the meaning of the Apostle in this Expounders sense, but every faith cannot swal∣low this construction of Higher powers to be onely Humane Lawes, for as he said rightly, they may be evill, and are ordained by men; where∣as the Apostle tells us that the powers which he meanes are ordained of God, and therefore must needs be all good, for God hath nothing to do with the stoole of wickednesse. I confesse my selfe lost in that teachers Meanders; I am even earth'd in Burrowes, and need some faithfull Jeremy to direct mee out of these darke and crypticke Cavernes, and I finde him in Gods booke bidding mee looke about and aske for the old way which is the good way, the old exposition is the best which is this;

By every soule is to be understood every man, with all that belongs unto him; and by Higher power, is meant not onely the power it selfe, but also the person excerciseing the same; for as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies the po∣wer, so 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 notes the person, yea the superiority of the person, and gives the power the denomination of Higher; so that we must not only be subject to the Power because a power, but also to the same be∣cause an Higher power; in which respect every inferiour not only soule, but also power, must be subject to that power which is higher then it selfe. And the King being the supreame person under God, hath there∣fore in these his Dominions the Highest power, and may be call'd with∣out any great impropriety of speech, as he is Gods immediate deputy on earth the Highest power.

If any enemy of Regall Authority shall object, and say, though the King indeed be supreame (the Apostle Peter speakes it too plainely to

be denied) yet in the same place the King is made an ordinance of man, and therefore to be limited by man. Calvin on the place answers? Dicitur humana ordinatio, non quòd Humanitùs inventa fuerit sed quòd propria Hominum est degesta & ordinata vivendi ratio, 'tis call'd an hu∣mane ordination, not because 'tis mans invention, but because ordained (of God) for the good and conservation of men, or because executed by man, and about the government of mankind.

But (Sir) I returne to your selfe, that this which I have given is the true meaning of that place to the Romanes, the text it selfe doth evi∣dence; for what is called the Higher power in the first verse, is call'd the ruler, and the Minister of God. v. 3. which imply the person, as well as the Authority: now (saies the Apostle) this Higher power must not be resi∣sted viz. by any kinde of resistance: and his reason is strong, for to re∣sist, saies he, is malum culpae; who ever resisteth the power, resisteth the or∣dinance of God: and 'tis malum poenae too; they that resist shall receive to themselves Damnation: for, si bonus, nutritor est tuus (saies Augustine) si malus, tentator tuus est: if the ruler be good, receive thy nourishment from him with obedience; if he be evill, receive thy triall by him with patience: and so you have my first Script: against resistance.

My second shall be Eccles. 8.2, 3, 4, 5. verses: Solomon was a wise man, and the counsells of such are good: I counsell thee (saies he) ut os Regis observes (as the Hebrew hath it) that thou observe the mouth of the King, and that in regard of the oath of God: i. e. that oath of Alleage∣ance or subjection which in the name of God with his approbation Subiects have allwaies taken unto their Soveraignes, and whereunto God is a witnesse, and whereof (if broken) he will be a severe puni∣sher. Be not hasty to go out of his sight: that is, saies Tremelius, ne ab obse∣quio illius te subducito animo perturbato, withdraw not thy selfe from his alleagiance in a discontentednesse of spirit: stand not in an evill thing, scilicet, in perturbatione & rebellione quae tibi malum allatura esset, in thy sullennesse and rebellion which will bring mischeife upon thee, for hee doth what ever pleaseth him; it is not thy will and pleasure but the will and pleasure of the Prince that must be done; Kings have long hands to reach those that resist them; and God doth inable them to have their Will upon such treacherous and disobedient Subiects as will not willingly submit unto it.

Yea, where the word of a King is, there is power; as to breake the

heart of a good Subject into duty, Confregit David viros suis verbis, sayes the text, David brake his men with his words; so to blast the conspiracies, and to confound the spirits of those that be rebellious: for indeed Gods wrath awakened by the breach of oath, attends the Kings word to accomplish the same upon resisters. And hence is that of Solomon in one place, against a King there is no rising up; and in another, He that provoketh a King to anger, (by opposing his word, or any other way) sinneth against his owne soule: therefore however for a season, the word of a King, like that of God, be resisted, sleighted, and contemned, yet it shall appeare in the end againe, to be a word of power.

Who may say unto him, what doest thou?] i. e. none hath power to call a King to account save God alone, no man hath authority to gain∣say him, sayes Elihu in Job. Is it fit to say to a King, thou art wicked? or to Princes, ye are ungodly? it seemes it was not in those dayes.

Who so keepeth the Commandement shall feele no evill thing.] that is, the command of God in the first place and then (for the oath of Gods sake) the command of the King, be it dictum or scriptum, not contra∣dicting that of God; qui rebellaverit ori tuo moriatur, said the people to Joshua their Captaine, Whosoever doth rebell against thy commande∣ment, and will not hearken to the words of thy mouth in all that thou commandest, he shall be put to death: but on the other side, He that keepeth the same shall feele no evill thing. Sir, this is my second Scrip∣ture, and, as I conceive, 'tis suteable to our present case, against resisting the personall will and word of the King.

More precepts I could give, but because examples are most regar∣ded in these dayes, I will remember you of some of them.

In the third place therefore be pleased to thinke of the children of Israel in the land of Egypt, and of the manner of their deliverance by the hand of Moses and Aaron. It must be confess'd that Pharaoh was a wicked King, & exercised great tyranny over Gods people, then under his subjection, and was condemned by Gods expresse word; yet being lawfull Magistrate over the Country, Moses did not arme the Israelites against him, though they were able to make their part good, as appeares by their number, being six hundred thousand men: and Pharaohs confession, that they were more and mightier then he and his Egyptians: but Continent sese & observant Pharaonem obedi∣enter,

as one sayes, they conteined themselves, and beseeched him o∣bediently.

Yea, it should seeme that Moses himselfe at first had a fancie, that this deliverance should be by way of resistance, when hee slew the Egyptian; for as Stephen tells us, he knew then that God had appoin∣ted him for that service, but that errour cost him 40 yeares exile in the Wildernesse: and when God imployed him, he directed him to goe in another way, namely, in all humility to repaire unto the King, and demand a dismission at his hands; we cannot but suppose that God could have made them able (had there beene fewer of them) with their owne swords to make their owne way, and by his command could have made it lawfull so to have done; but this other course which God would have them take, did in the effect more aggravate Pharaohs obstinacy, and illustrate the Religion of Gods people: and was more to the magnifying of Gods glory.

In the fourth place let me minde you of that in the first of Samuel, cap. 8. the 9 and following verses: God having a purpose to give Israel a King, doth order so in his wisedome that they should make sute for him themselves; whereupon he takes occasion by his Pro∣phet in that place, to forewarne them of some intolerable qualities that might fall to be in some of their Kings, and thereby doth timely prepare them to obedience and patience under them: if we marke, there is as great injustice and tyranny foretold as could be imagined, their sonnes, daughters, and servants, should be taken from them; those that were noble and free borne should be made slaves, and put to servile offices, their lands and goods should be extorted from them, and diverted to his owne and his Courtiers private use and commodi∣ty, which were as great breaches of the Lawes of the Common-wealth as any could be made, yet no resistance in the case is countenanced, but countermanded rather, the onely course prescribed is vers. 18. You shall cry unto the Lord in that day, as if he had said, be as weary as you will, or as you have cause, yet you shall not have leave to shake off the yoake which God through your importunity hath layed upon you, it shall not be lawfull for you to resist or oppose by force these personall and unjust courses of your King; but you shall onely cry unto God: as you cryed for a King, so shall you cry under a King, and till ease and helpe comes unto you this way; you must submit to the high∣est

extremities that his illegall will shall impose upon you: It is to be remembred, that this was at the first erection of a King among Gods people, and all Scripture being written for our Learning, doub∣lesse this is chronicled in Gods booke for the instruction of all Subjects that should acknowledge and feare the Lord in after times. And most fitly also for the good of posterity did Gods providence and spirit strengthen this prescription by recording the example of Davids car∣riage toward that their first King: for as Saul discovered in part the de∣scribed manners of such a King as Samuel had spoke of, so David dis∣covered the prescribed conditions of such a Subject as God approves off: It is well knowne how unjustly and illegally he was persecuted by Saul, and how he avoyded his fury, onely by flying from place to place; he did not hunt the King, the King hunted him: He in all his streights did cry to God, and trusted in his providence, and he lost no∣thing by it, God wrought for him better then he could have done for himselfe; and did him more good then e're his owne resistance could have done him: 'tis worthy our speciall remembrance, how God provided for his escape in the wildernesse of Maon, when he was so encircled about with Saul and his men, that of necessity he must be killed, if he did not stand upon his owne defence; but God would not suffer a good Subject to have a hand in so sinfull a businesse, or to leave so evill an example to after-times, and therefore his providence sends a messenger to tell Saul that the Philistims had invaded his Land, whereby he was on the sudden forced to be gone, and so David was delivered. Likewise at another time when David was in as great a streight, namely, when he should have gone out with Achish against Saul, the Lord did also deliver him: Achish had allowed him Zig∣lag to dwell in, (for David durst not in conscience possesse himselfe of any Citie in Israel without the Kings leave, much lesse hold it a∣gainst his will) and therefore that he might not offend, he fled the Kingdome, and God gave him favour in the eyes of Achish, an enemy to Israel: and David could not tell how in gratitude to deny Achish to goe out with him against their common enemy, and therefore fain∣ed a willingnesse, but doubtlesse in his spirit he cryed unto the Lord for his helpe, that he might not be forced to lift up his hand against his Soveraigne: whereupon the Lord moved the Princes of the Phi∣listims to dislike of his being there, so that he and his men were dis∣missed:

thus is the Lord ready at hand to helpe those good Subjects in their streights that walke in the wayes of loyalty, and God is still the same.

I could here minde you of Samuels behaviour, when he had from the Lord pronounced Sauls rejection, how he went home and prayed, and wept for him, did not stirre up the people to rebell against him; he did not forget (as some of us doe) his owne doctrine of passive obe∣dience, which formerly he had preached unto them: I could also re∣member you of Elias his carriage towards Ahab, an unjust man, one that had sold himselfe to worke wickednesse; that Prophet had as good credit with the people (as any Preacher in these dayes hath) to have perswaded them to resist his illegall commands, had it beene law∣full for him to have imployed it that way; but he onely saved himselfe by flight from his cruelty, and so by his example taught others to doe.

But the fifth speciall place which I desire you to observe, is the sto∣ry in the booke of Ezra: Cyrus you know had made a Decree, (and the Lawes of the Medes and Persians were unalterable) concerning the building of the Temple at Jerusalem: which worke the adversa∣ries of the Jewes hindered, and obtained a Letter from King Artax∣erxes (one of Cyrus his successors) to command the Jewes to cease; unto which, (though onely the personall command of the King, and contrary to a written and unalterable Law) the people of God submit∣ted, did not stand upon their owne defence, pleading the Decree of Cyrus, or the goodnesse of the worke, the building of Gods owne House: but sayes the Text, The worke ceased untill the second yeare of Darius King of Persia, when as they had new leave to proceed in the same. And by the way 'tis worthy to be observed for the better practice of this age, when the King had given them authority, and put it into their hands to build the House of God even as themselves pleased, they did not neglect that worke and fall to argue and dispute about the Kings authority, or to set things in a combustion to greive the Kings spirit, but they set themselves to their proper businesse, and blessed God for their King: Blessed be the Lord God of our fathers which hath put such a thing as this into the Kings heart, to beautifie the House of the Lord which is in Hierusalem; which was indeed the way to continue the Kings heart still towards them. O that this wise ge∣neration

were but acquainted with such piety! But I returne.

