A commentary upon the whole Old Testament, added to that of the same author upon the whole New Testament published many years before, to make a compleat work upon the whole Bible. Vols. 2-4. Wherein the divers translations and expositions, literall and mysticall, of all the most famous commentators both ancient and modern are propounded, examined, and judged of, for the more full satisfaction of the studious reader in all things, and many most genuine notions inserted for edification in the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ. A work, the like unto which hath never yet been published by any man, yet very necessary, nor only for students in divinity; but also for every Christian that loveth the knowledge of divine things, or humane, whereof this comment is also full. Consisting of IV parts. I Upon the Pentateuch, or five books of Moses. II Upon the historical part, from Joshua to Esther. III Upon Job, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and Solomons Song. IV Upon all the prophets both great and small. By John Mayer, doctor of divinity.

THE SECOND BOOK OF THE KINGS.

CHAP. I.

THe history of Ahaziah king of Israel, begun in the first Book, is here continued to his death, which followed shortly after, viz. within two yeares; and as is probably thought, the very next year after his father, with whom he had reigned one, and in the second he died. For as he was exceeding wicked, so he was pursued with judgement after judgement in this short time of his reign. First, as was before shewed, his ships which he made together with Iehoshaphat, were broken. Se∣condly, Moab rebelled against him immediatly after his fathers death, v. 1. Third∣ly, he fell out of a window and was sore bruised, v. 2. Fourthly, going on in his wickednesse and sending to enquire of Baalzebub, whether he should recover, he lost some companies of his men by fire from heaven. Fifthly, he heard the dreadfull newes of death from the prophet Elijah, and then he died, when by all these ca∣lamities he had been moved to repentance, but in vain.

Touching his fall, of which his mortall sicknesse came, it was most probably through a window upon the battlement of his house, where he walked for his re∣creation, for the Iews built their houses with flat tops to walk upon, and thus his [Note.] pleasure, by the just judgement of God, was turned to his ruine for his sinnes: for as all things shall work together for good to the faithfull, so to the wicked all shall work to bring them to destruction. For the god, to whom he sent for help in this case, viz. Baalzebub the god of Ekron or Accharon, as the vulgar Latin hath it, the same in the Gospel is called Belzebub, signifying the lord of flies, because that country being much annoyed by flies, they held that by his help they were driven away, so Vatablus. The Septuagint and Iosephus render it, the one, the lord the flye, the other, the god the flye. And accordingly Theodoret writeth of it, as if it were the image of a flye, saying, they deified not onely greater creatures, but even the least and vilest. For what is more vile, then a flye? and yet they called the image there∣of a god; and leaving the true living God, sought to it for life, yea they called the dead image of that a god, which they drove away with flye-flaps being alive. Pro∣copius saith, that the devill was called Belzebub, or rather a certain little old wo∣man, whom they put into the number of goddesses. Pausanius saith, that Hercules the sonne of Alcmena, when he could not drive away the flies that mole∣sted him, sacrificed to Iupiter, and imploring his help, and then they flew all away immediatly beyond Alpheus. Hence the Elians took occasion to continue the like sacrificing. And this I rather take to be the truth touching this idol, that i•• was the image of Iupiter, thus called, because of him help was sought against the anoyance

by flyes, then that of Theoderet, and because he was the chiefe of the heathen gods, which were devils, Belzebub was by the Iewes called the Prince of devils. And by Accaron, where his shrine was, hell is set forth amongst the Poets, as the saying,

Flectere cum superos nequeo, Ac haronta movebo.

But the same Bel or Baal was now served in Israel, as well as in Acearon of the Philistins, why then did the king of Israel send thither? It may be concieved that the prophets of the idoll whom he served, had deceived his father, and lied unto him to his destruction at Ramoth Gilead, and therefore though he served him as his father had done, and his mother, yet he thought it not safe to trust to him, but rather to send out of the land to another Baal. But why sent he not to Michaiah, or to Eli∣jah, whom he knew to be true Prophets? Ans. Hee was doubtlesse of the same mind with his wicked father, he hated them, as being against him and such as hee was, and therefore not likely to speak any comfort, but terrour unto him.

Martyr saith, that some hold that idol to be called Belzebub by the godly in contempt; but he approveth rather the former reason, because even by Ahaziah, he was so called. And he addeth, that idolaters used to send in time of sicknesse, both to enquire, and for help to idols; and sometime, that they might be the more de∣ded, obtained it, as some that sent to the temples of Aesculapius,

To these messengers of Ahaziah when they were on the way to Baalzebub, was Elijah sent by an Angell to threaten death unto him, because hee sent to an idol out of the land, this being derogatory from the God of Israel. But seeing by his fall he was mortally bruised some make a quere, how his sending to enquire of Baalzabub, could be said to be the cause. Tostatus answereth well to this, that ei∣ther his hurt was such, as would not have caused such, and then the turning of it to be the cause of death, was manifestly by the hand of God offended at his sending, or else it was mortall, and then his sending is said to be the cause, for so much as God happily would otherwise have healed him, if he had been sought unto, as he did Hezekiah afterwards of his deadly sicknesse. Where Elijah was, when the Angell sent h im forth to meet these messengers, it is not said; but v. 9. it appeareth, that the place to which he returned, was the top of mount Carmel, at the foot whereof he had a cave, in which he dwelt, and Elishah after him, saith Adricomius, and there also was a spring. But how happened it then, that the Angell bad him ascend or goe up to meet the messengers? Ans. Herein respect was had to the way, in which he was to meet them, which was from Samaria, that stood upon a mountain, so that he must needs goe up to meet them coming from thence, al∣though he first descended to the foot of mount Carmel. The messengers hearing him, soon returned to the King without going further on their intended journey; as appeareth by the kings asking of them why they are returned, v. 5. At which if any man shall marvaile, seeing Elijah was to them unknown, and in appearance but a mean and poor man; it is to be considered, that his very speech discovered him to be a prophet of the Lord, in that he shewed hereby, that he knew whether they were going, and to what end. For he said, is it because there is no God in Israel, that yee send to enquire of the god of Ekrons and that the king lay then sick upon his bed, in that he said, thou shalt not come down from thy bed, &c. For how should any other, but a prophet of God, know all these secrets? Being then hereby convinced, that hee was a prophet of God, and that he gave them a true answer, they thought it but vain to goe further to enquire about the same thing, and happily they feared that they might be in danger of death also; if contemning that, which a prophet of the Lord said unto them, they had presumed still to goe on their way to enquire of ano∣ther god. Martyr saith, that there are by some assigned two other reasons, why they presently returned, because they gathered from his speech that he was an Angell, seeing he knew whether they were going, &c. 2. Because they gathered no lesse from the manner of his departure, he vanished. But it is not so said of the prophet, but that he went away.

When these messengers had related the saying of the prophet unto him, he en∣quired ••hat manner of man he was, they answered, an hairy man, and girt about with a lether girdle, then he knew that it was Elijah the Tishbite, and sent imme∣diately

to have him fetcht unto him. The king might well so readily gather who it was, because he had doubtlesse sometime seen him in the dayes of Ahab his fa∣ther, and being a prophet most famous for his zeale and courage to speak against a∣ny, how great soever, he could not but conjecture, before he heard him described, that it was he. He is said to be hairy according to some, because his body, hands and face were hairy; according to others, because his garments were hairie and course, as Iohn the Baptist, the most probable is, that he washairie both wayes. And they were thus apparrelled, saith Martyr, because they preached repentance, which in those dayes was in sack or haire cloth, that they might by outward sign as well as by word move men to repent; contrary to which is done now by chiefe preachers, Bishops and Cardinals, whose apparell and ornaments are most costly, but preachers should indeed by their example learn to flye such worldly pompe, and not to wear so much as gold chain or ring, but that which may shew and teach others humili∣ty. For the kings sending to have him brought unto him, it was by a Captain over fifty, who went with his fifty men by force to bring the Prophet to him, happily that he might make him reverse his sentence, or otherwise put him first to death, who was so bold to threaten him with death. This Captain found him sitting up∣pon the top of mount Carmell, to which place saith Vatablus, he ascended for fear of Ahaziah; but seeing the top of a mount is no place for a man to hide himself in but rather some cave in a lower place, and more hidden from mens eyes; I cannot think that to be the reason of his ascent, but rather to pray, as sometime before hee had done, 1 King. 18. The Capt. having found him biddeth him in the kings name to come down saying, [O man of God, &c.] which Procopius and Vatablus think, was spoken ironically by him & in scorn, as sleighting him and the Lord whom he served, as if his Lord were of more power to fetch him to him, then God to hold and keep him out of his hands. And this seemeth to be true by the Prophets answer, If I be a man of God, let fire come down from heaven and consume thee and thy fifty. For it is not to be thought, that meerly for obeying the king, and coming to fetch him to him, when he was sent, that the Prophet was so much incensed against him; but for his pride and prophane insolency, which shewed him to be a man according to the kings own heart, a wicked idolater, and one that regarded not the true God, nor his servants, but rather rejoyced to be an instrument of persecuting them, and like unto him most probably were his souldiers also; wherefore Theodoret saith well, it is manifest that these two Captaines and their fifties went out with the same scope and purpose that he had, who sent them, and therefore they suffered these punishments. And Procopius following him addeth, that because they mocked at the Prophet, they were destroyed for example, and to teach others not to raile and mock at the righteous. So that if any call this proceeding of the Prophet tyranni∣call, as some doe saith Theodoret, they sharpen their tongues against God, who moved Elijah by his spirit to call for this fire, and when he called for it, sent it, and destroyed them therewith. If any shall wonder why one Captain was sent thus af∣ter another, and how it happened, that he took not warning by his fellow, but came and called to the Prophet in the like insolent manner? It is conceived, that Carmel being farre from Samaria, from whence they were sent, viz. as Adrichomius saith, two dayes journey, neither the King nor he knew what had befalne the first Cap∣tain, therefore the king impatient of further delay, seeing that he returned not a∣gain, sent out this second; that if the other with his men could not bring him, they might doe it with their forces joyned together, or if he could not find him that was first sent out, but was gone to seek him one way, this might go another. And when he came to the place of the Prophets abode and found him there, but no Captain or souldiers, for the fire had consumed them, supposing that he with his men were de∣layed upon some occasion, as they went another way, he began to speak tauntingly to Elijah, as the first had done, and was together with his men horribly consumed by fire coming down from heaven also. Martyr, who agreeth with that, which hath been said touching their calling of Elijah [thou man of God] in scorn, yet diffe∣reth, in that he thinketh it to have been known to the King and the second Cap∣tain, what had befalne the first and his 50 men, and that the king hearing such news

sent not again immediately; but being terrified, desisted for a time; but that harde∣ning himselfe he sent again, and that the second Captain commended himselfe to his gods to be protected, so as he supposed that the former happily did not, and then adventured to goe, to this effect also Pellican. But seeing no man would be so foole∣hardy to adventure himselfe upon so apparant deadly danger; neither is there any thing said in the text, which implyeth and delay in the king, or newes brought of the first Captaines destruction, or this Captaines taking of a better course, as being warned by his fellowes example. I rather think with others, that neither King nor Captain knew what had been done, and this made him so bold, not onely to bid the prophet in the kings name to come down, but in hast in such an imperious manner, as that he would have him know, he both could and would fetch him down by force, if he descended not immediately. If it be demanded, why Christ would not have the like done to a city of the Samaritans, which would not receive him, when two of his Disciples requested it, but rebuked them saying, ye know not of what spirit ye are; Martyr answereth well, that this was done not only to shew the le∣nity of the Gospell and the rigour and severity of the law, according to many; for Peter also smote Ananias and Saphyra with death, Acts 5. and Paul, Elimas, with blindnesse; but because they were moved by their own, Elijah by the spirit of God to doe this execution upon grosse idolaters and contemners of the true God, and of his servants. A like example of revenge taken by fire from heaven, were Cho∣rah, Dathan, and Abiram made, when they envied at Moses and Aaron, and stirred up others against them. The revenging of the wrongs done to Gods Prophets should be a warning to all men, not to touch his annointed, nor to doe his Prophets [Note.] any harme; and the revenge by fire intimated the last revenge upon all the wicked by fire at the day of judgement, according to 2 Thes. 1. 8. For as fire now came down from heaven and consumed some, so then it shall come down for the destru∣ction of all Gods enemies, and the enemies of his servants, that none may remaine incredulous; but being assured, that he who sent down fire now in one part, both can and will send it down in all places of the world, according to his word, repent, that they may escape this dreadfull judgement of the Lord.

To proceed in the history, the mad king nothing moved to desist from his furious enterprize against Elijah, by their not returning, whom he had sent one after ano∣ther with so great power to fetch him (although it might have moved any man to suspect some judgement befalling them, and happily by this time news was come to the Court how they were destroyed, as may be gathered from the speech of him, that was next sent) calls in haste for another Captain, and his 50 men, and sendoth them to fetch Elijah to him. Now he knowing what had been dox to his two predecessours, instead of commanding, humbled himselfe to Elijah, praying him that his life might be precious in his sight, & confessing in effect, that the judg∣ment sent upon the former two, and their men was just, because they came as ar∣med with a greater power from a king, a mortall man, then that of Almighty God; sith, that otherwise they would never have so insolently behaved themselves; He therefore contrariwise believing Gods power to be above all, and that Elijah was truly the man of God, came to him in another way, viz. by entreaty, and not bear∣ing himselfe upon his power of men which he brought with him, neither meaning to use any violence, but if he would goe voluntarily, as he had sometime dox to king Ahab, he and his men were readly only to wait upon him thither, but not by any means to lay hands upon him. And this Captain, say the Hebrewes and Lyra, Comestor, and Hugo after them, was Obadiah, who had before found him, when none else could, and foreshewed to king Ahab his coming to him. And this is not improbable, for he then fell upon his face before him, as now upon his knees; and if Ahaziah had yet heard of the destruction of his two former Captains, it is not to be thought that he was so tyrannicall, that he would put another upon the same dan∣ger with 50 men more, and therefore now chose one who was gracious with the Prophet, and knew how to deale so with him, as that he would bring him with him; and who could this more probably be, then Obadiah? Certainly it was ei∣ther he, or some other of like condition of him, that reverenced Gods Prophets,

that the king made now choice of to send out, seeing another an idolatrous wicked Captain, would have scorned thus to bow and crouch to a poor prophet, although he had dyed for it.

With this captain the Angel of the Lord biddeth Elijah to go, and fear nothing, and so he came and spake to his face, as he had done before to his messengers, nei∣ther do we reade of any revenge, that he attempted therefore against the prophet, but that he died according to his word. God, who hath the hearts of kings in his hands, so strook him, when he heard the sentence of death against him denounced from the prophets own mouth, that he had no further courage to attempt any thing against him, but languished and soon after this died.

And Iehor am reigned in his stead, for he had no sonne, the second year of Iehoram the sonne of Iehoshaphat king of Iudah.] Here a most difficult question ariseth, how it could be the second year of Iehoram of Iudah, when as Iehoshaphat was still living and reigning, for he reigned 25. years, Ahaziah was made King in his 17. year, and reigned but two years, therefore unlesse there were an inter-regnum, Ieho∣ram began to reign the 19. or 20. of Iehoshaphat, and 5. or 6. yeares before his son Iehoram; yea, it is expresly said chap. 3. 1. that he began his reign the 18. of Iehosha phat, and that king Iehoshaphat holp him in his war against Moab. And a King. 8. 16. that Iehoram of Iudah began his reign the fifth year of Iehoram king of Israel, how then can he be said to have begun his reign in the second of Iehoram king of Iudah? I finde two wayes, that Expositours labour to reconcile these differences, either by saying, that Iehoram the king of Israel was not of full age, when his brother Aha∣ziah died, and therefore although he were immediately made king, yet the king∣dome was under the government of a protectour certain years, even till the second of Iehoram king of Iudah, at whose entrance upon his reign he had been king four years, and was then upon the fifth, and yet his father made him king, together with himself some years before he died; for which cause it is said, 2 King. 8. 16. that he began to reign, whilest Iehoshaphat his father yet reigned. Or, they recon∣cile it by saying, that Iehoshaphat made his sonne Iehoram King, 7. years before his death, to avoid contention betwixt him and his brethren, for he had many, for whom their father otherwise provided, that every one might be content, although it fell out otherwise through the bloud-thirstinesse of idolatro us Iehoram, as is shewed, 2 Chron. 21. 4. And if this be received, it is to be understood here, that Iehoram of Israel began to reign the second year of Iehorams reigning together with his father, and that this Iehoram began to reign alone, his father being now dead the fifth year of Iehoram king of Israel, thus the Hebrew expositours, and af∣ter them Lyra. But against this make two things, although it be followed also by Iunius and some other learned expositours; first, that Iehoshaphat is said yet to be li∣ving and reigning; secondly, that Iehoram of Israel began his reign the 18. year of Iehoshaphat, which was not according to this account the second, but the first of Iehoram of Iudah, and when he began to reign alone, was not the fift, but the seventh of Iehoram of Israel. There is a necessitie then of leaving this way of reconciliation and looking back again to the former, which together with the other is mentio∣ned by Martyr, but neither preferred, but only after the meantioning left to the readers choise. According to that, if we say that Iehoram of Iudah began his reign the 17. year of his fathers reign; the other Iehorams reign will begin the second year of his, and 18. of Iehoshaphats, and if Iehoram of Israel, although king, reign∣ed not by reason of his minority, but the kingdome was administred by a prote∣ctour, till three years after, then Iehoram of Iudah came to reign alone in the fifth of Iehoram of Israel, and so all differences will be reconciled. Onely whereas this may seem to make against us in this way, that Iehoshaphats 18. year was the last of Ahabs, for he began the fourth of Ahabs reign, understanding it to be even now at an end, and so his first was Ahabs fifth, who is said to have reigned 22. because he was entring upon 22. when he was cut off, as hath been shewed upon 2 King. 22. 41. And if Ahab died the 18. of Iehoshaphat, and Ahaziah succeeded before Ieho∣ram reigning two years, he, that is Iehoram, could not then begin till the 19. or 20. It is answered, that Ahaziah was made king, whilest his father lived, as the

other Iehoram, whilest Iehoshaphat his father lived, and so died the same year with his father. And if this shall seem to make against it, that Iehoram of Iudah his be∣ginning to reign the fifth year of Iehoram of Israel, is said to have been whilest Ie∣hoshaphat reigned, 2 King. 8. 16. For if it be meant of his beginning to reign alone after his fathers death, here seemeth to be a manifest contradiction: but if the text be well considered, there is not, for there is no more said, but this, and Iehosha∣phat king of Iudah, it being left to be supplied from that, which was said before 1 King. 22. 17. And Iehoshaphat king of Iudah having reigned hitherto with his sonne, from the beginning of that Iehorams reign over Israel, and two years also before that having made him consort with him in his kingdome, whereupon it was there said, that this Iehoram began in the second year of his reign, now the said son of Iehoshaphat, Iehoram began his reign over Iudah alone, his father being dead. For this must needs either be yielded to, to be the meaning, or the writer of the sacred history to be very forgetfull of what he had formerly written, which is not without blasphemy to be suffered to enter into any mans minde. Or to make all yet more plain, it may be said, that Iehoram of Israel came not to the kingdome, till anno 18. of Iehoshaphat, and the time spoken of here was anno 23. when Iehoram his sonne began to reign alone, and so the meaning of these words [and Iehoshaphat king of Iudah] is, Iehoshaphat king of Iudah still living. For haply he now waxing old, de∣sired to spend the rest of his time in de votion, and so gave all over to his sonne be∣fore his death, as David to Solomon, and the rather, that before his death he and the rest being setled, might live together the more peacefully after. Pellican ma∣keth short work of that which we have dwelt thus long upon, saying, that either there was a fault in the coppier out of this history, or else he confesseth himself plainly to be ignorant how it may be reconciled. But it is not safe to yield to any er∣rour in copying out the Scriptures, except some true copie remained whereby the erring might be corrected. Let the judicious reader consider, and if he cannot finde a better way of reconciling, follow this with me, which is the most without all exception.

CHAP. II.

BVt it came to passe, when God would life up Elijah by a whril. Winde into heaven, Elijah and Elishah went from Gilgal.] God having revealed to Elijah, as it seemeth, that he would take him away alive into heaven, and upon what day, be went with Elishah, who ministred unto him, and in the propheticall office was to succeed him, from Gilgal, a place famous for a generall circumcision of all the males amongst the children of Israel, at their first coming over Iordan into the land of Canaan, and near unto that river, and now, as expositours hold, a School or Colledge or prophets, whose chiefe instructour Elijah was, it being thought fit the rather for such an holy order of men to abide in. because it was famous for the children of Is∣rael first pitching their tents there, when they came to take possession of the land. From hence then, as from a place where he used much to be amongst those his schollers that lived there, he went before his departure to Bethel, where hee had more Disciples, called sonnes of the prophets, v. 3. to instruct and confirm them. For Bethel was a place of note also for Iacobs vision, and his sacrificing there; thus making it as he professed to doe, and the name signifieth the house of God. From Bethel he went to Iericho, where were more sonnes of the prophets for the like end, v. 5. for Iericho was also a place of note, for the great miracle wrought there, Iosh. 6. from thence he returned to Iordan, to go over the place where God would take him up. And all this he might well doe in one day, seeing from Gilgal to Be∣thel was but six miles, from thence to Iericho foure, and from Iericho to Iordan six. Gilgal indeed was farre from the place where he dwelt, that is, Carmel; viz. 52 miles, so that he could not ordinarily be there amongst his schollars, but onely came sometimes as their chief master, substituting in each place another over them,

as the father of the sons of that place. Two questions here offer themselves. 1. Why Elijah must be taken away thus extraordinarily. 2. To what place, whether to the highest heaven called the Empyrean, where Christ now is, and the souls of the faithfull departing hence, or to some other place set forth by this word heaven? To the first, it was, saith Martyr, done for the honouring of the prophet, after so great and extraordinary zeal shewed for God and against idolatry, in the time of such a king and queen, as persecuted to the death all the prophets of God, that they could finde. For who ever before, being but a private man and a subject, durst do, as Eli∣jah did? Twice he threatned Ahab, once with a drought of three years and sixe moneths; second, with destruction both of him and his family. Once he sharply reproved him as a troubler of Israel, and put to death 400. prophets of Baal. And to king Ahaziah he threatned death for his idolatry, and consumed with fire 100. of his men. As then great king Ahashuerosh would honour Mordecai for speciall service done unto him, by making him ride upon his own horse, so God would now honour Elijah, by making him to ride in a chariot up to heaven, that his doctrine might be the more regarded, from the turning of men from idols to serve the true God, at the least now after his departure. Elijah was herein a figure of Christ also, who ascended visibly into heaven, and of the taking up of the faithfull, that shall be living at the last day, according to that 1 Thes. 4. 17. To the second, it is generally held, that Enoch and Elijah were both taken away into one place, but to what place is not agreed, but divers conjecture diversly, see my exposition upon Heb. 11. 5. Only because I am there very brief, understand now thus much more touching the same. It pleased God to take away two to himself before the coming of Christ, one under the law of nature, or of the old world before the floud, and one under the law-written; and under the Gospel Christ ascended visibly into heaven, that no age might want some testimony of the faithfuls being taken up into heaven at the last day. Touching the place, I finde divers opinions. First, of Cypr. de Sanai & Sion, and [Opinion 1] of Tertullian, Epiphanius, and Hyppolitus Martyr, that God onely knoweth, and not man. Secondly, of Irenaeus, Athanasius, Isidorus, Procopius, and Eccles. 44. 16. into [Opinion 2] that paradise, out of which Adam was cast. And yet in the Greek copies of Eccle∣siasticus, the place is not named, but only in the vulgar Latin, which, since the coun∣cell of Trent making it authenticall, may not by any Roman Catholike be questio∣ned. Thirdly, of Gregory, and Rupertus, into some secret part of the earth, where [Opinion 3] he and Enoch live, in all tranquility of the flesh and spirit, after the manner of our first parents in paradise. Fourthly, of Ambrose and Ierom, into heaven, so Ambrose plainly and Ieroms calling it paradise, is easie to be understood, that he meant hea∣ven [Opinion 4] thereby. So like wise Eugubinus, and why this should be doubted I cannot see, for in the text it is plain into heaven, which Eugubinus explaineth of the heaven, to which Christ ascended. This, I confesse, is impugned by many, of whom some bold, that Elias and Enoch are still living in some other place, till the time of Anti∣christ, against whom they shall then come forth; and some that they are not living, expounding that Heb. 11. of their not seeing death after the manner of other men, a change being unto them in stead of death, as it shall be to the faithfull at the time of the resurrection. But for the first, it hath been sufficiently confuted in my expo∣sition upon Revel. 11. and for the second, if they died not after the manner of other men, viz. the soul departing out of the body, but were changed, it followeth, that as the faithfull being changed at the last day, in a moment are taken up into heaven both in body and soul, so they were, and yet Christ onely, and not Enoch or Eli∣jah, opened the way into that most holy place, because his ascension had vertue to make us ascend also, but theirs not. Or when he saith, the way into the most holy was not yet opened, understand, it was not yet made manifest, how we might attain to the kingdome of heaven viz. by Christ, but onely set forth obscurely by types and figures, and accordingly Tremelius rendreth it, Non manifest at a fuit adhuc via san∣ctorum. Therefore this maketh not against their receiving into heaven before, nor yet Heb. 11. 40. that they without us should not be perfect. For this is meant, in that Christ, in whom our perfect felicity lyeth, and who was therefore by them desired, came not in the flesh, untill these our times. Lastly, Martyr thinketh, that they

were caried into some place above, but not into the highest heaven, where toge∣ther with the holy Patriarks they remained, till Christ his ascension, and then were altogether caried up into the highest heaven with him.

The Prophet Elijah knowing that he should now be taken up, offered to leave Elijah at Gilgal, and to goe to Bethel alone, and likewise at Bethel and at Iericho, but he cleaved unseparably to him, even to his taking up, swearing that he would not leave him, although he often urged him so to doe. Why Elijah urged Elishah so much to stay behind and not to goe with him, all doe not yield the same reason, but some, that he did thus out of his modesty, that none might see his glorious de∣parture. Some least Elishah seeing him carried away should be the more overwhel∣med with grief, out of that extraordinary love which he bare unto him, & some, that he moved him to stay to try his constancy in cleaving to him, as Naomi did Ruths in often moving her to leave her to return alone into the land of Israel. But we read, 1 Kings 19. 3. that when he fled from Iezabel into the wildernesse, and so to mount Horeb, a long journey through desert places, where no food was, making none other account, but that the Lord would then take him away, for that was his desire, he left his servant behind and went alone, as thinking it unequall to carry him with him into so great dangers, and indeed desiring to be solitary without any other com∣pany but God at such a time, and I think, that in like manner at this time he desired to leave his follower Elishah, that he might be found alone, when the Lord should take him up, as not knowing but that the Lord would have him goe alone; for hee said still, as he journied from one place to another, the Lord hath sent me. And be∣cause the journey was great, which he was to goe from place to place, yea it was uncertain to how many places he should be sent, he did thus to spare Elishah this labour. Yet Elishah out of his most earnest affection and observance towards him, not out of any disobedience, would follow him to the end, seeing he heard not from him of any such charge given by the Lord to dismisse him. He found so great com∣fort in his presence, that he was most unwilling to lose it, till necessitie enforced him. And as may be conjectured, the Lord who had revealed to him the taking a∣way of Elijah, as appeareth v. 3. had withall enjoyned him not to leave him, to the end, as knowing well what he meant then to do for him, and how. Martyr thin∣keth, that it was revealed to Elishah, what should be done unto him, if he cleaved to Elijah to the time of his departure, but not to Elijah. But this seemeth impro∣bable, seeing he had no spirit of prophesie or revelation, but that before said, till the spirit of Elijah rested upon him, neither was he anointed to be prophet but after him; it is more likely then, that afterwards this came first into the minde of Elijah by the spirit, wherewith he was endued, to offer to Elishah his request, being moved by his constant adhering and dutifulnesse towards him. He knew indeed before, that he should be an excellent prophet after himself, for so God had shewed him long ago, that he should be prophet in his stead, 1 King. 19. but the way and meanes how he should attain to this, was not revealed unto him, till he came at the very place of his rapture, viz. by asking to have his spirit doubled upon him, and by his first offering to do for him, whatsoever he should desire, and fulfilling the condition (of seeing him at his departure) propounded.

When they came to Bethel, the sonnes of the prophets there, came forth and said to Elishah, Knowest thou not, that the Lord will take thy master from thy head this day? he said unto them, I know it, hold yee your peace.] These sonnes of the Pro∣phets, were prophets, saith Theodoret, as the sonnes of men are men, and hereby it appeareth, that they also knew by the spirit, that Elijah should then be taken up into heaven. Their coming out was to meet him for honours sake, and Elishah his bidding them hold their peace was, that Elijah might not by their speaking of it together, know, that they knew it, because he perceived, that he was unwilling that it should be known or seen by any, in that he had so much urged him to leave him to go alone.

And the like was done at Iericho, where more prophets lived together, for not they, who dwell at Iericho, were cursed by Ioshuah, but he that built it. And these prophets although being warned by Elishah they held their peace, yet they fol∣lowed

Elijah and him going to Iordan afaree off, as desirous to see the Prophets departure, fearing that if they had been near, he that was unwilling to have one go with him, would much more have forbidden them, being fifty men. And yet it was not without a divine providence, as Martyr noteth, that they went to see, that there might be many witnesses of this his ascent (making so much for the con∣firmation of our saith, touching our future being taken up, to remain alwayes with the Lord) as there were many witnesses of Christ resurrection. Then Elijah took his mantle and there with smote the waters of Iordan, when he had wrapt it toge∣ther in a fitting form, and they were divided so, that they both went over upon dry ground. This was not done by any vertue in his mantle, but it pleased God inward∣ly to move him to use this as an instrument, and hereby to work this great miracle, as by the rod of Moses to divide the red sea. For, that the vertue was not in the mantle appeareth, because when Elishah returning used it, at the first, no effect followed, till he said, where is the God of Elijah? v. 14. as Tostatus reasoneth.

