The ansvver of the Commissioners of the kingdome of Scotland,: to both Houses of Parliament, upon the new propositions of peace, and the foure bills to be sent to his Majestie.

WE have, with much patience, for divers years together, in pur∣suance of the Solemn League and Covenant, and Treaties be∣twixt the Kingdoms, used our best indevors for setling Re∣ligion and a happy Peace. Propositions were first agreed an ••n Anno 1644. with advice and consent of the Parliaments of both Kingdoms, presented to his Majesty at Oxford by Commissioners of both, and treated upon at Ʋxbridg, in Anno 1645. We did earnestly and frequently press the sending of those Propositions again to his Majesty, wherein the Houses would not concur with us; but on the contrary (after very long delay) thought fit to make several alterations therein, which were principally in matters that did concern the neer Union of the Kingdoms. Yet were we so earnestly desirous of putting an end to the long continued distraction and troubles of these Kingdoms, as (waving what might be conceived to be for the particular interest of the Kingdom of Scotland) we did joyn with the Houses of Parliament in presenting Propositions to his Majesty at New-castle; though, as we then declared, we had just reason to be unsatisfied with divers things contained in those Propositions.

When it was agreed upon betwixt the Kingdoms, that the same Proposi∣tions should be again presented to his Majesty, at his coming to Holdenby, the performance thereof being delayed by the Houses, for divers moneths, we did patiently wait then leasure. Yet upon the sudden they did appoint a peremptory day for sending the Propositions to his Majesty; and gave or∣der to their Commissioners, in case we were not precisely upon that day at Hampton Court, that they should present the Propositions to the King a∣lone by themselves, contrary to the Treaty betwixt the Kingdoms; which was so strange and unequal a way, as we might have justly denyed our con∣currence, had not our love to Peace prevailed with us to joyn in that Mes∣sage. but after all this, finding no success in that way of sending Propositi∣ons to the King, and insisting upon his positive Assent thereunto, without giving any reasons for the justice of our desires, or hearing any Proposition from his Majesty: We did, in November last, propose to the honorable Hous••s, & with much earne••••ness desire, that there might be a personal ••••••∣ty with his Majesty here at London, it being in all probability, the best 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to obtain a Peace.

About the time of his Majesties withdrawing from Hampton Court, the Houses did communicate to us new Propositions, resolved on by them to be presented to his Majesty; after receipt whereof, we did in our Paper of the 17. of November, insist on our former desire for a personal Treaty with his Majesty. But receiving no Answer to that, nor to our paper of the 5. And our positive Answer being demanded to the new Propositions; upon the 23. of Novemb. we resolved once again to desire an Answer to our former Pa∣pers; A personal Treaty being, in our judgment, a readier way to compose all differences, then the sending of these new Propositions, wherein there are so great and essential differences from what was formerly agreed on by both Kingdoms. And to the end there might be no let or delay on our part, which might hinder the setling of a Peace; We desired a conference with a Com∣mittee of both Houses concerning the expediency of a personal Treaty with his Majesty, and the alterations made in the Propositions, that so according to the Treaty of the 29. of Novem. 1643. there might be, with the advice and consent of both Nations, a speedy Agreement in those things, which are to be the foundation of the Peace of both. To all which, the Houses have been pleased to return no Answer. However, it is no smal satisfaction to us, that we leave no means of Agreement unes••ayed; and that the retard∣ment of the setling of the Peace of the Kingdoms, cannot be charged on us. And least our further silence, in expectation of an Answer, should be mista∣ken, We have thought fit to represent our sence, concerning a personal Trea∣ty, and the Propositions, to the Houses in writing; which, had our desires been granted, we did intend to have done by a verbal conference.

There be some things which properly concern the Kingdom of England, their Rights, Laws, and Liberties. But there be other matters, which in their own nature, as being common to both, or by Covenant, or Treaty, concern both Kingdoms, wherein, unless we would forget our duty to God, to the Kings Majesty, to our Native Kingdom, and to this Nation, Our com∣mon concernment and interest, cannot be denyd. For as Scotland was invited and ingaged in this War, upon grounds & reasons of common interest; So we trust it wil not be offensive, that in making of Peace we claim from the Hou∣ses an Improvement of the very same principles, and a performance of the Treaties they have made with us; that the same measure of conjunction of interests be given to us which was had of us, and promised unto us; where∣in the very Law of Nations, and the rule of common equity, doth plead for us. Yet in the application of this rule, we shal not stretch our selves beyond our line, the express conditions of our Solemn League and Covenant, the duty of our Allegiance, and the Treaties and Declarations between the Kingdoms, which are so many strong obligations, as, all who have honor

or conscience, must acknowledg should be inviolably observed.

Having layd this as a most just and solid ground of our proceedings, we shal first speak of the best and most probable means to procure a good A∣greement with the King for setling Religion and a lasting Peace: And next of the Propositions, which are to be the foundation of the peace and safety of both Kingdoms. And it is stil our Opinion and Judgment, that the most equal, fairest, and just way to obtain a wel-grounded peace, is by a personal Treaty with the King: and that his Majesty, for that end, be in∣vited to come to London, with Honor, Freedom, and Safety: For which we offer the Reasons following.

1. The sending of Propositions, without a Treaty, hath been often essayed without success: And the new Propositions are less to the advantage of the Crown than the former. Therefore, we have no reason to expect better sa∣tisfaction that way than formerly we had.

2. The Kings removall from his Parliament, is acknowledged by the Houses in severall Declarations, to be the chiefe cause of all the War, mis∣chief, and calamities of the Kingdomes. Then, his Majesties presence with his Parliament must be the best, if not the onely remedy, to remove our troubles.

3. In a personall Treaty the Commissioners of both Kingdomes, may give reasons for the equity and expediencie of our desires. But without a Treaty or giving reasons for asserting the lawfulness and expediency of the Propo∣sitions to be presented, they may be esteemed Impositions.

4. The King may have some just desires to move for the Crown, and for himself: As that he may have his Revenues, and that he may be restored to his Royal Government: which may be done, with greater honor and sa∣tisfaction to him, by a personal Treaty, then otherwise.

5. A personal Treaty with the King is the best way to beget a mutual confidence between Him and his Parliament: It is the best way to cleer his doubts and to remove all difficulties: and it is the absolute best way for gi∣ving and receiving mutual satisfaction.

6. We cannot expect that his Majesty wil grant in terminis whatsoever Pro∣positions shal be sent unto him: nor can every thing in the Propositions be of that importance, as that the not granting of it ought to hinder a Peace. Neither wil the Houses of Parliament give ful power to their Commissioners to make alterations in the Propositions, as they shal see cause upon debate. Wherefore, a personal Treaty with his Majesty at London, is the most probable and expeditious way to remove or reconcile all differences.