If it be objected (as 'tis often in Pulpits alleadged) that the people in building that Temple in Nehemiah's time, did worke with their swords, and speares, and bowes, and so did defend themselves against their enemies: I answer, it is true; but they had the Kings leave so to doe, the King was on their side, Nehemiah was strengthened by the Kings speciall authority; so that not they, but those that opposed them, were the resisters of the King.

'Tis worth your noting also in the sixth place, how the Jewes in Mordecay's time, being destined to death to please the lust of proud Haman, yet because that wicked Decree was countenanced with the Kings authority, his Privy Seale, the Iewes durst not resist, for the safe∣guard of their lifes, and all they had; they did not plead that the King was seduced by ill counsell to destroy their whole Nation, (as they had cause) and therefore by the Law of nature they must stand upon their owne defence: no, the people of the Lord were not ac∣quainted with any such devices; they prayed & put their trust in their God, who never failed them; and he brought it so to passe, that against the day came, they had the Kings leave and authority to draw their swords in their owne defence, which else they durst never have done, as is plainly evident in the story. Truly (Sir) those phrases of Scrip∣ture, When Kings goe forth to Warre; and, What King going forth to Warre against another King, do plainly speak to my conscience, that the power of wageing War, either offensive or defensive, is onely in and from the King, who alone is inabled of God to warrant men in such a way; wherein whosoever goeth without the Kings approbation, is not allowed of God: and if so, then sure the Lord will never say, Well done, good and faithfull servants to them that goe in that way a∣gainst the Kings command, yea, and against his Person.

But (Sir) I will not weary your Spirit with the quotation of too many Scriptures of this nature, contradicting resistance; I shall onely therefore remember you of two more, and then conclude this particu∣lar also; one is Act. 23. you cannot deny, but when Ananias command∣ed Paul to be smitten, it was a command contrary to Law, (for the Text doth so affirme it) hee had no ground but his owne will to offer that violence: and yet how doth the Apostle checke himselfe, for his but ignorantly speaking an unbeseeming word against him? and al∣leadgeth

Scripture against himselfe, it is written, thou shalt not speake evill of the ruler of the people, and if that word Ruler did comprehend Ananias, I am sure it includes the King, and if not an unbeseeming word to such a one, then sure not a resisting action against a King, which is farre more unbeseeming: if you say, Saint Paul was a private man, but what is his example to a publicke State, or Parliament? I an∣swer, a publicke State consists of private men; besides, the Title of vo∣lunteer, which they that walke in this way of resistance are called by, doth speake to my apprehension, that the Parliament doth not com∣mand any to run upon their owne damnation, by going this way, but leaves it to every ones owne free will, and so in effect, all resisters are but private men: and (without offence be it spoken) I thinke Saint Pauls example in a matter of this nature, should be more prevalent with a Christian, then the very command it selfe (if such a thing were) of a whole Parliament.

Lastly, let the example of our Master and Saviour Jesus Christ never be forgotten by us; who when apprehended in the Garden, would not suffer Peter to use his sword in defence of him against authority, but told him, Hee that smit with the sword (against that) should perish by the sword (of that): and yet if you well consider it, I be∣leeve you will confesse that that authority was rather guided by Will then Law, in that particular action: nay, and our Saviour addes too, that he was strong enough to have defended himselfe had it beene lawfull, for he could have had twelve Legions of Angels with a word speaking: yea, the whole course of the proceedings against our Sa∣viour was illegall, for what Law was there ever that an innocent per∣son should be delivered to the will of his accusers to be crucified, yet the text sayes of Pilate, that, Tradidit Jesum voluntati eorum, it was mouth and malice onely that prevailed, yet our Saviour made no resi∣stance; it cannot be said that he was then onely as a private man, for sure at that time he was (of all that ever was) the most publike person also; if it be said, but his case was particular: I answer, true, but our Saviour did not sinne in the manageing of it, as (for ought I see) he must have done, if he had omitted any thing that had beene law∣full and necessary; and such (if we will beleeve it) is defensive resi∣stance against the personall and illegall commands of a Governour.

Besides, I doe not see how Christ can be freed from the imputation

of unfaithfulnesse; if this doctrine of resistance be so lawfull and ne∣cessary a thing for the preservation of a Christian Church and State, (the matter being of such grand importance) that he did not leave some expresse and plaine warrant for it: No, no, Christ was faithfull in all things, righteousnesse and peace, truth and love, humility and obedience met all in him, let his wayes onely be acknowledged safe and good, and ours confessed to be dangerous and ungodly.

Thus (good Sir) you have my Scriptures against resistance, from which (with many others of like nature) I doe conclude, That to the Prince his personall command, as well as to his legall, I must yeild mine active obedience, (if not against the revealed will of God) or else submit with patience to the penalty that shall according to plea∣sure be inflicted: or lastly, I may flie for mine owne safety, if I have not a sufficient measure of suffering grace. And I doe conclude, that by Gods Word resistance is utterly unlawfull in this case, and that no man from thence can have a sufficient ground for his conscience to go in such a way.

And now (Sir) I could argue thus with you: If we must not by the rules of Divinity resist the Kings will when it commandeth against his Law, then surely not when it concurres with his Law, not when it contests for his Law, not when the King adventures his sacred person in defence of his Law, against those that not onely stop all procee∣dings of Law, but directly breake all Lawes both of God and Man; such are those that pull downe Religion established by Law, that, (slighting all oathes, duties, and relations) do murder, plunder, rifle, rob, and by violence take away all they can lay hold on, contrary to Law: I say, when the Kings personall Will concurres with his Lawes against such persons, then we are not to resist him; I suppose your selfe will confesse it.

Or againe from your owne position I could thus argue: If it be lawfull to resist the personall will of a King, when it opposeth his Lawes (as you say); then sure 'tis much more lawfull, and our duty, to resist the personall commands of others when they oppose the Law, and the King too; And if the King be bound to alleadge an esta∣blished Law for every thing he commands, or else may be resisted: sure we have reason to looke that others should produce an establish∣ed Law for all that they require at any of our hands, or else we need

not obey them, specially against the King; even sense and reason will make that consequent: Thus (Sir) I could argue, but I will leave the Argumentation to your owne conscience.

Onely there is one more Objection which fell from your lippes at supper, against this my judgement, which then I said nothing unto: and that was this,

[Ob.] Then we are all Rebels: all that are interessed in this present busi∣nesse are in a Rebellion, if resistance be unlawfull.

[Answ.] There is least danger, and most safety, when mens owne Conscien∣ces do make conclusions for or against themselves: on••ly I say this that Rebellare in a literall acceptation, is to strike againe, him that, strooke first, to returne warre upon him that began it, and in that sense I thinke you be no Rebells. But indeed 'tis counted onely a State Busi∣nesse in these daies to determine of Rebellion, and therefore referrning what I have said to your owne application, I will onely as a Brother in the Ministry, minde you what in Divinity Rebellion is accounted.

Rebellion is all kinde of evill, 'tis the Puddle of all sinnes, the Sinke of all villany, the breach of all Lawes and relations both towards God and man: Pride, Prophanesse, Perjury, envy, wrath, malice, theft, mur∣der, Cruelty, rapine, spoile, and oppression, irreligion, and unnaturall∣nesse, are all concenter'd in Rebellion, yea all sinnes, by all names, that sinnes can be named, and by all meanes that sinnes can be committed do follow Rebellion, and are found among that disordered and disobedi∣ent sort of people, yea Rebellion is the ruine of Religion, Church and Common-wealth, of States, families, and men; 'tis monstrum horren∣dum, informe, ingens cui lumen ademptum, a most horrible, ugly, blind, il-favoured Monster, quite void of the light of grace, or of Gods feare, what ever it pretendeth: Rebellion, saies the Spirit, is as the sinne of witchcraft, though ugly and Diobolicall in it selfe, (for the Devill was the first Rebell) yet exceeding specious and betwitching, because masked commonly with Religion, and usherd with pretences of Re∣formation: and therefore it is most odious unto God.

I may well say of it, as the Apostle doth of fornication, 'tis a sinne not to be named among the Saints; of which judgement (as may seeme) are others too, for let but a Minister (in these daies) pray or preach a∣gainst Rebellion, let him but say God needs it not to maintaine Religion, the very mention of the name Rebellion, makes him capable of a Pri∣son,

and liable unto punishment: Indeed Rebellion is the Devills sin, and a sin as bad as the devill himself, for 'tis the continent & cause of all sin, and no more can be said of him; 'tis a sinne that God hath as surely pu∣nished, as he hath the Devill; I could give you many examples hereof, but I spare you; onely know this, that for my part I resolve with my selfe from these Considerations, that the Psalmists prayer shall be ever mine (in private, since I am barr'd from the publicke) O Lord, thou that by thy power rulest for ever, whose eies behold the nations, let not the Rebel∣lious exalt themselves.

And thus (Sir) you have fully seene my judgement, and resolution in the case, and the grounds I go upon, if your disposition be not alte∣red from what it was, you will freely accord with mee, or freindly discover unto me wherein I have erred.

[Sect. 14] But yet there is one thing more which I promised in the beginning, viz. to give you some particular reasons of my dislike of the present practice of so many of my brethren, with whom (till now) I have beene so inwardly and familiarly acquainted: for this as a great fault hath beene objected against mee, not onely by your selfe, but also by others.

Sir, let mee still deale ingeniously without offence: I do professe in the presence of God who knowes all hearts, that I desire with my soule, so farre as my Brethren follow Christ to follow the meanest of them, but if my Brethren leave him, they must not be angry if I forsake them: Saint Paul himselfe desires men, to follow him no further then he followed Christ: And I do not finde that ever Christ went in that way, wherein my Brethren would have mee go after them; I dare not doe what Christ did not, to please my Brethren: I have asked my consci∣ence many a time, whether it thinks that Christ (if he were here) would walke in the path of resistance with my Brethren, whether he would say and preach such things, as some of them do now urge and presse upon the people, and it hath answered mee, surely no. for Christ never stirr'd up men to warre, or to shed the bloud of one another, or to resist their Soveraigne upon any occasion, he allwaies preached for p••ace, Love, and obedience, and against oppression, rapine, and wrong: He commanded all to deny themselves, as himselfe did, and to leave their wrongs to God: He requires us to learne of him meekenesse and lowlinesse; to be so farre from returning blows, that rather we should turne the other Cheeke when the one is smitten, this was his owne

practice when they buffeted his blessed face, spit upon it, and plucked of his haire: truly (Sir) my Brethren must pardon mee, if I preferre Christ before the best of them.

Besides (Sir) if I should fancy to follow some of my Brethren in their new way, it must be I know not how farre, and in all things, for should I come short but in one particular, I had (almost) as good be failing in all, I must pray as they do, either not mentioning the King at all, or speake of him in a defameing way, I must preach as they do, and cry Cursed be the Parent that diswades his Child, Cursed be the wife that withholds her Husband, Cursed be the Master that hinders his ser∣vant, from going to this warre, to helpe the Lord against the mighty (that is to say) against the King, (for so I must interpret it) yea I must turne my pulpit into mount Eball, and curse with Bell, Booke, and Candle, with the great curse, and the little curse, with Meroz Curse, the most bitter Curse, under the name of Malignants (that is to say Devills) and enemies to God and truth, all persons of what ranke soever, that have set their hands to the petition for peace; I must argue, that the King is not an absolute God, therefore he is mortall, and may be resisted; He shall dy like a man, and therefore we may fight against him, though my conscience did never yet learne such Logick: And then too, in stead of Gods word, I must tell some fearfull tales of the Cavaliers, how bloudy they be in their actions, and how blasphemous in their expressions, to fright, and imbitter the good womens spirits, that so they may solicite their Hus∣bands to be more liberall of their purses in maintaining the warre a∣gainst them: and then I must (to comfort them again) and further to in∣courage them, relate some valiant exploits done by some of Gods poore ROUNDHEADS, accordingly (as they say) they are scoffingly ter∣med, affirming all to be as true as God is in heaven; thus must I beautify and adorne my sermons, or else they will not be worth a rush, nor shall I be free from being suspected: But (Sir) nobis non licet esse tam disertis qui musas colimus sacratiores, I dare not in that place, relate any thing as matter of faith, but what I know is in Gods word, or grounded thereupon.