When they were passed over, Elijah biddeth Elishah ask what he would, and he asked that his spirit might be doubled upon him. This was a great offer, and such as one would think, passed the power of any man to grant. But it is to be un∣derstood, that he made not this motion without God suggesting it unto him, nei∣ther did Elishah ask without the like instinct of the spirit. By the double portion of his spirit, as the Hebrew word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth, some understand twice so much thereof, as was in Elijah, which they prove by the event, because he did twice so many miracles: for whereas Elijah did eight, he did 16. Some, a double portion in respect of other prophets, as the first born had a double portion to the rest of his brethren, that he might be the more sit to succeed him in the propheticall of∣fice, who was the father and chief of all the rest. Others lastly, the two parts of his spirit, which were knowledge to understand and foresee things secret and bidden, and power to do miraculously for the confirmation of the truth, and the beating down of idolatry; And to this Martyr doth most encline. And for this St. Cyprian seemeth to be, where he saith, Elishah received the double spirit of Eli∣jah, not that the spirit is divided into two substances, but because to the Christian, of whom Elishah was a type, a double power was given both in work and word, when they received the holy Ghost, and having prosecuted Christ most earnestly to his very ascension, as Elishah did Elijah, they shone in faith and understanding, in life, and signes, and miracles, and examples. Thus also Tostatus. But besides these three, Vatablus hath another, viz. that Elishah asked onely two parts of three of the spirit of Elijah, and so to have one part of three lesse then he. But for this I see no ground, for if the words be rendred verbatim, they are a part of two, or portion of two of thy spirit, not two parts of three. Moreover, if this had been the mean∣ing, Elijah would never have said, that he asked an hard thing, seeing what had been granted to one prophet, although most excellent, might easily be granted to his successour, in a degree some what inferiour. And upon the same ground, I can∣not but reject the third also, and the second exposition, seeing it was not an hard request, to be like his predecessour, having as hard a task as he; or to be superiour in propheticall endowments to others, to whom he was called to be as a father and instructour. Wherefore I rest upon the first, and commonly received, he desired a portion of two, that is, a double portion of the spirit, or the spirit which was in E∣lijah to be doubled upon him; according to the Septuagint and Tertullian, he desi∣red to take unto him the portion of Elijah double. The authour of the book de mi∣rab. script. he desired to have the spirit doubled, not out of pride, but that with the more power he might oppose idolatry, to beat down which, he saw that the spirit of Elijah sufficed not: for if he had asked this with a minde to lift up himself, neither Elijah nor the Lord would have granted his request. So like wise Augustine, Theo∣doret, and Procopius, and Damianus saith, he asked that the spirit of Elijah might be doubled upon him in the signes of miracles, not in the excellence of merits, and ac∣cordingly we may observe, that whereas Elijah did twelve miracles, Elishah did 24. though some reckon but seven done by one, and fourteen by the other. This then was Elishah his desire, and this was his end, although he prevailed no more by

all that he did for the conversion of the people, but they were hereby made the more inexcusable.

Elijah hearing the request of Elishah granted it not, but upon condition if he should see him, when he was taken up. How this should be available to help Eli∣shah to such an extraordinary guift, I cannot see. Wherefore it was not propounded as a meanes, that had any vertue in it, but onely God would by this meanes, as E∣lijah well understood, confer this great guift upon him, but without it not, as after∣wards Elishah promised Naaman, that if he washed seven times in Iordan, he should be clean. Martyr saith, that this condition made him the more intent to look after Elijah, and so to pray the more earnestly, when he was taken away. And he well noteth, that Elijah would have him ask, what he desired of him, be∣fore [Note.] his taking away, to intimate, that who so will desire any thing of any Saint, must do it before his departure, for after, there is no asking of any thing of them.

Whilest Elijah and Elishah were thus talking, a fiery chariot, came with a whirl∣winde, and took up Elijah, then Elishah looking after him said, My father, my father! the chariots of Israel, and the horsemen thereof; that is, the greatest strength and defence against their enemies. For whilest he lived in Israel, no enemy pre∣vailed against them, but onely God corrected them by famine; and when their ene∣mies came against them, they were alwayes overcome, till for the murthering of Naboth, the Syrians were suffered to prevail against Ahab, and to slay him in the field. Elishah therefore out of his great grief for the losse of such a champion, crieth out, and for his own losse of one, that had been, as a father to him, carefully to in∣struct and teach him; such a father was St. Paul afterwards to the Corinthians. And he rent his clothes for sorrow after the manner of those times, and he mentio∣ned a chariot, which he saw, being doubtlesse Angels in that likenesse. For it is said, Psal. 68. The chariots of God are 20000. of Angels. And whereas they were said to be fiery, He maketh his ministers a flame of fire, Heb. 1. 7. The Angels then came in this likenesse to carry up Elijah to heaven, that there he might henceforth be one of their company, for which also he is now called the chariot, &c. But if he were caried away in a chariot, how is it said, Elijah ascended by a whirl-winde in∣to heaven? Answ. The whirl-winde, which was also Angels in th is appearance, caried the chariot wherein he rode, and so he ascended by a whirlewinde: for as it is said, he maketh his ministers a flame of fire, so likewise in the same place, he ma∣keth his Angels windes, as Beza rendreth it. Thus he departed out of this world, who not onely in his ascent, but also many other wayes was a most eminent type of Christ. First, in that he is brought in, as another Melchisedek, without father or mother, no mention being made, as of other prophets, of his father. Secondly, He lived obscurely a long time, and then suddainly began to shew himself to the king of Israel, as Christ did himself at 30. years of age. Thirdly, he was fed by a widow, whose sonne not withstanding died, but he raised him to life again, so Christ having been entertained by Mary and Martha, yet their brother Lazarus died, but he was by him raised up again, but not without much ado, as that widowes sonne by Elijah. Fourthly, Elijah brought fire from heaven to destroy sinners, Christ sent downe the holy Ghost, as fire to destroy sinne. Fiftly, Elijah be∣ing full of heavinesse and alone in the wildernesse was comforted by an Angel, so Christ in the garden before his passion. Sixtly, Elijah fasted forty days, so Christ. Seventhly, the spirit of Elijah rested upon Elishah after his ascent, so the Holy Ghost upon the Apostles.

Elijah being taken away, Elishah took up the mantle, which fell from him and went and stood by the river Iordan. This may seem to be too small a matter to be remembred, but seeing this mantle was the ensigne of his propheticall office, and hereby so great a miracle had been then wrought, in dividing the waters of Iordan, it was by a speciall providence, that it was left him, that he wearing the habit of Elias, might be known to be his successour in the propheticall office, and so be the more readily obeyed, and the rather, when they should see that the same spirit of power accompanied this mantle in Elishah by his dividing there with the same wa∣ters again. Men of high and eminent place, saith Martyr, as kings, do put on the

same robes which their predecessours did weare, so Elishah the mantle of Elijah. And Chrysostome he saith, will have this mantle to be a figure of the body and blood of Christ, which he left unto his Church upon earth, when he ascended up into hea∣ven, making yet this difference; Christ left us this mantle of his, and yet hath it with him in heaven, Elijah not. From hence the Papists inferre, that Chrysostome held the reall presence, but the meaning of that father is not, that the bread and wine in the Sacrament are the very substantiall body and blood of Christ to be cor∣porally received, but spiritually, and by faith. For he further addeth, that there was double Elijah, one in heaven above, another in the earth beneath; thus calling his mantle, left upon earth. Elijah because of the spirit, and vertue of Elijah accom∣panying it, when it was in the hands of Elishah. In calling the sacrament Christs body and blood, then he meant doubtlesse virtually, and spiritually.

Then Elishah that he might have a way to passe over, smote the river with the mantle as Elijah had done, but the waters not being thus divided, he prayed and said, where is the God of Elijah? and then smote them again, and they were divi∣ded. God would not presently make the Disciple equall to his master, but after a while, least he should be too much puffed up, nor would he meerly by striking the waters with the mantle have the waters divided, least the power and vertue should seem to lay in it. But he must first call upon God, that it might be acknowledged to be his act, and that the mantle was only an instrument. By saying, where is the God of Elijah, he meant, where is the promise of doubling the spirit upon me made in Gods name by Elijah, or [oh thou God of Eliah] make good this pro∣mise unto me, in causing the waters of this river to divide at my striking, as thou diddest when they were stricken by him. The Cald. paraph. receive my petition (O Lord God of Elijah) even thou. He said not, where is the Lord, &c. out of diffidence, as Ambrose hath it, but as desirous to be made partaker of his benefits, or as desi∣ring his presence thereby. For if he had doubted, he should not have prevailed at another smiting; for he that doubteth, is like a wave of the sea, Iam. 1. 5. In the vulgar Latin these words are supplyed, and they were not divided] to make the sense the more full, for they are not in the Hebrew, but must be understood, because they were not then divided; as appeareth by his calling upon God, and striking the waters of Iordan again.

But the sonnes of the Prophets which were in Iericho, on the other side, seeing him said, the spirit of Elijah, resteth upon Elishah, &c.] This is not so to be under-stood, as if they begin in Iericho had seen Elishah at Iordan, for Iericho was about 6 miles off, but 50 men of them are said v. 7. to have followed him, and Elijah going towards Iordan, and to have stood a far off, and of these it is to be understood. These sons of the Prophets who dwelt in Iericho. having placed themselves conve∣niently upon some high place, from whence, although it were afarre off, they might see what was done; these I say, seeing what Elishah had done, came forth to meet him, and did reverence to him, as the undoubted successour of Elijah, by whom they were now to be governed.

Then they offered to goe and seek up Elijah, if happily the spirit of God had ta∣ken him and cast him into some valley or mountain, and although Elishah denied, they importuned him till they prevailed, and so went 3 dayes, but all in vain. And these 50 men that went, are said to be valiant men, or strong, that is, to endure tra∣vaile, not to fetch back Elijah by force. If any man shall wonder, why they would take so great paines to seek him, seing they knew before by the spirit, that he was then to be taken away, and if they knew not, that he should be taken away, and re∣turn no more, but thought that he was only transported, as he had formerly some∣times been, why should they now goe to seek him more then in times past, when as the same spirit which then transported him, brought him back again without any mans seeking in his good time and by the speech of Obadiah we may gather, that it was vain to seek him, when the spirit had carried him away, seeing Ahab sent into all lands about in vain to seek him? No reason can be rendred, but that God would have it thus to be done, the more to make manifest this miraculous de∣parture of his Prophet, not from one part of the earth to another, but into heaven.

Whereas Elishah withstood the motion, it was, because he knew more then they did, that he should return no more; and yet for their importunity he yielded to let them goe, least he should be thought to be unwilling with his return, that he might govern over the sonnes of the Prophets now alone.

When they returned to Elishah, he is said to have dwelt at Iericho, because he stayed there the time of their going to search, not because he abode constantly in that place, for v. 23. he went from thence to Bethel, and from Bethel to Carmel, where he had dwelt before with his master Elijah v. 25. and that most probably was his dwelling place. But in that little time of his slay in Iericho, there was an occasion offered to work a great miracle, whereby it furth••r appeared that the spi∣rit of God was in him, as he had been in Elijah. The waters of Iericho were naught, and the earth barren, wherefore at the request of the inhabitants there, be healeth them with salt, which properly maketh water unfit to drink, and ground barren. How the water here came to be corrupted, is not known, but Pellican im∣puteth it to the sinnes of the inhabitants, since the rebuilding of this city. Martyr saith, some conjecture this punishment to have been laid upon it, because it was rebuilt by Hiel in Ahabs time, contrary to the interdiction under a curse, and some that it was thus ever since the time that Ioshuah cursed it, that it might not be re∣built. But Martyr subscribeth neither to the one conjecture, nor the other. Only because the land of Canaan generally was very fruitfull, he thinketh, that these waters had not this ill quality from the beginning, but that it was laid as a punish∣ment upon the inhabitants for their sins, as the land of Sodom and Gomorrah came to be tainted with the mare mortuum, and since the land of Iudeah was all made barren, as travailers report; and it is threatned, Ps. 107. a fruitfull land is turned in∣to barrennesse for the sins of those that dwell therein. Some yet saith he, hold it to have come from the dead sea of Sodom, which was not farre from Iericho. But then it must be granted to have been so before the coming of that land into the possession of Israel, which is improbable, seeing a faire and strong city stood there inhabited by many people, which would not doubtlesse have been so, in case that the waters (of which as Iosephus saith, there was only one stream watering the plain 70 fur∣longs in length, and 20 in breadth) had been naught. Neither for the like reason is it to be conceived to have been thus ever since that Iosuhah cursed it, for then Hiel would never have exposed himselfe to the danger of that curse by building there, yea it was the fruitfulnesse of the ground, if we will believe Iosephus, that allured him unto it. Wherefore it must needs follow, that God being offended with the building, corrupted the waters, and made the earth thus barren, by their washing there upon in no small quantity of ground, as was said before out of Iosephus, whom I have thought it not amisse to bring in here speaking uppen this place. There is a most large fountain here, and most fruitfull in watering the fields, of which it is re∣ported, that sometime it was wont to make abortive the soile of the earth, the fruit of trees, and the great bellies of women, and to corrupt all things with sicknesse and plague. But afterwards it was made most wholesome and fattening to the by Elishah the Prophet, when being ground courteously entertained by the in∣habitants, hee remunerated them with this perpetuall favour, by casting in∣to it a cruse full of salt. And hee prayed the heavens, that is, God, to temper the rivers with more fruitfull ayre, &c. By these prayers having also wrought many things with his hands, he so changed the sountain, that whereas it had former∣ly caused abortion and famin, now it was the authour of fruitfulnesse and living; For now it is of such vertue, that if it doth but touch the ground, it is made a long time after the more favory, &c. According to this, Ambrose, & after him Iunius; Martyr and some others expound the word, as indeed it signifieth, which is commonly ren∣dred [barren] abortive, Regio facit abortum, (saith Iunius) that is, sufferethneither the young of men or of living creatures, nor the fruits of the earth to come to maturity.

If it be said, how then could that place be inhabited, and much more how can that be true v. 19. The habitation of this place is good?

Answ. It is meant, that there were good buildings and a good ayr, and had it not been for the ill quality of the water, the soil fruitfull enough, but yet howsoever

much detriment was hereby suffered, it is not to be thought that the whole tract of ground about the city was thus tainted, but onely where the waters commonly washed it, and therefore as they abounded more or lesse, it was more or lesse ob∣noxious to them. However now, by casting in a cruse of salt into them these wa∣ters were healed of this ill quality, which plainly shewed the hand of God, that [Note.] wrought by Elishah, there being no aptnesse in salt to work such an effect in wa∣ter, and if there were for some kinde of corruption in water, yet not for so great a quantity so little being cast in, nor for so long a time, that is, ever after. And this great miracle, was without doubt wrought for the conversion of the men of Ieri∣cho from idolatry to the true God, and to make both them and all others, that should hear of it, to magnifie his power and goodnesse, and to serve him, that worketh such wonders with all constancy.

Then Elishah went to Bethel, where he had been with Elijah, next before their coming to Iericho, where was also a Colledge of prophets, as was before said. But as he went, little children came out and mocked him, saying, come up bald-pate. Then he cursed them in the name of the Lord, and two Beares coming out of the wood, tore 40. of them. Herein the prophet may seem to have been too impatient, but it is to be understood, that Bethel was a place tainted with idolatry. For as there was a Colledge of prophets, so a golden Calf was there set up by Ieroboam, which doubtlesse was still worshipped by most, and therefore the prophets of God were nothing acceptable unto them, when they came thither, but derided and scorned, and as they saw older ones do, even their little children did now to Eli∣shah. Wherefore for the punishment of their idolatrous parents, and the deter∣ning of all men from contemning the holy servants of God, which is to his dispa∣ragement and of his truth, it was just in Elishah to curse them, as being stirred up hereunto not by impatience, but by the spirit of God; and it was just in God to take this miraculous revenge upon them, and the rather, because it might happily turn to an occasion of drawing some from idolatry unto him. Thus August. serm. 204. saith, that the parents were corrected in the punishment of their children, who in∣sulted over the prophet at the instigation of their parents, that the little ones being smitten, the greater might receive discipline, and learn to fear the prophet doing wonders, whom they would not be hereby drawn to love. And Procopius saith, it was for the great benefit both of childe and parents; to them, because it inhibited their malice growing greater in time; to these, by teaching them to bring up their children better in the fear of God, and the reverence of good men. And it is well noted by Martyr here, that this reproach laid upon Elishah by such as would say the [Note.] worst of him that they could by way of exprobration, did make much for his cre∣dit, seeing baldnesse is no vice, but a small naturall blemish, and hereby it seemeth, that they could object no worse thing against him. And in like manner, they of the reformed religion, whilest the papists object unto them, the want of vestments and ceremonies in divine service, and of imposition of bishops hands in ordination, &c. do not discredit, but credit them, as being acknowledged thus to be free from no∣torious faults, of which otherwise they should be sure to hear. For baldnesse, men are generally ashamed of it, neither could the Emperour Domitian, who was bald himself, endure to hear any other man upbraided by his bald-head; and Iulius Caesar as being ashamed to have this seen in him, used never to come forth without a gar∣land upon his head, and others commonly hide it with periwigs at this day. Elishah therefore took it as a great disgrace put upon him, and consequently upon his God, and so called for this judgement.

But having done thus, he stayed not at Bethel, but passed away immediatly to Carmel, the place of his dwelling, as not doubting, but that the men of Bethel would be by this fact greatly exasperated against him, although through the fear which fell upon them, none durst pursue him, and from Carmel he went to Sama∣ria, which was a place most infected with idolatry, as being the metropolis there∣of, by reason of the idolatrous kings residing there, as ch. 3. 1. sheweth. And to this place, it is to be thought, that he came to instruct and stay the people, as much as might be, from idolatry; and to this end, he followed the camp when Iehoram

went forth with his army against Moab, and that he might be at hand to work ano∣ther great miracle, when need required, to move them the more, as the follow∣ing history sheweth.

In the children mocking at Elishah and bidding him, ascende calve, Augustine will have the Iews, who are compared to children sitting in the market-place fi∣gured out; for the place where they crucified Christ, was Calvary, and in moc∣king him they said, descend from the crosse, &c. wherefore two Beares Titus and Vespasian destroyed them, about 42. yeares after Christ his passion. Thus also the Ordinar. Glosse, adding, that as Elishah, so Christ was thus mocked, when he went up to Bethel, that is, heaven, the house of God. And here touching the ascent of Elijah it is said, that he was taken up in a fiery chariot, but Christ figured by him, without; because the one was a meer man and so needed an help to carry him up, but the other by his own vertue ascended. And that there were three in three a∣ges of the word taken up into heaven, Enoch begotten and begetting, Elijah be∣gotten but not begetting, Christ neither begotten as man, not begetting, to shew, that the faithfull of all sorts and of all times are received thither.

Touching Elishah desiring the spirit to be doubled upon him, he is also by the Glosse made herein the figure of the Church. For the Church being emboldened to ask by the Lords invitation, desireth also a double portion of the spirit to that, which Christ had, viz. the guift of miraculous operations and remission of sinnes, which he needed not; and as Elishah had his request granted upon condition, if he did see Elijah in his ascension, so the faithfull which see, that is, beleeve not onely the incarnation and passion, but also the resurrection and ascension of Christ into heaven, obtain their request, yea do greater things through the spirit, then Christ did, as he promised that they should, and it may be noted that the Apo∣stles did. Lastly, as Elishah used the name of Elijah to work that miracle at Iordan, so in the name of Christ the Apostles did miracles, and in this name he must come that would prevail for any thing. Morally Elijah his ascent in a sierie chariot, signi∣fied, that the fierie heat of love availeth more to carry a man to the highest, then the splendour or knowledge: and the fiery chariot accompanied with a whirlwinde, that where the greatest light of grace is in this life, there is yet some darknesse. Al∣so the wates, upon which Elishah wrought his miracle, signifie divine doctrine, which becometh naught, when errours are mixed therewith, but by the salt of dis∣cretion, that which is corrupt being separated from the sound, it is healed, and the sonnes of the prophets may safely drink thereof, that is, reade and meditate upon it.

CHAP. III.

BVt Ioram, the sonne of Ahab, began to reign in Samaria anno 18. of Iehosha∣phat, &c.] Of the time of Iorams beginning to reign, enough hath been said already, upon ch. 1. 17. And from the time of his beginning, to his cutting off by Iehn were 12. yeares. All which time he was spared, not because he was good, but not altogether so bad as his father. For although he departed not from the sinne of Ieroboam, in worshipping the golden calves, yet he put down Baal, whom his father had set up; but because nothing is said of his mother, Pellican saith, that he touched not her groves, noting, that women are more stiffe in their errours, but here seems to be no ground for this. How Ioram was moved to put down Baal is not said, but because Iehoshaphat is by and by spoken of, as a confederate whom he sought to for help in his warre with Moab, and so readily yielded to go with him, as before with Ahab, notwithstanding his ill successe and check given him from God therefore, it is conceived by some, that Ioram was drawn to this by Iehoshaphat, who would not otherwise help him, but now did, and was never reproved therefore, but graced with a miracle, for his sake wrought by Elishah. For it was no small work in Ioram to do this, both because his father had set up the

worship of Baal, whose act he would not lightly reverse, especially being without the grace of turning from idolatry, and because his mother Iezabel still lived, who was stifly addicted unto this idolatry. Wherefore it must be granted, that he was drawn to this by some other, who had great power with him, and who could this be, but Iehoshaphat? But why did he not move him to put down all other ido∣latry also? Answ. He hoped probably, that being brought by his perswasion to do this, he might afterwards be drawn to put down Ieroboams idolatry als.

Thus much being set forth in generall, touching Ioram, now followeth his war∣ring against Moab. Mesa the king of Moab, who had been a tributary to the kings of Israel ever since Davids time, who subdued Moab and made them his servants, 2 Sam. 8. 2. paying yearly 100000. lambs, and 100000. rams with their wooll to the king of Israel (to whom it seemeth, after the division of the kingdome Moab fell, as Edom to Iudah) now Ahab being dead, refused to pay it any longer. This wrong Ahaziah that succeeded his father Ahab next, revenged not, although it be spoken of Moabs revolt at his coming to the crown, 2 King. 1. 1. for both his reign was short after his fathers death, and in that short time sicknesse hindered him, but Iehoram his brother no sooner attained to the kingdome, but he gathered an army together to reduce Moab into this servitude again. And to make himself the stronger, he sent to Iehoshaphat to joyn with him, who was very ready so to do, partly for the cause before assigned, which Martyr mentioneth, as the opinion of some, and partly because it did in some sort concern him to help to subdue a tri∣batary king, revolting from the obedience of his soveraign, for if this were suffe∣red, he might fear, that other nations under his obedience, would offer the like injury to him: and lastly, he could not, but have still in his minde the attempt of the Moabites with others against him, 2 Chron. 20. 1. and therefore took this op∣portunity to pay them in their own coyn. All which reasons not withstanding, Mar∣tyr censureth his joyning with wicked Ioram in this warre. But the premises considered, and especially Gods for bearing to reprove him, which he used not to do in case of his doing unlawfully in any thing, I dare not say, that Iehoshaphat sin∣ned herein, but did justly and wisely. Iosephus relating this history, saith, that Io∣ram sollicited Iehoshaphat by his messengers, to joyn with him in this warre, and that Iehoshaphat promised not onely so to do, but also to draw the king of Moab to be a party in it, whereupon Ioram went to him to Ierusalem, and being royally en∣tertained, by common counsell they went the way of Edom, most probably to call the Edomites with them; And because it was not expected, that an army could come upon them that way, so that they were likely to be the more unprepared to resist. But when they had travelled this way seven dayes, the Edomite army be∣ing with them, they were in a great strait for want of water, and then Iehoshaphat enquireth for a prophet; and hearing of Elishah they went unto him, &c. Elishah is described here by powring water upon the hands of Elijah, because he waited upon him, and not for any miracu lous dropping of water from his fingers, accord∣ing to the Rabbins fiction mentioned before, 1 King. 18. 32. Ioram in this streight did nothing but cry out and complain. as a man in despair, but godly Iehoshaphat sought to the Lord. For, as Lyra hath it, he enquired after a prophet of the Lord, that he might entreat the Lord for them, that they might be supplied with water in this their great want. Elishah seeing the king of Israel, upbraided him by the prophets of his father and mother, bidding him to go to them, as being the men, that ministred to the idol, whom he served rather then the true God, and not to seek to Gods prophets, whom he hated, and his parents had persecuted so lately to death. For it is not to be expected, that they, who hate the servants of God, and will not hearken to them to amend their lives, should have comfort from them in time of necessity, but be left to perish comfortlesse in their distresses. If neces∣sary had not enforced Ioram to it, he would never have deigned to come to such a poor man as Elishah, which he knowing well enough, greeteth him accordingly, yet not by way of insulting over him in his misery, but as deeming it a fit time to reprove him thus, that he might be ashamed of his former idolatry, & observance of such prophets, as could yield him no help in time of his need, & so grow henceforth

to a contempt of them. But why did he upbraid him now by idolatrous prophets, when as he had put down Baal, whom his father had set up? v. 2. Answ. Happily he being a servitour of Ieroboams calves, still used the same prophets, as ministring indifferently to them both, and of his putting down the prophets of his mother, which were the prophets of the groves, nothing is said before, so that he might well have them still objected to him to his disgrace, as being nothing acceptable to the Lord in putting down some idolatry, but retaining some still.

The king being thus upbraided by Elisha, as his urgent necessity required, gave him no reprehensive answer, but said, No, for the Lord hath called these three kings toge∣ther, that he might deliver them into the hands of Moab.] The meaning is, no, I will not go to the prophets of my father or mother, for neither by Baal nor any other god am I brought into this streight, or can be holpen out of it but by the Lord. He it is, that by his just judgment hath brought us into this danger, therefore I flee to thee, as his servant; let these exprobrations then passe for this time, & apply thy self rather by seeking to the Lord, that we may be succoured and not suffered to perish for want of water. Elishah seeing Iorams pride thus pulled down, saith Theodoret, thought it a fit opportunity to go on to shew him how contemptible his since had made him, therefore without speaking to his answer, he proceeded saying, At the Lord of hosts liveth, in whose sight I stand, but that I respect the face of Iehosha∣phat, I would not have looked towards thee, that is, but that Iehoshaphats danger is now insperably linked with thine, who is a godly king, and therefore worthy of all honourable respect from the servants of the Lord, I would not have done any thing at the request, but let thee have gone with contempt into destruction, as thou hast at other times contemned the Lord and me. And this he spake, not to [Note.] teach a sleighting of kings that reign over us, although wicked, but to shew, that such as will not hearken to good admonitions in their prosperity, shall seek in their extremities for help at Gods hands, and be neglected, and if the wicked have any help in this case, it is not for their own, but for their sakes that fear God, Whom whilest he delivereth, they being in the same common danger are deli∣vered also.

Then he said, bring me a Minstrell, &c.] The vulgar Latin, a singer of Psalmes, but the word is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifying a striker upon a musicall instrument, and therefore it is better rendred, a minstrell, that playeth and maketh melody with his hand. But why the prophet would thus prepare to his prophesying of comfort to the distres∣sed, divers, saith Martyr, speak diversly; some, that his minde irritated by Jeho∣rams wickednesse, might be pacified, and so he might be more sit for divine reve∣lations, which were not wont to be made, when the affections were troubled, but calm and quiet; some, that the people present might be lifted up in their lan∣guishing minds, and so made more fit to receive comfort, both which are by Iunius, joyned together. Some because the spirit of God will not enter into a sad mind, but into the chearfull; for which cause at times of sacrificing, they were bidden to chear up themselves by eating and drinking of the best, and Isaack to prepare himselfe to a propheticall blessing, would first have venison provided him. But Martyr not re∣sting in these reasons addeth another. viz. That he would have musick to invite the spirit of God to speak comfort by him by reciting in some sweet and heavenly tune the most memorable doings of the Lord formerly towards his people, and praising him therefore, and praying for present help. And this seemeth indeed to be the main reason, why Elijah called now for a minstrell, the other not being excluded. He had been somewhat stirred in his mind against Iehorams wickednesse, and therefore partly to bring his mind into a calmer temper, and partly, that whilst mu∣sick was made to the praise of God, he praying together might receive direction from the spirit, how to provide against the present evill, he called for one skilfull in striking the instrument thus; not any indifferently, but a levite or godly man trained up in this way. Thus also Theodoret and Procopius, conjecturing that the minstrell was a levite, and played, and sung some psalme of David. And in imitation of this, happily it is now a custome in our Church to sing a Psalm before a Sermon to in∣vite [Note.] the spirit to come amongst us, and inspire us to speak to his glory, and our mu∣tuall

comfort. For this is not obscurely intimated to be the way of being filled with the spirit, Eph. 5. 18, 19. where it is said, Be fulfilled with the spirit singing to your selves in Hymnes and Psalmes and spirituall songs, &c. and therefore this way is not only then to be followed, but at other times and places also by all such, as would be made partakers of divine and spirituall light and comfort.

And the hand of the Lord was upon him, and he said, thus saith the Lord, make di∣tches, ditches, &c.] That is, many ditches. By the hand is meant the spirit, which told him, that ditches being made, they should have great store of water without seeing any rain, where with both they and their cattell might all be refreshed. And not only so, but that Moab should be delivered into their hands, and that they should smite every choise city, and cast down every good tree, and stop up every fountain of water, &c. which began to come to passe accordingly, for in the morning at the time of sacrificing, waters coming by the way of Edom, filled the land; and the time is described by the offering of sacrifice, to shew that the supplications offered to God at Ierusalem were regarded in this miraculous succouring of the ar∣my abroad. The prophet saith Lyra, foresaw by the spirit, that abundance of raine should fall in places not farre off, which by the brook that was now dry, should run thither, and pits being made ready be filled therewith, let them make as many as they could, and thus not only for the present, but the water being here held, they should be supplyed many dayes after.

Iosephus saith, that this rain fell in the higher parts of Idumea, three dayes journy from thence, and by Gods providence came running along to the place where they had digged.

For their destroying of good fruit-bearing trees, it may seem to be against the law of God, Deut. 20. But it is commonly answered, that Moab was for their extraordinary wickednesse particularly excepted from the benefit of that law, and yet further by the said Lyra, that the law there concerned not other countries, but the land of Canaan only, where the Israelites were to dwell, and to have the bene∣fit of fruit-bearing trees afterwards. Martyr seemeth to incline to this, that the cutting down of fruit-bearing trees any where was forbidden, but for this time the Lord dispensed with this law in Moab for their greater punishment.