There is one common obiection, wherewith many are possessed and pre∣judiced against a personal Treaty with the King, and his coming to London,

[That his presence may breed division, and continue our troubles: And that when his Majesty desired to come hither from Oxford with freedome and safety, it was thought unfit, and denyed by the Houses, and the Com∣missioners from Scotland] But that argument now hath no force at all: For the case of affairs, the Kings condition and ours (which were given for Reasons in that Answer to his Majesty) are quite altered from what they were then. Then the King had Armies in the fields; he had Garrisons and strong holds to return to; Now, he hath none of these. And his Maiesty offers a ful security against all hostility or danger can be expected from him, by granting to the Houses the power of the Militia by Sea and Land, du∣ring his Raign, as is expressed in his Maiesties late Message from Caresbrook Castle. And for a further answer, we desire the Houses to remember that Reply to his Maiesties Message of the 11 of September, 1642. Where, after mention of their chief grievances, they say [All this notwithstanding, as we never gave your Majestie any just cause of withdrawing your self from your great Councell: So it hath ever bin, and shal be far from as, to give any impediment to your return: Or to neglect any proper means of cu∣ring the distempers of the Kingdom, and closing the dangerous breaches be∣twixt your Majesty and your Parliament, according to the great trust which lyeth upon us. And if your Majesty shal now be pleased to come back to your Parliament without your Forces: We shal be ready to se∣cure your Royal Person, Crown and Dignity, with our lives and fortunes, Your presence in this great Councel, being the only means of any Treaty betwixt your Majesty and them, with hope of success.] And if they were esteemed Enemies to the Parliament, and the Peace of the Kingdoms, who advised the King to withdraw from his Parliament: What estimation wil the world have of them, who after such a Declaration, wil not suffer him to return to his Parliament, when he offers to cast himself into their Arms? If so kind an offer shal be refused, and the King driven to despair, it is to be feared, these Kingdoms shal be involved into greater difficulties then e∣ver. And therefore we do hold, that the admitting the King to come to Lon∣don with Honor, Freedom and Safety, and granting of a personal Treaty with his Maiesty, upon such Propositions as shal be agreed upon by advice and consent of both Kingdoms, is the most probable, and only best means, with hope of success, for setling a wel-grounded Peace.

Having spoken of the readi••••t means to obtain a just and lasting peace; We shal next fall upon the Consideration of the Propositions, which are to be the Foundation of our peace. And the most compendious and succ••••••t way to a good agreement, and unanimous Resolution upon them, is, in the first place to consider and remove our differences, which are chiefly 〈◊〉〈◊〉

Religion, the Interest of the Crown, and in the Union and Joynt Conce••••∣ment of the Kingdoms.

We shall begin with that of Religion, which for the incomparable Ex∣cellence thereof (although it be amongst the last of these new Propositions) deserves the preference. It is the primum quarite, the unum necessarium; We ought to build the House of God before our own. The Law of piety and true policy doth require that Religion, which rendreth to God his due, have the precedency. And therefore (upon debate) before we went to the Treaty at Ʋxbridg, it was agreed betwixt the houses and us, that the Propositions of Religion should be in the first place, and first Treated and Agreed upon, before any Agreement upon any other Proposition. And his Maiesty in his late Message from Caresbrook Castle, begins at Religion, as the best and chiefest Foundation for Peace. Wherefore, if this changing of the former Order and Method of the Propositions, be only their Error, to whom the reviewing of the Propositions was committed. And if the Hou∣ses have not faln away from their first Zeal. We desire that it may be recti∣fied, and the former Method keeped. And so we come to the matter of the Propositions.

The material differences and alterations concerning Religion, may be branched into the Errour of Omission and Deficiency, and into that of Commission and Excess. That which is left out, is no less then the Solemn League and Covenant. And shal the Covenant, which is as Solemn a vow, as Creatures on Earth could make to God in Heaven, and the greatest tye betwixt men on Earth (to which the most high and dreadful Name of the Lord God Almighty, was interposed) be offered up in a Sacrifice, and bu∣ryed in the ashes of Oblivion? Shal our Covenant for the Preservation and Reformation of Religion, for the honor and happyness of the King, and the peace and safety of the three Kingdoms; and for the maintenance and de∣fence of the Laws, and true publick Liberties of these Kingdoms; which was declared by both Kingdoms, to be a fit and most Excellent means to acquire the favour of God towards both, and likewise to Unite them, and by uniting, to strengthen them against the common Enemies of the true Reformed Religion, and the Peace and Prosperity of these Kingdoms; and which in all former Propositions was desired to be established: be now d••∣le••ed, as unworthy to take room amongst these new Propositions? Shal the Covenant, which both Houses did recommend to the Assembly of Divines, to make a Declaration to all sorts of persons to take it, as that which they judged not only Lawful, but exceeding expedient and necessary for all that wish wel to Religion, the King and Kingdom to ioyn in, and to be a singu∣lar pledg of Gods gracious goodness to all the three Kingdoms (we say) shal that Covenant be layd aside? Shal our mutual and solemn League and

Covenant subscribed by the Parliaments of both Kingdoms, by the Assem∣bly of Divines, by the City of London, and which, not only they, but all Scotland, and many thousands in England and Ireland, with hands lifted up to the most high God, did swear [That they shal not suffer themselves directly or indirectly by whatsoever combination, perswasion or terror, to be divided and withdrawn from that blessed union and conjunction, whe∣ther to make defection to the contrary part, or to give themselves to a de∣testable indifferency or neutrality in this cause, which so much concerneth the glory of God, the good of the Kingdoms, and honor of the King: but shal all the days of their lives, zealously and constantly continue therein against all opposition: and promote the same according to their power, a∣gainst all lets and impediments whatsoever: and that they shal do all this as in the sight of God] Shal that Covenant (even with those that took it) be already out of date, and not so much as remembred amongst the Propo∣sit••ons of Peace? Yea, it is not so much as mentioned in these new Propositi∣ons, except in the 7 Qualification of the 14 Proposition, where it is only made a hook to catch some into the Notion of Delinquency! But perhaps there it escaped the Revisers of the Propositions, who in all other places have exploded it.