Nay and further yet, I must not onely follow thus; but also approve of what ever injury and wrong is done by others of that side, to those whom my Conscience thinks to be Honest and Conscionable men, I must allow of all rifling, plundering, robbing and stealing, and com∣mend

the actors though never so vile in life and carriage, as friends to the good cause: I must delight to see reverend, grave and aged Di∣vines for preaching obedience haled from their Churches, flockes, and families, to prisons, and insulted over and shamefully abused by the basest men; (even as the Christians were by those bloudy wretches un∣der the Heathen Emperours, and as the Martyrs were in Queene Ma∣ries daies) I must joy, to beare that they are turned out of meanes and maintainance, unheard and perhaps unseene, only upon the bare infor∣mation of some malicious and beastly drunkard, whom the same Mi∣nister hath formerly indeavoured to reclaime from sinne. and I must laugh when I heare they are hunted and pursued (as the Indians were, by the Spaniards Doggs) in the fields and Highwaies by the ungodly Soldiers with swords and Polaxes, unhorsed and forced to betake themselves to woods to hide themselves; though I know them to be Godly, learned, holy, and unblameable, yet I must deny such my knowledge, and conclude of them, (as some did of Christ) that they are justly smitten of God, even because they are not of our opinion; and I must beleeve all the rude people that are imployed to do this mis∣cheife, and delight therein, to be very zealous for God, and worthy of thanks for their care of the cause.

And I must also rejoyce to see noble, worshipfull and gallant Gen∣tlemen, that have borne the office of Magistracy with Honour many yeares, who have spent themselves and their estates to do their Coun∣try service, fetch'd from their houses, by the rabble of men, and haled to prison, spoiled of their goods, or forced to fly from place to place, only for their Conscience sake, because they beleeve that according to Gods Command, they are bound to love and Honour their Soveraigne, and not to joyne in a mortall resistance against him: these things and many such like must I approve on, which (Sir) I professe I cannot, I dare not, I had rather loose my life then my Conscience.

Nay (Sir) let mee adde one thing more, if I should imitate my Bre∣thren, and humour the people in this their heady way, I should but like the foole in the Gospell build upon a Sandy foundation; for vulgus est mobile you know, they that cry Kill the King today, will upon bet∣ter information cry hang up the Seditious Preachers to morrow; when they come home lamed from the Battaile, and frustrate of all their ex∣pectations, or have well payed with their purses for their ungodly

and inconsiderate undertakings, who doe we thinke they will cry out upon, but on those that provoked them to the businesse; even the Ministers that promised Heaven, and assurance of Victory, and rich spoiles out of the estates of Delinquents? whom shall the desolate widow curse that hath lost her husband in the Battaile, or the father∣lesse childe that hath lost his parent, or the childlesse old man that hath lost the staffe of his age, in the Warre against his Soveraigne, (who hath preserved him and his hitherto in safety, under the arme of his protection) but onely the Ministers that scared them with the curses of God, if they did not yeild them up to that service? The Lord in mercy deliver me from the curse of the aged, the fatherlesse, and the widow.

Sir, it hath beene observed of some, that being maimed, have with much difficulty returned from Edge-hill Battaile, (where, if their So∣veraignes fatherly bowels had not yearned with pitty towards them when they were taken, in regard of their simplicity, they had beene hanged according to their merits) when they have come for reliefe to the rich of the Parish, discovering their wounds, they have beene sleighted with this Answer, Who bad you goe, Who bad you goe? now whom shall these poore afflicted cry out upon, but on the Preachers, whose seducing tongues wrought most upon their ignorance and good meaning? And alas, should I be thus cruell to impoverish men, to lame their bodies, to defile their soules, to undoe them every way? the Lord keepe me from doing such a thing.

When Abigail disswaded David from slaughtering Nabal and his family, she used this Argument; Ne sit in singultum cordis Domini mei in posterum, lest it be a corrosive to my Lords spirit afterward: and I professe unto you I do beleeve, that had I beene at Edge hill (as some Ministers were) against his Majestie, all the bloud that was there shed, would roare continually night and day in my conscience; but the Lord I hope will ever preserve the soule of his poore Minister, from the hearing of so hideous a cry.

Nay (Sir) may it not be imagined that all the bloud that hath beene shed throughout the Land in this unchristian and unnaturall Warre, shall in the conclusion be charged upon the Ministers heads, both by God and Man? Some say of late that they are resolved that this War against the King is lawfull. who hath resolved them? Gods Word I

am sure hath not, who then? even such and such good Preachers; for my owne part I am not ambitious to be called good upon such a ground, nor doe I beleeve that ever any Member of the Honourable Houses of Parliament (their desires at first were so right for God) ei∣ther would or durst have countenanced this businesse, if they had not beene incouraged thereunto by their Prophets, sed saepe in magistros scelera redierunt sua, the blame in the end may overtake the sinners: We may observe in Scripture how though Dathan and Abiram, Prin∣ces and Peeres of Israel, were ingaged in the insurrection against Mo∣ses and Aaron, yet because Corah was a Levite, and a provoker unto it, he hath the name of it; 'tis call'd The conspiracy and gainsaying of Corah, unto this day.

Sir, from these and such like thoughts my resolves are, as I told you at our last meeting, to endeavour by Gods grace to be able to say when I die, with S. Paul, I am free from the bloud of all men; and if any of my Brethren be offended hereat, rather then breake my resolu∣tion, I shall even bid farewell unto my Brethren.

And yet (Sir) I hope you remember that I doe not goe all alone, some of my godly Brethren of the Ministry are of my judgement, who for their ability and faithfulnesse in their calling, for their holinesse and honesty of life, have beene as well approved of, as any of the others when time was, although at this present they are discountenanced and defamed, for their bearing testimony to the truth of Jesus, and their du∣tifull love unto their Soveraigne; some of whom (you know) I named unto you, and others I could name, but their bonds and imprisonments, their abuses and reproaches, their being made the scorne of men and the outcasts of the people doth save me that labour.

But for the matter of example: Sir, I speake it without flattery, (as God knowes) there are few whom I have desired more to be like then your selfe, such an high reverence have I alwayes had of those graces and gifts which our rich God hath bestowed upon you, which in his service you have heretofore to my apprehension most faithfully and unweariably expended: and indeed I beleeve your bare example in this businesse, hath swayed more with many of our Brethren in these parts of Essex, then their owne judgements: (if a man may guesse at their judgements by their former Doctrines) they have tru∣sted to your eyes and shut their owne, against their former received

light: I am sure many of the vulgar can alleadge no other Scripture (nor doe they thinke 'tis needfull) but Master Marshals example, and the conformity of such and such good Ministers thereunto; and I have been wondred at as the onely Owle of the corner, and judged to suffer all this molestation and persecution (by beastly men, whose stinke of late displeased many) as a due punishment sent of God for my dissent in opinion from your selfe and the rest of my reverend Brethren, unto whom before for ten yeares space I was so well united: But (Sir) though I confesse you have beene a burning and a shining light, in which I have much rejoyced, and for which in secret I have often blessed the Lord, yet I must forsake you to follow that pillar of fire, Gods holy Word, which is the lampe to my feet, and must be the guide to my paths, while I walke in the wildernesse of this world: And I am sure if you are still your former selfe, you'le not distaste me for so doing. As concerning those my Brethren, who thinke so well of themselves, that they would have me make their example my Scrip∣ture, (as many of the common people doe) I say but this, let them as their duty is, but make their owne example Gods Scripture, (confor∣mable to that) and I am theirs as much as any: and to helpe them here∣in, let them but consider of these aberrations which are in their pre∣sent way, and which are the reasons of my alienation from them.

[Sect. 15] 1. This their way is not the way of God, for in that, righteousnesse and peace, truth and love doe all meet, whereas none of these are vi∣sible in this; experience shews that this is the way of strife and debate, of lying and slandering, of malice and hatred, &c. insomuch, that the Apostles words, Rom. 3.12. and following verses, may be fitly spoken of those that walke in it, They are all gone out of the way, they are al∣together become unprofitable, there is none that doth good, their throat is an open sepulchre, with their tongues they have used deceit, the poyson of Aspes is under their lippes, their mouth is full of cursing and bitternesse, their feet are swift to shed bloud, destruction and misery are in their wayes, and the way of peace they have not knowne, nor will they know it; the Apostle concludes of such conditioned men, that There is no feare of God before their eyes, and shall I goe with such men in such a way, God forbids me?

My sonne (sayes he) if sinners entise thee, consent thou not; if they say, come let us lay waite for bloud, and lurke privily for the innocent

without cause; let us swallow them up alive as the grave, and whole as those that goe downe to the pit; we shall finde all precious substance, we shall fill our houses with spoyle: that is, in a word, let us rob, plunder, and destroy, cast in thy lot among us, &c. My sonne, walke not in the way with them, for this is not the way of God; Mercy and truth are in his wayes, and all his paths are peace: He drawes by the bands of Love, he rules by the Law of Love, and the servants of the Lord must be like the Lord, not men of strife but gentle unto all, apt to teach, pa∣tient, in meeknesse instructing those that oppose. S. James describes the wisedome that comes from above, and that which comes from beneath, by their fruits: O that my Brethren would but examine, of which kinde their present way and wisedome is by the fruits thereof; and that they would consider, whether those that were made a gazing-stocke to others by reproaches and afflictions, Heb. 10.33, 34. that were spoiled of their goods (as some of us now are) were not in a bet∣ter and more Christian condition, then those that offered these abuses to them: and whether if themselves were to appeare at Gods Barre (as one day they shall) they had not rather stand in the number of the spoiled, then of the spoilers; and whether if they and I were condemned to death, they for walking in the way of resistance, and I for practiceing the duty of obedience, they had not rather be in my case (in respect of the cause of suffering) then in their owne: If any of you would but in earnest aske your consciences this question, I dare say it would tell you that your way were not the way of God.

2. This your way destroyes the whole Law of God: It becomes us who are Gods Ministers, entrusted with his holy truths, to be faith∣full unto every one of them; all Gods commands ought to be equally deare unto us: when time was, you were all faithfull to the fourth Commandement. You did runne well, who did hinder? My conscience tells me that the fifth Commandement (being upon the stage of perse∣cution) must be as pretious to me now, as the fourth was then; and if Gods will so be, I must be as willing to suffer with and for that, though alone, as I was before in behalfe of the other with your company: Nay (Sir) as the ruine of one Jew would not satisfie Hamans malice, his aime was at the destruction of the whole Nation; so 'tis not the death of the fifth Commandement onely, that the unruly and bloudy Genius of these times thirsts after, it desires rather (as may appeare)

the extirpation of all, insomuch, that if ever we had cause to cry, 'tis time for thee Lord to worke, for thy have made void thy Law; we have cause now.