He mentioneth also another Exposition, that the law forbidding the cutting down of such trees was made only in case that they besieged a city and lay long be∣fore it, in which time they might have need of the fruit to eat. But in the land of Moab there being no such occasion, they were not by this law tyed from cutting them down. But I rest in the last of Lyra, and so Martyr also finally doth. For the sins of the Moabites, for which God would have their country thus spoyled, they were many and great. For first they were worshippers of Baal Peor, and sought in times past to draw Israel to the like idolatry, to the provoking of the Lord great∣ly against them. Secondly they hired Baalam to curse Israel. 3. They were now grown proud and would no longer be subject to the king of Israel, neither pay him any tribute, and therefore it was just, that they should be thus spoiled, although one of the instruments now used, that is, the king of Israel and his people were little better; for they were not regarded in this no more then in th e miracle of water wrought, but Iehoshaphat a godly king only.

They hearing of these kings coming, gathered themselves altogehter, that were able to beare armes, and stood at their borders; where, according to Lyra, the en∣trance of the land was narrow, and therefore might be best defended. And when they saw the confluence of waters coming down through the hoast look red, they deeming it to be bloud flowing from the s lain, conceived, that the three kings had fallen out, and that their armies had shed the blood of one another, and therefore they go on disorderly to take the spoile, and so were unexpectedly smitten by the Israelitish army, and immediately after their cities were destroyed, &c. as was pro∣phesied. There might be a naturall cause saith Martyr, of the waters seeming red at the rising of the sun through the reflexion of the beames thereof, shewing the more red by means of thick vapours, whereupon they being apt to believe, that it had fallen out as they would have it, resolved that their enemies had slain one ano∣ther,

neither were reasons wanting to this their conjecture; viz. the king of Edoms unwilling being amongst them, who favoured rather the Moabites, and the streight in which they were for want of water, which might breed a quarrel against those, that were the authours of going that way. But God did plainly infatuate them, in that the appearance of blood, before they knew, whether it were blood or no, or had sent out to be better assured, drew them out of their borders where they were strongest; disorderly to expose themselves to the danger of their potent, and well prepared enemies. This teacheth, that when God hath a judgement to bring up∣pon [Note.] a land for sin, they shall be so farre unable to withstand it, as that they shall ra∣ther by their own rash and foolish doings hasten it upon themselves.

Whereas in shewing that all things were done, as the Prophet had foretold to the Moabites cities, fields, fountaines, and trees, it is finally said, so that they onely left the stones in Kirhareseth. Iunius till at Kirhareseth, the Moabites left the stones thereof. [The vulgar Latin, it a ut muri tantum fictiles remanerent] earthen walls on∣ly remained. It is to be understood, that Kir signifieth a city, and Hareseth an ear∣then vessell, and is here put for a wall of brick, from whence cometh the proper name Kirhareseth; but being expounded as an appellative, there is some colour for the vulgar Latin Expositours; yet it must needs be granted to be imperfect, seeing 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the stones thereof, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a city are not mentioned herein, but are in the origi∣nall. The true reading is, till a leaving of the stones thereof the city Haresheth. That is, the stones of every cities walls being pulled down were cast uppon their best fields, till they came at this city, to which the king of Moab was fled, where the wall made of stone stood still for a defence to such as escaped. But why the Moabites should be brought in by Iunius, as causing it to st and, I cannot see. It stood indeed the last of all their cities, and no doubt, but many fled thither for refuge, it being their strongest hold, but the intent of the history is not to shew who upheld it, but only that hitherto it stood, as being that, which the Israelites left to be assaulted last, and therefore the stones of the wall of that city were not broken down accor∣ding to the generall prophesie, and now is shewed the occasion when the slingers of stones with engines had compassed it, and beaten the Moabites off, so that the Israelites were now ready to be masters of the city, happily some great breaches being made in the walls, for which it is said they smote it. The king of Moab de∣sperately attempted with 700 men to come forth on that side where the Edomites were, but could not, then he took his eldest sonne, and sacrificed him uppon the wall, which being seen, there was great indignation against the Israelites, so that they presently departed. The king of Moab when all other meanes failed him, sought to move his God to help him by offering the dearest sacrifice that he could, which the Israelites seeing, compassionated him so farre, that they could not goe forth on in the fiege, but immediately broke it up.

This saith Lyra, is the common exposition, but he rejecteth it because they sought the destruction of the king of Moab, and his posterity, therefore seeing his eldest son sacrificed, they would rather have bin animated to hold on the siege, con∣ceiving that shortly the king, and city, and all would come into their power, their case appearing hereby to be desperate, if there had been no other reason of their now departing. And they might have been the more exasperated to revenge for this grosse idolatry, then moved to desist from assaulting the city. Wherefore he ra∣ther followeth, R. Solomon saying, that the king of Moab asked his prophets, where∣by the Israelites came into so great favour with God, that they obtained miracu∣lously, so many famous victories? they said, that Abraham their father in obedience unto him sacrificed his only sonne, which he so highly accepted of, that ever since his favour was singularly to his posterity.

The king hearing this immediatly sacrificed his sonne, and then the Angel, which was set over Moab, put the Lord in minde of as great wickednesse done by the Is∣raelites, in that they sacrificed their sonnes and daughters unto devils, as is complai∣ned, Ps. 104. or 105. and for this the Lord sent a plague into the campe of Israel, whereby many being destroyed they were forced to depart, for it is not said, as in the vulgar Latin, there was great indignation in Israel, but Hebr. against Israel, so

Lyra. Iunius saith, that the kings sonne being offered, the Edomites were moved with indignation against Israel, as the cause, and so falling out with them departed, and then the Israelites, their forces being by this means weakned departed, as una¦ble to prevail any further. Martyr saith, that some think the king of Edoms son is meant, whom the king of Moab having taken sacrificed; others, that the king of Moabs sonne being taken by the king of Edom, was thus served by him. But to passe these over as frivolous conjectures, that which he hath last, ar••ideth me most, there was great indignation upon Israel, they being likewise superstitious would not proceed in the siege any further, as thinking, that if they should, so great a sacri∣fice being offered, it would cost them dear; but others in the army not being hereby moved, were filled with wrath against them for this their fear, and so being dis∣united in their affections, they disbanded and went away, thus through their own default loosing the opportunity of doing all to the Moabites, which was prophesied, and of reducing them to their former tributary condition. And this, that they were moved at the sight of such sacrifice, is not improbable, considering that it was an errour, which overspread many nations, that the Gods must be pacified, and help of them is obtained, when things be most desperate by humane sacrifice. The occasion whereof might first be Gods cōmanding Abraham to sacrifice his son, then the Oracle of Apollo being consulted with, when a great plague raged amongst the Lacaede monians, how it might be made to cease, answered, if a virgin of noble condition were sacrificed, and like wise to the Phereans. Polyxona also the daugh∣ter of Priamus was sacrificed, and Iphigenia the daughter of Agememnon. If any shall wonder why God would suffer any good event to follow upon such an abomi∣nation, as here the siege to be broken up, seeing this tended to confirm men more in their horrible idolatry, it is answered, that none are moved hereby, but they that are given over to strong delusions to beleeve lies, because they obeyed not the truth. For others are not wrought upon by signes, unlesse the thing to confirm which they are shewed, be faith and adhering to the true God, and worshipping him in that way, which he hath appointed. To what god this king offered his son, it is not said, some, Rabbins think to the true, but ours, to his idol Chamos, or the Sunne.

CHAP. IIII.

HEre other miracles wrought by Elishah also are set forth, to prove his God to be the onely true God, as the necessity of those times and of the estate of Israel being drowned in idolatry especially required. And first, the widow of a certain prophet being left in debt, seeking unto him had her oyl encreased to so great a quantity, that she there with both paid her debts, and lived with her chil∣dren upon the residue; a like miracle unto which, had been wrought before by E∣lijah for a widow in Sareptah. The Prophet, whose widow this was, is thought by the Rabbins to be Obadiah, who had fed 100. prophets, hiding them in caves from the fury of Iezabel, by which means he spent his estate, & became indebted to Ioram the king, steward to whose father he had been. Thus also Iosephus, whom Theo∣doret followeth, and Procopius, and Comestor, &c. But this is most improbable, seeing Obadiah was none of the sonnes of the prophets, as this man is here called, but of another condition, viz. a noble man, that was a benefactour to the Lords prophets, and therefore not likely by so small expences, as by feeding sparingly 100. prophets with bread and water a certain time, to be brought in debt. It must then suffice us to know onely, that she was the widow of a prophet, and not in particu∣lar who this prophet was. But what moved her to seek to Elishah in this her streight? Answ. She had heard, what he had done for the whole army in their necessitie, and therefore she beleeved, that he could help in her need, and in this confidence, because her husband also was well known unto him, and approved of by him, and of the same calling with himselfe, for which she hoped, that he

would be willing, she came to lay her case open unto him thus; The creditour is come to take my two sons for servants. Here was a man that feared God, and a prophet, [Note.] and yet died in debt, not leaving where withall to pay it, so that it is not alwayes a badge of the wicked to borrow and not to pay again. For into such a case the best may fall by worldly crosses, or by the iniquity of the times, through oppressions of persecuting tyrants against them, whereby their estates are weakned. But if any by spending in prodigality and excesse, or by negligence and improvidence com∣meth to decay, so as that the creditour cannot be paid, he may justly be branded for wicked, and much more, if any fraudulently conceal their goods, or hide them∣selves to defeat him of his due. For the law of debts, if any man ow'd so much, that he was not able to pay it, he was taken for a servant by the creditour, both he and his children, the ground whereof seemeth to be, Exod. 22. 3. where it is ordained, that he, who had stoln and had not where withall to make restitution, should be sold, that this debt might be paid; and Levit. 25. 39. where mention is made of an He∣brew indebted, that selleth himself. From hence it was gathered, that this was one way of paying debts, and in case a man indebted would not voluntarily do thus, he was sold to be a servant, or made to serve the creditour in way of satisfaction, and because as the condition of the father is, such is the condition of the children, when the father was made a servant to any man, his children were his servants al∣so, the creditour took not onely the father, but also his children, as appeareth by the parable, Matth. 18. 25. In like manner at this time when the father was dead, the creditour came to take the debtours children. But the law of the Lord in this case favoured so much the Israelites, that if they could after this pay, they should be freed again, if not, yet in the year of jubilee (which was ever seventh) with∣out paying, and in the mean season they must be well entreated. Martyr here am∣plifieth this of debters, by bringing in the lawes of other nations, as of the twelve tables of the Romans, whereby liberty was given to the debter by the Iudges, be∣fore whom he was brought for thirty dayes, and if in that time he could not or would not pay, then he was delivered bound to his creditour, who compelled him to serve him by hard labour. But this causing sedition amongst the people, it was decreed afterwards, that the debter should satisfie his creditours with all his goods, which if he would not or used fraud, then he was committed to prison till paiment was made.

Touching the presenr history, this widow was much grieved, that her sonnes should be taken for servants, because haply the creditour who came to take them, was cruell, and would not use them according to the law of God, which was little regarded in those idolatrous times, and therefore she sought to the prophet, who having not of his own wherewith to help her, enquired, what she had towards the paying of her debts, intimating, that if she had any thing to the valew, she should sell and pay. But hearing that she had onely a little oyl, which was of daily use in those times, either for food, or to anoint the body, (the vulgar Latin hath it, parum oile quo ungar) he willed her to borrow many vessels, and then being in her house and the doors shut to her, to pour out the oyle, and not that so famous a miracle, able to convert many to the true God should be concealed, but with the greater admi∣ration made known by her borrowing of vessels, selling the oyl out, and paying the creditour. For if there had been any intention that it should not be known, the Lord could either have miraculously furnished her with vessels, and not have sent her about to borrow, or else with money, this meanes not being used. Lyra saith, that when miracles are wrought to confirm and comfort many, they were done publikely, but when for the comfort of some one, privately, as when Iesus raised the daughter of Iairus he suffered very few to be present. According to some, be willed her to shut out others from seeing this miracle for their unbeliefe, that it might be no hinderance hereunto, for it is said of Christ, that he would do no great matters because of their unbeliefe.

The widowes oyle being thus miraculously increased, the prophet biddeth her to sell so much as would pay the creditour, and live of the rest; teaching that debts must be paid, although he to whom be rich, and the debter poore, and when hee

hath paid, hath little or nothing left; for it is by Gods providence, that some are rich, [Note.] and some poor, neither may the poor take or withhold any thing from the rich, which is his; but deale justly with every one, and if in so doing he be destitute of means, he must remember that he hath still a father to provide for him, that will not suffer such as fear him to want any thing that is good, and therefore trust in him, and cry to him, who feedeth the very ravens that cry unto him. In that, some what was left for her and her children to live upon, who was the widow of a Prophet; it ser∣ved [Note.] to shew in speciall, that the widowes and children of faithfull Ministers of Gods word, are not to be suffered to want for their fathers sake, but to be provi∣ded for by those, that have power in the place where they lived, and ministred spi∣rituall things.

Moreover it fell out upon a certain day, that as Elishah passed to Shunem, there was a great woman, that stayed him to eat bread therefore as he passed that way, &c.] Shunem, saith Martyr, was in the tribe of Issachar on the East side of mount Car∣mel, the dwelling place of Elishah, and therefore as he went out to teach others, and to confirm then in the truth, and to visit the colledges of the Prophets, over which he was the superintendent, or to the king of Israels court, where it seemeth by that which here followeth, that now he was gracious, he often passed through this city. It was 16 miles from Carmel. And R. Solomon saith, that this woman was duaghter to the sister of Abishag the Shunamite, whom David took for his concu∣bine in his old age, but this is to be taken rather for a bold conjecture upon a slender ground then for a matter of truth. And much more to be slighted even as ridicu∣culous is that of his, that she knew Elishah to be an holy man, because no slies would come to the dishes, of which he ate; neither was there any uncleanness upon his table, as Lyra addeth. It is more probable, that she gathered this from his holy car∣riage and holy speeches, which came from his mouth, and happily shee had heard some what of his miracles, although Martyr thinketh otherwise; but how they should be hid from her being one of such quality, and frequented by strangers, I can∣not see. Therefore she was desirous, that in his travaile he might always be en∣tertained in her house, moving her husband to this end, that he might have a cham∣ber made him, and furnished. Being a woman of great wealth she passed not for the cost, and being great in vertue, as the Chald. understands her greatnesse. Shee desired as oft, as might be, to use hospitality towards so holy a servant of God, being assured, that this was good and acceptable before him. And if he were thus accom∣modated with a private chamber, where he might not be troubled with other com∣pany, she thought, that he would the rather be induced to come often thither, and shee moved her husband in this matter as her head, shewing that shee thought a wife might not doe any such act without her husbands consent, so a chamber was prepared for him, with his allowance. Elishah desirous to shew thankfulnesse for this kindnesse caused his servannt Gehezi to call the Shunamite him one day above the rest, when he had retired himselfe thither and when she was come to the door, as is most probable, for so it is expressed, v. 15. that at the next calling shee came no further; he said to Gehezi, which he would not have done, if she had been in the chamber, tell her, behold thou hast been carefull for us, what wilt thou, that I doe now for thee, &c.] Her modesty was such, that shee would not enter into the bed-chamber of a man whilest he was there, because we must eschue not only evill, but all appearance of evill. The prophet thought to gratifie her by speaking to the King or Captain for her, because since his miraculous supplying of the kings army with water, in their greatest need, he was in great grace with him. But shee an∣swered, [I dwell in the midst of my people.] That is, saith Lyra, I live amongst none but friends, who doe me no injury, so that I have no need of the Kings or Captains help against any. Martyr addeth, if I had need, I have friends and kinsfolks of good rank and quality, that would be ready to speak for me, and he observeth it, as a singular providence of God over her and her husband, that dwelling in an idola∣trous kindgome, they went so free from injuries, they being so godly, neither did Elishah think it could have been so, which caused him to make this offer. As evill as the times were, it is to be conceived, that some whole cities cleaved to the

truth, and so most probably did this of Shunem, by which meanes they lived qui∣etly amongst themselves, and she in speciall for her goodnesse and courteous beha∣viour [Note.] towards all, had the love of all about her, an example worthy the imitation of all both men and women. Having said thus, as the text implieth, she departed: for Gehezi was bidden to call her again, and then she came and stood at the door, as before, after that he had told his Master, that she had no childe and that her hus∣band was old, v. 14. The prophet was still desirous some way to reqite her kind∣nesse shewed in her hospitality, teaching all men gratitude for any benefit recei∣ved, [Note.] and because he would do something for her, that might be most acceptable, he was ready to hearken out, what that might be. Gehezi, who was more conver∣sant in the family then he, told him, that she had no childe, and was now out of hope, because her husband was old. And indeed this could not but be accounted a thing most desirable to a barren woman, if by his prayers she might obtain a sonne, especially being rich, that not a stranger, but he might inherit this wealth. For even Abraham in the same case complained, saying, what wilt thou do for me, seeing I go childelesse and a stranger must inherit? When the Shunamite was come, the prophet promised her, saying, At this same season according to the time of life, thou shalt embrace a sonne. Gen. 18. 14. see the like phrase, setting forth that time twelve moneth. The vulgar Latin by turning it [At this time, this very hour, if thou livest thou shalt conceive a sonne] perverts the sense, as if the promise had depended up∣on her living, whereas according to Lyra, and the Hebrew, by which he expound∣eth it after R. Solomon, both a sonne and life is promised her within the compasse of a year. But it is not necessary to expound these words, according to the time of life, of her living, because that is implyed in the promise, seeing otherwise she could not have embraced a sonne. She being much affected with this joyfull news, answe∣red, Nay my Lord, do not lye unto thy handmaid, the Hebrew word here used, saith Lyra, signifieth either to lye, or to fail, and R. Solomon turneth it fail, it being meant, let me not be illuded by having a sonne, and then losing him soon again, but when I have brought him forth, let not his life fail, whereby I should have more sorrow by losing him, then joy in bringing him forth, and this is favoured by that, which she said by way of challenge to Elishah after his death, v. 8. The prophet in promi∣sing her a sonne, spake by inspiration, as the Oracle of God, and therefore delivered her this promise himself, and not by his servant, as before he had spoken to her. In making so certain a promise, saith Procopius, he declared, that the creatour him∣self spake by his mouth. And this was speedily verified by the event, for she con∣ceived so, that she brought forth at the same season of the year, at the very time concerning which he spake unto her. But after a while the childe died, at which his mother being greatly troubled, laid him upon Elishah his bed, and hastened to the prophet at mount Carmel, &c. To make Elishah more famous yet by this childe, God smote him with sicknesse, and pain in his head, and death. But his motherfull of faith, laid him upon the prophets bed, beleeving, that by his prayers he should be revived again. The meanes of the childes death, may be conceived to be the vehement heat of that time smiting his head, for it is said, that he went into the field to his father, being with the reapers, and then cried out, my head, my head. It was therefore harvest time, and then commonly it was exceeding hot, and did strike not onely children, but sometimes men, as Manasseh the husband of Iudith, who is said to have died at such a time of like grief. Iudith 8. 2. For her carrying of the childe up into Elishah his chamber and shutting him in there, Martyr saith, it was done to conceal his death from the family, that there might be no trouble about it, and it seemeth, that it was kept so close, that her husband knew not of it, seeing he would have stayed her from going to the man of God, and enquired the cause, as being ignorant of it, v. 23. And this shewed the great confidence, which she had of his being revived by Elishah, neither was she herein without all ground, seeing Elijah had lately done a like miracle upon the sonne of the widow of Sareptah, 1 King. 17. 21. partly therefore to prevent sorrow in some, and part∣ly detraction in others, who if they had known it, would have been ready to mock at the benefit obtained by Elishah, which so soon vanished again, she concealed it,

till she had been with him for help in this her distresse, Tostatus saith, that she hid him, that her husband might not know of it, least he should hinder her from going through his unbel••••••e. Having therefore obtained of her husband a servant, and an asse for the journey, shee hastened to Carmel, being as was said before, 16 miles off, and Adrichomius makes it 8 or 9 hours journey upon a swift going horse, which cannot be, seeing she spake of it, as one that would goe and return speedily again, yea, it being in the afternoon, when she went out, and not upon an horse, but a slow going asse; if it had been so farre off, shee could not have gone thither that night, whereas it is most probable, that she both went and returned, although very late. Her husband wondring at her hast, asked why she would goe to the man of God at that time, it being neither new moon, nor Sabbath, These times he named, because religious persons used then, some to go to the Prophets, where they taught the word of God, and some to the Synagogues, and it implyeth, that she had used to goe also in times past, and yet not upon the very day, when it was so farre off, and the travaile stood not with the rest of a Sabbath, but the day before, returning home the day after. She answered not to his question, but in one word, peace, which Tostatus rendreth, vale, as being unwilling to disclose the matter unto him, or to delay any time. It was a word usuall in salutations, a wishing of good to the per∣son spoken to, and therefore no cause to enquire here as Martyr doth, whether she lyed unto him. The vulgar Latin rendreth it, [I will goe] very untruly and unbe∣seeming so godly a woman, who would doe nothing without her husbands con∣sent, as being her head; for which cause she asked leave of him, neither did he de∣ny, but delay her, and so with his leave she went on her journy. And that she might come the sooner to Elishah, she hastened her servant. Lead and goe, and make no stay for me in riding, unlesse I bid thee. The vulgar Latin, mina & propera, ne mihi moram facias in enndo sed hoc age, quod praecipiotibi. Martyr for these words, in ri∣ding] that I may get up or ride, and indeed the word may be indifferently expoun∣ded both wayes. But whereas some upon this ground, as Martyr hath it, say that the woman followed the servant on foot, sending him away with the asse before to find out Elishah, and to certifie him of her coming, commanding him not to stay for her, unlesse she spake unto him; and some, that the woman riding, the servant followed on foot, to beat the asse forward, and this she bad him not to forbeare to doe, as thinking that she could not endure to ride so fast, unlesse she spake unto him. (For both these he saith, are brought by D. Kimhi, and the first followed by the Chald. paraphrast.) I cannot see how that can stand, because if shee had gone a foot, the way being so long, he should soon have been so farre from her, that shee could not speak unto him to stay, though she would, neither would the ordering of the journy thus have furthered, but hindered and delayed her much in going, neither was it seemly for a woman of her condition to travell on foot through that desolate way alone; neither is it likely, that the servant went a foot, for this would not have made for expedition, neither doth the word agree whether it be rendred, that I may get up, or in riding, according to Iunius; for if she bad him hasten in ri∣ding, he was not a foot, neither if she bad him not stay for her to get up; seeing this implyeth, that she went not up at the first; and therefore if he rod not neither, the asse went empty, and so he could not drive the beast with her upon his back with the most celerity, to say nothing of the word [lead and goe] implying that he lead the way, and therefore could not follow on foot to drive. It is most probable there∣fore, that either they rod both upon the asse, and in putting on as fast as he could, she would not that any respect should be had of her because of the hast, or although no mention be made but of one asse, yet she had happily one ready alwayes in the stable to use, when she pleased, and would have a servant with another asse to come and ride with her, and to lead the way.

She went therefore and came to the man of God to mount Carmel, &c.] That is, not yet into his house where he dwelt, but to the mount, where his house was. For her nearer coming to him, is related v. 27. but she being now come to the foot of the mount, he espied her being a good distance off, and sent Gehezi to meet her, and to ask whether all went well with her, her husband and childe? and she

answered [well.] The prophet conjectured so soon as he saw her at such an extraordi∣ry time, that all was not well with her, and therefore he sent to ask this question, and as Martyr and Pellican have it, in his sending so courteously 〈◊〉〈◊〉 meet her, hee gave us an example of humanity towards persons of worth, and well deserving of us, and condemned the severity of the Anabaptists and some others, that will have [Note.] no respects or complements used towards any. For her answer [well] Hebr. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 peace, by which word also he spake unto her, repeating it 3 times, as he was bid∣den; it is not to be doubted, whether she were herein taxable, as lying, to which Lyra somewhat inclineth, and yet excuseth her as saying so in hope of the raising of her child again, for she answered him so, as denying to tell how it was with her, till she came at his master, as if she had said, interrupt me not, for I will make none other answer to thee, but as the Eccho resound thy own word Shalom, for my pur∣pose now is to speak with thy master mouth to mouth, to whom only I will open my case. And she said thus, that she might not be put off by an interloquutour, as fear∣ing, that thus shee should receive no good according to the earnest desire of her soule.

Then she came to the man of God and held him by the feet, but Gehazi came to put her away, &c.] The women, which came to seek Christ at his sepulcher, when they met him, did likewise hold his feet and worship him, Matth. 28. 9. so this Shunamite fell down at Elishah his feet holding them, and happily kissing them for reverence, as another woman did the feet of Christ at another time, when she was full of sorrow, as this woman now was. And this was by Elishah now permitted, because she was transported with passion, as he perceived, although the cause was yet hidden from him, but not to give example to others, to doe likewise. Gehazi thinking it an indigne thing, that so great a woman should thus humble her selfe to his master, according to some, or that a woman should come so near him and em∣brace him, which he knew that his chast master liked not of, according to others, began to put her away, which Elishah forbad him to do, because she did thus, being inwardly troubled for some grievous thing, which had befalne her; by her thus lay∣ing hold on his feet, saith Pellican, shewing that she would not let him go, but the be∣nefit being first obtained by his prayers, which she so earnestly desired. Elishah now expecting to hear what was the matter, she did not plainly open her case, but spake so as that it might well be perceived, saying, Did not I desire a sonne of my Lord, and did I not say, deceive me not? The Prophet presently understanding the case, sent Gehazi away in hast with his staffe to be laid upon the face of the child, bidding him for the more expedition to gird his loynes, and to salute no man by the way, to avoid all occasion of delay, as Christ afterwards said unto his Disciples, when he sent them out to preach the Gospell, Luke 10. 4. But it may seem strange, that the Prophet should send his man to doe such a miracle with his staffe. Indeed by the rod of Mo∣ses great things were done, but it was in his own hand, and not in the hand of ano∣ther. He sent him with his staffe, saith Iunius, as a signe of his presence in spirit, praying for the child for the strengthening of his faith, when he applyed it, and the reason why it took not effect, was the womans importunity with the Prophet to goe in person, not believing otherwise that her child could be raised up to life, and happily Gehazi his vain glory, staying by the way contrary to the charge given him, to tell such as he met, that he was going with that staffe to raise up a child that was dead, according to some Rabbins. And indeed it seemeth that it was through some fault in others, that it took not effect, because Elishah being a prophet would not certainly use a means to work a miracle, unlesse he knew, that it was effectuall. Yet after that he had sent away Gehazi, it seemeth also, that he suspected the vali∣dity of it, and therefore followed with the Shunamite, before that his man retur∣ned; but this suspition probably arose, not for that he now thought this means in∣sufficient, which he thought not before, but that it might be frustrated by the evill managing of Gehazi, or through want of faith in her, whom it most nearly concer∣ned. It would I suppose have taken effect, if the mother had believed it, but shee having no faith in this means, but in the prophets own act, it wrought nothing. Martyr thinketh, that Elishah erred in sending his man with his staffe, as doing it

of his own minde, not by divine inspiration, whereby he was moved afterwards, when he came, where the dead childe was; but to me it seemeth not safe, to im∣peach any action done by so great a prophet, in a propheticall way. Other notions he hath here touching salutations at large, because Gehazi is bidden to salute no man by the way, which I omit, as more proper to the instruction given by Christ to his Apostles, when he sent them forth, bidding them to salute the house, to which they should come. Touching the charge given to Gehazi, not to salute any in the way, he, saith rightly, that it was given him to keep his minde intent onely to the great work, about which he was sent.

Elishah being importuned by the Shunamite, who sware that she would not leave holding him by the feet till he went himself with her, yielded soon to go, and meet∣ing his servant by the way, and hearing, that his staffe had been applied without ef∣fect, he went into the chamber, and prayed, and lay upon the dead body, his face to the face thereof, &c. and thus it first began to be warm, then at his second stretch∣ing of himself it sneezed, and opened the eyes, as one awaked out of a sleep. The like unto which, because it was done before by Elijah, 1. King. 17. 21. I spare to make any further exposition here upon it. Onely whereas Elijah stretched himself three times upon the dead, Elishah did it but twice, it may be understood, as serving to confirm the promise before going, that the spirit of Elijah should be doubled upon Elishah, for by reason of the spirit of power to do miracles in a greater measure in him, then in Elijah, he sooner wrought this great work. And whereas Elishah did one thing singular, that Elijah did not, viz. cause his staffe first to be used, and this being without effect, came himself and revived the dead, it was hereby allegorically signified, that the law was used before the coming of Christ, to revive men dead in sinne by doing it in vain, but afterwards Christ came with his spirit, and gave life unto them that beleeve. And the law, saith Martyr, was aptly set forth by a staffe, which supporteth and beateth. And as Elishah revived this childe by apply∣ing his own mouth to his, and eyes to his eyes, &c. so Christ giveth life to the faith∣full by condescending to be made like unto us in his incarnation. For the childes be∣ing revived by degrees, first waxing warm, secondly sneezing seven times and opening his eyes, like unto which was the restoring of that blinde man to his sight, who first saw dimly men walking like trees, then all things plainly. This was not done, because it was hard with God to revive the dead, but to make the prophet continue in prayer: for as Tostatus noteth, both Elishah and Elijah did great and hard works by the spirit presently, when they were in publike, that the faith of the spectatours might without delay be confirmed, but in private they both were lon∣ger [Note.] in doing to exercise their own faith, and to shew the property of it to be to per∣severe in praying and expecting, till God pleaseth to answer. Moreover, the work now to be done, was greater then any before, viz. to raise the dead, and therefore wrought with more difficulty and by degrees, and hereby was mystically shewed, how hard it is to raise one dead in sinne, and that about this, much labour must be be∣stowed, both before any life beginneth to come, and after it is begun, that it may encrease, and more effects of it may be shewed forth, as in this childe reviving a∣gain. And lastly, the prophets applying of his mouth to the childe, &c. served to shew, how the preacher should condescend to the weaknesse of every one, that he might raise him from the death of sinne, to the life of righteousnesse, as St. Paul be∣came all things to all men, that he might win some, 1 Cor. 9. 21. That is, bearing with every one as much as he might, the better to insinuate into him for his con∣version and salvation. The childe being thus revived, the mother was called, and having bowed her self to the ground (in way of thankfulnesse) she took him and went away (without doubt) very joyfull.