It is answered by some, that by one of the Propositions it is craved, that an act of Parliament be passed, declaring the Kings approbation of the making of the Treaties between the Kingdoms of Scotland and England; in which Treaties there is mention made of the Covenant: And therefore it is not necessary to desire a particular Confirmation and Establishment of the Covenant. To which it is briefly Replyed, first, that there is no Propositi∣on for passing any Act of Parliament, to confirm the Treaties between the Kingdoms, as was desired in all former Propositions; but these words are purposely changed, and in place thereof there is only desired, An Act De∣claring the Kings approbation of the making of the Treaties; which in effect is no more then an act of Indempnity for making the Treaties, and not an Act for confirmation and establishing of the Treaties themselves, and those things which are expressed and transacted in them. 2. Suppose there were an Act of Parliament passed for approbation of the Treaties between the Kingdoms in general (which is not in these Propositions) Yet such a generality would not be understood to be extended to the con∣firmation of the Covenant, unless the particular Articles of the Treaty and the Covenant, were expresly inserted; because, there was an express Proposition amongst the former, that an Act of Parliament be passed in both Kingdoms for confirming and taking the Covenant; which being now left out of the new Propositions, without mentioning the Covenant cannot but he interpreted as a receding from the Covenant: and the approbation

and confirmation of the Treaties in generall (after deleting the Co∣venant out of the Propositions) would only be understood of the re∣maining Articles of the Treaties. Therefore, if there be not an in∣tention to relinquish the Covenant; Let us not be ashamed to avow it and insert the confirming of it, as one of the chiefe and expresse de∣sires of our Propositions: [Let us give testimony, and beare witnesse to the truth and not deny it, remembring that whosoever shall give testimony to Christ and his truth by confessing him before Men, he will also confesse them before his Father which is in heaven: And whosoever will deny him before Men, them will he deny before his Father which is in heaven.] And seeing the Covenant was the soverain and only meanes of re∣covering these embroiled bleeding Kingdomes, when the Houses were at their lowest ebbe, and desired the Kingdome of Scotland, [to consi∣der with what difficulties, miseries, and distractions, they were enforced daily to wrestle, even for the life and being both of Church and State:] Surely, the despising, refusing, and casting aside that remedy, would be the height of ingratitude, must render the disease much more desperate, and turn our former mutuall confidence into mutuall diffidence. And ther∣fore we desire, that the Houses upon better consideration, will still ad∣here to the Covenant, and insert it among the Propositions.

And whereas the Kings aversnesse from the Covenant may be obje∣cted, and that the desiring to have it confirmed, may be a hinderance to peace: We answer, If the omitting of the Covenant in these Propositions doth really proceed from that principle, that the Houses are desirous to please the King, and to remove all obstructions that may hinder a peace: We doe very much wonder, that they are so liberall in the matters of God, and so tenacious in what concernes themselves, in all differences betwixt his Majesty and them in things Civill, which may farre better be dispenced with. But to answer the strength of the Objection, We say, That the Covenant being for the preservation and Reformation of Religion, and for the true honour and happinesse of the King and his Posterity, and for the peace and safety of his King∣domes; Whatever be the difference of his Majesties judgement, We have just cause to insist to crave his Royall assent to it; And the Kings heart is in the hands of God, to turn it as the rivers of waters whither he pleaseth: And although the King should deny it, yet we ought to performe our duty: And when his Majesty shall be convinced, that our intentions in entring into this Covenant, were and are pious and loyall; and that our Actions doe evidence that we intend no injury to

his Royall Person, to wrong his Government, nor to diminish his just power: We hope God will incline his heart to give just satisfaction concerning the Covenant. And though his Majesty shall not come the full length of our desires, yet we must never depart from the Co∣venant, nor leave off by all just wayes to promote it, or desist from en∣deavouring by all lawfull meanes to procure his Majesties assent unto it. But we desire that we may be rightly understood in this, and not mis∣construed; as if our zeale for the Covenant did abate or diminish at all from our Loyalty and duty to the King, (for the Covenant doth not lessen or limit our allegeance, as some would falsely slander it, and those who sincerely and loyally took it) or that upon difference of his Majesties judgement, and not comming the full length of our desires in every thing, he should be kept in prison; or that Armes should be kept up (now when the Warre is ended) to burthen the Subjects, and force the King to grant what they please to demand. We were confi∣dent (when our Army returned to Scotland, and left no Forces in this Kingdome to oppose the Parliament) that the Army here should have been instantly disbanded: And could never have expected that the Kings Majesty, to whom the Parliaments of both Kingdomes were to make their addresses for a safe and well-grounded peace, should have been taken away by the Army against his will, and still kept in their power, to be carryed whether they please, or forced to flye for safety. If Scotland had apprehended, that the least injury or violence would have been committed against his Majesties Royall Person, or Mo∣narchicall Government: Nay, if they had not received assurance from the Houses to the contrary, certainly all the threatnings or allurements in the world, could never have perswaded them to have parted with the King till all Armies had been disbanded and the peace of the King∣domes setled It was our brotherly confidence in the Houses (who are our fellow Subjects) and the assurance we had from them that made us leave the King with them: And their care of him and duty to him ought to be such, as neither his Majesty, nor we, have cause to repent it. And this we could not but declare to assert the truth, and vindicate the honour and reputation of our Nation; for out Loyalty hath ever been, is and shall be dearer unto us, then our lives and fortunes; And the candor and integrity of all our Actions, is a sufficient confutation of all the calumnyes and aspersions, which malice or envie can forge against us.

We finde also these Propositions omitted, viz. the Proposition for

confirming the Ordinances concerning the calling and sitting of the Assembly of Divines; the Proposition for Reformation of Religion in England and Ireland, according to the Covenant; And the Proposition for setling Unity and Uniformity in matters of Religion between the Churches of God in both Kingdomes, according to the Covenant. In place of all which we finde nothing but a meer shadow of Presbyteriall Government, an externall Form of Discipline without life or power; and a liberty granted for all sorts of Service and Worship of God, and for the Exercise of all such Religious Duties and Ordinances as every person shall please, and his own erroneous conscience shall dictate unto him (for there is no other rule prescribed) which opens a doore to Atheism to all Religions, and to that which (by abuse of the name) is called liberty of conscience; being indeed liberty of errour, scandall, schism, heresy, dishonouring God, opposing the truth, hindering Re∣formation, and seducing others; So, in place of Uniformity in Reli∣gion, which by Covenant both Kingdomes have sworn to endeavour, there is here desired to be setled a vast difformity or multi-formity of Heresies and Sects; which, if the Lord in his mercy shall not prevent, may produce the ruine of Religion in both Kingdomes, which we have just reason to feare; as for other reasons, so when we consider the De∣claration of the Houses of Parliament, speaking of the design of the Popish and Prelaticall Faction to alter Religion in this Island: of whom they say, first, [they resolved to impose a Popish Service-Book upon Scot∣land; for well they know the same fate attended both Kingdoms, and Religion could not be altered in the one without the other.] And in Answer to the Scots Declaration, pag. 601. [Whensoever the design to root out Religion shall be perfected in either Nation, it will easily be accomplished in the other, Religion being the band and foundation of the safety and happinesse of both.] And in August 1643. the English Commissioners declare to the Kingdome of Scotland, [that they are commanded by their instru∣ctions to put their brethren of Scotland in minde, that the Popish and Prelaticall Faction, that began with them about the yeare 1638 and 1639, and then intended to make way to the ruine of the Kingdome of England by theirs have not abated any part of their malice toward the Nation and Church of Scotland; nor at all departed from their design of corrupting and altering Religion through the whole Island, though they have inverted the manner of their proceeding, conceiving now that they have an easier way to destroy them, if they may first prevaile over the Parliament and Kingdome of England; In which respect it is the desire