For consider, doth not the first Commandement require us to ac∣knowledge onely one God, and him alone to be omnipotent, most bles∣sed, and of an unerring spirit; and yet have we not many that would make a certaine peece of the Parliament Gods equall in these Attri∣butes? doe they not intitle it the most blessed, infallible, omnipotent, and wonder-working Parliament? for my part I doe as truly honour the Parliament in a compleat sence, as any poore Subject in England; and being rightly congregated, and joyntly compacted of Head and Mem∣bers, I thinke it not fit for any inferiour to imagine it to erre in matters of State, and yet even then it may in matters of God, for there is no Scripture (that I know) to the contrary; I love the Parliament so well, that I had rather die, then be one of them that provoke God to such jealousie against it, as I feare they doe that call it by his names of omnipotent, and unerring, and most blessed. I have read what God did to the Spanish Navy in 88, that had the title of Invincible; and how the Pope and his Church have gone downe the winde, since In∣fallibility hath beene affixed to his Chaire by his flatterers. I have read also how the good King of Sweden did truly presage his owne death, when he saw the people begin to give him more honour then was due to man: and Scripture tells us, how God smote Herod with wormes, because he tooke to himselfe from the peoples hands that honour which was Gods due: nor do I see how that part of the Par∣liament hath greatly prospered, to the benefit either of Church or Common wealth, since those high and divine titles by its adorers have beene given unto it. I have much wondred that among the late plen∣ty of Ordinances, there hath not beene some one to inhibit people this Blasphemy and Idolatry, doubtlesse it affords suspicion of little true love to the first Commandement.

So, is not reverence in Gods House and Service, with a due regard to his Ministers in the execution of their office, required in the second Commandement? (as well as Superstition forbidden?) and yet we see, 'tis counted ranke Popery to be more reverend there then other men, and want of zeale not to abuse Gods Ministers; yea prophanenesse and misbehaviour in Gods worship, and opposition to his servants are

reckoned by some the best Characters of Religion, I dare affirme it from what I have read, and now see; that no people in the world, not they that worship the Devill himselfe, are so rude and unmanner∣ly in their actions of this nature, and to the Ministers of their Religi∣on, as some of ours are at this present, and yet there is no Law to pu∣nish them; nay, all Lawes are taken away (as they say) that were wont to restraine them: sure (if this be so) 'tis a making void of the second Commandement.

And concerning the third, we have those (and they in favour too) that not onely thinke it lawfull for themselves to breake those oathes which they have formerly made in the presence and name of God, but also (having as may seeme as good a faculty as the Pope) to dis∣pense with the breach of them in others, and teach and exhort others thereunto as a thing necessary, so it be in ordine ad causam, (as the Je∣suites speake) to promote the good cause. Surely (Sir) I am much deceived if this be not the highest contempt that can be offered to the third Commandement; if God were in earnest when he made it, hee will never hold them guiltlesse that doe such things against it.

And for the fourth, I wonder how that of late hath lost the favour of some of them, who foure or five yeares agoe were ready to venture all they had to maintaine the dignity of it, did they onely endea∣vour to preserve it till now, that it might perish with its fellowes? or are all kinde of revellings or sportings no sinnes on the Lords Day, because they are acted in this yeare of Jubilee, these blessed dayes of liberty (as they are called)? nay, are mustering of men, (when there is no enemy nigh) plundering of men, murdering of men on the Lords Day, no violations of the Day? (it seemes so) for some of us on that day can exhort to nothing else: Surely (Sir) from preaching for, and approbation of such doings, some will be ready to say, that we Mini∣sters indeavoured onely to preserve the fourth Commandement hereto∣fore, that our selves might destroy it now; and our feare onely was, lest any should be injurious to God beside our selves.

And for the fifth Commandement, is there any thing required in that, which this generation will acknowledge as a duty; any thing forbidden therein, which it will yeild to be a sinne? the Author of the late exhortation to repentance (published to the whole Nation) doth instance in no one direct breach of the fifth Commandement, to

be confessed on the fast day, indeed all bonds of duty and relation are preached asunder to make way for liberty, the Subject may not onely resist the King (saies the Weaver that is set up to preach in my Church) but also kill him in some cases; and so the wife may kill her husband, and the childe may kill his father▪ and Surely Sir if such preachers and Do∣ctrines, must be forced upon a Ministers people in spight of his teeth, I must needs feare that treason is hatching against the fifth Commande∣ment, we must bid farewell to that very shortly.

And for the 6. which forbids murder, the Commission to Kill, slay, and destroy, hath silenced that halfe a yeare ago, and he that kills most of the Kings best Subjects is thought worthy the best wages.

And for the seventh which inhibits uncleannesse, that is out of date too, since the Courts to punish that sin went downe, people thinke they may get as many Bastards as they will or can; for Lawes (they say) are suppressed for this very end, to incourage them to take their Liberty more cheerefully.

And for stealing, robbing, spoiling, rifling, violent taking away the goods of others, which are sinnes against the eight Commandement, these (they say) they may do by an ordinance (a certaine thing above all Law) which though for my part I dare not beleeve, yet this I may say, the Land was never so full of theeves as now, and never lesse force appeared in the Law to punish them.

And for lying and slandering (the breaches of the ninth Commande∣ment) they are the maine trade of the times, the very foundation of re∣formation, to preach against them, in some mens apprehension speakes us enemies to that, I know who was sent for, to the Parliament by a Pursevant, for no other cause (that he knows of) but only for preaching against lying and slandering.

And for Covetousnesse (which the tenth Commandement gives charge against) Publicke faith hath taken such a course to procreate and enlarge that sin, as never (I thinke) was practiced before, by its promi∣sing payment out of the estates of Delinquents; which very device hath planted so much malice in mens hearts against those they never saw, and so much covetousnesse of what is none of theirs, that many yeares paines in the Ministry will not be able to plucke up againe.

Thus Sir, together with the King, the Custos utriusque tabulae, both Tables themselves of the divine Law are opposed and resisted, all Gods

most holy Commandements together with his servants, are most in∣juriously made delinquents, & collecta vitia per tot aetates diu in nos re∣dundant simul. And shall we the Ministers who are entrusted of God to defend his Lawes, consent or provoke to these breaches of them, to this injustice to them? O then how shall we answer it, when reddite rationem villicationis vestrae shall be spoaken to us?

3. This new way of my Brethren is not onely destructive to the whole Law, but altogether inconsistent with the Gospell, and the Spirit thereof, which is a meeke, patient, gentle, and obedient spirit, and it's way the humble, lowly, selfe denying way, the way of faith and not of flesh; in fide non in ferro salutem esse, saies the Gospell, our safety con∣sists in beleeveing not in fighting, our strength is to fit still, and to wait upon the Lord, not to resist evill, but to overcome it with good; wher∣as my Brethrens way is (if they could) to overcome good with evill: for as our Saviour said to the Jewes, many good workes have I done, for which of them do you stone mee? so our Soveraigne may say to them, ma∣ny mercies you have enjoyed under the wing of my government, ma∣ny yeares of peace under my protection, for which of them do you preach and stirre up my people to rebell against mee? O Sir, that we who are the Preachers and professours of the Gospell, should delight to vex and greive the spirit thereof! O what a blessed advantage did the Lord afford us to discover the nature of this sweet spirit, unto those whom we judg'd our adversaries, for the uniting of their hearts unto us in the waies of God! you know how Harshnesse and abuse of power was condemned in the Bishops, but have not some of us abused our liberty much more since we had it, to the making of greater distra∣ctions, and the raising of greater combustions, both in Church and Common-wealth then ere they did, have not some of our fingers beene heavier then the Bishops Loynes, hath not rebellious Iudah justified her sister Israell in all her wayes? O (Sir) I may truely say of this Church since some of us have bin so busy, as Veleius Paterculus said of the Ro∣man State, that we are fallen a vitiis in prava, a pravis in praecipitia, from bad to worse, frō worse to worst of all: (Sir) you may remember that above a yeare ago in a private letter I did warne you of these miseries which I saw then beginning, and desired you to apprehend the season of prevention, and to take heed of walking in condemned paths, I hin∣ted to you the occasion, which God did offer you to illustrate the spirit of the Gospell, and since that, even the last summer, I did publish to the

world my small treatise of the right nature and temper of that loving Spirit of the Gospell, even to the same end that I might minde your selfe and the rest of my Brethren of their duty in this particular: inso∣much that though I am iniuriously deprived of all my outward com∣forts, for not walking with my Brethren to the greife of that spirit, yet I have aboundance of peace and cheerefulnesse from that spirit, for such my discharge of duty to my Brethren: who I am sure have beene fai∣ling unto mee; for were I in an errour, for not going with them, they should have endeavoured my restoration with the spirit of meekenesse as the Apostle bids Gal. 6.1. and not have joyned with the wolves as some of them have done, for though I say little, yet I know somewhat: which of them have ever writ unto mee since my troubles? which of them have ever of their owne accords spoken to mee? they have all forsooke mee and stood a farre off, that they might make the ignorant world feare and loath mee. Nay when I have complained to some of them of my wrongs and begg'd their Counsell, they have slightly re∣jected mee with this answer: you must practice your owne Doctrine of passive obedience, for if your way be God's no doubt but he will carry you through it: which Answer (to my apprehension) sounded like that of Iulian the Apostate to the Christians complaining of wrongs done them: 'tis (saies he in scorne,) according to your Religion to suffer wrong, you must turne the other cheeke: or like that of them concerning our Sa∣viour He trusted in God, let him deliver him if he will have him: well: though my sufferings be not such as my Doctrine requires, (because I do not acknowledge them from whom I suffer to be my Soveraignes) yet I will trust in God, and I know my God will helpe mee; But (Sir) this way of my Brethren towards mee is not the way of the Gospell no more then is that wherein they walke towards their Soveraigne.

4. Their way doth contradict the practice of Christianity: in all ages no weapons but faith, and patience, prayers and teares, were wont to be ac∣knowledged comely for a Christian specially for a Minister: coactus re∣pugnare non novi (saies Ambrose) dolere potero, potero flere, potera geme∣re, Lacrymae meae Arma sunt tal••a enim munimenta sunt Sacerdotis, aliter nec debeo, nec possum resistere, I know not how to resist, but I can weepe and sigh and groane and pray; and indeed this is the way to conquer and silence our opposites, specially if superiour to us: Say not againe that these conditions concerne onely private men in their private way,

for Sanctitas, pietas, fides, & patientia are not, at lest ought not to be tan∣tum privata bona or the proprieties only of private men, but they do best of all become publicke persons, & in the discharge of their most pub∣licke trust: let mee speake a bold word: I do not see how it would misbeseeme a whole Parliament to imitate David that man after Gods own Heart, in their carriage to a King: of whom 'tis written, that when God had given him an advantage in the Cave and Tent, he did not use it to hurt his Soveraigne, or to disarme him or tie his hands, but to discover his owne Loyalty of Heart unto him, and to confute those intendements that were suspected of him, by the whisperings of Doeg and other slanderers: whereby he drew a Confession from the Kings owne mouth of his righteousnesse and sincerity: which was ten times more to Davids Honour, then if himselfe had set forth an hun∣dred Pamphlets of bitter invectives against the Kings doings; or 1000 Protestations to justify his owne Loyalty, or had had as many clawing Chaplaines to extoll him: and indeed this is the onely way to conquer a King, when ever he is contrary unto his people or so apprehended to be, 'tis that which the Scripture teacheth & which God blesseth: sure∣ly if it was thus prevalent with a Saul, much rather would it so be with a David if put in practice.