And Elijah returned to Gilgal, but there was a famine in the land, &c.] From Shunem to Gilgal are 36. miles. To this place he went say some, when he had done that great miracle of raising the dead, to decline the praise, and thanks, and admira∣tion of the father, and friends, and neighbours, who hearing of it, would doubtlesse be ready to come about him. But because they suffered by famine then in Gilgal, a place where many sonnes of the prophets lived under his government, it is rather

to be thought, that he went to comfort and help them in this their necessity. Or, there being four places of students in divinity, Carmel, Bethel, Gilgal and Iericho, he according to his wonted manner, having been at the other three before, went now of force to Gilgal to visit the Colledge there, and to provide for their good. Therefore seeing the great want, in which they were, he caused a great not to be set on to make pottage for them, and when hearbs were gathered and shred and and put unwittingly into the pot which were unwholesome, and made the pot∣tage to have such an ill taste, that they could not eat thereof, yea they cried out, that death was in the pot, he made it good again by putting meal into it. The great pot set on argued, that there were many to be fed, even an 100. persons, as may be gathered, v. 43. the making ready of nothing else for them, shewed, with what slender diet they were content. The gourds, which were gathered unwitting∣ly to be put into the pot, were a drug used to purge choller and phlegme, but be∣ing taken caused great pain in the stomack, the liver, and the whole body, saith Martyr, according to Gallen and Dioscorides. there is a kinde of gourds, which is usuall for the pot, but these were wilde and bitter, called, therefore by the Greeks, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Some of the pottage thus made being taken out, and the evil perceived, meal was by the prophet put into the pot, into which, as is to be con∣ceived the pottage taken out to be eaten, was first put again, that it might altoge∣ther be healed. Which was not done through any vertue in the meal, but by the spirit working hereby, as by an outward signe or means, through which vertue came from God to work it. Vallesius saith, that wilde gourds are so pernicious, that if above the weight of four half pence be taken, although prepared, they cause excessive purging, and excoriation, and death, wherefore a little meal could not cure it naturally, but there was here in a supernaturall work. Yet he saith, that because glutinous and thickening things are a means to cure this evill quality, meal properly might be used to help in this case, but to work such an effect, there must be a proportionable quantity, whereas here was but a little put into a great pot full and therefore could not do it without a miracle. For the time, when this famine was, it is thought by some to be that of seven yeares, spoken of chap. 8. 1. but if that were now begun, when Elishah raised the Shunamites son to life, how could he fore-tell her of it afterwards, as he did chap. 8. 1. It was then more pro∣bably a time of scarcity onely about those parts, for a little time, there being food else where, as appeareth by the 20. loaves, which one is said by and by v. 42 to have brought unto the prophet. Whereas it is said, v. 38. The sonnes of the Prophets dwelt before him. Pellican expounds it well, they lived under his instruction and go∣vernment. Of these gourds gathering through ignorance, and putting into the pot for food, this allegory is made by Lyra. He that giveth the literall sense of the law onely, or teacheth Philosophicall speculations, marreth the food of Gods people, so that they are hereby brought in danger of death, for the letter, saith the Apostle, killeth; but the meal of spirituall understanding put to, maketh it good and whole∣some. By others, death is in the pot, when a man teacheth for divine doctrine what he gathereth ignorantly, having no sound ground for it in the holy Scriptures, and therefore he, that teacheth any other thing, must be accursed, Gal. 1. 8. but how bitter and venemous soever any thing be, the danger is removed, if it be cor∣rected by the meal of Gods word. And when men through their ignorances en∣dure much bitternesse and misery, Christ is the grain of whom meal is made sweeten all again, Rom. 5. 1. because through him we have peace with God, and joy in tribulation. And hitherto, one miracle in feeding the hungry, now followeth another, v. 42, 43. A man from Baalshalisha bringing to Elishah 20. loaves of barley, of his first fruits, he fed there with 100. men, and some what still remained, when as his servant thought, that they were nothing to set before so many; because, as Lyra hath it, they were little, and most probably would not ordinarily have suffi∣ced above 20. men. Of their smalnesse this is proof enough, that one man brought them and eares of ripe corn in his garment or scrip, as Ierom turneth it, and that the prophets servant thought it a shame to set them before so many men. Bar∣ly loaves are brought, because that grain was ripe first in those parts. Baalshalisha

from whence hee came, was in the tribe of Benjamin, according to Iunius, the place, that Saul went through in looking for his fathers asses, 1 Sam. 9. 4. but Adrichomius placeth it in Ephraim, and the plains of Sharon, which was fa∣mous for fruitfulnesse. This man certainly was godly, and therefore the worship of God being perverted at Ierusalem, and turned into idolatry, so that it was not fit to bring in the first fruits thither, and to the temple, as they ought otherwise to have done, he brought his to Elishah the man of God, Yet Tostatus will not have them such first fruits, as belonged to the priests, but such as used to be presen∣ted to eminent men for honours sake, which I shall believe, when I finde in any place of scripture any such first fruits spoken of. When the man of God would have these loaves set before 100. men, and his servant spake against it as being too little to satisfie so many, he urged him yet to do it, saying, Thus saith the Lord, they shall all eat, and there shall remain. God at that instant most probably revealed unto him by his spirit, that he would work this miracle at his desire. For although no mention be here made of his blessing the bread by his prayer, yet Theodoret speak∣eth of it, as done immediatly before the distributing of the bread amongst them. Wherefore it is to be conceived, that first he prayed for this blessing, and then di∣stributed the bread amongst them. And herein Elishah did notably figure out that, which was afterwards to be done by our Saviour Christ, viz. his feeding 5000. with a fewer number of loaves and fishes, as hee was farre more full of the spirit then Elishah. Mystically, saith Rabanus, by the man bringing from Baal∣shalishah 20. loaves, &c. understand one holding the true faith of the Trinity, be∣cause Baalshalishah signifieth the Lord three, who by teaching the old testament, bringeth loaves, and by teaching the new, cars of new corn, of which all feed to sanctification, and yet through the blessing of that prophet, there remaineth to feed others.

CHAP. V.

NAaman the Captain of the army of the King of Syria was a great man with his lord: for by him had the Lord given to Syria deliverance, &c.] As Elijah had wrought one miracle upon a heathen womans meal and oyl, so Elishah here upon a heathen mans body, infected with the leprosy, of which, see what it is Levit. 13. and thus whilest religion went down in Israel, idolatry prevailing, it was set up by some amongst the heathen, idolatry being abandoned. Whereas it is said, that by him deliverance or saving was given to Syria, the Rabbins say, that it is thus spoken, because he shot the arrow wherewith Ahab was slain, which is not im∣probable, or at the least, that under his conduct, that battell was fought, which freed Syria from all danger of invasion by Israel; for which cause the king had him in great estimation. But Syria thus prevailed onely for the sinnes of Israel, through Gods just judgement giving strength and power to Naaman against them for their punishment. If it be demanded, whether Naaman were endued with grace, be∣cause it is said, that God by him gave deliverance to Syria? Martyr answereth, it is not probable that he had any true saving grace yet, because there is nothing said to intimate it, and the country of which he was, lay under the great sinne of idola∣try generally, and he might have added, that somewhat is said, intimating him for∣merly to have been an idolater, viz. his resolving after his healing, to sacrifice to none other but to the God of Israel, and his scornfull contempt at the first of the message sent to him by Elishah. It is to be understood therefore, that God wrought not by Naaman for his grace, but because to deliver a people in any great danger, some man must be made an strument, and commonly it hath bin such an one as hath excelled in military vertue, the Lord to commend even this as a good thing to all Captains and military men chose Naaman, who excelled herein, as he formerly sa∣ved Iabesh, Gilead by Saul, and Italy by Marius from the Cymbrians, and Rome by Fabius from the Carthaginans, and Hannibal a most powerfull enemy. For the time,

saying, that God by him gave deliverance to Syria, it is intimated that when any man of valour prevaileth, he is but the instrument, and the power is from God a∣lone, that we may look up to him, and learn to love and feare, and put our trust in him, and not in any mortall man.

For the time when Naaman came to Elisha, one will not have it, as it is set down in order, because ch. 8. 4. the king of Israel is said to have talked with Gehazi about the gests of Elisha, which cannot be thought to have been done after this, but be∣fore it; seeing Gehazi was a leper alwayes after, and with such none conversed; but they were forced to live separate, for feare of infecting others. He therefore pla∣ceth all the miracles, ch. 6. and 7. and Hazael his coming to Elishah for his Lord Benhadad, ch. 8. before this, determining the king of Syria here spoken of to be Ha∣zael, and that Benhadad was dead before this.

But this reason seemeth to me to be too weak to pervert so much the order of the sacred history, when there is none apparant cause; for although lepers were commonly put apart, yet they might upon occasion come forth with a white wand, and happily the king had some occasion at that time to send for Gehazi, and so took the opportunity to question with him about his masters miracles, Serrarius, who is for the said disorder here, saith, that if any man will maintain the order of the history, he must hold that Gehazi repented, after his smiting with the leprosie, and so was healed again for his particular, although his posterity was not. But be∣cause this is against the text, saying, the leprosie of Naaman shall cleave to thee, and to thy seed for ever.] We maintain it not thus, but as hath been already said. The means whereby Naaman came to the prophet to bee healed was this; a litle maid being taken by the Syrians, as they came out by bands against Israel, served his wife; and seeing her master to be a leper, wished that he were with Elishah to be healed. If it be demanded how she was brought to this beliefe, that Elishah could doe this great miracle, seeing there were then many lepers in Israel, as our Lord saith, Luke 4. and yet he healed none of them? I answer, shee heard that hee had done greater works, as encreasing the widowes oyle, and raysing the dead, &c. and therefore she believed, that he was able to doe this also. Now he that heareth this being guided only by the light of nature is ready to say, what good luck Naaman had to light upon such a Captive, but we that believe the providence of God to mo∣derate in every thing; must say, what a providence it was to bring this maid in the way of Naamans souldiers, that she should be taken by them, and that shee should [Note.] come to dwell in his house, and that she should be moved to speak of uch a thing as as she had none experience of before, and what a providence it was that Naaman was finitten with the leprosie to cause him to goe to the prophet, that he might be converted and saved, so that we see God will provide means to accomplish what he hath preordained touching any man, although it be past mans imagination, that we may believe in God, and make use of the means as he shall bee pleased to offer them for the attaining of that which we desire, as Naaman did; not in regard of his greatnesse, despising the speech of his poorest servant, and so as whosoever doth not, shall never attain it.

Naaman hearing what the maid said immediately reported it to the king, that with his leave he might goe into the land of Israel, which he could not otherwise have done, being in such place and authority in that common wealth. The king not only gave him leave, but also wrot his letters to the king of Israel to heal him, that is, by his great prophet, who lived in his dominion. Wherein Martyr rightly ob∣serveth a speciall work of Gods spirit in the kings heart also, in that he decided not the motion, although he were an idolater, and so did vilipend both the true God and his prophets; for God moved his heart so, that he gave all approbation and fur∣therance to the intended voyage. When the letters written by the king of Syria came to the hands of the king of Israel, he rent his clothes, as accounting them blaspheamous, seeing he ascribed that power unto man therein, which was proper to God alone, and he feared also that he thus wrot only to pick a quarrell with him. Indeed the letters seem to come from a proud and imperious spirit, ground enough of a quarrel, the words being these. When this epistle cometh to thee, I have sent Naaman

my servant to thee, that thou shouldest heale him of his leprosie. But considering the premises that the king of Syria had heard of a prophet within Iorams kingdome that could doe it, there was no cause why he should interpret the writing so, as be∣ing sent only to pick a quarrell, unlesse it were for the manner. And yet happily the king of Israel did not indeed conceive so much of the power that was in Eli∣shah to heale, as that litle maid of Naamans, no nor any Prince or Lord about him, nor many in Israel; for if they had, some or other would have wished their friends that were leprous, to have sought to Elishah for cure also. But the king of Syria thinking it to be a thing commonly known in Israel, by reason of the speech of that Israelitish captive, wrot so curiously without mentioning the prophet, whom he meant he should cause to doe it, as he respected him, or feared his puissance; for he doubted not, but according to the maids saying, there was one who could do it, and if he would, he could cause it to be done; and therefore he would have him by this writing to understand, that if it were not done, hee would not take him for his friend, but enemy; and deale with him accordingly. Some think, that the malice of Ioram was such against Elishah, that though he were put in mind of him, he would not use his help or counsell, but seeing he once before sought to him in his need, and since that time it seemeth, that Elishah was gracious with him by his offer made unto the Shunamite, ch. 4. I cannot subscribe to this, but rather attribute the kings astonishment to his simple ignorance, as not conceiving yet by what meanes that might be done, for which the king of Syria wrot; and therefore holding it impossi∣ble for him or any man in his dominion.

But Naaman did not only bring letters, but a great treasure with him to reward him, that should doe so great a work, even ten talents of silver, and 6000 pieces of gold, and ten change of garments. Now the Syrian talent was 46. pound, 17. shillings, 6 pence, ten talents, 468. pound, 15. shillings. The 6000 pieces of gold were 1000 drachmaes, and a drahmah was as much as an Hungarian ducket, that is, of our mony 7 shillings 6 pence a piece of gold, then was one shilling three pence, and 6000. 315 pound; treasure enough to give away at the Court, and to the pro∣phets for this favour, and to bear him out like a Prince in his travell with all his train. For he thought that the prophet was greatly to be rewarded by him so great a man, and such as the King of Israel should imploy to send for the prophet, or with him to the prophet, he meant not to let go unrewarded; such is the courtesie even of naturall men towards their benefactours, which should make us ashamed to be un∣thankfull for good done to us. And for his travell, being so attended much was re∣quisite, it being from Damascus to Samaria 132. miles, and from thence to Iordan 16. and both these numbers of miles he doubled, before he came home again.

The tidings of these letters being brought to Elishah, and how much affrighted the king was, he sent word that he would have Naaman come to him, that he might know, that there was a prophet in Israel, who could do any cure, when the king himself could not tell how to get it done. For indeed the king of Syria erred greatly, when thinking, that the king of Israel could cause the prophet to heal this leprosie by his kingly authority, he wrote unto him to do it, seeing howsoever a king can command other things to be done, yet he cannot command that, which is above the power of man, as this was. And therefore neither did he send for E∣lishah now or before, when his army was without water, as knowing himself in this power to be his inferiour, and therefore unworthy to have Elishah come unto him, as the Centurion that came to Christ for his servant, said that he was unwor∣thy, that he should come under his roof, Mat. 8.

When Naaman came with his traine to Elisha his house, which he had in Sa∣maria, as may be gathered, Ch. 6. 32. he came not out unto him, neither bade him come in, but onely sent to bid him go and wash in Iordan seven times, and so his flesh should come againe as the flesh of a childe. This he did not, saith Martyr, out of pride, but to avoid the overmuch reverence, which he thought Naaman would be ready to give unto him, that his mind might be intent to God onely, from whom this sanation should come. But this is not probable, seeing after the cure wrought he admitted him to his presence, v. 15. when there was more likelihood

of this danger. He did thus therefore more probably, both to try his faith, and to make the miracle more illustrious, seeing the Prophet neither seeing him, nor speaking to him, nor touching him, he was yet healed meerely by doing as he sent word unto him. Whereas otherwise he might haply have thought, that he was healed by some vertue coming from Elisha, and not have attributed so much to Gods power, which being now made so apparant might deterre the Syrians from coming against Israel, which had so mighty a God to protect them. Thus also Lyra. It was not therefore pride, but great humility in Elisha out of which he did thus, that nothing might be attributed to him, but all to God, by whom he was also directed to doe thus, that Naamans pride might be pulled downe, and he by humility and obedience in doing what he was commanded, although seeming too weake to produce so great an effect, might be prepared to have this miracle wrought upon him. Naaman at the first hearing of this waxed wroth, as thinking himselfe mocked, but being better perswaded by his servants, he went and wash∣ed, and was healed. He imagined another way with himselfe, that the Prophet would come out and pray for him, and lay his hand upon the leprosie, and by such meanes sanation might be attained, but in the water of Iordan he could not see, how there should be any vertue to doe it, neither could there, but by the working of him, that is Almighty. Thus man sometimes will prescribe unto God which way he shall helpe him, and if he goeth not that way to work, he despaireth. Whereas we must be willing to be saved that way which God appointeth, al∣though [Note.] it may seeme foolishnesse unto us. In uttering his choler at Elisha his an∣swer, he said, Are not Abuna and Parphar, rivers of Damuscus, &c. Martyr and Pellican render it Aman, and so saith Iunius, it is called by Historians; and some∣time, Adori••, and Parphar, Orontes.

Benjamin in his itinefary saith, There is no where seen in all the world a citie fruitfull like this citie of Damascus, which two rivers falling from mount Hemon, do blesse, Amma and Parphar. For the citie lyeth under mount Hermon, and Am∣ma runneth into it, all great mens houses, and the streets and markets being sup∣plied with the water hereof carried by pipes, Parphar runneth by the citie, and here∣by the gardens and paradises about the city are watered, of which there are aboun∣dance, making it the most fruitfull of all other cities. Thus he; and Adrichomius calleth it Abana, or Amana, as he saith, it is in Hebrew, but not in any copie that I have seen, but onely Abana; he calleth it also Aman and Amma, affirming it to be a most clear river, and pleasant. But whereas Benjamin would have this to flow through the city, Adrichomius saith, that the other cutteth through the city, and this washeth upon the West and South thereof. Now the water of these rivers being so good, Naaman thought it a vain travail to come from them, whose waters he had often used without any such effect, to wash in Iordan to be healed. But the sick wanting skill in phisick, cannot judge of the operation of the bath prescribed by the skilfull Physitian to heal him, and therefore must follow his directions, looking for successe out of a confidence in his skill, through Gods blessing that prescribeth, and so ought Naaman to have done, as indeed he by and by upon better consideration did. For his servants saying unto him [Father, if the prophet had commanded the•• some great matter, would'st thou not have done it? &c.] he went to Iordan, &c. In [Note.] that they called him father, it intimateth, that he was loving and kinde unto them like a father, to the reproof of all cruell and churlish masters like Nabal, and yet if any servant be under such, he must bear it patiently. But such masters instead of love, get the hatred of their servants, whence the proverb did arise, Thou hast a many enemies as thou hast servants. Naamans example, to whom so much good redounded from his servants, should invite all other masters to the like humanity towards their servants, and not to despise the counsell of servants, or of any the poorest and meanest, because sometimes, he that is outwardly despicable may con∣ceive better of a thing, then the greatest and the wisest. Martyr will have Naa∣man called father by his servants, as he was commonly called for the deliverance, which he had wrought for Syria, parens patriae, the father of the country, as Ioseph was called for saving his countrey [Abrech] a tender father. But what did his ser∣vants

counsell him to do? To think well of the Prophets command, and to follow it, because it was easie to be done, and for the effect they doubtlesse believed, that it would be wrought, because he was a man of God, that commanded him to wash and be whole, and they had most probably heard, that they, who had hitherto fol∣lowed his directions, had successe according to their hearts desire, as both the army in digging of pits or ditches, and such as brought him salt at Iericho to heal the wa∣ters, and meal to cure the corrupted pottage. These were faithfull servants then, who neither hated their master nor flattered him, and therefore are worthy to be followed by all others. If they had not greatly loved, but hated him, they would have held their peace, rather laughing at his proud disdain, and joying to have him re∣turn home again a leper, then perswading him for his good: if they had been syco∣phants, they would have been ready to say as he said, and to exasperate him more against the Prophet, who sleighted so much, so great a man as he was, as being rusticall and unable to do any thing for him, or willing to make a mock of him all over Syria, in that he would have him travell so farre, to be healed by such weak and silly means, as washing in common water.

Wherefore he went and washed in Iordan seven times, and his flesh came again as the flesh of a little childe.] That is, saith Lyra, as the purest and clearest flesh of all other, because that is without mixture, whereas the flesh of others is mixed with the nutriment wherewith the body is nourished. And this simili∣tude is used, to shew, that this was done in a figure of regeneration by bap∣tisme, wherein the image of the new man commeth againe, which is in righteousnesse and true holinesse, Ephess. 4. and to figure out the same, the man that was blinde, was sent to wash in the pool Siloam, whereupon he was healed. To be regenerated therefore, and to be converted and become as a little childe is all one, and such we must be, or else we cannot be saved. Naamans wash∣ing seven times, served to set forth the manifold gifts of the spirit, of which they that are regenerate, are made partakers, and not the oftener iterating of baptism, as Martyr saith. For in these two things Naamans washing was unlike unto bap∣tism; first, in that he washed seven times, baptisme but once; secondly, was hea∣led by washing, but justification is attained before, and not in washing, as Abra∣ham was justified and then circumcised, so baptisme followeth as a signe or seal of justification, not thereby, but by faith before obtained, thus he; but this is to be un∣derstood of adulti, for infants are healed of the foul leprosie of originall sinne set forth by Naamans leprosie in baptisme, seeing they want faith, being onely the seed of the faithfull, and so having right unto baptisme, which saveth as Noahs Ark, 1 Pet. 3. 21. Faith then justifieth and saveth by the accession of baptisme in the adulti according to that, he which beleeveth and is baptized shall be saved, and bap∣tisme without actuall faith saveth in infants coming of faithfull parents, yet they are so saved as originall sin, the leprosie of their natures being in baptisme washed away spring not up again, as a root of bitternesse into actuall and voluntary sinning. For in this case we must be renewed by faith and repentance, and so we recover justice lost, which baptisme once received, serveth to seal up unto us for ever, and there∣fore is not to be iterated again.

Naaman being thus miraculously healed, returneth back to Elishah to make pro∣fession of the faith, to which he was now turned, and to shew his thankfulnesse: for he said, that he knew now that there was no God in all the earth, but in Israel, and he offered him gifts, and urged him to take them, but he refused them with an oath. And hereby it appeareth, that Naaman was healed, not onely in body, but in soul also. Seeing he did both beleeve with his heart. and confesse God with his mouth, and after the manner of the truly faithfull, came with an offering, for the great benefit received, to shew his thankfulnesse therefore; as amongst the ten lepers whom Christ cleansed, one that returned to give thanks is spoken of as singularly godly. In saying, that there was no god in all the earth but in Israel, be meant not, that God was concluded within the bounds of that land, for he fil∣leth heaven and earth, but that the God which was worshipped in Israel by Elishah, and all that cleaved unto him, as all ought to do, was the only true God, and that the

gods worshipped by other nations, were idols and no gods: for that it is to be un∣derstood of Elishah his God onely, and the God, which had his temple in that land, thus said to be in Israel, because there, and not in any other Nation his lawes were taught, and sacrifices were offered to him, is plaine, because it was that God, by whose power Naaman was healed, which neither Ieroboams calves, nor Baal, after whom the great sort in Israel went a whoreing, could have done. But why did Elishah refuse his blessing, as he called it? did he by so doing teach that it should be unlawfull for the men of God to take any thing towards their maintenance for their paines in their calling? or what other reason might there be. For the first can∣not hold, because the labourer is said to be worthy of his hire: see also 1 Cor. 9. Gal. 6. 6. It must be therefore, because it was and ever shall be unlawfull to take a reward for any miraculous healing, according to the charge also given by Christ to his Apostles, saying, Freely ye have received, freely give. Thus Pellican; saying also, that miracles were done for the glory of God and the salvation of men, and not for the increase of worldly goods, or to satisfie covetousnesse. For this were to abuse the immediate act of God, as if it were purchaseable by money; as a Physicians di∣rection, which is so much detested before him, that when a certain Scribe would have followed Christ to make a gaine of his miraculous sanations, he rejected him as a crafty foxe: and when Simon Magus would have purchased this power for such an end, he was pronounced to be in the gall of bitternesse.

Peter Martyr and others adde, that he refused, because he would have Naaman still to fix his minde upon God, and seeing how much he was obliged unto him for so great a benefit freely conferred upon him, be the more inflamed with his love; and againe, that by this contempt of worldly riches shewed by the Prophet, he might be drawne the lesse to admire them, yea to contemne them also in respect of things heavenly, which alone he by this meanes plainly saw satisfied Elishah so, that he cared not for worldly goods: and lastly, that he might not be scandalized, as he might have been, if Elishah had taken his rich rewards offered, for so he might have thought that his end was not, but to get worldly gaine by his God, and thus he himselfe might have rested in the fruition of outward things, as the highest attain∣able by such as believed in him. Lyra saith, that he wold take nothing, that he might shew, that he sought not his things, but the saving of him both in soule and body. Neither should any man of God in dispensing the mysteries of salvation seeke any other thing, according to that of the Apostle, We seeke not yours, but you, although he may take maintenance for his labours in the ministery to live upon and to pro∣vide for his family, as every one is bound to doe. The Apostle Paul indeed la∣boured for his living and preached in some places freely, but neither did hee so to give us an example, unlesse it be in the case of first plainting a Church, neither did he totally refraine from taking, for he saith, That he robbed some Churches to minister freely to the Corinthians, that his evill willers, the false teachers there might not object covetousnesse unto him. And as Paul did, so saith Martyr, did some Waldenses in some part of Poland, which made them to be reputed the true Pastours, and others that tooke maintenance, bellies. But this was the effect of a blinde zeale in them, seeing it is allowed, that he who serveth at the altar, should live upon the altar. But if any have living sufficient of their owne, may such take maintenance for exercising and labouring in their ministery? Martyr answereth, That if it be said they should not, this were the way to make other ministers con∣temptible, that take, and to make parishioners not used to give their Pastours main∣tenance, to thinke more strangely of him, that should come afterwards to take it, wherefore he conceiveth, that such a minister shall doe best to take and give it to the poore; wherein though I assent unto him, yet to take it and to dispose of it, as his owne, is not to doe ill (provided, that according to his double meanes he be hospitable and charitable) seeing it is his hire for his great labours.

And Naaman said, And shall not I pray thee, two mules loads of earth be giuen to thy servant? for thy servant will henceforth offer no sacrifice to other gods, but to the Lord onely.] The Vulg. lat. As thou wilt, but I beseech thee. Peter Martyr, Et non detur quaeso? Iun. At the least I pray thee, let there be given. And he addeth, that

this request, as also the next, that God would be mercifull unto him, when his Ma∣ster should bow leaning upon him in the house of Rimmon, proceeded from his ig∣norance, because the true God was to be sacrificed unto not upon Israelitish earth, but at his temple in Ierusalem. Wherefore the Prophet gave him none other an∣swer, But goe in peace, meaning that these things belonged not to the peace of his conscience, but rather to the disquiet thereof, God being hereby provoked. But Lyra justifieth Naaman in this his purpose of sacrificing to God out of the pecu∣liar place hereunto appointed, because although the Israelites were tied to one place, yet the faithfull amongst the Gentiles were not, seeing the Mosaicall law was not given to them, but to the Israelites, as these words commonly used, when any rite about the worship of God was prescribed, speake unto the children of Israel, and say unto them, doe shew. As Noah then sacrificed any where before the Law and Abraham, so it was lawfull still under the Law for the Gentiles. Whereas he would have earth out of the land of Israel to make an Altar for this purpose, to which as to the other, the Prophet answered nothing but Goe in peace. He asked nothing, but what he might lawfully doe, although not necessary, seeing he might have reared up an Altar of any other earth, as well as of that, onely he thought the land, where the true God dwelt peculiarly, more holy then any other, and because that herein he had beene healed, he would shew a more venerable respect unto it. For his saying, Goe in peace, to his other request also, he hereby shewed likewise, that he needed no indulgence for it, being also lawfull. For he desired not, that he mighe be pardoned for dissembling any idolatry, which he meant not any more to commit either really or feignedly, but onely, that it might not be laid to his charge out of the idols temple, so not in it to performe his service to his Master the King by leaning to support him with his shoulder, upon which he used to leane and wor∣ship Rimmon, which because he might lawfully doe, the prophet made him that answer, that he might of this make no scruple. Thus Lyra. Hugo Cardin. saith, that he meant to feigne a worshipping of that idol still, and herein the Prophet dispensed with him for a time, that living amongst idolaters he might have the opportunity to preach unto them the true God, he promising to Elishah, that he would shortly leave his place and not come any more in that temple. But this is worthily rejected by Lyra, seeing evill is not to be done, that good may come of it, neither can any man dispense with one for doing that, which in it owne nature is evil. Pellican saith, that the prophet dealt with him, as with one weak in the faith, but yet truly in him, bearing with him in his weaknesse, and accepting of him for his heart in sincerity set to worship the true God and not any idol more; and so he answereth him, Go in peace, to shew, that he should be accepted of for his godly pur∣pose, and that what he did as a weake beleever should not be imputed unto him, which maketh against those that are so ridged against Neophites, as that they looke that they should be exact in every thing at the very first, and if they be not, they are ready to censure them. Martyr agreeth with Lyra as touching the lawfulnesse of a Gentiles sacrificing to God upon any earth; holding that Naaman would have some to carry away from hence yet for the purpose, that by making an Altar of it in his owne countrey he might make publique confession of the God of Israel to be the true God: and hereby be alwaies put in minde of him, and the benefit re∣ceived in that land by his mercy to be stirred up to continuall thankfulnesse there∣fore; neither would he have any of the earth of that land for this use, but so much earth out of Elishah his house, for which cause he asked it of him, whereas other∣wise he could have taken it without asking, although some say, that he asked it of him, because taking it by his allowance he thought it might be of vertue to do him good, as the water of Iordan at his word had done, whereas otherwise he knew there was no such vertue in it. I thinke, that he asked it of him neither for one of these reasons nor the other, but onely to let him know by this outward signe, that the God of Israel onely should henceforth be his God; and although he would take nothing offered him, yet his cost should goe in offering sacrifice to God, and he moved him in it, because he would doe nothing but by his approbation in matters of such moment. The conceit of some mentioned by Martyr and some others is

not worth the naming, viz. that Naaman would have this earth to put under his feete when he stood in the house of Rimmon, for both it had beene absurd, and he expresly shewed for what use he would have it, saying, I will sacrifice to none other God, &c. Whether Elishah assented or no it is not said, but he answered to both his requests together and so assented, yet not to countenance the superstitious bringing of a little earth or stones from the Holy Land by pilgrims of all parts as a meanes of blessing: but hereby was figured out the translating of Gods favour set forth by that earth, whereon he professed to dwell, to us Gentiles, as the Syrians were, being herein some of the first fruits of the Gentiles, because the signe of Gods favour and presence came thus first to be amongst them. Touching the other passage, Martyr maintaineth it to be a sin for Naaman to do, as he said, although his heart were right towards the true God, because he prayed God in this matter to be mercifull, which he needed not to have done, unlesse he had known it to be a sin. Moreover, not onely evil, but all appearances of evil is to be avoided, if he there∣fore bowed before the idol when his Master bowed, although not with any inten∣tion to worship it, there was an evil shew and example to others, that beheld it to draw them to doe the like, for as much as they could not see into his heart to put a difference between his act, and his masters.