of both Houses, that the two Nations may be strictly Ʋnited, &c.] And in another paper it is declared, that [what corruptions take root in the Church and Kingdome of England, will quickly spread their venome and infection into the Neighbour Church of Scotland:] Wherefore, we can∣not dissent from this Proposition; And according to the trust re∣posed in us, represent our just exceptions against it. And first of all we think it very strange, That the Houses of Parliament should desire an Act of Parliament to bee made for establishing Presbyterian Go∣vernment, and in the very same Proposition, desire that it may bee Enacted that none shall obey that Act of Parliament, but such as shall please to doe it. 2. We observe, that however it is pretended that Presbyterian Government is desired to be established, as the Go∣vernment of the Church of England; yet it is only in effect, a Liberty granted to all such, as of their own accord will joyn in Presbyteriall Government, and so amounts to no more then a Toleration of it. 3. That this toleration of Presbyterian Government is many wayes limited; as in the time for which it is to endure, being only to the end of the next Session of Parliament, after the end of this present Session, which perhaps may be not above six Moneths. And the Mi∣nisters and Elders are appointed by Ordinance of Parliament to exclude from the Sacrament, only such Persons as the Houses have thought fit, and no others, though it be against their consciences so to do. They are bounded with severall restrictions in their Meetings and Assem∣blyes, and are not allowed the use and exercise of all the Ordinances appointed by the Word of God; so as Liberty of Conscience is de∣nied to them, and granted to others: For, 4. An unlimited tolera∣tion for the time of endurance, matter of worship, and exercise of all Ordinances, is expresly granted to all the Sectaries of the time, whe∣ther they be Anabaptists, Antinomians, Arminians, Familists, E∣rastians, Brownists, Separatists, Libertines, or Independents; yea, it extends to those Nullifidians, the Seekers, to the new Sect of Shakers, and divers others; By all which the very foundation of Church and State is shaken, and neare to be overthrown, 5. The toleration here desired to be established is of that capacity and latitude, as it may ad∣mit of many vile and grosse errours which have been condemned and cast out of the Church in former times, and may be revived in England; as if errours and heresies were of so precious a nature, that men should be encouraged by Law to enquire after them, and invited to maintaine them. 6. This toleration is not only to the persons of those Secta∣ries

and their families, but gives a full liberty to set up their professi∣ons in any fit and convenient places, that so Scandals, Heresies, Schismes, and new Religions may grow in their kinds, and also mul∣tiply in the number of Professours and Disciples, as if there were not enough already. 7. Though it seemeth that a provision is made that this indulgence shall not extend to the toleration of Antitrinitarians, Arrians, and Antiscripturists, yet there is no more expressed, but that this indulgence shall not extend to tolerate the Printing, Publishing, or Preaching such blasphemies and errours as they do maintain against God, the Holy Trinity, and the Scriptures. They are not made lyable to any penalty; and suppose penalties were imposed upon them for Printing, Publishing, or Preaching those errours; yet they are by this Proposition left to a full liberty to maintain them in private, to reason and dispute that there is no God, that Christ is but an Im∣postor, that there is no such thing as the Holy Ghost, that the Scrip∣tures are but like other writings; blaspheming at their pleasure, and seducing others to their opinions in secret; All which, and much more, according to this Proposition, may not be questioned: and so in reality, though not in pretext, they shall be tolerated as well as others. 8. Al protane and wicked persons are left at liberty by this toleration to doe what they please. For they are not obliged to be subject to any Discipline or Government, and so neither the duties of the first nor second table of the Law of God, shall be observed; but all sort of impiety and works of darknesse, shall abound: and such as hate the sincere worship of God in the Church, may have the most unlawfull and wicked meetings elsewhere, under a profession of religious exercises or Ordinances. We might adde more exceptions against this Proposition; But these we trust may suffice to make any that is but a little indued with the light of the Gospell, and hath any love to the truth, for to detest and abhorre such a toleration. And now we desire the Houses of Parliament to remember their Remon∣strance of the State of the Kingdome of the 15 of December 1642. where they resent it as a great injury, that any [should infuse into the people that they meane to leave every man to his own judgement and fancy for the service and worship of God; and do declare, that it is farre from their purpose and desire, to let loose the golden reynes of Discipline and Govern∣ment in the Church, to leave private persons or particular Congregations, to take up what kinde of divine service they please; and hold it requisite,

that there should be throughout the whole Realme a conformity to that Order, which the Laws enjoyne, according to the word of God.] How consonant this toleration is to that Declaration, we leave it to the Houses of Parliament and all wise men to consider; and whether the danger of the true reformed Religion in these Kingdomes, be not grea∣ter now then before the taking of the Covenant; yea, or since Christi∣an Religion came first into this Island, when toleration of all Religi∣ons (the name of Popery only excepted) is desired by the Houses of Parliament to be established by Law; and the very Principles and Fundamentals of faith, which under Prelacy yea under Popery it selfe, were generally received as uncontroverted, are now by many Sectaries of this time, either oppugned or called in question.

There are divers other passages in the Declarations and Ordinances of both Houses to the same purpose; but here we shall only mention one or two. In particular we would have the Houses call to minde their Declaration and answer to the Lords of his Majesties Secret Coun∣sell of Scotland, and the generall Assembly of the Church of that King∣dome in the yeare 1642. where besides other expressions they use these words [We acknowledge it an act of love to us, and Wisdome for the good of both Churches, for which we are thankefull both to God and them, that our Brethren of Scotland have bestowed their serious thoughts and earnest desires for Ʋnity of Religion, that in all his Majesties Do∣minions there might be one confession of faith, one Directory for worship, one publick Catechisme, and one forme of Church Government. And although it will hardly be obtained punctually and exactly, unlesse some way might be found, for a mutuall communication and conjunction of Coun∣sell and debate in frameing that one forme; yet both intending the same and, proceeding by the same rule of Gods word, and guided by the same Spirit: we hope by Gods assistance to be so directed, that we may cast out whatsoever is offensive to God or justly displeasing to any neighbour Church; And so farre agree with our Brethren of Scotland and other reformed Churches in all substantiall parts of Doctrine, Worship, and Discipline, that both we and they may enjoy those advantages and conveniences, which are mentioned by them in this their answer; In the more strict Ʋnion of both Kingdomes; more safe, easy, and comfortable Government of his Majesty, and both to himselfe and co••le, more free communion in all holy exercises and dutyes of worship; more constant security of Religion against the bloody practises of Papists, and deceitfull errours of other Sectaries.]

And having there made known their resolution to take away the Go∣vernment by Bishops, they desire some godly and learned Divines of that Church, to bee sent to the Assembly of Divines here, whereby an uniformity in form of Church Government may bee ob∣tayned; and one Confession of Faith, one Directory, and one Cate∣chism may be setled in all the three Kingdomes: Which desire was af∣terwards renewed to their Commissioners sent to Scotland; and in end the mutuall and joynt desires of both Kingdomes, were crow∣ned with a solemne League and Covenant; as for other ends, so for endeavouring the nearest conjunction and uniformity in al these; and for extirpation of Heresy and Schisme. These foure yeares past, the labours of many learned and godly Divines of both Kingdomes there∣unto appointed, have been spent in framing a Directory for worship (which was long since approved, and received in both Kingdomes,) a Confession of Faith, a form of Church Government and Catechising; all which have been presented to both Houses, and some progresse was made therein toward the establishing of them, till of late they were laid aside.