But (Sir) how ever others boggle with Religion, it is the duty of us Ministers to looke to the Honour of Christianity, whereof Martyr∣dome was wont to be the crowne, which this new way (to my appre∣hension) doth quite abolish and deny, for they that walke in it, doe seeme plainly to professe that they have more need of Pistols then of patience for their use: faith and prayer are meanes too contemptible for such aspireing spirits to trust unto; and yet what gathered the Par∣liament first together but these? what did extract those willing Acts of grace from His sacred Majesties hand at the beginning thereof, but onely these? we did run well in the right way, who did hinder, after a begining in the spirit shall we thinke to bring our worke to perfection by the Arme of flesh? God will never suffer it: O (Sir) was ever our Ho∣ly profession under that disgrace and obloquy as now? by this practice of resistance all those unjust scandals which former Ages have cast up∣on it are fully verified: wherefore let us now cease to complaine that we are traduced to be seditious, rebellious, and disobedient to Princes, for our passage in this way doth loudly speake us guilty: one of the

grand seducers of this generation, is so shamelesse as to endeavour to acquit himselfe of that true imputation, by saying that Luther was falsely stiled Tuba rebellionis, but had Luther beene of his spirit, he had justly deserved that title; for if ever Parsons the Jesuite was wor∣thy of blame for his black mouth against his Soveraigne, and for endea∣vouring to seduce the Subjects from Allegeance, and to stirre them up unto Rebellion; the Author of that Pamphlet, intitled The glorious name of God the Lord of Hosts, deserves a censure, The Lord rebuke him in his due season; I confesse the man hath good parts, if they were but sanctified: I have (indeed) observed that 'tis the craft of some Preachers to speake against those sinnes whereof themselves are most guilty, (as he doth against Rebellion) that so the simple sort might not perceive their dishonesty; but Lord let not my foot ever tread in their paths, nor let my soule ever come into their secrets: Machiavell is their Master, whose doctrine was Leoninae assuere vulpinam, to peece out the Lyons skinne with the Foxes; like Satan that roaring Lyon, they thirst for bloud, and like Butchers dogges they yelpe for it, and yet they doe vulpinari too, pretend fairely to deceive the vulgar; but as Martyr Tindall at the stake prayed, Lord open the King of Englands eyes; so my prayer is and shall be, Lord open the people of Englands eyes, for many of them are seduced, blinded, led hood-winked into wayes of damnable errour by their teachers, which will be bitternesse in the end.

5. This way is directly opposite to the calling of us Ministers: We are not entitled Filii Martis, but the Ministers of Peace, of the God of Peace, and of the Gospell of Peace, and our Masters name is the Prince of Peace, and shall we stirre up to Warre? by what Authori∣ty? It would be more seemely to see us upon our knees betweene both Armies, when they are preparing to fight, beseeching a Peace and Reconciliation betwixt them, then busying our selves in exciting of either unto the Battaile; they were all lying Prophets that provoked Ahab to such a businesse, and possessed with a lying spirit, and shall I thrust my selfe into that number? no, let me rather with simple single Michaiah disswade from it, though I be smitten for it, both with hand and tongue, and fed (as I am) with the bread and water of affliction; I know that Coelestis ira quos premit miseros facit, humana nullos, Gods displeasure onely can make me miserable, and not mans. Be∣sides,

when you and I and the rest of our Brethren were altogether in danger of a suffering condition, for defence of the fourth Commande∣ment (as we apprehended,) and for our dislike of illegall Innovations in Gods worship and service; we did use in prayer to complaine unto God, that we were scandalized to be men of seditious spirits, turbu∣lent, factious, and enemies to the peace both of Church and State: and we appealed to God that we were innocent, and begg'd of him occasions to evidence the truth of our intentions against the defamati∣on of our adversaries; (and for my part in all this I was in earnest:) Now God hath heard our prayers, freedome and opportunity is affor∣ded to us, which I apprehend, is in part to try whether we did for∣merly dissemble with him, or no. And truly (Sir) I dare not prove my selfe a mocker of God, I dare not but be the same now which I pre∣tended then, although my portion is to be the out-cast of you all for it; I had rather be stiled an Apostate for falling off from my Brethren, then prove my selfe an Apostate by forsaking the truth of God, and and disgraceing my calling of the Ministery: I remember a passage which I have heard your selfe oft use in prayer, and it was this, Lord we are thine to doe withall as thou pleasest, if thou shalt thinke us fit to be used still in thy vineyard, we shall blesse thy name, and by thy grace en∣deavour to be faithfull; but if it seeme good to thee to throw us aside as broken sheards, to make us of all people the most uselesse, unregarded, and contemptible, thy will be done. Sir, I have from these your words been moved through Gods grace, to labour to get a contentednesse of minde, to be alone the onely one of you all in such a despicable condi∣tion, if God so please to order, and I finde (through divine mercy) that I have not altogether laboured in vaine.

6. This way (wherein your selfe and many of our Brethren are inga∣ged) is contrary to common prudence: It is not wisedome for any man with his nearest and dearest friends, to trust himself in a suspicious path, lest unawares to himselfe and them, he be on the sudden in mediis ma∣lis, when as tempus cavendi nimis serum est. I remember how Peter in the High Priests Hall, not onely forsooke, but forswore his Master, which before he intended not: And I have (since that time) often thought of your owne expression to some of your neighbours, when I was last at your house: namely, that if you were but settled againe as quietly in Finchfield as once you were, Finchfield had never beene so

sweet unto you as it would be; which intimated to me, that you would not have walked so farre in this new way, if you had understood be∣fore what you now doe: indeed, we know ingagements have per∣swaded a necessity of proceeding in a sinfull path, for scelere velan∣dum est scelus, is the Doctrine of some men, & suprema solent facere securos mala; when Hazaell had fouled himselfe in a treason against the King his Master and Soveraigne, he proved more vile, cruell, and bloudy, then himself before could possibly beleeve; what am I a dog, saies he to the Prophet, when he fore-told him of such things: O (Sir) we learn'd it long agoe; facilis descensus Averni; sed revocare gradum,— Hic labor, hoc opus est.

Beside, 'tis not wisedome for a man to enter into a businesse, where∣of he cannot in probability see a faire conclusion: but I can see no good in Civill Warre, I take it to be absolutely the worst thing that can happen to a State, wherein the height of mens best hopes can come but to this, to venture and hazard their owne, to overthrow their friends and kindreds fortunes; 'tis commodious to none, but desperate unthrifts, that they may cut their creditors throats without feare of the Gallowes: Sir, I have read, that Arma non servant modum, nec temperari facilè, nec reprimi potest, stricti ensis ira; 'tis easier to set men at oddes, then to make them friends; who is able to set bounds to the Sea, or put a period to the madnesse of the people? and should I joyne to blow the fire, to put weapons into their hands against their Prince the Lords Annointed? there will be no lasting comfort or safety in it: some sayings that I learned long agoe sticke still in my re∣membrance, Nemo potentes aggredi tutus potest; & gravis ira regum est semper: and though vis magna est populi, Principis major tamen, common prudence therefore (though conscience were asleepe) should forbid this way.

7. This way dissenteth from the rules of Humanity: for 'tis not humane to returne hatred for good will, unkindnesse for benefits: did Naball well in giving David occasion to say, In vaine have I kept all that this fellow hath, so that nothing was missing of all that pertained to him, and he hath requited me evill for good: and shall we give the like occasion to our Soveraigne? have not we all for these many yeares beene kept in safety under his arme? have we not beene miserable since he hath beene barr'd of his will, and we of his protection? and

is it now comely for us to say to him in his affliction, as some did to Christ upon the Crosse, He saved others, let him now save himselfe, if he be the annointed and chosen of God: David bad the daughters of Jerusalem to weepe for Saul, for he had cloathed them in scarlet and other delights. But our Gracious Soveraigne hath not onely done so to us, but also (by maintaining the true Religion among us in peace) hath endeavoured to cloath us with the righteousnesse and robes of Christ, and shall we for this laugh at his sorrows, and labour to enlarge them? for my part I doe confesse to Gods glory, and with thankes to him, that I have received some warmth of grace under the wing of His Majesties Government, and have done (as I hope) some good in the Church of God under his defence; and shall I joyne with them that lift up the heele against him, and that say, We will not have this man to reigne (any longer) over us? the Lord keepe me from doing such a thing. O (Sir) it was ill done of the Disciples to sleepe, when their Master was in an agony; it was more unkindly done of them to forsake him, when his enemies came out against him; but it was most villainously done of Judas, to goe along with those that went to ap∣prehend him: when some of my Brethren went Northward with the Souldiers against their Soveraigne, I could not but with teares thinke upon that passage of our Saviour, You come out as against a Theife with swords and staves for to take me.

8. This way is against nature it selfe, for 'tis unnaturall to consent to our owne destruction, and what else doe they that endeavour the suppression of their Soveraigne? the word for a King is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is derived of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that signifies the foot or base of a pillar, the ground or foundation of a building, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Atticè for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which signifies people, implying that a King is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the ground or foundation of the people, over whom he is a Governour; and as the foundation upholds the building, so the King doth them in their welfare and being; for take away the foundation and the building is downe: Kings doe not use to fall alone; Let us kill the heire, and the inheritance shall be ours, is no certaine consequent. Pittifull it is to thinke how many honest and well-meaning men have ignorantly par∣ted with their monies to destroy the Land that bred them, and to set men on worke to kill one another; 'tis true by other pretences their Preachers have provoked them to it: but publike faiths promise at

the first to pay her debts if the Kingdome stood, viz. out of th'estates of Delinquents, was cause of suspicion that there were intentions to put it to the hazard whether it should stand or no, by making an as∣sault against the Royall foundation, and the Noble pillars that did sup∣port the building: and then the Commission to kill, slay, and destroy all that raised, or conducted forces against those who went with the same, (the King himselfe not being excepted; though it might easily be apprehended that He and his faithfull Nobles would be constrained to gather strength to defend themselves) did speak such plaine English to my apprehension, that when the Chaire-man of the Committee threatned to make such a report of me to the House, as should prove little to mine ease, unlesse I would goe home and preach to promote that busi∣nesse; I durst not feare his threats to offend my conscience: for I durst not be so unnaturall to my deare Country, as to helpe forward its de∣struction, nor indeed so injurious to my unkinde neighbours, as to spurre them on to their owne hurt, whereunto already they are every way too forward; the Lord amend them: Pretences move not me, as they doe other men, when actions speake a contrary language: the Pharisees in our Saviours time pretended they were for God, and An∣tichrist now pretends he is for Christ, and the Rebels in Ireland pre∣tend they are for the King, sed quid verba audiam cum facta videam? I must not winke that I may not see; Esau may be discovered by his hands, and ye shall know them by their fruits, sayes our Saviour: there is I confesse but one meane (under mercy) beside the Justice of the Kings cause, which gives me hope, that God may yet suspend to de∣stroy us utterly; and that is the course that hath beene taken of late, in casting so many good Ministers and Christians of all sorts, both no∣ble and of low degree into prison, the best place for prayer, and the best meanes to provoke thereto: the God of mercy inlarge all their hearts in the duty, and stirre their bowels.

9. This way is against reason; for 'tis unreasonable to proceed in that path wherein we see all others have perished before us: who that hath viewed in Sleidans Commentaries, the Story of the Ana∣baptists at Munster, that can deny the proceedings of this generation to be like theirs? they pretended the cause of God, and against the superstition in Churches, and of Church-men, as also strange lights and revelations, they endeavoured at the ruine of their Governours

and Magistrates; and they had some Preachers of eminent note for gifts and abilities, as Bernard Rotman and others, that were assisters in the businesse, but did they prevaile and prosper in the end? nothing lesse, much mischeife indeed they did, and much bloud they shed of the best men, but the strife did end in their owne destruction.