And likewise if any be present at the Popish idolatry of the masse, they become guilty of the sin of idolatry, for so doing, although their hearts be against it. Where∣fore he preferreth the piety of those Princes before Naamans, viz. of Saxony and the rest, who attended the Emperour Charles 5. onely to the Church doore when he went to masse, but entred not in with him. Whereas Elishah answered as not disliking what he meant to doe, whereby it may seem not to be a sin; he saith, that by these words, goe in peace] he meant nothing else, but that God who had en∣lightened him so farre, as to see and know him to be the only true God, and that to be present at idolatrous worship was sin, would direct him so, as that he should never to keep his worldly dignity, yield to doe this, and that he prayed for him, and even prophefied hereby, that he should never doe it. But seeing no man in common sense would thus understand these words, but as an incouragement to doe what he had propounded without any scruple, and Naaman is not to be thought to have un∣derstood them otherwise, I cannot assent to them, although our own men, who would streine them to another sense, which was never given by any ancient Expo∣sitour, that I have seen. In saying then goe in peace; he doth rather secure him from all danger of sinning in doing his office to his master, either out of the house of Rimmon or within it, and yet giveth no toleration to him or any other of feinedly yielding any outward reverence to an idoll, for all worship in this way of religion both outward and inward, is to be given to God alone, for the arguments brought to prove it a sin, which Naaman intended, I answer, first that it was Naamans ig∣norance which made him feare it to be a sin, and it is no good reason from words spoken in ignorance, implying an act to be a sin, to conclude it to be so indeed. Se∣condly Naamans publick profession made by bringing earth out of Israel to make an altar to sacrifice to the true God onely, freed him sufficiently from all appea∣rance of evill before all men, and made it apparant unto them, that what he did in the temple of Rimmon, was without all respect to the idol in duty to his Lord only. And to be present at idolatry for some other end without any way countenancing that sacrilegious act, is not to be censured as a sin; witnesse the prophet Elijah, who was present, when Baals priests sacrificed to him, but to deride them, and the 3 children in Daniel were present, when the golden image set up by Nebuchadnez∣zar, was worshipped. But however Naaman sinned not in this his service done to his master in an idols temple, they cannot be exused as free from sin, who are present at idolatrous worship only out of curiosity, or because they would not be known to be of a divers religion for feare of danger or displeasure, for this is grosse dissimu∣lation and halting, which God cannot endure. To conclude, in justifying Naaman in this matter, as if I goe not from the ancient Expositours upon this place, so I go not farre from Martyr himselfe, where he saith, if the person that is present at ido∣latrous worship, be known to abhorre from idolatry, he may be thought to be pre∣sent,

and to bow the king for some other cause, especially a protestation being first made by him, only Idiffer wherein he differeth from himself in his next words; which the sacred history doth not shew, that Naaman made in that temple before the Syrians, and some words used before in speaking upon the 2 mules loades of earth, which he asked; viz, he would first and chiefly that the altar made of this earth, should be a monument amongst the Syrians of his faith in the true God, the God of Israel; for what was this else but to make a publick profession before the Syrians of his being turned from idols to the true God, who was worshipped in Israel.

When Naaman was gone a mile, in his return, the vulgar Latin electo tempore, but the Hebrew is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a mile of ground, Gehazi thought within his cove∣tous heart, that although his master had spared Naaman, yet he would get some∣thing of him, and so he sware that he would follow him with speed, &c. The sin of Gehazi saith Lyra, may be noted to be manifold. 1. Covetousnesse, making him to gape after gaine, by the leper healed. 2. Swearing the Lord liveth, to do that which was to the dishonour of God. 3. Lying to Naaman, when he told him that two sonnes of the prophets were come to his masters, and he would pray him to give them a talent of silver, &c. 4. Theft in that he hid the mony received, laying it up for his own use. 5. Lying to Elishah, when hee said, that hee went no whether, wherefore he was adiudged to be smitten with such a leprosie as Naaman had, both he and his children for ever; being herein saith Pellican, a figure of the covetous in their childrens holding that which they have unjustly gotten. There is another sin also that Lyra here layeth upon Gehazi, that being urged by Naaman, he sware that Elishah bad him say so to Naaman; for he saith, it is in the Hebrew, [Sware, and take two talents] and the more indeed hath this signification as well as others, wherefore R. Salomon so rendreth it, but other Expositours reject it as not agree∣ing, because after this it is said, he compelled him. Martyr saith, that Gehazi sinned also in speaking contemptuously of so famous a convert, calling him this Syrian, and detracting from the discretion of Elishah, as if he had not done wisely in sparing an heathen man full of wealth; and by this meanes wanting where withall to relieve poor sonnes of the prophets, living under his tuition, as Iudas found fault with the spending of a box of pretious ointment upon Christ when it might have been sold, and the price given unto the poore, not that he was so well affected, but because he bare the bagge and was a thiefe, and so thought that comming into his hands, hee might have gotten a good part of it. In like manner Gehazi most probably taxed his masters forbearing to take, because he was disappointed of a prey, which by this means he expected. Now Gehazi was not so covetous and deceitfull, but Naaman was as free and credulous. For he not only stayed, when he had heard of his com∣ing after him, but also came down out of his chariot, and went to meet him, which was much for so great a man to a poor servant, but he respected the prophet whom he served and his God, to whom he ought all respect and honour, although he were now by him abused. Which sheweth, that it is not alwayes like master, like man, [Note.] neither doe the best means work upon some that live continually under them, but there is more grace in some, that want all means, or enjoy but litle, then in such; as Naaman excelled Gehazi. But let all be warned by his dreadfull judgement to flye coveteousnesse, which being in the heart, no means can work for good.

Moreover Naaman most willingly gave him two talents, when he asked one, and sent two porters to carry them, which when he came to the Castle he tooke and laid up. The Vulgar lat. When he came in the evening. Montanus, into a secret place. Vatabl. and the Chald. Into an obscure place. For all these expositions the word may beare, and it is likely, that he had this treasure, that it might not come to his masters knowledge although he had taken it in his name, as desirous still to be reputed godly and sincere before him, when he proved himselfe herein a very thiefe, and he is said to have laid it up in the house, that is, according to Hugo, in his owne house. Elishah presently upon his coming before him shewed, how vaine his seeking to hide it was, for nothing can be hidden from God, or from such, as to whom he maketh his revelations; therefore he saith, his heart went with him, meaning, that by his propheticall spirit he saw him. Whereas in checking him he

saith nothing of the money, but of the raiments, and Olives, &c.

Is this a time to receive raiments, olives and vineyards, cattle, oxen and servants?] It was to set forth the great summes of money, to which two talents doe amount, as may be gathered also from that, which was said before.

They were so much as would suffice to buy all these things, saying, Is this a time to receive, &c. he meanes, when he refused to take any thing, that Gods glory might be the more illustrated; he taxeth him therefore, as pulling downe that, which he had built up, and indeed all taking of a reward at any time, when God by his Prophets forbiddeth it, implying yet, that there is a time of receiving for the Prophets maintenance of his disciples.

Therefore the leprosie of Naaman shall cleave to thee and to thy seed for ever.] That is, such a leprosie, he had, viz. the greatest and most uncurable. And this punish∣ment was most just, that having Naamans money he should together with it have his leprosie, for gaping after the filthy lucre a filthy disease, for his selling secretly the grace of God, an open infamous brand; for sinning about the healing of a leprosie, the leprosie, that it might appeare to come not for any other sinne, but this, for his seeking to enrich his children with goods basely gotten, the debasing of them by this loathsome disease for ever. And mystically this teacheth, that they provide ill [Note.] for their children, who by unjust meanes seeke to get riches for them, they get Gods judgements, as is most commonly seene, in that they are either tied with the same servile bands of covetousnesse, or as is most commonly seene, they breake out with the leprosie of riotousnesse, which can never be healed. The Hebrewes by the seed of Gehazi will have no infants or borne after this understood, but onely his children growne up, and R. Levi Ben Gerson by these words [for ever] under∣standeth the Iubilee, lest God should seem to be too cruel. But seeing Ely was also punished in his children then unborn, and Ioab, &c. there is no reason thus to limit this judgement against Gehazi, seeing all are tainted with sinne, and God to ter∣rifie the more with his judgements may without cruelty for the sin of the father plague both him and his sinfull brood also outwardly at his pleasure, as hath beene sometimes before shewed. Wherefore God made Gehazi and his seed a lasting monument of the odiousnesse of sacriledge, that in the ages to come it might be pointed at, and said, Behold, the fruit of sacriledge, to make all others to have it in abomination. Gehazi is lastly said to have gone out from him a leper as white as snow, that is, the most incurable, as appeareth, Lev. 13. And he is said to have gone out, because the leprous were to be separated to an out place remote from the sound, and never to live in company with them any more. Hugo Cardin. saith, That some thinke, that Gehazi had no seed, but that mystically they are Gehazites, even his seed as it were, that sell spirituall things, as they are symoniacall, that buy them; or such as when spirituall gifts have been freely bestowed, looke for a recompence afterwards, the seller or buyer by pact being both symoniacall.

Peter Martyr will have the Pope set forth by Gehazi in that he taketh of those, that the Apostles let goe free, houses and lands, &c. abusing those of whom he taketh, with lies, as he did Naaman. But when he thinketh in thus doing to lye hid from Elishah, that is, Christ, he alwayes beholdeth his impostures, and will judge him to depart from his presence, as most foule and filthy, and never to come where his saints dwell, but in outer darknesse for ever.

CHAP. VI.

AFter that Gehazi was cast out, say the Hebrews, who was sharpe to the fol∣lowers of Elishah, and grudged at his spending of the gifts brought in upon them; the number of them encreased so, that there was not room enough for them to dwell together. Wherefore they consult about making another house at Iordan. Tostatus yieldeth another reason of this increase of his followers, viz. because they were pinched with famine, which yet continued, and Elishah, they beleeved, was

able either by miracle to provide for them, or by meanes of the provision brought in unto him by such as were godly affected. Howsoever it is worth the noting, saith Martyr, both that the faithfull encrease more, when the wicked are purged out, that such may not be suffered in the Church: and also that the number of the faith∣full [Note.] is not diminished by persecution and tyranny, but encreased, as the Palme-tree fructifieth the more, the more it is pressed with weight, because this encrease of the sons of the prophets with Elishah, was in the days of idolatrous Ioram. Where the house was, that had not room enough for them, it is not said, but it seemeth not to have been farre from Iordan, because they move him that they might go to Ior∣dan to cut down timber, and build there, and that he would vouchsafe to go with them. Although they were prophets then, and according to their name spent much time in divine reading and exercises, yet they laboured and lived not in idlenesse, like monasticall persons now a dayes, neither were they such as vowed to live a single life; for chap. 4. we reade of a wife of one of the sonnes ot the prophets, they were therefore not tied herein, but at their own liberty, and yet lived in Col∣ledges together under a master, keeping their wives happily in some places not far from them. Which sheweth, the weak ground of Monkish votaries of these times, in their practice.

To Iordan they go to build, saith Martyr, most probably, because there was water for their use, and timber growing along the banks. The cause why this is re∣lated, was the miracle wrought upon this occasion by Elishah, to comfort and con∣firm the faith of his disciples the more, in making iron to swim upon the water. For when one did cut down wood, the head of his hatchet fel into the water, which made him cry out to Elishah, and the rather because it was borrowed, and a just per∣son is troubled more, if he cannot restore that which hee borrowed, then if he had lost his own. And by the way see here, how plain and poor the sonnes of the pro∣phets [Note.] were of old, to shew, that they sought not the world by their profession, but Gods glory. Elishah pitying his case, and being told where it fell in, for God revealed not all things unto him, cut a stick and cast it in, and then the iron swam and was taken up again by him from whom it fell. R. Solomon saith, that the stick cut was a new helve, for the other was broken, and this being put into the water, the head went on to it, swimming together to the bank, which Martyr follow∣ing, noteth a three fold miracle; first, in the swimming of the heavie iron; second∣ly, in the joyning with the new helve in the water; thirdly, in supporting the iron with the wood, when it was able to sink that down with the weight, or rather we may say, that here were two miracles wrought. First, in the sinking of the helve cast in and joyning with the head, that lay at the bottom, as if it had been put into the eye thereof by the hand of a man; secondly, in the helves swimming up a∣gain, and bringing the head with it, which according to the course of nature would have weighed that down. For this must needs be yielded, that the wood cast in went down to the bottom, or else it had been used as a means in vain, but thus, demersam fluvio relevavit virga securim, as Tertullian speaketh, the stick lifted up the hatchet drowned in the river. And in another place, the iron swam above, but the wood was drowned, which the sonnes of the Prophets received. Wherefore it was not made so to sink, but that it rose again and brougnt up the iron with it, as hath been already said. To enquire how God did this, as some do, whether by taking away the heavie quality of the iron for the time, or by the ministry of Angels, is vain, seeing he is almighty, and can at his pleasure, make heavie things to be born up by the waters, as the body of Christ, and fire to lose the quality of burning, as in the fierie furnace, and wilde beasts to refrain from devouring a prey exposed unto them, as in the case of Daniel. But that ever he changed the substance of a body into another substance, the accidents remaining, we never read, or that he made one body to be in more places at once, as the Papists fondly hold touching the bo∣dy of our Lord in the sacrament. Allegorically, by the head falling into the water whilest wood was cutting down, Gregory understands a preacher puffed up, whilest he seeks to cut down sin, for hereby he himself sinketh, but upon his crying out in sorrow for this, God hath mercy upon him, & saveth him frō perishing in the deep.

And the king of Aram fought against Israel, and consulted with his servants, say¦ing, in such and such a place shall my tents be, &c.] Vpon what occasion this warre was moved it is not said, and it may seem strange, that after so great a benefit re∣ceived, in the healing of Naaman the captain of the army, that the king should come against Israel. But it is to be thought, that this warre was rather onely an ambushment, when peace was pretended out of the inveterate malice of the king of Syria, against the king of Israel, then a warre openly made, as the words also intimate. He thought not himself sufficiently revenged for former overthrowes, to have slain Ahab in battle, but he sought now treacherously to slay his sonne, when there seemed to be peace between them. And haply for Naaman, he was no more now in such estimation with him to hinder it, seeing he was turned af∣ter the God of Israel. The words rendred in [such and such a place] Hebrew, are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is, in a place hidden and silent, so called b••cause ob∣scure, and to it they should come without noise, which although it be not here na∣med, yet it was particularly appointed amongst the Syrians. Iosephus speaketh on∣ly of one time that he did thus, in some place where the king o•• I••real was to ride a hunting. But it is said, not once or twice, whereby it is to be understood that he did it often, and so was by the prophet often discovered. He had power then given him by his propheticall spirit, to see into things done most secretly, and farre off from him, as also appeared partly before, in his reproof of Gehazi. But why would he do so much for an idolatrous king, that esteemed not of him, nor of his doctrine; when as before chap. 3. he professed, that had it not been, that he re∣spected Iehoshaphat, he would not have looked towards him? Answ. It seemeth, that by the miracle wrought then he came into great grace at the court, as was no∣ted chap. 4. in his speech to the Shunamite, wherefore he sought still by good of∣fices doing for the king, to oblige him more and more unto God, by whom hee wrought, if by any means he might bring him to repentance. Moreover, as Mar∣tyr noteth, he being a man of God was to promote the good of Gods people, and to keep away evill from them as much as he could, although they were most of them revolted from him, because they were the posterity of Abraham, and so within the covenant still. And it is the duty of the men of God to seek the preser∣vation of the king and state wherein they live, although they be wicked and un∣worthy. [Note.]

When Elishah gave the king warning of these ambushments, he sent scouts out and found it to be as he had said, and so saved himself from the danger. Lyra, fol∣lowing the vulgar Latin [praeoccupavit eum] saith, that he sent and took the men laid in ambush, whereas he onely by sending found it to be so, as the Prophet had fore-told, and thus it was made evident unto him, that Elishah was guided by the spirit of God, to give the more credit to his words.

The king of Syria being troubled at this, challenged his servants as discovering it, but they said that it was Elishah; whereby it seemeth, that he was famous for his divine spirit, even in that country, and doubtlesse his healing of Naaman was no small cause thereof. The king hearing it, would take away Elishah, and under∣standing that he was in Dothan, sent a great army, and horses and chariots to take him. Ah foolish king, that beleeved Elishah to be endued with the spirit of God, so that he could reveal most secret consultations against others, and yet conceived not that he could as easily frustrate all attempts against himself. The army of the king of Syria being seen by the servant of Elishah, he cried out to his master for fear, but he to put fear away from him, said, There are more with us then with them; and when he had prayed, that his eyes might be opened, he saw the mountaine full of horse, and a fierie chariot about Elisha, the singular number being put for the plurall, wherefore the vulgar Latin hath it, fiery chariots. But how could they saith Martyr, be about Elishah, when as he was in the city, they in the moun∣tain? And he answereth, that as the Angels like horses and chariots were represen∣ted to him upon the mountain, so, was Elishah also in the midst of them, as for whose sake and guard onely they were now sent. Dothan, about which these Syrians now came, according to Adrichomius, was in the tribe of Zabulon, 12 miles, as Ierom

saith, from Samaria, but others place it in Manasseh, the next tribe unto Ephraim, in which Samaria stood. Of Dothan it is spoken before, Gen. 37. but upon what occasion Elisha was now there, is uncertain. He was the common father and instructer of the faithfull in all places, and so went to teach sometime in one place, and some∣time in another, and thus I suppose, he was in Dothan at that time. If it be deman∣ded, who was the servant of Elishah now that Gehazi was gone? Some that hold the history of Naaman to be misplaced, answer readily, that it was Gehazi who was not smitten with the leprosie till after this. But of this enough hath bin already said, and in that the servant is not named, as Gehazi commonly was, ch. 4. and ch. 5. it is intimated that he now attended Elishah no more, but another succeeding in his service, which also proveth that the history, ch. 5. is placed in due order.

Elishah perceiving that the coming of this army was to have him delivered in∣to their hands, after that, he shewed his servant what a guard was set about him, that he might not fear, went out of the city, and then they came down to him to take him: for Dothan according to Adrichomius, was scituated in a plain place between two hills, so that to come to him, they must needs come down. Then Elishah prayed the Lord to smite them with blindnesse, and he smote them; and Elishah told them, saying, this is not the way, nor the city, come after me, and I will bring you to the man whom yee seeke.] This blindnes was not the blindnesse of their bodily eyes, for then they could not have seen Elishah to follow him, and they them∣selves presently perceiving, in what case they were, would not have gone on, as hee directed them; it was therefore a blindesse of mind wherewith they were smitten, making them like litle children in understanding, which cannot distin∣guish between one place and way, and another. It is likely, when they came near Elishah, that being thus infatuated, they knew him not, but taking him for some other man, asked him for Elishah, and the way into the city.

Touching his answer, although he may seem to have spoken untruly to them, yet indeed he did not, for they enquired for Elishah, and although he at that time was in Dothan upon some occasion, yet his dwelling was in Samaria, as hath been partly touched upon ch. 5. and appeareth, ch. 6. 32. neither was he now in the ci∣ty of Dothan, but came forth to goe to Samaria. In saying therefore, this is not the way, nor the city] he meant, that it was not the city where Elishah dwelt, or where they might find him which was most true, because if then they had gone into Do∣than, they could not have found him there; but in Samaria, he meant to shew him∣selfe unto them: so Lyra almost, and Martyr; wherefore Tostatus erred much in granting that Elishah told an officious lie, the spirit of God moving him thereunto, for his future glory. For considering, that to lie is to sin, we must by no means either grant, that so holy a prophet sinned, unlesse it may evidently appeare, neither that God instigateth to any the least sin for the greatest good, that may bee. Elishah would have them smitten with blindnesse purposely, that when they went about to take him, he might take them and make them see how vaine and dangerous a thing it was to come forth against God and his servant, that if it were possible, they might hereby, and by the kind usage which they had, be converted from idols to the true God, who was able to doe such wonderfull things.

He lead them therefore to Samaria, the metropolitical city of the kingdom, where the king kept his court, and had most probably a great guard continually about him, and a number of citizens well appointed, expert in military affaires, and able soon to destroy the Syrian army being now shut into their city. For so soon as they were entred saith Iosephus, Elishah commanded the gates to be shut, and sent to the king to bring forth his bands of men, and to place them round about them; which being done, he prayed God to open their eyes, that is, their understanding again, that thus they might see, in what danger they were. But that they might not be slain, be forbad this to the king; and contrariwise bad, that provision should bee set be∣fore them; which being done, and they refreshed herewith, they departed to their master, and never adventured to come in such a secret manner any more, into the land of Israel.

When Ioram coming with his men ready prepared saw them, he asked Elishah

saying, shall I smite them, (O my father) He knowing that they were miraculously brought thither by the prophet, would doe nothing without his direction; but hee answered, thou shalt not smite them, but those, whom thou takest with thy sword and thy bow. Seeing his enemies brought now into his power by Elishah, he great∣ly reverenced him, and called him father, but it was in hypocrisie; neither was his heart right towards him, as the sequele in this ch. doth declare, when he sent to his house to kill him. Touching the prophets answer, the meaning is, that they were none of his Captives, but the Lords; and therefore, although he had power of life and death over his own captives, yet he had not over these, neither should smite them, but doe what the Lord would unto them, viz. courteously set them to meat, and so send them away again; according to that, Rom. 12. 20. If thy enemy hunger, give him meat, &c. Whereas the king obeyed the prophet herein, it was because the Lord overuled him, in whose hand is the heart of the king, and he turneth it as the rivers of water, for his will was certainly to have slain them; neither could any but the divine power have held him from it. Martyr, besides the sense of these words already given; thou smitest all those whom thou takest with thy sword, &c. hath this, thou smitest such, but not all such, therefore much lesse these, whom thou hast not taken. This lenity of the prophet in this case was admirable, seeing hee was the man that they now aimed at, to take and carry away captive, so that a man would think, he should rather have stirred up the king to slay them as enemies, having them at this advantage; but he thought it an opportunity rather to work in them by kind∣nesse a love of his God, who was both of such unparalleld mercy and power, seeing none almost would have let their enemies goe, coming by any means into their power. Neither was this kindnesse shewed without effect; for it is said, that the Syrian armies came no more into the land of Israel. Against which if the words fol∣lowing v. 24. seem to make, it is to be understood, that the meaning is, they came no more secretly, and by stealth, because they saw they prevailed nothing by so do∣ing, but from thenceforth they made open warre; to this effect Iosephus; the king of Syria admiring the power of God and the divinity of Elishah, determined with himselfe not to attempt any thing more treacherously and closely, but openly with a full army to invade Israel; and yet happily those forces who were now sent away in safety, never came more, they were by this miracle & mercy so much moved. To intimate which it is said, they added not to come any more, viz. the same armies, but others were gathered together to besiege Samaria in far greater multitudes, for which cause the words are varied. Benhadad gathered together all his tents, although the vulgar Latin hath it, his whole army; and thus Pellican expounds it, or that they came no more in Elishah his life time, or whilest that king reigned. If it be deman∣ded; whether the prophet did well to spare them being idolaters and enemies? I answer, although idolaters of the Israelites were to be slaine, because God had pe∣culiarly chosen them, and by many signes and wonders declared himselfe to be the only true God unto them, and expressely taught them against idolatry; for which cause Elijah spared neither the Prophets of Baal, nor the two captaines with their fifties, and afterwards the servants of Baal being brought together by a wise into the house of Baal were all by Iehu destroyed; Yet other nations were not to be de∣stroyed for this, but as God appointed, viz. the Canaanites, Perezites, Ammorites, &c. who were all adjudged to destruction, and Amalekites, but upon the Syrians the like judgement was not passed, and therefore they might sometime be spared, as occasion served; as when God brought them miraculously into their hands, not for this, but another end; when for this end Benhadad was brought into the hands of Ahab, it was a great sin to spare him, as hath been shewed before. But now it was a vertue, for hereby was shewed gentlenesse towards enemies able to make their hearts relent, that the Israelites might live by them in the more quiet after∣wards, and that their God might have honour even amongst them. Moreover the idolatry that they lived in, was out of simple ignorance, and these that came to take Elijah, did but as they were commanded by their Lord, whom they were to obey, which extenuated their fault, and pleaded for pity to be shewed unto them. Where∣as Sallianus thinks, that they had such indignation at Elishoh his thus mocking of

them, that they stirred up their king to the following warre, it is improbable, be∣cause their coming no more into that land is spoken of, as the issue of this their u∣sage, and the heart of Benhadad, as appeareth by his whole history, was generally bent after one attempt by warre defeated, to begin another so soon as he could, so implacable was his malicious mind against Israel.

Mystically by the King of Syria warring against Israel, by trechery understand the devil closely seeking the destruction of the faithfull, by Elishah godly Preachers giving them warning against his treacheries; and as the Syrian army seeking to take Elishah away was confounded and made to go home again without effecting any thing, so are all the attempts of the devil to take away such Preachers fiustra∣ted; when such as he stirreth up to persecute are like Saul, first smitten with blind∣nesse, and then receiving their sight again are no more enemies, but rather friends, of the Church, and publishers of Gods wonderfull works toward them, as he was, being made of a persecuter, a Preacher of the Christian faith. Whereas Lyra bring∣eth for example, not Saul, but Anthony the Eremite a diligent Preacher, whom the devil sought to strangle, but by the Virgin Mary he was chased away; it sa∣voureth [Note.] of a Fryerly legend of inventions put for truths. The army of horses and fiery chariots about Elishah shewed, how the Angels of God pitch their tents about those that feare him to save them from all dangers, and this none seeth but he, whose eyes God hath opened, as Elishah his servants, and he onely is to be prayed [Note.] unto for this and all other things, and not Angels, or any other of the court of heaven, as Elishah prayed unto him and not to the Angels, although seen neare a∣bout him.

It came to passe after this, that the King of Syria gathered together his whole army and went up and besieged Samaria. And there was a great famine, &c.] It seemeth, that howsoever Benhadad was moved at the wonder which was wrought so as that he aslayed not to overthrow the Israelites any more by treacheries and am∣bushments, because he found, that there was one amongst them, that could easily defeat all such enterprises of his, yet he hardened himselfe out of the confidence which he had in his great forces wherein he exceeded Israel, to come against them in open warre, imagining foolishly, that although their God could discover his most secret counsels, that they might take none effect and blinde the understanding of his servants sent out in the darke of the night, yet he could not helpe them in case of a long and strong siege, but that they must needs thus perish. For to the like effect almost he once before uttered himselfe, when he had beene overthrowne by Ahab, that he was the God of the mountaines. And however he was then overthrowne, yet since that time he prevailed againe in a pitcht battell at Ramoth Gilead, and so he hoped to doe now againe in this Samaritan expedition. And truely hereby the Israelites suffered grievously, for the famine is said to have grown so great in Samaria, That an asses head was sold for eighty pieces of silver, and the fourth part of a cab of doves dunge at five pieces. This saith Pellican, was the just judgement of God upon them, that they, who set at naught the word of God, that heavenly manna and most precious food of the soule, should be inforced through necessity to pay most deare for base things and at other times despicable, for the sa∣tisfying of their hunger. By an Asses head, saith Lyra, some understand the whole beast, because in selling men use to say, I will have so much by the head, and I bought so many head of cattel at so much the head: others understand it onely of that part, which seemeth most probable, as Martyr also saith, for if the fourth part of a cab of Doves dunge were five pieces of silver, it is no great marvaile, though an Asses head were sixteene times as much, and in so great a scarcity it is not to be thought that an whole beast was sold together for food to any of the common sort, whose meat this must be supposed to have beene and not of the greater ones. A Cab, saith Martyr, is the sixt part of a measure conteining twenty foure egges, the fourth part a measure conteining sixe egges. By dung Lyra understandeth, not dung properly, but the garbage with the maw of the fowle conteining the graines eaten by it, which commonly used to be cast all together away, as dung; but now by great mens Cookes, it was kept and sold unto the poore for food; because

dung properly is fit rather to choke and to destroy the body, then to nourish it. Yet Martyr holdeth rather, that it was dung, because the word used in the margin cometh of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifying dung, and so it is used, Isa. 38. But he confesseth that the word used in the text cometh of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifying a caverne or hole contracted in it selfe, by which the Sacred History fleeing all obscurity is wont to set forth that, through which the excrements come forth, and not plainly. Iosephus thinketh that they used Doves dung for salt, and some to maintaine their fire to make ready their meat. Amongst all which that of Lyra is to be preferred, neither doth it disagree from the originall word, for the history speaketh onely of food and not of sauce or fire, which their hunger permitted them not to look after so much, and they might as wel have eaten dirt with the wolf as pigeons dung. For 80. pieces of silver the Chald. Paraphrase hath eight shekels, that is, of our money five pounds, accounting the peice fifteene pence, and a Cabs fourth part was a measure of a pint and halfe, so H. B. saying also, that in some texts for eighty, it is eight pieces of silver; the Septuagint of Sixtus hath it fifty, and likewise Saint Augustine following that translation. This is thus set forth to give us a taste of their extreme famine, seeing Asses flesh was uncleane and might not be eaten, yet now they gave deare for a little for food, which sheweth, that either this siege was in the time of famine spoken of before, or else continued long.

To shew the greatnesse of the famine there followeth another example more stupendious, a woman cryed to the King, as he went upon the wall to save her, and when he understood her meaning to be by giving her some reliefe and replied ac∣cordingly, she explained her selfe, as Iosephus saith, that she meant not any such thing; then he asking, what she would have, she said, that there was an agreement betwixt her and another woman, that they together should eate her sonne one day and the next day that other womans, wherein she having performed her promise, the other now refused to performe hers. The King soone undersood her mean∣ing to be that he should doe her justice, but he replied nothing, onely expressing a great rage, whereinto he was hereby driven against Elishah, he sware to behead him that day. He went upon the wall to see, that all parts might be well defended against the enemy. He said nothing to the case propounded, because it was hor∣rible to heare, but too hard to be judged. But why did he rage so against the inno∣cent Prophet so soon as he heard this? Martyr answereth, partly because he thought that this famine was caused by him, as the drought before in his fathers time by E∣lijah, partly because he thought, that he could have kept the city from this streight, if he had would, and partly because idolatrous prophets instigated him against E∣lishah, as one that the gods would not endure, and therefore had brought the city to this extremity; and he addeth a fourth reason which is not so probable, that he exhorted the King to hold out and not to yeeld the city, promising deliverance, which he did to save the faithfull, that were there out of the enemies hands. Lyra resteth upon that one onely, because he delivered not the city by his prayers, which indeed he meant to doe, but yet according to the direction of God, and at the time, when he should appoint, as hereafter followeth. And it may be, that he remem∣bring the dismisse of the Syrians by Elishah his meanes, was partly hereby pro∣voked against him, because if they had beene destroyed when he hed them in Sa∣maria, Samaria could not have now beene brought into this great streight by them.