The Houses not many months since, did appoint a solemn Fast, and day of Humiliation, to be kept throughout the whole kingdome, be∣cause of the growth of Heresies, Blasphemies, and Schism: The words of the Ordinance are these [We the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England, having entred into a solemn Covenant, to endea∣vour sincerely, really, and constantly the reformation of Religion in Do∣ctrine, Discipline, and Worship; And the extirpation of Popery, superstation, heresie, schisme, prophanesse, and whatsoever shall be found contrary to sound doctrine, and the power of godlinesse. And having found the presence of God wonderfully assisting us in this cause, especially since our said en∣gagement, in pursuance of the said Covenant, have thought fit (lest we par∣take in other mens sins, and therby be in danger to receive of their plagues) to set forth this our deep sence, of the great dishonour of God, and perillous condition that this Kingdome is in, through the abhominable blasphemies, and damnable heresies vented and spread abroad therein, tending to the subversion of the faith, contempt of the Ministry, and ordinances of Iesus Christ. And as we are resolved to imploy and improve the utmost of our power, that nothing be done or said against the truth, but for the truth; So we desire that both ourselves and the whole Kingdom may be deeply hum∣bled

before the Lord, for that great reproach and contempt, which hath been cast upon his Name, and saving truthes, and for that swift destructi∣on that we may justly fear will fall upon the immortall souls of such, who are or may be drawn away by giving heed to seducing spirits. In the hearty and tender compassion whereof, We the said Lords and Commons doe order and ordaine, That Wednesday being the 10. day of March next, be set apart for a day of publike humiliation, for the growth and spreading of errors, he∣resies, and blasphemies, to be observed in all places within the Kingdome of England, Dominion of Wales, and Town of Berwick, and to seek God for his direction and assistance, for the suppressing and preventing the same.

And are these the waies and meanes that the Houses of Parlia∣ment have thought upon for suppressing Errors, Heresies, and Blasphemies, to desire that a Toleration of them may be established by a Law? Is the laying of a foundation to propagate Heresie and Schisme, the best way to extirpate the same? Are these the fruits and effects of their solemne Fast and Humiliation? Certainly God will not be mocked.

The Covenant doth also oblige us, mutually to preserve the Au∣thority of the supream Magistrate, the priviledges of Parliaments, and firm peace and union between the kingdoms to all posterity. And is it not visible, that many of those Sectaries, with their adherents and abet∣tors, doe by their pernicious doctrine and actions, offer violence to the Kings person and Authority, and against the rights and priviledges of Parliament? So as there is not any one Article of the Solemn League and Covenant, which is not in a high degree violated by them; And shall a toleration be established for all such? The opposing the Cove∣nant, and Reformation of Religion, the dividing betwixt the King and his people, or making any faction among the people, contrary to this League and Covenant, were formerly the characters of our enemies; and whosoever mayntayn and doe these things (though they should assume to themselves the name of Saints) are still to be accounted In∣cendiaries, Malignants, and evill Instruments. And we are obliged by Covenant with faithfulnesse to endeavour the discovery of all such, that they may bee brought to publique triall, and receive condigne punish∣ment.

And though it be far from our intentions that pious and peaceable men should be troubled, because in every thing they cannot conform themselves to Presbyteriall Govenment (for we did never oppose such an indulgence to their persons as is agreeable to the Word of God, may stand with the publick peace, and is not destructive to the order and Government of the Church) yet wee do from our very souls abhor such a generall and vast Toleration as is expressed in the Proposition. And if the Houses (which God forbid) shall adhere thereunto, and insist that it may be established, We do protest against it, as that which is ex∣presly contrary to the Word of God, utterly repugnant to the so∣lemn League and Covenant, destructive to Reformation and Uni∣formity in Religion, altogether inconsistent with the Declarations and Professions of the Houses, against the Treaty between the King∣domes, directly opposite to the example and practice of all the re∣formed Churches, and as that which will unavoidably subvert all Order and Goverment, and introduce a world of confusion. Our mindes are astonied, and our bowels are moved within us, when we think of the bitter fruits and sad consequences of such a Toleration. What horrid blasphemies against God! What vile abominations! What pernicious doctrine, to the subversion and perdition of souls! What disobedience to the Magistrate! What violation of duties be∣tween persons of neerest relation! What differences and divisions in Families and Congregations it will bring forth! What bitter heart-burnings it will beget, and perpetuate to posterity! Nay, it is impos∣sible for us to expresse what infinite distraction, disorder, and confusion it will make both in Church and State thorowout all the three King∣doms. And therefore wee do obtest the Houses of Parliament by the solemn League and Covenant (which they have made in the presence of Almighty God the searcher of all hearts, with a true intention to per∣form the same, as they shall answer at that great day, when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed) and by all the promises, professions, and Declarations wherewith they induced the Kingdom of Scotland to an engagement and conjunction with them in this Cau••••, That they do not establish such an impious Toleration, as cannot but draw down the judgement of God, and make a rent between the two Kingdoms uni∣ted by so many tyes and relations, which wee desire to cherish and strengthen, and to continue to all posterity.

That next to Religion wherein we differ in judgement from the

Propositions, is concerning the interest & power of the Crown. We are obliged by our Covenant, allegeance, and the duty of Subjects, not to di∣minish but to support the Kings just power and greatnes. The question then is, wherein his royall Authority and just power doth consist. And we affirm and hope it cannot be denyed, that regall power and authority is chi••fly in making and enacting Laws, and in protecting and defend∣ing their subjects, which are of the very essence and being of all Kings. And the exercise of that power are the chief parts and duties of their royall office and function; And the Scepter and Sword are the bad∣ges of that power. Yet the new preface compared with other parts of these new Propositions, takes away the Kings negative voice, and cuts off all Royall power and righ•• in the making of Laws, contrary to the constant practice of this and all other Kingdoms: For the Legis∣lative power in some Monarchies is Penes Principem solum, and their Laws are called Principum placita, which is the highest and most ab∣solute kinde of Sovereignty. And in other Kingdoms and Monarchies, the power of making Laws is by compact between the Prince and people, or according to the constitution, practice, and usage of the se∣verall Kingdoms. In the last the power of the King is least; but best regulated, where neither the King alone without his Parliament, nor the Parliament without the King can make Laws; and where nothing enacted by the one without the consent of the other, can have the force of a Law. And although we will rather professe ignorantiam & facti & juris alieni, then take upon us to judge of the Laws of another Kingdom; yet it seems to be very cleer and evident, by the practice and usage of all times, by the Parliaments own Declarations, and to be consonant to reason and law, that the King without the Houses of Parliament, or the Houses of Parliament without the King, cannot enact any Laws; but both joyntly. And therefore the Lawes are sometimes called the Kings Laws, sometimes the Lawes of the Land, and Acts of Parliament. And the form or Acts of Parliament some∣times begin with the word Concissinus, or Statuit R••x; And of la∣ter times Lawes and Statutes begin, as ••ing enacted by the King with the consent and advice of the Lord & Commons. All which do in port the Kings power and consent as to the ma••i•••• of Laws▪ So that there can be no Law made, and have the force of a Law without the King; which likewise is cleer by the expressions of to Kings answers. L•• Roy de Vene, & Le Roy S••avisera; so as it is c••••t from: the words of