So who that hath observed in the French story, the waies and do∣ings of them that call'd themselves the Holy League, in the daies of their Henry the 3^d. but must needs say, that the practice of some Associ∣atours in this our nation against their Soveraigne, doth most notably in many particulars go parrallell with them? 'tis said that the Preachers tongues (who were for that Holy League) did further their affaires more, then their souldiers swords, and that in those daies it was more feared to speake evill of a Page of such or such a Nobleman who was a Leaguer, then of the King himselfe what ever respect was pre∣tended to him. The intent of the Leaguers (saies the Historian) was to incroach upon the King, and to leave him nothing but a vaine shadow of Royall Authority, under the conduction and direction of their Tyranny: and as a Bridge to passe to this point, they indeavoured to make all his actions odious and intolerable; by their false charges and imputations, and in another place, they were altogether against peace, stirring up the poeple, to oppose the Kings desires thereto, and the edict thereof: But they pretended they were for God, for the Honour and increase of Religion, the utter extirpation of Heresy, to preserve the estate and crowne of the King, and to maintaine the rights and priviledges of the Subject; yet they swore obedience and service to the Generall that should be appointed over their fellowship, ingageing their lives, Honours, and estates, to adhere unto him, and all that would not assent to the Association, should be perse∣cuted as Enemies to God, rebels to the State, and perturbatours of the publicke good, in which number were also reckoned those that fell from it.

Let mee alleadge the Historians Expostulation with the Leaguers concerning their Pretences and doings.

What thinke you to doe, O you Leaguers, for God, for the faith, for the King? you undertake Armes for God, who desires nothing but peace: you publish Rebellion, he commands obedience: you trouble the rest and quiet∣nesse of a Christian King, God willeth us to endure at the hand of a Prince although he be a Pagan: you do it for God, whose name you call upon, and

deny the power; you do it for God, who detests your actions, and knowes your thoughts; you do it for God, that will confound all those, that breed confusion among his people; you undertake wars for religion, and nothing hinders that, more then wars: you fight for Holinesse; and yet you autho∣rize blasphemies, plant Atheisme, impiety and despiseing of Devotion in all places; you march under pretence of the Churches cause, and yet spoile the Clergy and destroy the Churches, &c.

You say 'tis for the King, if it be, where are his Commissions? if for his service, where are his Commandements? if for him, why do you it without him? if for his obedience, wherfore do you adhere to the head of the League? can you serve two Masters and be bound by one oath to two Contraries? &c. Know you not that all bearing of Armes is treason without the Kings Authority? that the Subjects cannot make any league without the Prince &c? and againe: Pardon mee, I beseech you, (saies he) Noble Princes, Prelates, Lords, and Gentlemen, if I tell you that this fortresse which you build will be your overthrow, this fire you Kindle will burne your selves, these Knives you forge will be tempered in your owne en∣trailes, and that thereby you will leave neither of your selves, nor your League, but a most pitifull and shamefull memory, &c.

Sir, I write but the Historians words, which I leave to your owne thoughts, concluding them with his relation of the Lord de Mandelot a Noble Personage of those times, that it was to his great comfort upon his death-bed, that he had never subscribed to that falsely stiled Holy League, but died constant in his religion and the service of his King: and I am confident that all those Noble Lords and Gentlemen among us, who in that, are like him, shall when they die, partake of his com∣forts in their Consciences; but those on the other side though they may helpe to butcher their Brethren and the Saints of God for a while, yet they shall have the same in the end at Gods hand, which those Lea∣guers had, they shall ly downe in sorrow.

I have read of the Carriages of Hacket and his fellowes in Queene Elizabeths daies, and find them the same in all respects with those of some people now, onely those were not so violent as these, because not growne to that height and strength: Their talke was much of the Government of Christ, and the setting up of that: They said this could not be done, nor reformation come to this nation without bloud, they pro∣phesied that there must be a great bickering, which would be very short but sharpe, these were their very words, which are also the lan∣guage

of these times: they boasted that their side was an hundred thou∣sand strong; and just that number do they boast of now; they went much upon blind prophesies, and had high conceipts of the merit of their owne fastings and prayers, which is also the very fancy of this Generation; they defamed and belied the Queene that She was a fa∣vourer of the Popish Religion, as these do our King: They stirr'd up the people to advance their way, and published this position among them, It is the multitude and common sort that must bring this worke to passe, and is not this the tenent and practice of these times? They en∣deavoured indeed to engage some of the Nobility and inferiour Magi∣strates, with themselves in the quarrell against the Queene and her Government, but those were more wise and godly then to be so delu∣ded: Now what the end of Hacket and his fellowes was, the story tels us, and reason saies other mens harmes should make us wary.

Nay (Sir) I have also observed with diligence what Josephus tels of the manners, waies, and words of the seditious in Jerusalem, when that City was destroyed by Titus Vespatian, and finding the same so fully consonant to the qualities of our resisting spirits, I confesse I have often feared the like Consequence: I will name some few par∣ticulars unto you, and leave them also to your owne thoughts and Conscience for Application.

1. They were divided among themselves, and would not be per∣swaded to lay downe their hatred towards each other, yea they killed those that moved thereto, and said plainely we will not leave our En∣mity. one was slaughtered but for making this prayer: O Lord plant among the children of Israell freindship and Brotherhood, take away from them this hatred that is risen of nothing, & let not the one prevaile against the other, seeing they be all thy servants and the children of thy Covenant.

2. They also at that time of division fell off from their obedience to Caesar who was their King; indeed they had beene brewing of that re∣volt in their purposes, many yeares before; as appeares by that advice of Agrippa unto them (mentioned by Josephus) Be not hasty I beseech you of Liberty: for many seeking Liberty have fallen into further Capti∣vity and greater Bondage.

3. It was a fault among them, not onely to be peaceable and God∣ly, but also to be rich; for the Captaines of the Conspiracy with Cut-throats like themselves, would lay hands on the rich men of the City, and spoile them of their goods pretending they had sent letters to Ves∣patian

(their right Governour) to betray the City to him; which by the Testimony of godlesse persons of their owne Company, limbes of the Devill (as the Story calls them) they would prove, and thereupon spoile them of their goods, put them into prison, and condemne them to death for Rebels.

4. They held the Judges in awe, threatening that unlesse they did give sentence upon those they brought before them, they should go themselves the same way.

5. They were of such contradictive spirits, that if any whom they persecuted, did but request ought at their hands, for that cause they would deny it: when Gorinion a good rich man, being condemned for his wealth, and his honesty, desired but buriall, they answered if he had not desired it they would have granted it, but since he was so bold to aske it, he should not have it, and so threw his body being slaine unto the beasts.

6. They made one Pavi the sonne of Peniell a Carterly Husband∣man (ignorant of what belonged to the Preists office) High Preist: for saies the Story, they held the Preisthood and service of God, but as toies, gaudes; and trifles, though they pretended that all they did was for it.

7. When Josephus (being sent by Titus with promise of favour, if they would submit) did make an Oration to them, disswading from re∣sisting Caesar their Soveraigne, alleadging many Scriptures against their way, telling them withall that their fathers did never prevaile with speare and shield, but with prayer, repentance, and purenesse of heart; instanceing in Abraham, Jacob, Moses, David, and Ezekiah's examples: they did use all meanes that possibly they could, to doe him some mischiefe.

8. When Titus himselfe, who for his sweet disposition was inti∣tuled Amor & deliciae humani generis, the Carolus of that age; in pity to the poore seduced hunger-sterved people, did with all compassion and promise of mercy, perswade them not to suffer themselves to be destroyed; they would not beleeve him, nor suffer the people to yeild unto him, but railed upon him, and abused him most shamefully, endea∣vouring from the walls to doe him hurt: who for all this when hee heard of the number of their slaine, he would lift up his eyes to Hea∣ven, and say, 'Tis well knowne to thee O Lord of Heaven, that I am not

the cause of these evils, for I desired to be at peace with them oftner then once, but the seditious evermore would nothing but warre, warre.

9. They pretended in all their rebellion that they fought for the Lords cause, for the Law and Religion of their God: which the Ro∣manes had no purpose to debarre them of, nor indeed had they that so pretended, the least sparke of Gods feare in them, as appeares by the Proclamation of one of the Captaines to gather Souldiers together, which was in these words: Whosoever listeth to be rid of his Master, or hath received any injury, and desires to be revenged, or that cannot abide the rule of any, or that is in debate or in feare of creditors, or that hath shed innocent bloud, or that lurketh in secret for feare of the Law; whoever is disposed to rob and rifle, to doe injury or wrong, to haunt whores, to steale and murder, to eate and drinke at other mens cost, with∣out labour of his owne hands; let him resort unto me, and I will deliver him from the yoke and danger of the Lawes, and will finde him his fill of booties and spoyles.

10. They had their lying Prophets, that prophecied to the last, yea when the Temple was burnt, and divers of the obstinate Priests had leapt into the fire; these Prophets still stirr'd up the people to play the men, and to resist their enemies, telling them, that the Temple should be builded by it selfe without hands, that God would declare his power unto the Romanes, who now did glory in themselves, that they had overcome the Jewes: and thus the poore people were be∣fooled, partly by their seditious Captaines, and partly by their lying Prophets, untill the whole Nation in a sort was slaughter'd, and that noble Citie quite destroyed: Deus nobis avertat omen. Sir, these thoughts have wrought with me.

10. This way of my Brethren is against our oath of Allegeance, an Oath is a most sacred and regardable thing; God the avenger is there∣by call'd to witnesse the truth of our hearts in what we say, or pro∣mise: This Oath of Allegeance I have taken seaven or eight severall times unto His Majestie; had it beene but once, I should not dare to breake it: I remember that place in Ezekiell, where the Lord saith concerning the King and people of Jerusalem, (who had despised their oath of Allegeance, and broke their Covenant made to the King of Babylon) they shall not be delivered, they shall not escape severe pu∣nishment; 'tis expressed over and over by the spirit, to shew how

highly God is incensed for such a sin, and though it was made unto an Heathen Prince, yet v. 19. the Lord calls it his Oath, because made in his name and presence (as all oaths are) and himselfe sweares, as hee lives, It shall be recompenced upon the breakers heads; and so it was most heavily: for as S. Chrysostome upon the matter sayes, Ʋbique ignis grassabatur Barbaricus, juramento ignem ducente, & flammam passim circumagente; the Barbarian fire every where spoyled, the vio∣lated oath led the fire, and carried the flame about from place to place: nor can I forget how that oath which was made to the Gibeonites, though on their parts obtained by fraud, was to be kept inviolably, be∣cause a sacred tye, and how the breach thereof was punished afterward in Davids time, by three years famine, and the death of seaven of Sauls sonnes: for that Saul to please the people to shew his zeale to them, had slaine the Gibeonites against the oath which his fore-fathers had made; from whence we may learne 2 things: First, That Princes may endanger their Posterities and Kingdomes welfare, to the severity of Gods displeasure, by humouring their people in all things. Secondly, That the violation of an Oath, though but once made, and by fore-fa∣thers unto slaves and servants, shall be sure by the Lord to be sharpely punished upon the violators, or their posterity: and if so, then much more will God most surely avenge the wilfull breach of a Subjects oath, so often renewed and taken in Gods name and presence unto his Soveraigne. Sir, we Ministers were wont upon the Fast dayes (when with our people we renewed our vowes & covenants with the Lord) to declare the high danger and penalty of breach of oathes; and is it honest or comely for us now by our doctrines and examples, to con∣fute our former selves, and drive our poore ignorant sheepe upon their assured destruction; God forbid that ever my soule should con∣sent thereto.

But in the last place of all, this way of my Brethren directly opposeth our late Protestation, which I thinke my selfe bound in conscience to keepe, so farre as lawfully I may: therein I promise to maintaine to the uttermost of my power, The Kings Majesties Person, Honour and Estate; but if I goe in this way I must oppose His Majesties Person, and (as it seemes) hold that 'tis lawfull to resist His Personall will in behalfe of His Legall; (though this be not so much as mentioned in the Protestation); and I must (as others doe) extenuate His Name and

Honour, by venting confidently as truths what ever evill I heare of Him; I must be glad to heare that His estate is with-held from Him (as Himselfe complaines) and imployed against Himselfe: and I must hope (as others speak) that meere poverty and necessity will at length make him humble himselfe, and submit unto his people. No (Sir) rather then I will thus willingly breake my Protestation, Let the ene∣my persecute my soule and take it, let him throw my life downe to ground, and lay my credit in the dust.