He raged before at the woman, which cryed unto him, saying, [the Lord save thee not] for it is so Hebrew, being as much in effect as, The Lord confound thee, how should I save thee? and now he rageth agaist Elishah like a mad man, where∣as, the cause of all this evill was in himselfe his idolatry and wickednesse, of which he should now have repented, and desired the Prophet to pray for him: vers. 30. He was affected with sorrow to rend his garments and to put on sackcloth, but he rent not his heart, which he should chiefly have done, Ioel 2. 13. and without doing which all this was hypocrisie, being yet well used by the godly to expresse the con∣trition of their hearts. For the woman, that complained to him, he should have ad∣judged her to die for her murder, seeing she ought rather to have died her self, then

to have committed this bloudy sinne. And however her crying thus to the king was accidentall, there was a divine providence in it, to make him see the issue of so foul sinning, just according to the threatning of the law, Deut. 28. where this judgement of a mothers eating her own childe is particularly spoken of.

But Elisha sate in his house, and the Elders with him, &c.] That is, other Pro∣phets, his disciples saith Iosephus, lamenting the sinnes and miseries of the times. And they are called elders, saith Martyr, partly because of the age of some of them, and partly for the wisedome and gravity that was in them, as in men of greatest an∣tiquity. Tostatus thinketh, that the house, in which he was, was not his own, but another mans, but onely he at this time dwelt therein, because he was poor, and had left all, when he began first to follow Elijah. But to let this passe, as not mate∣riall, although I do not beleeve that Elishah left all so, as that he had now no house of his own, seeing he was never required so to do. As he sate in his house, he perceived by the spirit, that the king had sent a man to cut off his head; meaning himself to follow immediately after to see whether it were done, and therefore he said to his company, See ye not, that the sonne of the murtherer hath sent to take away my head? calling him so, because his father murthered Naboth, and in heart he was already the murtherer of him, and he biddeth them to shut the door against him; that is, not with a minde to resist authority, although tyranizing, but that whilest they kept him out by strong hand, the king might come to countermand it, being now, as he knew, touched with repentance and hastening after him, that execution might not be done; as the next words declare, Is not the noise of his Lords feet behinde him? Thus Theodoret. He did not this, but he threatned it, but he being by and by moved with repentance, ran unto him repressing the slaughter. And to the same effect Iosephus, he bade them delay the man, shutting the door against him, for the king would by and by be there, repenting him of his command. And accordingly he came with haste to save the prophet from this danger, and being come charged him, that he sought not by his prayers to save the city in the midst of so great cala∣mities; which last passage is not according to the sacred history, wherein he is said, to have spoken these things.

Behold this evill is from the Lord, what should I expect from the Lord any more?] And it seemeth, according to Martyr, that at his coming some words to this effect were first uttered by the Prophet, (O King) be not so impatient, but wait upon God; then he in replying said thus, meaning, that the Lord had made their misery as great as he could, and therefore now whatsoever he did, he would no more wait upon him, but yield to the enemy; the saying of one, that utterly despaired of help from God, and therefore not likely to have blamed the Prophet for not seeking unto him by his prayers. Yea some, as the Chaldee paraphrast, think, that the Prophet moved him to pray to the Lord; unto which he replied, this evill cometh from him, which is as great as he can lay upon me, why then should I seek any more unto him? The words indeed are so brought in, as if they were the words of the messenger, for it is said, The messenger came down unto him and said, behold this evill, &c. and so it is taken by some; but most expositours take it, as spoken by the king, both for that the messenger was not sent to speak in the kings name, but to do execution, and also because chap. 7. 1. it appeareth, that the king was come thither, seeing the prince upon whom he leaned, was there to hear, and to reply to Elishah prophesy∣ing of plenty. Whereas it is said, then the messenger came down to him and said, the words are thus to be distinguished; he came to Elishah his house, but was not suf∣fered to enter, and then the king following him at the heels, when Elishah had moved him to wait upon God and seek to him, said these words, implying, that he would hold out no longer in expecting help from the Lord, who had brought him to so great a streight, but presently yield up the city, and so the Syrians should tri∣umph over the God of Israel, and magnifie their gods above him. Then Elishah prophesied as followeth.

CHAP. VII.

BVt Elishah said, hear ye the word of the Lord, thus saith the Lord, to morrow by this time, a measure of fine flowr shall be bought for a shekle, and two measures of barley for a shekle, in the gate of Samaria.] Although the king had sent to behead Elishah, yet he seeing the extremity in which he was, stood not to expostulate with him about it, but accepting of his recantation, spake the greatest comfort unto him that might be. Whereby is shewed, that the Lord is so mercifull, that he graciously [Note.] passeth over that which is uttered impatiently in extream misery, and provideth not withstanding for his people, as their necessity requireth. There could not any thing more joyfull and fully contenting have been spoken by the Prophet, then to promise plenty, and to set the very day and hour; and therefore, as Iosephus saith, the king rejoyced greatly when he heard it, but his impious servant on whom he leaned (which argued that he was in great grace with him, as Naaman with the king of Syria) replied scoffingly with this great blasphemy, that if the Lord should make windowes in heaven, and rain down corn, it could not be so, as if he had never read or regarded not, what was recorded touching his feeding of the Israe∣lites with Manna in the wildernesse, being 600000. forty years together, and with flesh their fill an whole moneth. Moses himself doubted, as Martyr hath it, when God promised so to do, how it could be done; but his doubting was out of admira∣tion, as the Virgin Maries afterwards, and not out of unbelief, concluding it utterly impossible. Touching the measure which should be bought so cheap, it is Satum in Hebrew and Chald. and this word is also used by Iosephus, but in the Septuagint translation, Modius, and likewise in the vulgar Latin; but according to Ierom, a sa∣tum is as much as the measure called modius and half, because it contained 6. cabs, the modius but four. A cab then being 6. pints, as was partly touched before, six of them, which was a satum, amounted to 36. that is, four gallons and half, that is, half a gallon more then half a bushel, and comparing this with the price of doves-dung at this time, we shall finde it to be 120. times cheaper, and barley 240. which was a most admirable fall of price on such a sudden. This prince, that would not be∣leeve that it could be so, was by and by threatned, that he should see it, but not taste thereof, because he should by Gods just judgement be troden to death, as hereafter appeareth. If he shall seem not worthy so sore a punishment for not beleeving the Prophet, who shewed no signe to prove the truth of his prophesie; Tostatus saith well, that he did not onely not beleeve Elishah, but not the power of God him∣self, for which he was worthily so punished, and he alone beleeved not, as it seemeth, when the king and all the rest that heard it, by reason of their former ex∣perience, that he was a true Prophet of God, beleeved it.

There were 4 lepers at the entrance of the gate, &c.] The meanes whereby God brought it about, that corn proved so plentifull on such a sudden, was by causing a noise of chariots and horses, and of a great army to be heard in the Syrian army, v. 6. whereupon they imagined, that the kings of the Hittites and of Egypt, were hired to help Israel, and so hasted away leaving their tents full of all manner of provision; and the means whereby the Israelites besieged in Samaria came to know this, was the desperate adventure of foure lepers, who for their leprosie were not suffered to dwell within the city, but without the gate, they being at the point of perishing by famine, went to the tents of the Syrians very early in the morning, and so discove∣red it. The Rabbins say that these foure were Gehazi and his three sons, but with∣out all ground. But whatsoever men they were, it seemeth, that they had hither∣to received some provision out of the city, but now they began to be in extreame want, and this made them desperate. And from their living without the gate all this time of this siege, and not being cut off by the Syrians we may gather, that the camp lay a good distance from the city, neither did they fight with Israel with any other weapon but with famin. For the found, which the Lord caused the Syrians to heare; some think that it was not in the ayre, but only in their eares, because thus

the Samaritans should have heard it as well as they; but this followeth not, seeing God can keep some from seeing or hearing that which others heare, as appeareth by he example of Elishah and his servant in Dothan, and of Saul and his company, Act. 9. If it be demanded what Hittites were these, who they thought came to help them, seeing they were all bondmen to the Israelites, 1 Kings 9. 20, 21. It is to be understood that there was Chalim the sonne of Iaphet, Gen. 10. 4. whose posteri∣ty were called Hittites also, and the Isles inhabited; and of these Iosephus understan∣deth them, only they are written with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but the Hitrites here mentioned with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But how came it to be known to him that wrot this history, seeing none of the Israelites were there to discover it? doe not think with some, that he knew it by evelation, but that the Syrians themselves made it so publick, that all nations about could not but take notice of it.

The lepers coming to the forsaken tents, where they found nothing, but horses and asses without, and within abundance of provision and treasure went into one, and did eat and drink, and then carried out treasure and hid it in the ground, and ha∣ving done so the second time, Iosephus saith 4 times, they feared, that if they con∣cealed this good newes, it would be found to be a great sin in them, for which they should be liable to punishment. And they had indeed saith Martyr, done already more then they could justifie, seeing the prey belonged not unto them, but was to be at the kings disposing, and till he gave liberty to take and carry away any of it, it was theft in such, as did so. But others say, that the taking of these things was law∣full, and without all fault, being made so by the justice of warre, and their own ne∣cessity. But why then did they hide them? It is said they did this, as not thinking the Syrians to be fled quite away: but this is contrary to the course of the history, seeing if they had thought so, they could not have come to tell the king, that they were gone. Moreover it had been a great fault in them, when all the city was in such extremity for want of food, to delay longer the bringing unto them this joy∣full newes. Here it may seem strange, that in flying away they should leave their horses, and that when they were fled a good way of, and perceived none to follow them, that they returned not to their tents again. But the same God which sent the sound at the first, could make it continue and pursue them many miles homeward, and the terrour stricken into them to transport them so farre, as not once to think upon their beasts to carry them, or not to dare to stay to bridle them. The news of the Syrians flight being come to the king, he suspecting that it was done in policy, sent out two horse men to see whether they were really fled away or not. In con∣sulting about it v, 13. it is said, let them take five of the horses which remain. And, They took therefore two chariots of horses.] Kimhi saith, some of the five which re∣mained; by two chariots of horses Iunius understandeth, [duos equos vectarios] two road-horses, serving to carry men upon the way. Others better [currus equo∣rum, i. equos curules] of the Kings chariot-horses. Iosephus, to make both these sayings the better to agree, hath it thus; Let two horsemen be sent out, &c. And two horsemen were sent saith the Septuagint, as the meaning is. And following them unto Iordan, they saw garments and vessels strewed in the way. They cast away their garments, that they might run the lighter; by vessels some understand their armour and instruments of warre, and some, precious vessels of silver and gold: but seeing the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth either, it is rather to be conceived, that instruments of warre are here meant, because if their haste were such, that they would not stay to take their horses, much lesse would they take any luggage, but their weapons onely, and growing more and more faint-hearted, they would no longer bear the very burthen of them, but trusting rather to their heels, cast them away.

Newes being brought to the king, the people went soon out with him to the prey, and the corn which they found there in wonderfull great aboundance being brought to sell to the citizens (who stayed behinde, that were no souldiers) in the gate of the city, the unbeleeving prince, was by the King appointed to keep good order amongst them, that they might not in coming over hastily throng and bear down one another. But whilest he attended upon this office, having first seen some

corn sold so, as was prophesied, he himself was born down and troden to death And so none of the Lords word fell to the ground, but was all fulfilled, that we might not be unbeleeving, but beleeving in things, which have not so sudden ac∣complishment, [Note.] for all promises shall like wise take effect in the time set by God. Iosephus, whom also Martyr followeth, saith, that he was set to keep the people from coming out too hastily, when fhey went to take the prey, which cannot be, because so his treading to death had bin before that any corn had bin sold, or he had seen the cheapnesse prophesied of. And the selling of it at such a price is first spoken of and then his death; plainly intimating, that it was not in the going out to take the prey that this happened, but after the taking, the souldiers returned to sell it at the gate of the city. And after they had begun to sell so to some, the report going throughout the city, such multitudes came thronging to buy, that he who was set to keep them back, was troden down by the violence of the comers, hunger, which brought them being impatient of any stay. And this judgement is thought by some to have come upon him rather then any other, that his sinne in his former oppres∣sions of the people, of which it is not unlikely but that he was guilty, might have a sutable punishment in his being pressed to death under their feet. But I passe this over as probable onely, forasmuch as kings favourites who are wicked, are com∣monly found to be oppressours of the people. The punishment suted well with his sin howsoever, in that he, who slighted so much the power of God, trampling the honour thereof, as it were, under his feet, was so slighted by the multitude in his great and high place, as that they sticked not to tread him to death under their feet. A like death Martyr noteth, that Constantine the last suffered in the gate of Con∣stantinople, when the Grecian army pressed into the city and took it. Whereas Sal∣lianus conjectureth, that this prince might be set over the gate, lest any enemies lurking about should enter into it, being empty of people; it is altogether improba∣ble, for both they were now secure in respect of enemies, and all the people went not out to take the prey, but the souldiers onely, else what need had they to have bought? Touching this huge quantity of corn and treasure, it is not amisse conje∣ctured by some, that the Syrians came to be thus well stored, by pillaging and forra∣ging the countrey about during the time, that they lay in siege, but now by the power of God, they were forced to his high honour, to leave it there again with advantage, and to flee shamefully away. Yet, as all expositours note, the subjects of that king were so hardened in their wickednesse through a costome of sinning, as that no reformation from idolatry, or thaukesgiving to God, followed for this great deliverance, which made the Lord to meditate upon another sweeping judg∣ment by the Assyrians, and to bring it afterwards, chap. 17. when by many corre∣ctions following after this, they were not yet amended.

Lyra makes a good morall of this, from the beginning to tell of the 4 lepers, say∣ing, these lepers set forth preachers, who teach well, but live ill, because the lepry of sin breaks out upon them, however they tell good tidings; the tents of the Syrians full of riches left to the men of Samaria, the noise of armies only being heard, the na∣tions full of all treasure, coming under the power of the Church, onely by the sound of the Apostles preaching; the unbeleeving prince, such as continue in their inside∣lity under the preaching of the Word, who shall finally be troden in the wine-presse of Gods wrath for ever.

CHAP. VIII.

HEre it is commemorated how Elishah foretold to the Shunamite, of whom see, Chap. 4. a famine of seven yeares, warning her therefore to depart out of the land. For it is not to be conceived, that he now foretold it after the siege of Samaria, seeing not long after this it ended, and she returned home againe, as is here she wed. The foretelling of this then was about the time of his raising her son to life, seeing that within a while after a famine is said to have beene in those parts,

Chap. 4. 38. Wherefore by Iunius it is rendered, Elishah had spoken to the woman, &c. But to what yeare of Ioram to referre the beginning or ending of it, is un∣certaine, But most probably it being begun before the Syrian army came and in∣fested the countrey, it was continued and increased by their long lying there and taking away and destroying their corne and provision, till at last it grew most ex∣treme. And here Martyr well noteth, that whereas the famine threatened by Elijah was but three yeares and an halfe, this was twice as long; so that judge∣ments being removed, and sinne still continuing, they are aggravated and sent a∣gaine [Note.] in a much more grievous manner. But see the thankfulnesse of Elishah to her, that had beene hospitable to him. He not onely obteined a sonne for her, and restored it to life, but thinking that he could never doe enough for her, who had shewed such kindnesse to him, he giveth her in particular warning of, the danger to [Note.] come, that she might provide for her selfe elsewhere. And such ought to be our thankfulnesse to our benefactors, and will be, if we be the servants of God as Eli∣shah was, in way of recompence to doe them all the good that we can. But why did he not rather advertise her husband, who was the head? Answ. It is most pro∣bable, that she was now a widow, for her husband is said long before to have been an old man: or he being now aged and decayed committed all his worldly busi∣nesse to her mannaging being religious and discreet. And she went and dwelt in the land of the Philistines seven yeares. David Kimhi, to shew the great danger, that she and hers escaped by departing out the land of Israel aggravateth the mi∣series of the famished in Israel in those yeares beyond all credit, as if the first yeare all their provision being spent, they had the second yeare lived upon the slender fruits, which the first yeare brought forth, and the third yeare upon the creatures, which were cleane, the fourth upon the uncleane, as asses, horses, camels, &c. the sift upon creeping things, the sixt upon the flesh of their children, and the se∣venth upon the flesh of their owne armes, as Tostatus recites, and confutes it. Yet Martyr saith, that some thinke this to have been the famine of which Ioel speaketh, Chap. 11. which if it were it was most grievous. By her removing into Palestine it seemeth, that other countreyes about were not punished at this time with fa∣mine also. It was a particular judgement upon this land for the wickednes thereof, and whether Iudah were thus also afflicted or no is uncertain; yet it seemeth, that it was, because other wise she would probably have removed thither rather, unlesse the state of that countrey was such, as that they had there no more but what might suffice themselves. The countrey of Palestine and Egypt are noted to have beene very fruitfull, yea at the times, when Canaan laboured with famine in the dayes of Abraham and Isaac, who like wise in the case of necessity removed thither, and therefore this womans going thither to sojourne ought not to be called in question, how she could, being godly, goe to live in an idolatrous countrey, for Elishah also went and lived in Syria, vers. 7. and then the King of Syria sent unto him in his sick∣nesse, and if Elijah also went and lived in Sarepta, and Moses many yeares in Midian, for necessity hath no law, as the Proverbe is.

She being returned at the end of seven yeares, came to desire justice of the King, and to have her house and land restored unto her, which it seemeth, were taken a∣way and possessed by some other in her absence, and this the King both granteth and that restitution should be made of all the fruits of her ground since the time of her departing; which she weth, that even in this time of the famine the land of Israel was not altogether unfruitfull, as neither when that sore famine was in Iacobs time, Gen. 43. for he sent to Ioseph then some of the fruits of the land, vers. 11. viz. honey, nuts and almonds, &c. The man, whom he appointed to see this done, was an eunuch; for such attended much upon Kings in those dayes, and specially upon Queenes, as we may see in the history of Iezzabel, 2 King. 9. 32. and of Ahashnerosh in the booke of Hester. Yet it may be noted, that the custome of making, and of keeping eunuchs came from the heathen, neither did any godly King ever keepe any: but this is the first, as I remember, of the Kings of Israel, that are said to have had one.

Now it is noted, that at the time of her crying to the King, he was talking with

Gehazi, and asking him of the miracles of Elishah his Master. From whence some gather, as was noted before, that this history is misplaced, and ought to come in be∣fore the healing of Naaman, Chap. 5. because after that Gehazi was a leper, he was separated from the company of other men, and so the King could not have this communication with him. But it is answered, that lepers were not so separated, but that others might come and talke with them, and therefore this argument is too weake to prove any thing. Moreover, it being at the end of seven yeares of fa∣mine that Ioram had this talke with Gehazi and he being smitten most probably at the beginning of it with the leprosie, it cannot be, that they had this communica∣tion together, before he was a leper. Lastly, Iorams inquiry seemeth to have been made, when Elishah now growing towards his end had done working of miracles, and was absent in Syria, as Martyr noteth, because he would have him tell of all the great things, that Elishah had done, as speaking of one, that had even now finished his course.

After this Elishah went to Damascus, and Benhadad being sick, it was told him, &c.] Martyr yieldeth two reasons why Elishah went thither, 1 that he might de∣clare unto Hazael, that he should be King of Syria, which indeed, was long before given in charge to Elijah, and Elishah most probably by his direction given him be∣fore he was taken away now went to doe it; 2 to avoid the danger of the great fa∣mine, which still continued. And herein Sallianus also agreeth, making it the sixt yeare of the famine, when he went thither. The first of which reasons I willingly embrace, but because it is said expresly to have been done after these things, that is, after the siege broken up and the great scarcity turned into plenty, I cannot think that the famine was any cause of his going thither. Whereas Sallianus saith, that howsoever there was plenty in Samaria, yet the countrey might still labour with want: I answer, Elishah dwelt in Samaria, and therefore he had not need to have departed out of the kingdome, although there were scarcity still in other parts, but how it can be, that other parts were in want now, I cannot see; Samaria the chie∣fest city of the kingdome being so full, that from thence they might be supplied in all other places. If it be demanded, how Elishah fulfilled that, which was given in charge to Elijah, seeing he was bidden to annoint Hazael King; it may be, that he did, although it be not mentioned: for in Chronico Hebraeorum, it is said, that he annointed him. If not, his declaring to him, that he should be King, was, as an an∣nointing of him to this office.

Touching the sicknesse of Benhadad at this time, Iosephus saith, that it came by extream sorrow for his hoasts late shamefull flight, when none pursued them to his so great dammage, and ignominy. He also thereby conceived that God was against him, and so he should never prosper in any of his undertakings, which ag∣gravated his griefe without measure. Touching the prophets going into an ene∣mies country, so lately foiled by his meanes, and before maligned for discovering his consultations to the king of Israel, it is to be understood, that he was directed thither by God, and therefore feared no danger, there were more with him then against him, as was shewed him at Dothan. And for the Syrians, their hearts could not but be wonne towards him by his kindnesse shewed them in Samaria in deli∣vering them from the danger of death, the king also being now sick and needing his help, it was no time to offer him any discourtesie, but gladly to receive him, being a man whom he knew to be so gracious with the highest Majesty, and of whose power he had experience in his servant Naaman.

Benhadad being certified of the prophets coming to Damascus, sent Haziel to him with a present of all the goood things of Damascus, the load of 40 camels to enquire of him, whether he should not recover his health again, meaning doubtlesse by this great kingly gift to win his favor so far as to pray for him. Whereby we may see in what honour and estimation Elishah was even amongst the Syrians. The king presumed not to send for him, for king Ahaziah doing so for Elijah, had his messen∣gers destroyed by fire; yea 3 kings before humbled themselves in their streight to come unto him, being warned most probably by that example, and now the king of Syria sendeth a most honourable Embassadour to him, calling himselfe his

son, thy sonne Benhadad. By all the good things of Damascus understand some of all, and the very best. But whether the prophet took this present or no, is uncer∣tain; and most conjecture, that he did not, because he refused Naamans, and if wee receive that Septuagint translation called Complutensis & Regia. Hazael stood be∣fore him and set the gifts to him, untill hee was ashamed] he did certainly re∣fuse it.

Hazael having done his message, Elisha answered, tell him, in living thou shalt live, yet the Lord hath shewed me, that dying, he shall dye. Hebr. it is in the text, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 say unto him, in living, thou shalt not live, and the Lord hath shewed me, &c. but in the margin it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to him, and so it runneth in all expositions except in that of Iunius, who hath it, say not, in living, thou shalt live] giving this for the meaning, although this disease be not unto death, yet thou shalt not recover out of it, but certainly dye. But whereas 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the margine is taken in, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the text left out, take wee them in both, and the sense will be plain. The king sends to enquire, whether he he should recover, Elishah answereth, say to him no; indeed thou mightest live, not∣withstanding this sicknesse, but by some other meanes, thou shalt dye, and not reco∣ver; or leaving 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the margine out, say no, thou shalt live, &c. David Kimhi saith, that the prophet in his answer respected two divers things, and therefore his words are divers, first respecting the disease, he said that he should live, because he should not dye of that. 2. Respecting the evill means, that he should use to make him away, he said, that he should dye, speaking the one to be delivered by way of answer to his enquiry, and the other to prevent the calling in question of the truth of his prophesie, which otherwise might have been questioned, when the king died so soon after.

But others, which Martyr most approveth, say that the imperative is put for the future tense, as in many other places; particularly, Gen. 20. 7. and Prov. 3. 4. Say, that is, thou shalt say, or maist say, if thou wilt, unto him, thou shalt live, for I both know, that he shall not dye of this sicknesse, and that thou wouldst willingly speak pleasing things unto him, but the Lord hath shewed me, that before he reco∣vereth, he shall certainly dye by some other meanes. Other expositions of some, which he also mentioneth, are not worth the naming, as that he would not have the truth plainly told him, least being strucken therewith, he should presently dye, and so the prophet be endangered by his subjects for the great love that they bare unto him, or that he meant that he should live eternally, as being one that was converted to the true God, but this is both to presume upon that which is improbable, and to make him to equivocate, from which he abhorred. Of all these expositions I pre∣ferre that of Iunius, and so the prophet neither bad him, nor permitted him to speak otherwise, then as the event should prove, although as the same Iunius hath it, he no lesse truly reported his answer, v. 14. then he dealt faithfully with his master, when as he strangled him and stopt his breath the next day; and upon this Lyra final∣ly resteth, saying that the Prophet told him that he should not live, so that Hazael manifestly lyed in returning his answer.

And he set his countenance, and set it till he was ashamed, and the man of God wept] thus it is in Hebr. being rendred word for word. How the Septuagint have it hath been shewed before, and in the Septuagint Franckfort, he set the gifts to him, till they were corrupted and he was ashamed. The vulgar Latin, He stood with him and was troubled even to the suffusion of his countenance. Iun. Quamvis contineret vultum suum & componeret dudum. flevit tandem vir dei. Here because it is not said, who did thus? although Iunius hath it expresly the man of God, and Tostatus and Vatablus expound it of him, some refer it to Hazael, as the Septuagint and Iosephus, and that I take it, more rightly, both because when it is spoken what the man of God did, he is expresly named, and something was spoken, wherewith Hazael might be affected, when he was told, that his master should surely dye, it being then happi∣ly in his minde, which he did soon put in practice; but he would now feign sorrow at the hearing of it, and set and offered him the gift howsoever, to expresse which another word is used after the first setting spoken of, and he continued thus to do, till he was ashamed; as thinking, that the man of God knew that he did it not seri∣ously,

but feignedly, having other things in his minde tending to treachery against his master, and cruelty against his brethren, the Israelites. Then Elishah wept for∣somuch as he saw into the inhumane malice of his heart against the people of God. And Hazael in submisse words asking the reason, he said, that he should break down the strong holds of the children of Israel, slay their yong men with the sword, dash out the infants brains, and rip up women with childe. Of which when he thought strange, saying, am I a dog? he answered, the Lord hath shewed me, that thou shalt be king of Syria. And upon this it is likely, that he began to meditate the death of his master. If it be demanded, how Elishah may be justified in telling him thus, which was a way to set him on to practice this treason against his king? Martyr saith well, that prophets must declare what God hath committed unto them, al∣though the wicked turn it into an occasion of rebellion, as did Ieroboam before, that the word of God, which is to salvation to some, might turn to their just damnation. For that prophesying of such things, doth not necessarily put men on ambitiously to seek them, appeareth in the example of David, who being anointed King by Samuel, was yet most averse from practising any thing against king Saul. These words of Hazael, What, am I thy servant a dog? &c. are by some drawn to another sense, being read thus without any distinction, What am I thy servant a contempti∣ble dog for power, that I should do these great things? and the Prophet answers ac∣cordingly, Thou shalt be King of Syria, and then thou shalt have power. This had bin probable indeed, if he had said [a dead dog] as David sometime to Saul, but be∣cause it is the nature of a dog to rend and tear without respect, it is better to take it as spoken in regard of savage cruelty, as abhorring then there from, but he answe∣red, that he should be King of Syria, and so he would change his minde, as many men do; according to that proverb, honores mutant mores. Lyra joyneth both these expositions together, I am not so potent that I can, or so cruell that I would do thus. And indeed this was such horrible cruelty, that no heart could think upon it without relenting, and therefore Elishah fore-seeing it by the spirit, could not but weep, as Ieremiah afterwards for the miseries of his people present, and Christ for their miseries, which he foresaw should come.

Hazael returning to his master told him, that he should live, but the next day he took a thick cloth, and having dipped it in water spread it upon his face, and he died This, saith Martyr some expound, he did as done in good will to cool him, being extreamly hot with a feaver, but whilest the cloth was too hard pressed, his breath was stopped: but it is comonly & best taken for a voluntary act under a colour of coo∣ling, to hasten his end. And he being his great friend, could not so much as be suspe∣cted as guilty of his death, when he had done thus; because neither could the King cry out, neither did any scar appear upon his dead body afterwards. The cloth laid upon his face, is rendred by Pagninus, pa••••um e pilis caprarum, or goats hair; by Iosephus, a wet net; the vulgar Latin hath it [stragulum] a blanket; the Chaldee paraphrast, aperimentum villosum; whatsoever it were, it was a treacherous part in him, nei∣ther did the prophesie of Elishah bear him out in so doing, because although he told him that he should be King, yet he told him not when, neither did he prescribe him such means to come to the kingdome. He was in shew an obedient servant and friend, but indeed did bear a treacherous minde against his master, for his king∣domes sake. As Martyr noteth it to be the case of many princes, which maketh [Note.] their estate miserable, their nearest friends and those, in whom they trust most pro∣ving their most dangerous enemies to their destruction; so Claudius Casar had his bane given him by his wife Agrippina in a poisoned bullet, that her some Nero might the sooner come to the Empire; and Livia, the wife of Octavius Augu∣stus was his death, when hee lay grievously sick, that hee might not alter his will, whereby he had given the Empire to Tyberius, her sonne by another husband, and give it to a grandchild that he had then by his daughter. To conclude the history of Benhadad, Benjamin the Iew saith, that in Damascus there was a most rare build∣ing, which they said, was the pallace of king Benhadad, called Gumagh Dumes{que}, that is, the Mosche of Damascus, which had a wall of glasse built by art Magick, in which were so many holes, as there be dayes in the year, for the Sunne to shine into

each day, so that hereby the day of the moneth and year might be known; within the houses were also bathes of gold and silver, and in them a great tub like a throne, of the same matter, in which two or three might sit and bath themselves. And Iose∣phus saith, that Benhadad and Hazael were worshipped by the Syrians as gods, be∣cause they so much enlarged the kingdom, and beautified the city with many Tem∣ples and other fair buildings.