assent, when Statutes are made, and from the words of dissent, that the Kings power in the making of Laws is one of the chiefest jewels of the Crown, and an essentiall part of Soveraignty. And if the King had no power nor consent in making of Laws, he would be lesse then a ••ubject. Sometimes the Kings denyall had been better then his as∣sent to the desires of the Houses of Parliament; as when Kings have assented to the taking away the reading of Scripture from the Laity, as Henry the Eight did; or to introduce Popery, as Queen Mary. And since neither Kings nor Parliaments have the judgement of infallibility, it must certainly be the best, where Lawes are made with consent both of King and Parliament, which is the strongest bulwark of the peoples liberty, and supporter of the Kings authority. And the King being King over divers Nations, this form of constitution where nei∣ther the King without his Parliament, nor the Parliament without the King can make Laws, is a good and sure security to preserve his Kingdomes in peace from injuring one another, and to protect the subjects from injury amongst themselves. The Houses of Parliament pag. 710 of the Exact collection of Remonstrances and Declarations, answering an argument against the Kings passing the Bill of the Mi∣litia, make this Reply: If we had said (as wee did not) that the King had been bound to passe all Bils that should be offered to him by both Houses of Parliament, without any limitation or qualification of reason or justice, yet such a supposition as this could not fall upon a Parliament, much lesse that a King were obliged for to grant it. And page 727, Wee did and do say, that the soveraign power doth reside in the King and both Houses of Parliament, and that his Majesties negative voice doth not import a liber∣ty for his Majestie to deny any thing as he pleaseth, though never so requi∣site and necessary for the Kingdom: and yet we did not, nor do say, that such Bils as his Majestie is bound both in conscience & justice to passe, shall not∣withstanding be law without his consent; so far are we from taking away his negative voice. Wherefore the power in making Laws, even accor∣ding to the Parliaments own Declarations, cannot be taken away from the King, and he required to assent to all such Laws as the Houses shall think fit, according to the Preface of these new Propositions, without a change of the Constitution and fundamentall Government os the Kingdom.

Concerning the power of the Militia, Wee do desire and shall be willing to agre, that it may be so setled, as neither the King nor any other

be able to disturb or infringe the peace now to be agreed upon. And wee think that in his Message from Caresbrook-Castle he hath offered that which should be very satisfactory; But that the King, his posterity and the Crown should for ever be divested of all power and ••ight of the Militia, is different from our judgements. For if the Crown have no power of the Militia, how can they be able to resist their enemies, and the enemies of the Kingdom, protect their subjects, or keep freindship or correspondence with their Allies? All Kings by their Royall office and Oath of Coronation are obliged to protect their Laws and sub∣jects: It were strange then to seclude the Crown for ever from the Pow∣er of doing, that, which by the oath of Coronation they are obliged to perform, and the obedience whereunto falleth within the oath of Allegeance. And certainly if the King and His posterity, shall have no power in making Laws, nor in the Militia, it roots up the strongest foundation of honour and safety which the Crown affords; and will be interpreted in the eyes of the world, to be a wresting of the Scepter and Sword out of their hands. It is very far from our desires that Mo∣narchy should be at the absolute height of an Arbitrary and tyrannicall power; Neither desire we Just Monarchicall power to be wronged and rendred contemptible: But to have such a golden Mediocrity as they may be able to protect their subjects, and oppose their enemies according to the fundamentall Laws, and ancient constitution of the Kingdom.

Before the last propositions were sent to his Majesty at Newcastle, both in verball debates and in our writings, wee did shew, That we were unsatisfied concerning severall particulars contained in those pro∣positions; particularly, when we did consent, that the power and exer∣cise of the Militia should be setled in the houses of Parliament for a time, wee did it with this provision, that it were understood to be without prejudice to the right and interest of the Crown; And that the King and His posterity be not totally excluded and rendred incapable to protect their subjects, and oppose the enemies of the Kingdoms: And farther when wee gave way to the sending of those Propositions, wee did declare it to be our judgement, that divers things craved there∣in, were such, as peace or warre ought not to depend upon the grant or refusall of them; We ever did and must still hold it as a good rule in the making of a peace, that the more moderate and reasonable our de••••••e••••e, wee may expect the firmer peace. Wherefore as in the dif∣ference

betwixt the King and the Parliament, wee think it very un∣just to exclude the King from his Just power in the Militia; so when we look upon the Liberty of the subject, we think neither King nor Parliament ought to keep up an Army in the field, when the warre is en∣ded, to the vaste expence and utter impoverishing of the people; the trai∣ned Bands of the Kingdom, (which may be made use of with litttle charge) and the forces which may be kept in some chief Garrisons, being sufficient to suppresse any commotion or disturbance that is likely to arise upon occasion of the late troubles. And we conceive an Army should be kept up only in the case of a powerfull Insurrection within the Kingdom, or of a forraign invasion from without, and otherwise to maintain a perpetuall Army in the bowels of the Kingdom upon the expence of the subject, when there is no enemy to fight with, is but to enslave the King and Kingdome under a Military bondage.

When our Army returned to Scotland, it was confidently expected that the Houses should have speedily disbanded their Army, (the warre being at an end and no visible enemy in the Kingdom) and procee∣ded to the setling of a peace here, and to the effectuall relief of Ireland: But now after a full years delay almost, we do not finde a∣mongst all these propositions, any thing concerning the disbanding of Armies, or sending releif to that distressed Kingdom; but on the contrary there is only provision made for keeping up armies, and raising money for their maintenance. Wee must therefore declare to the Houses, that it is our judgment and earnest desire, that there may be a Proposition for disbanding Armies in both Kingdome. Armies were raised for de∣fence of Religion, the Kings person and authority, the Priviledges of Parliament, and the liberty of the subject. And when they are no more usefull for these ends, and the Houses may consult freely and act securely without any hostile opposition, It is high time to disband them, that the Laws of the Kingdom may take place. Some of out neighbour nati∣ons are necessitated to keep up Armies because they have enemies, that lie contiguous and adjoyning to their borders; but the sea is our Bul∣wark. And if wee study amity and peace amongst our selves, and enter∣tain the union between the Kingdoms under his Majesties government, wee need not fear forrain invasion. It is a Custome in other Nations to keep up Armies, to levy monies by force; But these are free King∣doms; and when they have been fighting for liberty and freedom, wee trust, that it is not intended that warre should be made a trade, or that

their warrs shall end in slavery. The continuance of Armies will cer∣tainly increase factions and divisions, to the great weakning of the King∣doms, & will in end expose us as a prey to our enemies; neither is it pos∣sible so long as they are kept up, that there can be a setled peace. The charge of entertaining Armies is needlesse, when there is no enemy, and extream∣ly grievous to the people, who before were willing to bear it, when they saw a necessity for it. And now after so great sufferings and vast ex∣pence of Treasure to souldiers for many years together, the burthen is be∣come insupportable. For these and many other reasons which wee could adde, wee hold it most necessary, That as there is a Proposition for payment of the arreares of the Army; so also there be an additi∣on unto it for their disbanding.