But this is not all, I must joyne to bring in Popery, contrary to my Protestation too: for (Sir) I beleeve there be more points of Popery then one, Superstition alone doth not make up the religion of Anti∣christ; in this very way of yours are many tenents and points thereof, besides a great deale of its practice: let me instance in a few of many particulars.

1. The Doctrine of resisting Princes is a Doctrine of Popery, which is now maintained with sword and speare, and all weapons of warre; the Doctrine of calling Kings to account by their Subjects, was the o∣pinion of Pope Hildebrand, the brat of his braine, he hatch'd it, and shall I breake my Protestation to set up Pope Hildebrand?

2. That there is an infallibility of judgement in some men, is a point of Popery, and so it is that men may absolve from oaths, and they are dangerous points too; the one is the ground of all errours in the Church, and the other the cause of all disturbance in the State, and these two points are now preached and practiced by some of them that walke in the new way.

3. To beleeve in the creature is a point of Popery, the Papists say they beleeve in the Church; and I have heard His Majestie found fault withall, because in his pious and convincing Declarations he sayes, that he trusts in God, and in his providence: whereas (said the fault finder) he ought to have said, He trusted in His Parliament.

4. No faith (sayes the Papist) is to be kept with Hereticks, (so they call good Protestants) no faith is to be kept with Malignants, say some amongst us, (for so they call good Subjects:) Memento ho∣mo quod Gibellinus es, remember friend you are a Royallist, was suffici∣ent matter to condemne a man of old among them, and so 'tis now a∣mong us.

5. The Doctrine of merit is a Popish tenent, and is not that daily

preached by some, unto those that go forth in this warre against the King; even as the Friers of old were wont to promise salvation to all that promoted the warre of the Pilgrims to the Holy land, and against the Christians of Merindoll and Cabriers, so do some of our preachers warrant salvation, to all those that die in this their cause, whereas Damnation is threatened unto the contrary parties.

6. The Doctrine of Popery is a Doctrine of Lies▪ what is their way of preaching but a telling of tales and lies, against those whom they call Hereticks; and of the forged Miracles done by their owne Saints? and is not that the manner of those Preachers that are for this new way? do they not fill their sermons with fearefull tales of those whom they count their Enemies, and with miracles (as it were) of those on their owne side?

7. Hath it not beene counted Popery, to presse the precepts of men with more eagernesse then those of God, and to punish the neglect of them with greater severity then the breach of divine Lawes? and may not men now a daies, breake the righteous Lawes of God, steale, rob, and spoile their neighbours, persecute Gods Ministers, prophane his worship and deface his houses, with impunity, nay with commenda∣tion for their zeale and care of the cause? but if any for conscience sake forbeare to give a ready obedience to a burdensome ordinance of man, which perhaps too he cannot possibly stand under, shall he not be pri∣soned and plundered, his living taken from him if he be a Minister, and his people poysond with the intrusion of some false teacher?

8. The Doctrine of Popery is a Doctrine of Pride all must submit to the Pope and his Popelings, he for his part will be judged by none, but all must be judged by him; from which condition, he is called by the Apostle Antichrist, because he advanceth himselfe against all that is called God, which is the title of Kings and Princes▪ and is not this super∣lativenesse of spirit manifest among us? nay do not our Brethren of the new way aime at a farre greater power over men, then the Bishops had of late, whom for that cause they counted Popish? what did those wordes else of one in my hearing discover: We shall (saies he) be as much troubled with the Justices of Peace, as we were before with the Bi∣shops, if there be not some order taken with them: and that device of ano∣ther, that for the government of the Church we onely that had beene molested by the Bishops should be imployed in that, and they that had be∣fore

beene any way Prelaticall, should have nothing at all to do therein: Sir, those expressions and such like did (I must confesse) begin to worke the first suspicion in me of my Brethren: I (before) did thinke they had all endeavoured as I did, at the reformation of evill, and not at their owne supremacy, both over their Brethren, and the Gentry too; therefore for my part I shall rather choose to walke in the low way alone, then in that High way with them.

9. The Doctrine of Popery hath alwaies beene a Doctrine of vio∣lence and cruelty, the whole booke of Martyrs doth sufficiently shew it; and may it not be said of them that pretend they are the reformers of Popery amongst us, that destruction and violence are in their waies? for their cruelty, I thinke that reverend Brother of ours, did sufficient∣ly intimate it by the resolution he gave to a tender Conscience desire∣ing to know whether it were lawfull to lend or give mony to main∣taine this warre against the King: His Answer, as I heard, was Affirma∣tive, and his reason was taken from the Examples of Succoth and Pe∣nuell who were rent with briars and thornes when the Captaine retur∣ned, because they had not given him their assistance; and to prevent a like punishment he concluded it was lawfull to give; the resolution was doughty, but it inferr'd Cruelty in the exactors: And so my selfe talke∣ing with another about this businesse of plate and money, his judge∣ment was, we had better give then not, for if the King prevailed, wee were like to find mercy from him, for he was gratious and pitifull, and would in his Princely compassion consider the inforcement that was used upon us, and the danger we were in; but if they prevailed on the other side, nothing but cruelty in the excesse could be expected from them; could their any more be said of the Papists?

It is true as the Papists cry out of the Cruelty of the Protestants, so do they, of those of the Kings party, but why do men practice them∣selves what they condemne in others? How cruelly they of the Kings side demeane themselves I know not; but this I know however that unreverend speaker is pleased to call the Nobility and Gentry with the King, clouts, and ragges, and wispes, appointed of God to scoure such uncleane vessels as himselfe is; yet they are better bred then those per∣sons emploied to plunder and spoile us, and a Noble, Gentile spirit ordinarily scornes Cruelty.

Secondly those Declarations that come from His Majestie, if as we

are urged to beleeve, are made by his Cavaleers, we may say their breath is not so nauseous, to the apprehension of a Gospellike spirit as that of others, we do not meet with Kill, slay, and destroy in any of these expresses, which indeed is the Language of Antichrist, who is there∣fore called Apollyon a destroier; where ever I heare Kill, slay and destroy: I conceive it to be the Language of Abaddon.

Nay in one thing more let me shew you the Spirit of Antichrist in this new way: As the aime of the wicked Papists hath beene cheifely to defile mens Consciences, and to destroy their soules, by labouring to perswade them by promises and threats to recant and deny the truth of God which they have professed, as is evident by many examples in the booke of Martyrs: and because they would not do that, therefore was that mercy lesse Cruelty excercised upon them: so is it the fashion now, I can speake it by experience: when I had beene a prisoner for preaching the truth of Jesus the space of seventeene dayes, I addressed my selfe unto that member, who (by seduction onely as I hope) was made the first instrument of my drunken adversary to bring me into trouble, (for I thought it my duty out of love to his soule, to deny my selfe and beg a plaister from that hand, that most unjustly had given the wound) and to this end I obteined your most friendly and brother∣ly letter unto him: but what did I meet withall, a serious persuasion to recant, whereto I answered that I durst not deny the truth of God which I had preached; He most discreetly replied, yea but the truth must not be spoken at all times: I humbly answered, that a divine truth is then in speciall to be spoken and mainteined by them that are entrusted with it of God when 'tis in danger to be lost; which he also denied, (but (as be said) his businesse was such, that he could not stand to argue the case with me:) by which I gathered, that if I would have defiled my con∣science in disclaiming that depositum which God had committed to my charge, I might haply at this present have enjoyed my living and the Society of my wife and children: But (Sir) I did see the Hand of God bringing me before the Parliament, as well as the hand of that member; and although perhaps he brought me upon the stage of trouble, that I might deny the truth of God, yet I am sure Gods end was that I might confesse the same to his glory, and truly He must pardon me, if I en∣deavour to satisfy Gods expectation before his: for I am more behold∣ing to God then I am to him.

Last of all (though I could instance in as many more particu∣lars) the endeavours of the Papists have beene chiefly to suppresse the most honest men that have beene in judgement differing from themselves: to defame and abuse them, that the world might thinke that they did deservedly suffer those further cruelties which they would afterward inflict upon them; And is not this the practice of those that are for this new way of resistance; yourselfe know's (if you remember) who told mee, that, because I was an honest man, I did more hurt to the cause then an hundred knaves, and therefore I was liable to suffer accordingly: and so I thinke I have since that time, for (after my imprisonment, and five more journeies, upon new calls, and by Pursevants unto London) when it was apprehended I would not re∣cant: My living (I know not wherefore) was sequestred, a stranger put into it, my wife and children threatned to have the house beaten downe over their head, unlesse they would resigne up all to the will my drunken and malicious adversaries, who have power put into their hands to take mee, and carry mee prisoner to Cambridge, or otherwise to abuse mee, as they shall please: and thus the Papists did with the Martyrs of Christ; nay, thus Pilate dealt with Christ himselfe, tradidit Jesum volvntati eorum, (saies the spirit) he delive∣red Jesus to the will of those that most maliciously cried out against him: and this is my comfort in mine affliction, my conformity to my Master.

And in the point of defamation, these new way men are fully as dex∣terous as the Papists, for on the suddaine they can do that against a faithfull Minister, which the devill in many yeares was not able to ef∣fect, scil. make him a scandalous Minister, by casting iniquity upon him, or by ranking him in that number: whereby hee becomes farre more odious in the judgement of the vulgar, then if by his owne sins, and Satans temptations he had made himselfe such a one indeed; and hereby is discovered the greatnesse of their power, but indeed Gods omnipotency is discovered another way, namely by turning evill into good, and by drawing a beautifull world out of a confused Chaos: 'tis true I confesse they have a tricke to make evill men good too, upon the suddaine, for let those that were scandalous before, but speake for this warre, and urge people to lend money, and persist in this way of resi∣stance, why on the suddaine all their former faults appeare to be but

imperfections: or, 'tis concluded for certaine of their conversion, and you may see (will they say) how Gods blessing goes along with the Parlia∣ment, there was never heard of such admirable Converts, and of such floats of them in the daies of the Prelates; by which kind of expressions I feare Gods name is rather blasphemed, then truly honored: Sir, I could under∣take to evidence unto you, that all these and many such waies the Pa∣pists and Iesuites walke in; therefore I say whoever promoteth this new way doth thereby introduce Popery, and manifestly breakes his Protestation, which for my part I dare not do.

Thus (reverend Sir) you have seene diverse of my reasons why I cannot go with your selfe and my brethren in this your new way: I ap∣prehend it to be against God, destructive to his Law, inconsistent with the Gospell, contradicting the practice of Christianity, opposite to the calling of our ministry, contrary to common prudence, to humani∣ty, to nature, and to reason; to our oath of Allegiance, and our late Pro∣testation: so that I hope you will thinke from these grounds that my dissent from you, is not because I am given up to the spirit of madnes, as some conclude.