To leave now again the history of the Kings of Israel, and to bring on that of the Kings of Iudah, v. 16. The fifth year of Ioram the sonne of Ahab and of Iehoshaphat, Ioram the sonne of Iehoshaphat reigned, &c.] It is said before, 2 King. 1. 17. that Ioram began to reign over Israel, the second year of Ioram the sonne of Iehosha∣phat, how then could he begin the fifth of Ioram of Israel, when as in his fifth year he had been seven years king, according to that Chronology? But I have been large already in reconciling this difference, upon 2 King. 1. 17. resting in fine upon this, that there by the second year of Ioram of Iudah, is meant the second year of his fathers making him his consort in the kingdome, here he having been a titular king together with his father 7. years, beginneth to have all the government cōmitted to him, the old king thenceforth medling no more with matter of government, but giving himself to prepare for his death, and therefore it is said, the fifth year of Io∣ram king of Israel, and of Iehoshaphat; that is, in his life-time, although he departed out of this life soon after. Here it is to be noted, that in the regiae Bibliae, both La∣tin and Greek, these words [and of Iehoshaphat king of Iudah] are wanting, and al∣though they be in the Hebrew, and Chaldee, and Graec. Sixti, yet Tostatus reject∣eth them as redundant, and Vatablus thinketh they are to be read with a paren∣thesis, and Iehosbaphat king of Iudah subintellige (was dead) but this is forced. Some to make the sense perfect understand these words, and the fifth of Iehoshaphat, al∣though it were much more, saying, that here his time is counted from the time of his deliverance in the warre against the Syrians, 2 Chron. 20. but this is both an un∣heard of way of counting, and needlesse, seeing it may be sufficiently supplied with these words at large, in the dayes of Iehoshaphat. Martyr conjectureth, that when he went with Ahab to battle at Ramoth Gilead, he made Ioram his sonne King, and from that time a new account of his reign is to begin, it being now the fifth year, as of Ioram of Israel, therefore the fifth is onely once named for them both, it being the fifth of Iehoshaphat reigning together with his sonne. And from this time of Iorams reigning alone, must his eight years be counted, that there may be an agreement with the time of his death, the 12. year of Ioram of Israel, vers. 25. when Ochoziah his sonne succeeded him, and yet neither will it agree so, unlesse the fifth year of Ioram of Israel be counted one, and his twelfth another of these eight parts of years being put for years, which is not unusuall.

2 Chron. 21. 1. Ioram is said to have reigned in Iehoshaphats stead after his death, not before, and v. 5. beginning at this time, he is said to have been 32. years old, when he began to reign, and to have reigned eight years. And if he began his reign whilest his father lived, how is it said, that he reigned in his stead he being dead? and if after his death he were but 32. and reigned eight years, how can it be that he was 32. his father yet living, and that he reigned no more then 8. years? Ans. Ioram is said at three severall times to have reigned, or to have been King. First, when his father made him King together with himself, of which that is to be understood, 2 King. 1. 17. Secondly, when waxing old, and desirous to disburthen himself of worldly employment, he comitted all the government of the kingdome to him, of which that 2 King. 8. 16. is to be understood, and happily vers. 3. of this chapter. Thirdly, when his father being dead he reigned as sole King, of which 2 King. 22. 51. and this 2 Chro. 21. 1. And from hence his years of reigning are to be reckoned, and of his age when he began, and this most probably was within the compasse of the same year, that his father committed all the government to him, as David had done before to his sonne Solomon, that seeing him in his full kingly authority before his death, and that which might satisfie his other six sonnes being at the same time conferred upon him, according to v. 3. there might be none occasion of contention amongst them, although it fell out otherwise, as is by and by shewed, v. 4. For

the kingdome being delivered to Ioram, and great gifts of gold and silver, and pen∣sions, and fenced cities in Iudah to his other six sonnes, wherein they might sit as presidents, he most cruelly slew them all, being impatient of any honours conferred upon them, as derogatory to his royall dignity, soon after the death of his father; and also some Princes that he might have the whole power of collating their dignities upon whom he pleased.

In Tradit. Hebr. it is said, that he slew his brethren because they were godly, and insisted in the steps of their good father, from which he was most averse, as be∣ing wholly addicted to the wayes of the house of Ahab; and if so, most probably the 〈…〉〈…〉nces slain also were their speciall friends, and like affected to them for matter 〈…〉〈…〉eligion. And for this it seemeth to make, which followeth, v. 6. He walked in 〈…〉〈…〉 wayes of the kings of Israel, &c. And it is not improbable, that he was put on this 〈…〉〈…〉ckednesse, as not thinking himselfe secure in the kingdom, whilest they lived, or 〈…〉〈…〉 that might revenge their death, as he might fear, that they being slain, these Prin∣〈…〉〈…〉 would doe. But why are the Princes called [Princes of Israel] when as he reig∣〈…〉〈…〉 not over Isrel, but Iudah? Ans. by the same reason that Iehos. 6 sons are said Hebr. 〈…〉〈…〉 be the sons of Iehosh. king of Israel, v. 2. The word Israel is not here put for the 〈…〉〈…〉gdom of the 10 tribes, but for the whole state of Iacobs children called Israel, and 〈…〉〈…〉s he is said to be king of Israel synechdochically, because he was king of part of Isra∣〈…〉〈…〉, and accordingly these are called Princes of Israel, because of Iudah, a tribe of Israel; and that the chiefest and most principall. Lyra saith, that he slew his brethren, because he feared least that he being cast out for his wickednesse, any of them should bee made king in his stead, and to get the goods and possessions which their father gave them, and some Princes, because they disliked his evill doings. But before he did these things, it is said, that he strengthened himselfe in his kingdom, that is, by gifts obliging many unto him, that he might the more securely thus tyrannize. And it is further added, that he walked in the wayes of the kings of Israel, as the house of Ahab did, for hee had his daughter to wife. Vnto his cruelty like that of the Turks, laying the foundation of his kingdome in the shedding of his brothers blood, he added idolatry, or because he was an idolater he was thus cruell, this being a sinne for the most part unseparable from idolaters; for the devill, whom such serve, de∣lights in blood, as being himselfe a murtherer from the beginning. And the prima∣ry cause of all this is noted to have been his unequall yoking in marriage with the daughter of Ahab, Athalia, as it appeareth, that her name was ch. 32. 2. But only she is there said to be the daughter of Amri, the father of Ahab; but she might be called daughter either of the one, or of the other if she were, the daughter of Ahab, seeing Grand-fathers doe commonly call their sonnes daughters, their daughters. And it may be conceived, that she was called first daughter of Ahab, then of Amri his father to denote the deep ingraffing of idolatrous precepts within her breast, as taking them from them both, who were Arch idolaters, and most unreclaimable. For I doe not like that way of reconciling this which Martyr mentioneth, that Am∣ri being her father, she was very young when he dyed, and so for her being brought up with Ahab her brother, she is said to be his daughter; for never yet was any wo∣man said to be daughter to her brother for her education with him. By this marri∣age of Ioram with Athalia, Iehoshaphat is said to have contracted affinity with A∣hab, 2 Chron. 18. 1. He was a wise and godly king indeed, but herein he did nei∣ther wisely nor godly. He thought to enjoy the more certain peace with the kings of Israel by this meanes, and hoped to draw them from idolatry to the true God, but it fell out clean contrary, his house was hereby perverted to idolatry, and conse∣quently his race well nigh extinct; and for this cause happily he is not named (as ma∣king himself guilty hereby) with the blamelesse kings, David, Hezechiah, and Io∣siah, who are said not to have sinned, that is, by idolatry, or being any way accessary to the promoting of it, Eccl. 49. 5. whereas he was, his house not onely being by this means corrupted, but his kingdom. Let no Prince therefore in any politick re∣spect marry so for fear of marring all, 2 Cor. 6. 16. But the Lord would not destroy the house of David for the covenant, which he had made with him. 2 Kings 8. 19. Hee would not destroy Iudah for Davids sake, as he had promised him, to the same effect.

Of this promise, see 2 Sam. 7. and it is said, that he might give him a light, and his children for ever.] By light kingly glory being meant, which maketh a family to shine, and this, howsoever it ended about the time of the coming of Shiloh, that is, of Christ, according to the prophesie of Iacob, Gen. 49. 10. in respect of a worldly kingdome, yet it shineth by the light of a spirituall reigning in Christ, who was of the seed of David now much more and so shall continue for ever and ever. And this is added, as implying, that for the wickednesse of Ioram he and his were wor∣thy to be cut off, that none of that race might reigne any more; so much doth the Lord abominate idolaters and murderers, and so much is his wrath stirred up a∣gainst them.

In his dayes Edom rebelled, and would not be subiect any more to Iudah, &c.] As he had beene ever since Davids time, untill the end of Iehoshaphats reign, 1 King. 22. 48. 2 King. 3. 9. thus God began to lessen his dominion for his sinnes by cutting off Edom from him; and although he sought with all his might to recover it, and by setting upon them in the night slew many, yet Edom would no more be brought under, but they set up a King of their owne, and Lybna, a city of Iudah also neare unto them fell away at the same time, and as some thinke came under the King of Edom, as joyning with the Edomites in their rebellion. And that his sinnes were the cause of this it appeares, for it is added, vers. 10. For he left the Lord God of his fathers, and built high places in the cities of Iudah, and made Iudah to transgresse. The words, whereby Iorams expedition against the Edomites is set forth are somewhat obscure, therefore Ioram passed into Seir, a city in Edom, and not the mount Seir, because it is written with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 whereas the mount is written with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and all his chariots with him. And when he had risen up in the night and smitten Edom, which had compassed him and the Princes of the chariots, the people fled to their tents. Pellican therefore expounds them thus. The army of Edom rising in the night smote the Princes of the chariots in Iorams army, and the people of Iudah with their King Ioram fled to their tents, leaving the worke undone, neither was it ever attempted any more, because Libnah, a noble city of Iudah and nigh unto Edom joyned with them also. But he confesseth, that the Hebrews expound it otherwise, and so to expound it is more agreeable to the Hebrew text, if it be not through the negligence of some corrupted, which far be it for us to imagine. The true sense is that given by Martyr, that Ioram with his chariots being come to E∣dom, the Edomites came and compassed about his army; but he arising in the night brake through their forces slaying many of them, and returning home again; and then they returned to their tents; this warre for the recovery of Edom being thus soone ended with out effect, after one skirmish onely. And the prophesie of Isaac, Gen. 27. 42. that Esau should breake off his yoke was now fulfilled. And it was a just judgement of God against Ioram, that his defection from God should be punisht with the Edomites defection from his obedience, and his breaking of covenant with God with their breaking covenant with him. Lyra hath another exposition, which hee makes here viz. that Ioram had many Edomites with him, that were valiant men, and served him in his warres, whose revolt he now fearing arose up in the night and slew them.

But there were letters brought unto him from Elijah the prophet, saying, &c.] Elijah being long before this received up into heaven, ch. 2. how could he now write unto Ioram, to reprove and threaten him for his wickednesse? Answ. I doe not thinke with the Hebrewes, that these letters were written by Elijah after his taking up, and miraculously presented to Ioram although Lyra holds the same. Nor with Pellican that they might be written and sent by him yet living, the relation hereof being misplaced: for Iehosaphat was dead, before that his sonne Ioram thus fell away from God, & that Elijah was taken out of this world, whilest Iehosaphat yet lived and ruled appeareth, 2 King. 3. where Elishah, who had not the spirit of working miracles, till after the rapture of his Master, is said to have supplied the armies miraculously with water for Iehoshaphats sake there present. I hold then with them, that say, these letters then might be written before by Elijah, foresee∣ing by the spirit, that Ioram would doe so wickedly and left with Elishah to be sent

unto him, when he should see his time; because Elishah his part, as it seemeth, was to helpe and to doe miraculously for the distressed, but not to threaten judge∣ments, or severely to proceed against any, that part being assigned to Elijah his predecessour, and accordingly acted by him. And it is the more probable, that he committed this businesse to Elishah, because he certainly left another to him, which he was to doe after his death, viz. the declaring to Hazael, that he should be King of Syria. To yield to any sending of letters out of another world is to yield to that which is strange, yea contrary to the Sacred Scriptures, which deny all deal∣ing in this kinde in the parable of Dives and Lazarus.

In these letters the idolatry of Ioram is upbraided unto him and his going after the Kings of Israel, and not after Iehoshaphat and Asa; and he is threatened there∣fore and for killing his brethren better then himselfe, that God would strike him with a great stroak; him, his children, his wives and people, and all his substance; and that he should be stricken with a lothsome disease in his belly, untill his guts should come out. This threatening of him for killing his brethren seemeth to Lyra to be a good argument that this epistle was written after the rapture of Elijah, be∣cause they were slaine after and not before. But it must be remembred which hath beene already said, that Elijah wrote thus out of his propheticall spirit, whereby he foresaw this. Some thinke, that they were the letters of another Elijah and not of Elijah the Tishbite. The event proved this epistle a true prophesie, and it could not be long after the coming of it to his hands, for he lay two yeares after that he was smitten in his bowels, and his reigne was but of eight yeares. Most probably he was one yeare in making friends, that might stick to him; the second he adven∣tured to slay his brethren, and some Princes; the third he built high places and for∣ced men to idolatry; the fourth the Edomites and Lybnah rebelled and he went against them and returned doing nothing; the fift he being no whit moved hereby to repent had these letters sent unto him; and the sixt the Philistines and Arabians that were borderers upon the Ethiopians came and wasted Iudah, and tooke away all his substance, and his sonnes, and wives, onely Iohahaz remained, who was the youngest: and lastly, in the seventh yeare at the beginning his most dolorous sick∣nesse began whereof he died most miserably; and unto all this was added moreo∣ver a dishonour in his buriall, the people made no burning for him, as they had done for his ancestours, neither did they bury him in the sepulchre of the Kings, but only in the city of David in some common burying place, as thinking him unworthy and too base for his wickednesse to have that honour done to his dead corps so marked by Gods hand as most vile, whilest he lived. Of the rite of burning sweet odours to Kings departed, see before, 2 Chron. 16. 14. in the history of Asa his grandfather. Here is to be noted, that whereas vers. 17. the Arabians are said to have taken away his sonnes and wives, it is to be understood, by killing them: for Chap. 22. 1. they are said to have killed all his sonnes, but the youngest, and Iosephus saith, that they slew his wives also. A just judgement of God, that he, who so cru∣elly slew his brethren should have his sons slain; and he that took their goods which their father had given them, should have his substance taken all away, and come soone after himselfe to a more miserable end, then his children. Vpon what occa∣sion the Arabians came thus against Joram it is not said, but onely that God stirred them up; yet it is most probable, that the Edomites instigated them hereunto, that the King of Iudah being by these meanes weakened, he might the lesse infest them for their revolting from his obedience. For that Ioram had an army abroad at that time to waste the Edomites, although he could not againe reduce them to his obe∣dience, is intimated, Chap. 22. 1. where it is said, that the Arabian robbers slew the Kings sons, when they rushed into the tents.

Ioram being dead, the inhabitants of Ierusalem made Ahaziah his youngest son King in his stead, for all his elder sonnes were slain, 2 KIngs 8. 25, it is said only that Ahaziah his youngest son reigned in his stead. But in both places the name is divers from that. 2 Chron. 21. 17. where his youngest is called Iehohaz, but the same man is also called▪ Azariah, 2 Chron. 22. 6. so that it seemeth he had 3 names, Aha∣ziah was of 4•• yeares when he began to reign, 2 Kings 8. He was 22. and indeed how

could he be more, seeing his father Ioram was but 40 when he dyed, for he was 32. when he began his reign, and reigned but 8 yeares as kings, and Chronicles doe both consent. Some Hebrewes say, that Chronicles reckon from the beginning of Amri, whose daughter Athalia is here said to be his mother, for so the years agree; Amri 6. Ahab 22. Ahaziah his sonne 2 Ioram his brother 12. But because this is too much forced, other Hebrewes say, that 20 yeares of his fathers reign are con∣cealed, and that he is said ta have reigned 8 for 28. because that from the time of his troubles he made Ahaziah his son confort with him in the kingdome, and when he had reigned with his father 20 yeares he dyed, and then the men of Ierusalem confirmed the kingdome unto him anew, after which hee reigned but one yeare. And thus it is true, which is said, 2 Kings 8. He was 22 when hee began to reign, that is together with his father, and reigned one yeare only alone, and it is also true, which is here said, he was 42 when he began to reign alone. And this Martyr pre∣ferreth as most probable, and Lyra following Ierom, and proving it by the like in Saul, unto whose reign only 2 yeares are counted, when as he reigned manifestly more, as hath bin shewed upon 1 Sam. 13. 1. even 18. but he is said to have reigned two, because he reigned well so long, & no longer. So Ioram is said to havereigned 8 years, because so long he reigned well, or innocently as Ierom saith, but then he slew his brethren, & from hence forward wickedly, his kingdom also declining 20 years, which cause that time is not reckoned to him, but to intimate so much time more of his reign, and that his son Ahaziah reigned all or part of it together with him, he is said to have bin 42 when he began to reign, lest going upon the number of 22. when he is said, 2 Kings 8. to have begun his reign, 20 whole years should be cut off from the Chronology, and so an errour be committed in reckoning the time by reason of the number there put, when as it is meant, that from the beginning of his reign with his father, he was 22. and then all the time that his father lived after this being passed over in silence, he is said to have reigned one year, that is, alone. And this is held by most, Vatablus, Tostatus, Azorius, Gordon, &c. And this is certeinly the best way of clearing this doubt. Whereas it is objected, so Ioram must not have begunne his reign at 32, but at 12. or else to have lived not 40, as is commonly counted, but 60. it may be granted that he lived so long, seeing it is not set down, how long he lived.

But whereas Ierom is brought affirming Ioram to have lived but 40. and Iosephus likewise, and all the time both of Ioram the father, and Ahaziah the son, is inclu∣ded within the reign of Ioram of Israel, and the time of his reign was but twelve years, 2 King. 8. 16. 25. I must needs confesse, that I cannot see what may be answe∣red. Wherefore some have found out another way, saying, that a transposition is to be made of the words thus. When Ahaziah began to reign, his mothers name was Athaliah the daughter of Amri, he was of 42. years, that is, Amri, or so many years passed from the time of his beginning to reign, till now, as hath been before ac∣counted. But seeing there is no warrant thus to transpose the years, which are plainly spoken of one, as meant of another, a king of another kingdome, who was also dead long before, this is not to be admitted. Nothing then remaineth to be said, but that this place hath been erroneously copied out, and ought to be corrected by 2 King. 8. as in the Septuagint translation it is, where it is said, as 2 King. 8. so 2 Chron. 22. Achaziah was 22. years old when he began to reign. And yet this is no disparagement to the holy Scripture, seeing some translation is right, and the text 2 King. 8. and pregnant reason is a sufficient ground to evince the truth. Whereas the time of Ahaziah his beginning to reign, is set forth not onely by his age, but 2 King. 8. 25. by the twelfth year of Ioram king of Israel, but ch. 9. 29. by his ele∣venth year. Martyr saith, that the twelfth was so little begun, that it is not spoken of in the second place, but the eleventh, which was then complete. But if the twelfth were begun, it could not be said in the eleventh with any colour of truth. Lyra therefore and others better, he began to reign alone, his father being dead, in the twelfth year; but that we might know, that when his father lay languishing of his last sicknesse, and grew by reason thereof unfit to govern, that the kingdome was not without a governour, for he made his sonne king together with him, a year

before his death, that is inserted of his beginning to reign in the 11. of Ioram of Is∣rael. Neither can any reason otherwise be conceived why after his death mention should be again made of his beginning to reign in a divers year, ch. 9. 29. but to in∣timate some what before omitted, viz. that besides the one year of his reign before spoken of, he reigned another whilest his father lived, as was the manner of divers other kings, and of Ioram his father, who reigned together with Iehoshaphat his fa∣ther, as hath been already shewed, upon 2 King. 8. 16.

Ahaziah being made King, was as wicked as his father for matter of idolatry, for he followed Ahab, as his mother enforced him, and they of the house of Ahab, are said to have been his counsellers, thus to bring him to destruction, and he is said to have walked in their counsels. 2 King. 8. 27. all this is comprised in fewer words; He walked in the wayes of Ahabs house, and did that which was evill before the Lord, for he was the son in law of Ahab. His mother provided him a wife of Ahabs house, and thus he was so strongly carried on, as if he had been enforced to that wicked∣nesse, partly by his mothers command, and partly by his wives importunity. Thus idolatry brought in by marrying with idolaters, was so rooted, that it could not be rooted out without rooting up the corrupted stock, for a warning to all generations to come, to take heed of such unequall yoking.

How destruction came from hence unto him, the next words declare, vers. 5. He went with Ioram king of Israel to warre against Hazael at Ramoth Gilead, where Ioram was wounded by the Syrians, and and so returned to Iezreel to be hea∣led, then Ahaziah followed to visite him. And this is noted to have been by the will of God against Ahaziah: For Iehu coming at the same time against Ioram, he went out with him, and so his brethren upon whom Iehu first lighted being slain, he was found out and slain also. This briefly here run over, the purpose of the writer of the Chronicles, being to prosecute onely the history of the kings of Iudah fully, is with all the circumstances set forth, 2 King. 9. Iosephus saith, that Iorams army was still at Ramoth Gilead under Iehu as Generall, and that Ahaziah coming to visit him, left his forces there also. Which came to passe by a singular providence, that Iehu with the lesse opposition, might execute the judgements of God upon them both together, as he did 2 King. 9. The space between Ramoth Gilead and Iezreel, was 24. miles according to H. Bunt.

CHAP. IX.

THen Elishah sent one of the sonnes of the Prophets to anoint Iehu king of Is∣rael at Ramoth Gilead, which sheweth it to be true, that was noted out of Iosephus before, viz. that Iehu was left as Generall or chief captain over Iorams for∣ces at Ramoth Gilead against the Syrians. And this Iehu is further said to be the son of Iehoshaphat the sonne of Nimshi, and because the Prophet is bidden to go into Ramoth Gilead, v. 2. and bring Iehu not into a tent, but into an inner chamber, Martyr conjectureth, that Ramoth Gilead was taken by the Israelites, and that Ioram left his army there, thinking, when he should be whole of his wounds, to return and pursue the Syrians further, which is not improbable. Yea, Iosephus plain∣ly affirmeth it, and the words v. 15. do further confirm the same. The Prophet sent to anoint Iehu is thought by some to be Ionah, whom Elijah raised from the dead, viz. the widows son of Sareptah, who afterwards prophesied against Niniveh: but the holy Scripture saith onely in generall, one of the sonnes of the Propsiets, there∣fore to passe over mens conjectures, not determining who he was by name, we reade that he is bidden to gird up his loyns, that he might make the more haste, be∣cause now there was such an opportunity for Iehu to execute Gods judgements, as he should hardly have another time, Iorams forces being abroad and he disabled by his wounds, and Ahaziah, who was now one of Ahabs family by marriage, and as wicked as he, in the same city together with Ioram, and that the city Iezreel ap∣pointed for the place, where this execution should be done. And he is bidden take

a cruse of oyl for the anointing of Iehu, which was a thing given in charge before to Elijah, but he onely took order with Elishah, that it should be done, whereby we may gather, that the Lord enjoyned him not to do it in person, but to provide to have it done. And whereas Elishah did it not himself neither, but sent another to do it, some think, that because he was old and could not travell with such speed, he sent a younger man; others, that he sent one unknown, that the thing might be the more secretly done, which could not have been by so famous a Prophet as Eli∣shah. And I think, that not one, but both of these considerations might move him thus to do, or haply the spirit of God directed him to send and not to go. For his taking of a cruse of oyl with him, it was done, that the intended businesse might be kept the more secret; wherefore it is generally held, that he took common oyl, and none of the holy oyl kept in the Sanctuary, for this neither the haste would permit him to fetch, nor could he doe it without diminishing the matter: and a cruse not an horne, as to annoint David and Solomon, was taken to intimate, that the king∣dome should not alwayes continue in his family, as in Davids; and the like vessel was used for Saul before for the same mysticall end. But seeing no King of Israel, but Davids posterity onely was annointed King, since Saul, why was Iehu an∣nointed? Answ. Because he had an harder taske by God imposed upon him, then any of his predecessours, who were appointed by God to reigne over Israel, viz. to execute his judgements upon Ahabs posterity, as is expressed, vers. 7, 8. that he might be the more encouraged unto it and not feare any thing, when he had re∣ceived authority, as it were, from God by this meanes so to doe, and a signe of assu∣rance, that he should be enabled from above. And Elishah telleth him, that he should finde Jehu in the midst of his brethren, that is, sitting amongst other Cap∣tains in counsell, and biddeth him call him forth and carry him into an inner cham∣ber, and there annoint him King and then flee away, all which he did accordingly; and this was so done, that none might know of it, till afterwards, lest if it had been rumoured abroad, some means should have been used to make the execution the more difficult. And because it was dangerous for any man to doe this, whilest Io∣ram lived, he immediately opened the doore and fled, not tarrying to heare, what Iehu would say.

Thus the Prophets of God sometimes put their lives in hazard in doing their office to which they were appointed, and some suffered death therefore: but no [Note.] servant of God must passe for that, but couragiously doe the duty commanded him, yet when there is danger, and it may be, we learne by this example to be secret and wary in the performance of it. And here we see what authority the Prophets of God had even in disposing of kingdomes, for which the Lord sometime said to such, I have set thee over kingdomes and nations to plant and root up. For this Pro∣phet as Gods instrument, now pulld downe Ioram and set up Iehu, and Ahijah before, Ieroboam; and Samuel, David; yet none pretending himselfe to be the man of God, and his vicar may now of the motion of his owne minde presume to doe the like, as the Pope hath done, because every soule is subject to the higher pow∣ers, and the greatest Prophet, that ever was, never did this, but by the expresse command of God: when this Prophet came where Jehu was, he found him sit∣ting amongst the Captaines and contrary to the manner of inferiour persons, when they are to speake to Princes, he awaited not his rising, but called him forth, being haply in serious consultation about the warre, and Iehu came forth unto him, know∣ing him doubtlesse to be a Prophet, and supposing him to be sent by Elishah, whom even the greatest reverenced for his great power. He told him that he had a mes∣sage to doe unto him, which he could not, but presently conceive to be from the Lord, and therefore leaving the businesse in hand, of what great weight soever, he came forth to heare it, which shewed some piety towards God to have beene in him, although it was soone overthrowne, by his vaine glory.

When the Prophet had annointed him in secret as he was appointed, he told him, that he should smite the house of Ahab his Master, because it was the will of God, who made him King, that he should thus doe: for that he had shed the bloud of his Prophets and other servants by his wife Iezabel, upon whom it should now

be revenged, and he added more according to that, 1 King. 21. 21, 22, 23. where the words are already expounded. These words indeed are not mentioned in this chap. before, when Elishah gave him his charge, but it is to be thought that they were spoken being onely for brevities sake there passed over in silence. And when he had said thus, he opened the doore and fled, for he had before shut in, when he brought Iehu into the chamber, that none might see, what he did, and now he fly∣eth, lest any neare unto Ahabs family or of his friends should know of it, and find∣ing him slay him.

Then Iehu went in to the servants of his Lord, and they said, Is is peace? Where∣fore came this mad fellow to thee? &c.] They called him mad fellow, because the Prophets sometimes, when they were moved by the Spirit of God, did as if they were besides themselves: in imitation whereof it was common with those that spake by an evil spirit at the time of their prophesies uttering, to be cast into a fury. so Kimhi. But Martyr denieth this, and saith, that was proper to such as spake by an evil spirit; but they which spake by the Spirit of God understood well, what they said. Onely idolaters, such as these were, who loved them not, counted and called them fooles and mad men, because they declaimed against their wickednesse, and contemned the profits, pleasures and honours of this world, which they so much esteemed. So the kinsmen of our Lord sometime thought him to be besides him∣selfe, and Festus said to Paul, that much learning had made him mad.

Thus also Pellican and Hugo Card. and Lyra, and because they oft times spake things that seemed strange to other men. Comestor, they called him so, because they counted the sonnes of the prophets mad men, or because he ranne away like a mad man, so soon as he had spoken. I think with Kimhi, that because the prophets when they spake by the spirit were sometimes in shew like men distracted through the spirit coming upon them, the prophane called them mad fellowes, when as indeed they were not distracted, but well understood what they prophesied, as appeareth by their writing out of their prophesies sometimes, and because it is said, 1 Cor. 14. the spirit of the prophets, is subject to the prophets. But that there was a shew of distraction appeareth by that which was said of Saul, 1 Sam. 19. 22, 23. Hee cast off his clothes when the spirit came upon him, and did after the manner of the pro∣phets being naked all that day, and night v. 24. so that the prophets sometimes were as in an extasie, when they prophesied, and so behaved themselves.

Iehu answered, yee know the man and his speech.] Some take this as spoken interro∣gatively, Doe yee know the man and the truth of his speech, and whether he may bee believed? so Pellican taking it, as spoken doubtingly by Iehu, and likewise Hugo Card. but Martyr, and Lyra, and Iunius, without an interrogation expound it, ye know by his habit that he is a prophet, and therefore what he said, to be by way of prophesying, or doing me a message from the Lord. Then they answering, it is false, and urging him to tell them what he said, he told them all, and they immediately, their hearts being moved by the highest, hastened and set him up for king. For it must needs be acknowledged the wonderfull work of God, when as they but even now prejudged what he had said, as false, and yet presently believed it, and did ac∣cordingly. Iosephus and some that follow him, expound it thus; I see yee know the man and what talke he had with me, for he spake madly unto me indeed, then they urging him to tell more particularly what he said, as if they would make no other account of it, then as of words coming from a distempered brain, he declared the whole matter unto them, and God immediately wrought herewith so, that they hasted to confirm it. And this seemeth to come nearest to the true meaning, but the reader may without errour follow this, or that of Lyra. Whereas they replyed, it is false, when Iehu said, yee know the man, &c. some understand it as meant, that they knew him not, nor his talke, and therefore desired to have it related unto them; but I rest in the former, as more agreeable to their calling him mad fellow, and making most for the glory of God in changing their minds so suddenly.

Then they hastened and put every man his garment under his feet, and sounded the trumpet, and said, Iehu is king.] The vulgar Latin, they packt every one his garment un∣der his feet in the likenesse of a Tribunall, and Iosephus saith, that they made of them a

throne, and set Iehu thereon. Hebr. it is, on the height of degrees] that is, upon a place, unto which, as unto a throne it is ascended by degrees, to declare him to bee king, as God had appointed; they set him upon a place some what elevated for want of a throne, and covered it with their garments, as with carpets for the greater state. The word used, saith Martyr, signifieth either a stone, or a bone, whereupon some understand it meant of a diall of stone, in which degrees are to note the hours of the day, as the Chald. paraphrast; others, as of ivory made of the Elephants tooth, imagining a seat of such matter to have been there, upon which the judge was wont to sit; for putting their garments under him, it seemeth to have been done amongst the Iewes in way of most highly honouring, Math. 21. 7.