Touching the conferring titles of honor, we desire the King who is the fountain of honor, may not be deprived of that which in all ages and Kingdoms, hath been held and esteemed a flowre of the Crown, and wherewith Kings doe usually recompence the vertue and merites of such as doe memorable services to the Crown or Kingdome. And as to the disposing of the great offices of State, and nameing of pri∣vy Counsellors, we conceive his Majesties offer, in his late Message of the sixteenth of November, to be so reasonable, as may give satisfacti∣on to the Houses.

That which we are to speak of next in order, is, the union and joynt interest of the Kingdoms, where we wish we had not just cause to ex∣postulate, that the Houses have omitted the Covenant in these Proposi∣tions; rejected all that concerns Vnity and Vniformity in Religion; and have altered the former Proposition for confirmation of the Treaties, and desired now only an Approbation of the making of them, which amounts to no more then an Act of indemnity. They have also in that Proposition omitted these words With all other ordinances and proceed∣ings past betwixt the two Kingdoms, and whereunto they are obliged by the foresaid Treaties; which words were inserted in the former propo∣sitions, after serious debate; and therefore if the Houses intend to make good, and perform all ordinances past betwixt the Kingdoms, accor∣ding to their manifold professions; We desire that this Proposition may remain as before without any alteration or omission. The pro∣position desiring his Majesties consent to what the two Kindoms shall agree upon, in pursuance of the Articles of the large treaty, which are not yet finished, is omitted. The joynt declaration of both King∣doms

is likewise omitted; And generally throughout these Propositi∣ons all expressions of joynt interest are left out. And whereas former∣ly the Propositions of both Kingdoms were drawn up together in one body: now for separating the interest of the Kingdoms, the Propo∣sitions for England, are drawn up apart; which new way, when we did observe, and what essentiall alterations, omissions, and additions were made in the matter of the Propositions, we desired a conference for removing all differences, and that we might the more speedily at∣taine to an agreement; but it was not granted: however we have herein discharged our duty, that we use all means to prevent difference, and that we for our part, study to observe the Treaty betwixt the King∣doms, Where it is expresly provided in the eighth Article, That no Cessation nor any pacification or agreement for peace whatsoever, shall be made by either Kingdom, or the Armies of either Kingdom, without the mu∣tuall advice and consent of both Kingdoms, or their Committees in that behalf appointed; and here we think it not amisse to remember the Houses of Parliament of their expressions in a declaration to the Lords States Generall of the united Provinces of the Low-Countries, show∣ing why they did not admit of the mediation of the Dutch Ambassadors between the King and Parliament in the way and manner it was desi∣red, without application to the Kingdome of Scotland. The words of the declaration are, that both the Kingdoms are mutually engaged in the Propositions and Treaty thereupon; And that neither could admit of their Mediation without consent of the other, because the two Kingdoms were united by solemn League and Covenant made to Almighty God, and by league each to other as one entire body to prosecute this cause; And that in pursuance thereof, Propositions for a safe and well grounded peace, were then preparing in a joynt way, by the Parliaments of both Kingdoms. And where∣as the Lords Ambassadours had propounded and offered from the King, the calling of a National Synode, to correct and redresse the government of the Church by Bishops; One of the Answers which was given thereunto in the said declaration, was, That not only the Kingdom of Scotland and the Members of both Houses of Parliament, but also many thousands of others of his Majesties subjects of England and Ireland, stand bound by their late Nationall Covenant, to endeavour the extirpation of the Church Government by Bishops, intended in the paper of the Dutch Ambas∣sadours, both in England and Ireland, and to hinder the setting of it up a∣gain in the Kingdom of Scotland. All which being duly considered, we

are extreamly sory, that the Houses of Parliament, should not only have given way, but countenanced the Army in their medling with the set∣ling of the peace of the Kingdom, & authorized Commissioners to treat with them, upon Propositions of peace (which we take to be the rea∣son, that these Propositions are in so many things agreeable to the Pro∣posals of the Army, especially in matters of Religion,) and without all question, it had been more agreeable to the Treaty betwixt the King∣doms, and to former professions and proceedings, that the Propositi∣ons of peace had been framed and agreed upon, with advice and con∣sent of both Kingdoms. We have known the Houses of Parliament formerly look upon it as an offence of a high nature for any other then themselves to meddle in the matters of peace, especially the Comman∣ders and officers of the Army (though in prime place and of great and eminent fidelity) making it only proper for them to be exercised in matters of warre, according as they should receive direction from the Houses. And much more would the Houses have been offended, if any officers of their Army should have taken upon them to offer proposals to the King, for setling a peace, without authority from the houses, as we are informed some officers of Sir Thomas Fairfax his Army have done. If the Houses of Parliament had according to our earnest desire the third of March 1644. when they modelled their Ar∣my, made choice of such officers, as were known to be zealous of the Reformation of Religion, & of that uniformity which both Kingdoms are obliged to promote and maintain, and if they had also renewed their Declaration made the twentieth of September 1643. That they could not confide in such persons to have or execute place and authority in the Armies raised by them, who did not approve and consent to the Covenant; or if their Ordnance on the 15 of February 1644 (which ap∣pointeth all officers to be imployed in Sir Thomas Fairfaxes Army to take the National league & Covenant of both Kingdoms, within 20 days after they were approved by the Houses) had been really put in execu∣tion, we are very confident it would have prevented a world of incon∣veniences and evils which have ensued upon the neglect thereof. Wee shall not further insist on this subject, neither shall we inlarge our selves upon the proceedings of the Army; But we must alwayes put the Houses of Parliament in minde, that our greatest strength is in a good agreement with the King, and a firme Union between the King∣domes.