And now (deare friend) do not blame me, if I wish your returne unto my selfe into that good old way, wherin we formerly walked together, in which onely you did Christ good service; for by your stepping into this new way, I can assure you that both Christ and you have lost, though the cause hath gained. Sir let me beg of you againe (as before by my private letters I have done) and even for Christ his sake, that you would deny your selfe, and speedily put forth your strength to prevent (what in you lies) the ruine of this Noble Nati∣on, that bred and fosterd you: you were wont to be ready to every good worke and motion, and you cannot imagine what good your returne might do, I dare say it would recall many of our Brethren: what if the rageing Genius of the times should imprison you, and di∣vest you of your outward subsistence (as it hath done me,) yea what if it should shed your bloud for your revolting from it, and rebuking of it, it would be both Christs gaine, and your glory: If your Conscience tells you, that you have too highly offended your King, know that your Soveraigne is the Image of your Saviour in meekenesse and mer∣cy; O helpe to make up that great breach which you have unadvisedly beene a meanes to widen betweene him and his people. your aime at

first was (as I hope) Gods glory, and the purging of his Church, your unhappinesse was to pitch upon the wrong way, wherein you have gone beyond your selfe and purpose. O confesse it, and come out of it, and the good hand of the Lord shall againe be with you and upon you.

And for the Parliament sake, (whose reputation next to Christs glo∣ry and the Kings honour, I am bound to regard) I would begge one thing at your hands, wherein I thinke you may do as much as any one man; and that is, that you would solicite the same, that your Brethren of the Ministry who are in tribulation for preaching the truth of Jesus, and obedience to their Soveraigne, may not be dealt withall as John Hus was at the Councell of Constance, of whom it was said, Combu∣stus est, non confutatus Hussius, burnt, but not confuted; so that we might not be condemned unheard, and unconvinced: that some par∣ticular Members, (who doubtlesse (as men) may be seduced by ill Counsell) might not be suffered in the name of the whole Parliament to turne out of their Livings Gods painfull Ministers, with their wives and children, upon the malicious information of some beastly drunk∣ard. I am credibly informed, that when my Living was sequestred, and a stranger put in, and my selfe forced to flie for the safety of my life, and my house threatned to be beat downe upon my wife and chil∣dren, unlesse they with my aged parent would quietly depart they knew not whither, and resigne it up unto my enemies, even some of them my adverse neighbours had some regret of spirit at this great in∣justice, and said, if he (meaning my selfe) had offended the Parliament, yet what hath the poore woman and her tender infants done? Be∣leeve it (Sir) this is not for the honour of the Parliament.

You know how the Bishops were cryed out upon by some, for put∣ting Ministers out of their freeholds; but they heard them first, told them what they would doe before hand, and for what cause, and was this their fault? should they have done it on the suddaine and said nothing, had it beene lawfull then? well fare Stephen Gardiner yet, and Edmund Boner, for they by their Chaplaines would labour to con∣vince and convert men to themselves, before they would condemne them, and give them up to the secular power; nor do I reade they did then put power into the hands of their professed enemies and accusers, to afflict and hurt them: Worthy Sir, if you shall please to consider of

this, & put to your helping hand, many that are in persecution for their faithfulnesse to Christ, and their love unto their Soveraigne, shall be in∣gaged unto you. I move you not to sollicite, that we might have leave to lay open the conditions of our adversaries, when they are ma∣licious, drunken, blasphemous, and perjured persons, because I under∣stood by the Chaire-man, that it was not the custome of that Court to permit such a thing, which he called recrimination, because it had beene a practice in the High Commission: But (Sir) my desire one∣ly is, that wee might be suffered to dispute the case before wee be condemned, that the Court might not be so liable to be ill thought of: Never among the Papists was any man condemned for a point of Re∣ligion, till the same had first beene determined upon, to be erroneous by some Assembly or Convocation; but when or where in this Church was this point of obedience to the Lords Annointed, (for which we suffer) adjudged culpable?

And (Sir) for my selfe, if it were lawfull for a persecuted Minister to speake in his owne defence, against a perjured blasphemous drun∣kard, I could evidence, that nothing but my oppugning his sinnes is the root of my sufferings: indeed now such persons have got a tricke whereby they will suppresse us all, unlesse Gods mercy doe prevent it; whatever sinne we preach against, if they doe but say we preach a∣gainst the Parliament, they boast they shall be beleeved, for they are for the Affirmative; and the Minister with his Negatives is of no cre∣dit, though he bring his witnesses: wherefore now they resolve that sinne shall live without controule, at his perill the Minister must not meddle with it, for if he doe, they make no more to put him by, from preaching Gods Word, and to cast him out of his Living, then they do for to be drunken; you may well thinke that my drunken adversary was confident to prevaile, when he offered to lay wagers before hand that he would effect this against me, which he hath done. Sir, when I preached against Treason, Rebellion, and Disobedience, then they said (no question but) I meant the Parliament; afterward I preached against Lying, Slandering, and Malice, and this they said was against the Parliament too, and got me to be sent for up againe by a Pursevant about the same; nay (Sir) when I did but quote those words of our Saviour, Wide is the gate and broad is the way that leadeth unto death, and many goe therein; this they said was against the Parliament, be∣cause

the major part of people in those parts are for the same: and when I quoted that place in the 120 Psalme, where David sayes, that He was for Peace, but others were for Warre; when he spake of that, they made them ready for battaile, this also they said was for the King, and against the Parliament. When I preached against vaine-glory, upon those words of our Saviour, I seeke not the praise of men, they said I preached against that Member, unto whom in my behalfe you writ your Letter, when I protest I never thought of him all the while I was upon that subject, (that I know of) save onely when I prayed for my enemies: my custome being to apprehend the wrong that any doth me, as Gods call unto me to pray for that man in particular, and therefore then I use to thinke of such in my prayers.

But (Sir) I pray consider whether the Parliament be not abused by these men as well as I, yet I alone from some of its Members must beare the punishment: alas! if God gives up some to make lyes, and others to beleeve lyes, how can I helpe it? I confesse I doe admire at the humility of those Members, who will condescend so low, as to be instruments of such base and inferiour persons malice against any of Gods Ministers whom they know not: But alas, I beleeve indeed the reason in part is their ignorance, they doe not know the men; for had they knowne, they would not so farre have consented to them: Now (Sir) it being unlawfull (as it seemes) for such a one as I to disco∣ver the abuse which such conditioned accusers doe offer to that high Court, and to the Members thereof: I desire that you would endea∣vour to doe the same in the behalfe of the rest of your Brethren of the Ministry, who have not yet drunke of that bitter cup which I have tasted, but are haply liable thereunto.

And now (Sir) I intreat you to pardon me if I have erred in these lines, by my length, or any other way; you know my phrase and stile both in writing and speaking, 'tis alwayes plaine: wherefore if expressions at the first relish appeare unpleasing, let your wonted love interpret well; my zeale (I hope) is right, and my love I am sure is unfeigned unto you: I would not willingly offend my most deadly foe, much lesse mine indeared friend, by whose society I have formerly enjoyed much good: wherefore in confidence of your well acceptance of my sincere thoughts, I take my leave of you,

commending you to God, and to the Word of his Grace, which is able to re-call from errours, and to direct in all truth both you and me, who shall by the helpe of that Word and Grace ever be

Sir,

Your faithfull associate in the way of passive obedience, (when you shall walke therein) not onely to the losse of goods, but of life it selfe E. S.

Notes

• Bishop An∣drews.
• 2. Sam. 1.14.
• Pro. 24, 21, 22.
• 1 Pet. 2.14. Gen. 49.10.
• 1 Pet. 4.15.
• Pro. 17.11.
• Rom. 13.
• Pro. 20.26.
• 2 King. 14.5.
• Pro. 20.2.
• Ps. 62:4.
• Pro. 30.31.32.
• 1 Sam. 26.9.
• Psal. 35.11.
• Psal. 55.3. 2 Sam. 15.
• Act. 23.5.
• Jam. 4.11.
• Rev. 9.2, 3.
• 1 Sam. 15.30.
• Eccles. 10.20.
• 2 Sam. 6.16.
• 1 Sam. 10.27.
• 2 Sam. 14.19. 2 Sam. 19.27.
• Prov. 21.1. Prov. 16.10.
• Iud: 9.15.
• Ps. 86.2.
• Heb. 12.2.
• Ps. 18.50.
• Ps. 144.10.
• Ps. 21.7, 8.
• Ps. 144.1.2.
• 1 Sam. 2.10.
• 1 Sam. 11.7.
• •• Sam. 10.27.
• Psal. 75.1.
• 1 Sam. 12.22.
• Psal. 82.6.
• Prov. 24.21.
• 1 Pet. 2.17.
• 2 Tim. 2.
• Heb. 13.17.
• Ps. 120.7.
• Ps. 119 78.
• Rom. 13.5.
• 1 King. 3.
• 2 King. 10.
• Rom. 13.
• Gen. 49.10.
• 1 Pet. 2.7.
• Act. 4.19.
• Rom. 13.5.
• Prov. 15.1. Prov. 20.2.
• Ec. 10.4.
• 1 Sam. 8.18.
• Pro. 21.1.
• 1 Sam. 22.2.
• Sam. 23.
• Chron. 12.1.
• 1. Sam. 23.9
• Chron. 26. ••s. 17, 18, &c.
• 1 Cor. 6.20.
• 1 Pet. 1, 18.19.
• 1 Sam. 8.18.
• Gen. 22.14.
• Es. 50.10.
• 1 Sam. 23.26, 27.
• Heb. 11.34.
• Psa. 76.10. Es. 10.
• 1 King. 18.17.
• 1 Sam. 24.5.
• 1 Sam. 26.9.10
• Ps. 144.6.7.
• Mat. 7.13.
• Ex. 23.2.
• 2 Sam. 15. Mat. 27.20, 2••
• Act. 19.32.
• ••criptures evi∣••encing the un∣••wfulnesse of ••ch resistance.
• Rom. 12.18.
• 1 Tim 2.1, 2. Tit. 3.1.
• Heb. 12.4.
• Author of the Pamphlet cal∣led the glori∣ous name of God, the Lord of Hosts, pag•• 113.
• Jer. 6.16.
• The Author of the Pamphlet called the Glo∣rious name of God. &c. pag. 122. 1. Peter ••
• Eccels. 8, 2. &c.
• 1 Sam. 24.7.
• Prov. 30.31.
• Prov. 20.2.
• Job. 34.18.
• Josh. 1.18.
• Exod. 12.37.
• Exod. 1.9.
• Exod. 2.12.
• Act. 7.25.
• 1 Sam. 23.27.
• 1 Sam. 29.
• 1 Sam. 15.
• 1 Sam. 8.
• Ezra 1.1. &c.
• Ezra 4.21.
• Ezra 6.3.
• Ezra 4.24.
• Ezra 7.27.
• Nehem. 4.
• Esther 3.10.
• Esther 8.11.
• 2 Sam. 9.1.
• Luke 14.31.
• Act. 23.3, 4.
• Rom. 13.2.
• Joh. 19.16.
• 1 Sam. 5.23.
• Eph. 5.3.
• Ps. 66.7.
• Reasons why the Authors Conscience cannot permi•• him to concurr•• with some o•• his Brethren in this way of re∣sistance.
• Act. 20.26.
• This way of re∣sistance is dis∣covered to be, 1. Against the way of God.
• Prov. 1.10, 11, &c.
• Hos. 11.4.
• 2 Tim. 2.23.
• Jam. 1.17.
• Destructive to the whole Law of God.
• Act. 12.
• Inconsistent with the Go∣spell of God.
• Contradicting the practice of Christianity.
• Opposite to the ••lling of Mi∣••isters.
• Adverse to common pru∣dence.
• Dissentive from the rules of Humanity.
• Contrary to nature it selfe.
• Gainsaying reason.
• Massac. of France in the life of Hen. 3. Pag. 164.
• Pag. 8.
• Pag. 8. and 9.
• Pag. 170.
• Against our oath of Allea∣geance.
• Ezek. 17. v. 15. ad 30.
• Josh. 9.
• 2 Sam. 21.2.
• Opposite to our late Pro∣testation.
• Author of the Pamphlet cal∣led, The glori∣ous Name of God, &c. Pag 21.