There is left out in these Propositions, the Proposition ••••••••er∣ning the City of London, whereby they were to have the Govern∣ment of their owne Militia and the Tower, and assurance that their Forces shall not be compelled to goe out of the City for Mi∣litary Service, without their owne consent. An Act of Parlia∣ment confirming their Charters, Customes, Liberties, &c. And an Act that all the By-Laws, and Ordinances of Common-Coun∣cell made, or to be made, should bee as effectuall to all in•••••••••• and purposes, as if they were enacted by Authority of Parlia∣ment, with liberty also for them to repeale these Ordinaunces as they shall see cause. These things were formerly desired in the Propositions in behalfe of the City, because of their affection, forwardnesse, faithfullnesse, and ••eal•• in the common cause of both Kingdomes. And we conceive our selves in duty obli∣ged, to desire that this Proposition may not be omitted, but pre∣sented to His Majesty for His assent.

Concerning the Propositions for taking away the Court of Wards, and Porrest Lands from His Majesty, It cannot be ••••∣pected, when the Houses of Parliament shal take into their consi∣deration, the glory and greatnesse wherein their Kings have 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that they will ever take away or diminish any part of that ••atri∣mony and Revenue, which is necessary for supporting the Dignity of their Royall place, without giving a full recompence for th•• same.

Touching the Proposition for sal•• and disposall of the Lands of Deanes and Chapters, &c. as the Houses shall think fit: We have onely this to say, that we have alwayes he••rd those lands were reserved by the Houses for maintenance of the Mi••••∣sterie; and if they should be otherwise disposed of, it will 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a great discouragement to faithfull Pastors, make their subsist•••••••••• to depend upon the benevolence and charity of their 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and give occasion to the people (where Ministers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wanting for lacke of maintenance) to follow after Sectaries and T•••••• Preachers.

We desire to see the Ordinances for Indemnity mentioned in the Propositions.

And now to conclude, we shall here set downe most of our de∣sires: Which are,

That there may be a Personall Treaty with His Majesty at London.

That the Preface may be the same as in the former Proposi∣tions.

That the Honourable Houses, according to the solemne Vowes, Treaties, Declarations, and Engagements between the two King∣domes, would after so very long delay, establish the Solemne League and Covenant; and that His Majesty be desired to give His Royall Assent, for confirming the same by Act of Parliament in both Kingdomes.

That the setling Reformation of, and Vniformity in Religion, according to the Covenant, in England and Ireland, be likewise desired in these new Propositions; And in particular, that the Confession of Faith, Directory of Worship, Forme of Church-Government, and Catechising, agreed upon by the Assembly of Divines, and presented to the Houses, be established.

That by Act of Parliament, effectuall Course be taken for sup∣pressing Blasphemy, Heresie, Schisme, and all such scandalous Do∣ctrines and Practises, as are contrary to the light of Nature, or to the knowne principles of Christianity (whether concerning Faith, Worship, or Conversation) or to the power of Godli∣nesse; or which may be destructive to Order and Government, or to the Peace of the Church or Kingdome.

That the Ordinances concerning the calling and sitting of the Assembly of Divines, be desired to be confirmed by Act of Parlia∣ment, as in the former Propositions.

That the Proposition for confirmation of the Treaties betwixt the Kingdomes; And all Ordinances and proceedings betwixt them be expressed as in the former Propositions. And that the Treaty for the returne of the Scots Army, of the Date of the 23 of Decemb. 1646. be inserted amongst the rest.

That His Majesties Assent be desired to what the two King∣domes shall agree upon, in prosecution of the Articles of the large Treaty, which are not yet finished: And that all other things concerning joynt-Interest, or the Kingdome of Scotland in par∣ticular, which are omitted, be inserted, and expressed as in the for∣mer Propositions.

That Armies in both Kingdomes, which were raised for pre∣servation

and Reformation of Religion, And for defence of the Kings Person, and safety of the Kingdomes, be not kept up to hinder Reformation of Religion, And the King from His Go∣vernment, And to be a burthen to the Subjects, since the Warre is ended; but that they may have due satisfaction of their Arreares, and be disbanded; without which, there can be no reall nor la∣sting Peace; That all Armies being disbanded here, speedy reliefe may be sent to Ireland.

That an Act of Oblivion, which is the bond of Peace, be a∣greed upon, to be past in the Parliaments of both Kingdomes.

That the King be restored to his Rights and Revenues, and particularly that the Crowne be not excluded from the power of making Lawes, which is as essentiall to Kings, as to governe by Lawes, and sway the Scepter; Nor from the power of the Mi∣litia, without which they can neither protect their Subjects, op∣pose their and the Kingdomes enemies, nor keep friendship with their Allyes.

That there be a conclusion added to the Propositions, promising our reall endeavours (as was done in the Propositions Treated upon at Ʋxbridge) that his Majesty may live in the splendor and glory of his Royall Progenitors, as beseemeth His Royall place and Dignity; That so all differences and troubles may end in mu∣tuall confidence and rejoycing; the King may enjoy the comfort of His Royall Consort and Children, with other contentments; And wee, after so great distractions, and long continued suffe∣rings, may reap the blessed fruits of Truth and Peace under his Government.

And as it is very far from our thoughts and intentions in ex∣pressing our Differences upon the Propositions, to provoke or give offence; so we trust, that our freedome in discharge of the trust committed to us, proceeding from our zeale to Religion, Loyalty to the King, and love to Peace; shall receive a co••di•• Interpretation from the Honourable Houses. And that they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in their wisedome, not slight the desires of a Kingdome, ••ho 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the time of Englands greatest danger, esteemed no 〈◊〉〈◊〉 too hard for their Assistance; And are now seeking nothing, but the performance of the mutuall Obligements, Declarations, and Treaties betweene the two Kingdomes, And to prevent the dan∣gers

which may cause upon the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈…〉〈…〉 to solemne engagements.

The Houses of Parliament have frequ••ntly professed, that the chiefe end of their Warres was the Re••orma••ion and establish∣ment of Religion according to the Covenant. And they have often Promised and Declared to the King and to all the World, (n••t without ••l••ep ••••esta•••••• of the Name of God) that no trouble or successe should ever make them wrong or diminish the power of the Crowne, which were the chiefe mo••••••es and Arguments that indured Scotland to engage with them in this Warre. Let therefore that be given to God which is Gods, and to Caesar what is Caesars; whereby it may be evident that you are not unmindfull of the solemne Vowes you made to God in the time of distresse, for Reformation of Religion; and it may also really appeare, that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 advantages and power which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 put into your hands, hath not 〈…〉〈…〉 your Loyalty to the King. And according to our many professions, and neare 〈…〉〈…〉 ••••ally and co••••••••••ly, che••ish and str••ng then the V••ion between the two Kingdomes under his Majesty, by all the Pledges of reciprocall kindnesse, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 so Religion and Righteous∣nesse may flourish, and both Kingdomes, languishing under the 〈…〉〈…〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of an naturall Warre, may live in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pl••nty.

By Command of the Commissioners for the Parliament of Scotland. IO. CHEIS••••••.

Notes

• Math. 10.3••.33
• Declarat. deli∣vered in Scot∣land Iuly 164••
• Page 492. col∣lection of De∣clar.
• English Com∣missioners Au∣gust 16••3,