So Iehu conspired against Joram.] That is, he with the other Captains, and the army at Ramoth Gilead agreed together, binding themselves most probably by oath against Ioram to root out him and all his race, that Iehu might reign in his stead, which is not properly called a conspiring, because God had expressely appoin∣ted it so to bee done. Hazael, who was likewise anointed king of Syria, cannot bee counted for the manner of his aspiring to the kingdom better then a traytour, be∣cause he was not bidden to destroy Benhadad, but did it out of his ambition putting him on with hast to get that crown, but Iehu was willed to doe thus against Ahabs race. But Ioram had kept Ramoth Gilead with all Israel from Asahel, &c. Iunius [had set a custody at Ramoth, &c. the vulgar Latin had besieged] the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here used, may be taken either for keeping or besieging, saith Sallianus, for so it is used, 2 Sam. 11. but untruly, for the word there used is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, neither is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 put for any thing else, but keeping. But how can he be said to have kept it, when as it was in the hands of the Syrians. Ans. Iosephus saith, that Iehu with the army had taken it, and so by him he kept it, untill himselfe should come thither again. And of the cities being in the possession of Iorams men, it hath been spoken a litle be∣fore. And a repetition is here made, saith Martyr, of Iorams going from hence to Iezreel to be healed of his wounds, that it might be understood, what an opportuni∣ty Iehu and the captains at Ramoth now had to set up a new king, which they could not have done, if he had been there, unlesse he had been first killed, and this was needfull to be remembred, that it might appeare, what was the ground of Iehu his speech here following. If it be your will, let none escape out to tell it in Iezreel.] If yee mean that I shall be king, provide that it be kept from Iorams knowledge in Iez∣reel, least he save himselfe by flying away. Hereupon saith Iosephus, all the wayes were beset, that none might goe out. Then Iehu going up into his chariot, hastened towards Iezreel; not alone, for a company is said by and by to have gone with him, being doubtlesse a band of souldiers from Ramoth. And here again it is repeated, that Ieram lay sick there, and Ahaziah was come thither to him, that the over-ruling power of God might be marked, which brought them both together to one place to be with the more facility joyned together in destruction, as they had been joy∣ned together in sinne. Then the watchman stood upon the tower in Iezreel, &c. of a wathman set upon on high also in Davids time to espye and give notice of such, as came towards the city in time of warre, see 2 Sam. 18. 24. This telleth to some of the kings house that he saw a company coming, which the king hearing, biddeth as horseman to goe out and meet them, and aske whether it were peace, which he did, and was answered, what hast thou to doe with peace, get thee behind me, and so he returned not. Then a second horseman was sent out in like manner, who re∣turning not neither, the watchman told that his march that was the leader, was like the marching of Iehu, for he marched furiously. Hereupon Ioram commands to bring forth his chariot, and went out to meet him, and Ahaziah with him, and found him in the field of Naboth the Iezreelite, and asking him, is it peace Iehu? he answered, what peace? the whordomes of thy mother Iezabel, &c. Iehoram then perceiving, that he sought his destruction, turned and fled back again, but Jehu shor an arrow through his body and slew him, &c. Thus it was verified which is said, Ps. 127. Except the Lord watch the city, the watchman watcheth in vain. King Io∣ram [Note.] was by this means brought the sooner to his death, neither shall any watching or warding, profit the wicked, when the time is come of Gods judgements for

their sinnes. Iosephus differing somewhat from the Scripture, relates it thus; Ioram bad, that an horse man should be sent out and aske who it was that came, then hee approaching, asked what was done in the army? for the king desired to know; but Iehu bad him not to be sollicitous about that, but turn and come behind him with the rest of the company. Hee would not suffer him to return, that the king might know nothing, till he came at him, but bee suddenly surprised. The Chald. paraph. rendreth these words, he marcheth furiously, he leadeth quietly, Io∣sephus he marcheth slowly, and with a well ordered troop] but the same word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is here used, which was used before by the Captaines when they asked, where∣fore came this mad fellow to thee? It is best therefore rendred furiously or madly. The king understanding, that it was Iehu, hastened with the other king to meet him for honours sake, as some suppose, he being his chiefe captain; and now thought by him to come with good newes from the army, which because he would tell himselfe, and would not be prevented by any other, hee thought that hee would not suffer any of the messengers to returne, but would have them follow after him.

And it is to be noted, how the divine providence carried him to the very place, where execution was to be done, to the field of Naboth the Iezreelite. Touching Iehu his answer, when he asked, whether it were peace, The whoredoms and witch. crafts of thy mother Iezabel, &c. By both these Lyra understandeth her idolatries, for idolatry is spirituall fornication, and commonly called whoredom and adultery; because the Church is unto God, as his Spouse, and therefore as when a mans wife goeth after another man, she is an whore and adulteresse; so when any, that should worship the true God onely, follow after idols, they are adulterers and adulteresses. And witchcraft spitituall it is, because it intoxicateth as witchcraft, so that idolaters are hereby carried headlong as by an evill spirit to their destruction.

Iosephus understandeth whoredoms properly, Martyr both spirituall and cor∣porall whoredome, because they commonly goe together. But why is not Iorams owne wickednesse objected to him, but his mothers? Answ. She was the head thereof, and the first bringer of the worship of Baal into Israel, and now, by her and her daughter Athaliahs meanes, Iudah was corrupted therewith. Moreover it was his part being King, not to have suffered her to goe on in her idolatry, as Asa suf∣fered not his Mother Maachah. For by thus doing he made it his owne, and was worthy with her to be destroyed: which was Iehu his meaning, when he obje∣cted these things unto him, and asked, What hast thou to doe with peace? Note [Note.] then, that where idolatry and whoredoms are common, the State cannot be quiet, but the sword and slaughter must needs follow; therefore the way to have peace is to purge the land from these evils, as all good Kings have done.

He turned his hand and fled:] That is, he bade him, that guided his chariot horses to turne them and flee away. When Iehu tooke his bowe to shoot, it is said, [That he filled his hand with his bowe] by an Hebraisme: Then Iehu bad Bidchar his Cap∣tain take and cast him into a part of Naboths field: recounting the prophesie, where∣by by it was thus appointed. Bidchar in Hebrew is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which cometh of a word signifying three, because, as also Iosephus hath it, the third part of his army was committed unto him, he was then Captaine of the third part. But how did the prophesie touch Iehoram, when as Naboth was not put to death by him, but by his father, and it was Ahab his father, that was threatened, that the dogs should lick his bloud there, 1 King. 21. 19. For the meaning of those words see my expo∣sition there. But the Lord then threatened not Ahab alone but his sonnes, v. 21. and upon his humiliation said, that he would not bring this evill in his but in his sonnes dayes, v. 29. wherefore Iehu taking all the prophesie together maketh this construction of it, I will reward thee in this field, for the bloud of Naboth and the bloud of his sonnes: in which words he intimated that, which was no where be∣fore expressed, that Naboths sonnes were slaine also, that Ahab might obteine his vineyard; unlesse with some we shall understand their bloud to be spoken of, be∣cause when their meanes were taken away, their bloud was, as it were, shed; but I rather think, that they were slaine also, as I partly touched before upon 2 King. 21.

because many, that have no lands or goods, live upon their hands. In that place then this heinous wickednesse was revenged now, Ahab being here punisht in his wic∣ked sonne. And in that he bad cast his body there, it is intimated, that another part of the prophesie was now fulfilled also, viz. by his bodys lying unburied to be eaten up of birds, 1 King. 21. 24. And in speaking of the prophesie against Ahab he called it a burden laid upon him, because it is to beare an heavy burden to suffer such punishments. And in uttering the prophesie he saith, I see, saith the Lord, the bloud of Naboth yesterday, &c. To note, that bloud unjustly shed is alwayes before the eyes of the Lord, how long soever before, as if it had beene but yesterday, till it be [Note.] throughly revenged, so Pellican. But indeed these words uttered by the Prophet then, serve rather to set forth the time of Elijah his threatening of him to have beene the day after that murder committed.

When Joram was slaine, Ahaziah the King of Iudah fled by the way of the garden house and Iehu pursued him, and said, Smite him also in his chariot in the going up to Gur which is by Ibleam, then he fled to Megiddo and died there, 2 Chron. 22. 9. it is said, That Iehu seeking for Ahazia found him lurking in Sa∣maria, and when he was brought unto him, slew him. Here seemeth to be a con∣tradiction, but it is by Lyra thus expounded, Ahaziah fled by the way of the gar∣den house; and although Iehu bade kill him in the going up to Gur, he came first to Samaria, and there sought to hide himselfe, but by those of Iehu his com∣pany being found out, he was brought unto him to the place before named and be∣ing deadly wounded haply with an arrow, as Ioram had been, he fled to Megiddo and there died of this wound. Thus, but more briefly Lyra, but more largely set forth, for the more full clearing of the doubt. Another more improbably saith, that he caused his wounds to be dressed at Megiddo according to Iosephus, and then fled to Samaria being fourteene miles off, from whence being found, he was brought back to Megiddo againe and there slaine by the command of Iehu. For the Sacred history speaketh not of his being slaine at Megiddo, but dying there of the wounds formerly received; nor of his fleeing any whither after that he came to Megiddo. Martyr followeth Lyra, but onely he saith, that Ahaziah was wounded at the commandment of Iehu in Iezreel, and then fleeing to Megiddo he died there. Sal∣lianus most unreasonably saith, that he lay hid in Megiddo, seeking to make this ex∣position good by taking Samaria the chiefe city of the Kingdome for the King∣dome of Israel, within which Megiddo was. Thus also Iunius, in Samaria, that is, in the Kingdome of Israel for which the Metropolis is put Synechdochically. But seeing Samaria is no where thus taken, I passe this over, as a groundlesse invention, and conclude, that he fled by the Kings garden in Iezreel near Naboths field, where Iehu bade smite him, but the pursuers could not then reach him, he having gotten so much ground, whilest Ioram was taken out of his chariot and cast into the field of Naboth, that he got into Samaria seeking to be hidden there, but they com∣ing soone after, found him out and brought him to Iehu about Iezreel, and then he shot him also, and not doubting, but that his wound was deadly suffered him to flee to Megiddo foure miles off, and there he died. Megiddo was a towne in Ma∣nasseh, Iosh. 17. 11. Iosephus saith, That having received this wound he left his Cha∣riot and fled on horseback. Now for the justifying of this exposition it is to be no∣ted, that he saith, 2 King. 9. 27. Iehu bade smite him; but these words, and they smote him, are not in the Hebrew, but onely supplyed by the Vulg. Lat. and Iunius, and in some Septuagint; and so to say with the Chronologer, that after this bidding he went and hid himselfe in Samaria, is not contradictory to the Kings, but onely a declaring by way of supplement of that which is here wanting, that he was not smitten so soone as he bade smite him, but some time after being brought back from Samaria to which place he had first escaped, to Iehu to be slaine. Then he gave him a deadly wound with an arrow, as Iosephus also saith expresly, whereof he died at Megiddo, whither he fled thus wounded, and therefore it is said there, that not they, but he slew him.

If it be demanded, whether did not Iehu goe beyond his commission, which was onely to smite the house of Ahab, in smiting Ahaziah, who was none of his

linage also? It is generally answered by expositours, that Iehu did herein no more, then God willed: for to shew this, 2 Chron. 22. 7. it is said, It was the will of God, that Ahaziah came to visite Ioram, and went out with him against Iehu, that he might destroy the house of Ahab. God brought them both together into Iehu his hands, the one as a naturall member of his house, and the other being made so by marriage, 2 King. 8. 27. and because he came of Athaliah his daughter, and there∣fore in slaying him also he did no more, then was required, viz. destroy Ahabs house.

Ahaziah being slain had more honour done to him, then Ioram, for he was car∣ried to Ierusalem and buried there in the sepulchres of his fathers, but 2 Chron. 22. 9. this was onely for Iehosaphats sake, of whom he descended. For that which followeth, vers. 29. Ahaziah reigned the eleventh year of Iordus, &c. It hath beene already expounded upon 2 King. 8. 26. the seeming contradiction being recon∣ciled. And the Spirit of God in repeating the same thing twice, viz. that he reigned [Note.] but one yeare, would have us note, what a short time he reigned for his wicked∣nesse, wherein he exceeded even his wicked father Ioram, as Iosephus saith, and we may easily gather, if we compare their histories, Righteousnesse prolongeth a Kings life in glory, but wickednesse cutteth it off betimes.

And Iehu came to Iezreel, then Iezabel painted her face and tyred her head, &c.] To what end she thus did, Iosephus setteth forth, saying, that she stood in the tower in her royall attire, that appearing in the Majesty of a Queen, she might the more move Iehu, as Tostatus and Vatablus, and haply she thought that whatsoever she should say, Iehu would not dishonour himself so much, as to embrew his hands in the bloud of a woman. Wherefore she cast out this reproach against him, had Zimri peace that slew his master? for he himself indeed perished, within seven days after that he had thus gotten the crown, so she hoped, that Iehu should do, she having many more sonnes, of which she made account, that some one would be presently set up, and be revenged upon Iehu, for the death of her sonne Ioram. Thus she made a treacherous Zimri of Iehu, who was anointed of the Lord to do this execution.

But she soon paid dear for this and all other her wickednesses: for Iehu lookt up and said, who is on my side? and immediatly two or three Eunuchs lookt out at the window, and he commanded them to cast her down, which they did, and so she died, and was troden under the horses feet. A miserable and desperate end, but such as she was well worthy of, for causing innocent Naboth to be stoned to death, and for persecuting and killing up the Prophets of God. For it is to be noted, that [Note.] being in apparent danger, she sought not to hide her self, neither had any remorse for her sinnes before she died, but went on in her pride and vanity, thinking to daunt and to outface the executioner of Gods judgements upon her now in pre∣sence, an example to all the wicked bloud-thirsty enemies of the truth, wherein they may see their own destiny, viz. that continuing to fill up their sinnes unto the end, they shall then suddenly be horribly destroyed by such meanes as they least feared; as she by her own attendants. But they herein shewed their false hearts to her their Lady and mistresse, for which cause such are rightly called by a certain Em∣perour, sorices aula. It is strange to see, what an exposition, Lyra saith, the He∣brews make upon this place, contrary to all our Doctors, and yet by him also fa∣voured, that Iezabel painted her face, &c. to allure Iehu to love her, and where∣as her words seem to make against this, Had Zimri peace that slew his master? He wresteth them strangely, rendring them thus, can there be peace? there making an interrogation point, and then adding Amri slew his master, leaving it to be supplied, and yet reigned many years in peace, understanding her demand, can there be peace? as a wish that there might be so to him. But the text speaketh not of Amri, but of Zimri, neither did Amri slay his master, but the murtherer of his master, and Iez∣zabel being now an old woman, it had been absurd for her to think of alloring any man to love, by thus trimming up her self, but rather to deride her, as Martyr reasoneth.

Iehu then went in to take his repast, and when he had so done, he bade some

about him to visite that cursed woman and to bury her, because she was a kings daughter. He thought haply, that he should be the more maligned by other kings about, and specially by the kings of the Sidonians, of whom she came, if he should suffer her corps to lye unburied. If it be said, by the same reason he should have taken order for the buriall of Ioram, it is answered, he caused him to be cast out to fulfill a prophesie, and although there was the like prophesie touching Iezabel, yet he might for the present forget it; but when he heard, that the dogs had eaten her up, he soon called it to minde, and repeated the words thereof, that the dogges should eat her up, and that she should be as dung upon the earth, neither should a∣ny man say, this is Iezabel, meaning, when he should passe by her sepulchre, as is common to say of great persons, for she had no sepulchre or monument, whereby to be remembred, and so it was verified in her, which is said Prov. 10. 7. The me∣mory of the wicked shall rot.

By Iezabel we may with Hugo allegorically understand this world, which be∣ing most vile, sheweth yet a painted face, to allure to the love of her, but all the pomp and pride of this world will not uphold it, but when the time of judgement com∣meth, it shall all be ruined and consumed, and all that are drawn by the glory there∣of together. Martyr by Iezabel understandeth the Pope of Rome, who painteth and setteth forth himself as a vice-god upon earth, when as he is full of fornications and witchcrafts, by his idolatries and powerfull illusions bewitching mens mindes with the love of him. But when the time of his judgement cometh, all his glory shall suddenly be overthrown, he shall be cruelly destroyed, and become as base as the dung upon the earth, even to those that have honoured him, which is accord∣ing to the revelation, where he is likened to a great whore, that cometh finally to destruction upon the sudden. Yea, any great seducer to things idolatrous may be understood by her, as Rev. 2. 20. those that seduced some in the Church of Thiati∣ra to cat things offered to idols.

Touching painting of faces, Martyr here taketh occasion to inveigh against it, as being censured by Cyprian, Chrysostome, Augustine, and the rest of the fathers, and as coming from pride and fleshly lust, it being hereby sought to allure men, and a changing of the naturall face into an artificiall, but indeed not to the bettering, but marring thereof; alledging Cyprian, saying, that the devill taught the daughters of men to make themselves seem fair thus, to allure the sonnes of God to their de∣struction. He that desireth to read more at large of it, may look into his disputes hereupon, 2 King. 9.

CHAP. X.

NOw Ahab had 70. sonnes in Samaria (that is, of his own, and the sonnes of his sonnes and daughters) and he wrote letters to the Princes of Israel, and the Elders in Samaria, who brought them up, &c.] That is, saith Iunius, to such prin∣ces, as Ioram had sent to Samaria with his children, to keep there with them, and to tutour them in the houses of the Elders, who were as Aldermen in that city, when be went out to war against the Syrians. Although I cannot see, but that we may well grant, a longer time of their abode in that City, as being the chief City of the kingdome, that amongst the great ones, there they might have noble education. But to let this passe, Iehu having slaine Ioram, the chiefest of Ahabs family, it remained now that he should cast about, how to cut off all the rest, and to this end he offers the Samaritans and Princes of Israel residing there for the cause before said, if they would, to set up one of their masters sons for king, and to fight for him, telling them, that they had means so to do, chariots and horses, a defenced city, and armes. Which some interpret, as spoken ironically, seeing the chariots and armes were now in his own power, he being generall of the whole army at Ramoth Gilead, others as spoken seriously for the great strength of Samaria, and because most probably, although a great army was then in another place, yet Samaria was not left without sufficient strength, there being so much

of the bloud royall there, and other princes with them. It seemeth to me, that he was not serious, because if there had been such strength, he would not have de∣layed the time by writing, but immediately have hastened thither with his army to destroy Ahabs posteritie, lest forces being gathered together for their defence, that work might have proved difficult and tedious. He wrote then thus unto them, as conjecturing, that it would fall out as it did, that they apprehending his great power, having the command of an whole army ready prepared, and their own in∣ability to resist him, would presently yield unto his will.

Iehu having received answer to his letters, that they were all his servants, and would doe whatsoever he commanded, wrot again that they should bring him the next day by that time, all the heads of their masters sonnes, which was done accor∣dingly, they being all instantly slain. Then Iehu bad that they should be laid by the gate upon two heaps till the morning, whereby it seemeth that they were brought thither late in the evening, wherefore he deferred his going out to see them, till the morning, and then coming to the gate, he said to all the people whom hee most probably appointed to be there, together with the men that came from Samaria, yee are just, I have conspired against my master and slain him, but who slow all these?] Thus justifying himselfe by their fact, who had now shed much more of the royall blood then hee, and the more to justifie both himselfe and them, he applyeth the prophesie of Elijah against Ahabs house as now fulfilled, saying; know yee now that nothing of the word of the Lord shall fall to the ground, &c. P. Martyr notwithstand∣ing this prophesie, chargeth the Princes of Samaria with too much timerousnesse, perfidiousnesse and parricide, because they did not first entreat for the sparing of their lives, who were committed to their care and custody; but to save their own lives and estates, at the command of Iehu committed this great murther, saying, that although this was to be done, seeing God had decreed it, yet they not know∣ing that it was committed to Iehu to see this execution done, neither first consult∣ing with any prophet about it, but being carried with a base fear of loosing their own lives, may justly be condemned therefore. But for so much as their king was now dead, and Iehu was known to be king, and most probably known to be set up to cut off the wicked house of Ahab, yea happily he intimated so much in his letters unto them, although it be not expressed; I think rather that they sinned nor herein, but did according to their duty to God, whose will they would not resist, and to the new king, to whom they yielded so ready subjection, according to Gods law. There may seem indeed to have been much pusillanimity in them, because they were moved to yield by this consideration, that two kings could not stand before him, and therefore they concluded, that they should be much lesse able to make head a∣gainst him, but it was an higher power that moved them thus unanimously to sub∣mit unto Iehu, whom he had set up, and therfore though they feared, and without any resistance obeyed his command, it is not to be marvelled at, as too much time∣rousnesse.

Thus the word of God alwayes takes effect, and all the wicked thereby threat∣ned, [Note.] are at the length punished most severely. Neither is it cruelty in the execu∣tioners that being hereby set awork, kill and slay them; but zeale, and justice, seeing it is most just for any man to doe whatsoever God willeth to be done, his will being the rule of justice.

And Iehu slew all that remained of the house of Ahab, and his nobles, his acquain∣tance, and Priests.] They were all a company of idolaters, and although they came not of Ahab, yet they were of his houshold, and so were included in the name of his house, which Iehu was bidden utterly to destroy. Some by the Priests here spo∣ken of, understand those mentioned, v. 24. holding this of his slaying his Priests here to be spoken by anticipation, it being meant, that he did it not now, but soon after, the manner whereof followeth, v. 20. 27. &c. But others better by these Priests understand the kings Chaplains in his house: for Iezabel is said before to have had 400. that ate bread at her table, and therefore it is not to be doubted, but that her sonne had some, whom he kept in his house. By the word notos, signifying acquaintance, Theodoret understandeth his prophets, who took upon them to fore∣tell

things to come, wherefore he readeth it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 knowers. But the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth rather men known unto him, as conversing dayly with him when he had thus cut off the house of Ahab in Iezreel, he went to Samaria, and upon the way thither, he met with the brethren of Ahaziah at Bethekedi of the shepheards] accor∣ding to Iunius, that is, the house of binding sheep to be shorne, unlesse it had the name from that which was done there at this time, viz. the slaughter of the 42 brethren of king Ahaziah here, because kings are shepherds of the people. But this is farre fetcht, seeing although kings be sometimes so called, yet not without fur∣ther explication, and their brethren are not so called, neither were they bound here, but slaine; and it was now the knowne name of the place, and not afterwards up∣pon this occasion so called. They being asked, did not only tell who they were, but that they went to salute the children of the king and Queen. Here it may first be doubted, how these can be said to be the brethren of Ahaziah, seeing he was the youngest, and that he was made king, because the Arabians had slain all his elder bre∣thren? 2 Chron. 22. 1. Sol. By brethren, kinsmen also were understood amongst the Hebrewes, and these are called v. 8. sonnes of the kinsmen of Ahaziah, mini∣string unto him, and Princes of Iudah. Secondly, whether Iehu did well in killing these who were none of Ahabs house? Sol. God himselfe justifieth him, v. 30. and therefore he did undoubtedly, that which was right herein. For although they were not of Ahabs house, yet there was great familiarity betwixt these and them, they were birds of a feather, and joyned to Ahabs house in idolatry, for which by the law of God, they ought to be put to death. Thirdly, whether they were going to visit the children of Ioram and Iezabel, because if Iehu met them in his going to Samaria, they were come past the place where they lived; I doe not think with some, that they were travelling to Iezreel, supposing them to be there, for betwixt great persons so linked together in love, there is often certain intelligence, that they may not mistake the place, but as they came from Ierusalem towards Sama∣ria, he might meet them, where the way from Iezreel met with theirs. Fourthly; why were they so foolish to put thēselves into so great danger meerly upon com∣plement at this time? Sol. They were doubtlesse ignorant, that the kings children were slain, or Ioram or Ahaziah, which also their free acknowledging, for what end they came, argueth; so also Josephus and Tostatus, though some think otherwise, and that they lurked at this place to hide themselves, having heard before this, how things went. But the place, where they lived being farre South and Samaria North∣ward, they might well be ignorant of that, which had been so lately done, as Lyra reasoneth. Fiftly, why 2 Chron. 22. 8. these are said to be slain, and then Ahaziah, whereas he was slain before? 2 King. 9. 27. and these some dayes after, ch. 10. 12. Sol. The history being so fully, according to all the circumstances, set forth in the Kings, the Chronicles do onely set forth somewhat of it briefly, not respecting so much the order, as the thing done, with some particulars before omitted. And therefore because nothing was spoken before of the slaying of Ahaziah by Iehu, it is finally set down, though out of place, because Iehu was now going to Samaria, where he is said to have been found hiding himself, of which see before ch. 9. 27.

Then going forward he found Ionadab the sonne of Rechab, &c.] Rechab came of Iethro the father in law of Moses, otherwise called the Cynean, from the place where he dwelt, and Rechabs father is said to be Chamoth, who it seemeth, came of Heber, which of old seperated himself from his own nation to go and dwell with the Manassites, when they went and dwelt in the mountanous parts of Iudah, and this Iethro was also called Hobab. He was a most godly man, and full of zeal for God and against idols, and led a most strict life, and enjoyned the like to all his chil∣dren, as we may see Ier. 35. And for this cause he was had in great honour among the people, wherefore Iehu seeing him upon the way, thought it would be a great grace unto him to take him along with him, and for this cause after salutations he caused him to come up into his chariot to ride with him to Samaria, saying, come with me and thou shalt see my zeal for the Lord.

Iosephus saith, that he was his old acquaintance, and now told him, what he had done at Iezreel against Ahabs house for idolatry, and if so, then Iehu was well dis∣posed

before, seeing otherwise he would not have been linked in friendship with such a man. But there seemed by this his saying, to be some tang of hypocrisie in him, because he would have his zeal seen by men, which appeared more afterwards, when having put downe the idolatry of Baalisme, he fell to that of Ieroboams calves, v. 29.

When Iehu was come to Samaria, he smote all that remained more unto Ahab, that is, all that were any way allied unto him, and whom he had used, as his in∣struments to advance idolatry, thus doing there, as he had done before in Iezreel. And having by this means made the kingdome sure, all enemies being cut off, that might hinder his peaceable enjoying thereof, he calleth the people together, and by a stratagem making a shew, as if he would set up the worship of Baal, getteth all the worshippers of Baal together in the house of Baal, and there causeth them to be slain. If it be demanded here, whether Iehu sinned not in thus dissembling? Mar∣tyr answereth, that he did, because he lied to the encouraging of the Baalites to sin, who haply for fear would otherwise have left their idolatry many of them, and by this his dissimulation he grieved and gave occasion to many good men to think hard∣ly of him, as destroying the house of Ahab for none other cause, but to get his king∣dome. And what is said by others in justifying Iehu he taketh away: as that it was but an officious lye, that he made it soon appear with what minde he did this, and God knew the goodnesse of his intent, to which he answereth, that to make an act good, not onely the intention must be good, but the thing lawfull, and that sin may be committed as well in a shorter as in a longer time, and that although it were but an officious lye, it was a sinne, which he illustrateth by the practice of some against the Priscillianists in Saint Augustines time, who were a Sect that could not be dis∣covered, that they might be punished accordingly. For when any of them were taken and examined, they would deny all their tenets, wherefore some Chri∣stians, who stood for the truth, feigning themselves to be Priscillianists also, had in private all which they held, declared unto them, whereby they were discovered. But this fact of theirs Augustine condemneth, lib. de mendacio ad Consentium. Nei∣ther was this of Iehu an officious lye, that is, tending to good to some, and to no hurt to any, because, as hath beene already shewed, this tended to evil to divers. Lyra also saith, that this lying was not commendable in Iehu, but onely his fervent zeale to destroy idolatry, and to finde out idolaters appeared, for an example to all Christian Kings. And H. Cardin. agreeth with Martyr, saying, why should we seeke to excuse him from lying, when as he sinned so fouly by Idolatry? Yet Pel∣lican calleth it a godly deceit, wherewith it was just with God, that they should be deceived to their destruction, who had deceitfully drawne others to their dam∣nable superstition. And Tostatus saith, that Iehu spake ironically, as Elishah did, when he bade the Baalites to take a sacrifice to offer to Baal, and to call upon him, and when they were calling, to cry aloud, for surely he is a God. And this is not so much to be laboured about to justifie Iehu, as other godly Princes, who have by all meanes sought to finde out and to punish idolaters, as Constantius, the father of Constantine the Great, who being a Christian in heart, made an Edict, that all, who were Christians should lose their places, because he would not be served by any such in his warres; but when all sincere Christians had hereupon forsaken his tents, they were recalled againe, and the other put out.

It is true, to lye or to dissemble is a sinne, so likewise it is a sin to kill, but when any are by God adjudged to death, as all idolaters in Israel were, as the Magistrate may kill them, and root them out of the land, so he may use any subtile meanes, to circumvent and finde them out, which to others it is unlawfull for to doe, but they must be dealt truly and plainely withall, as being fellow members, and not lyed unto. Otherwise Ioshuah to winne Ay might not have used that dissimula∣tion to make a shew of fleeing away to draw them into the danger of an ambush∣ment; nor the children of Israel have borrowed jewels of gold and silver of the Egyptians, making a shew hereby, as if they meant to restore them againe within a few dayes, when they never meant it. To take usury also is a sin, but of Canaanites who were appointed to destruction, it might be taken, although not of their brethrē.

To returne to Iehu, the Lords approbation is sufficient to beare him not as in killing the kinsmen of Ahaziah, as was said before, so in this his dissimulation also. For after it, he praiseth him, and having done that, which was right in his sight, al∣though otherwise a wicked Idolater, and promiseth him a reward therefore, v. 30. And the Lord even seemed to worke with this dissembling by infatuating the ser∣vants of Baal to beleeve that which he had said, when as they both saw Ionadab, a man zealous against such as they were and their religion, with him in great fami∣liarity, and brought, as a spectatour of his doings, and could not but heare of the slaughter of Baals priests in Iezreel, and of their King Ioram, and his Mother Ieza∣bel for her advancing of the worship of Baal, called whoredoms and witchcrafts. Contrariwise the faithfull, who had their understanding, considering these things could not, but conceive, that what he said, was in policy, to deceive the Baalitos, and rejoyce thus to see him plotting their destruction instead of being offend∣ed at it.

The servants of Baal, who were now invited to the sacrifice are generally thought to be his Priests onely, because they had vestments brought out to be worn in sacrificing: For the devil is Gods ape, for so much as Gods servants, the Priests served him in peculiar garments, the devil would have his to serve him likewise. But I cannot see, how the temple of Baal, which certainly was very great in so great and populous a city, should be full from one end to the other of Priests onely, seeing it might conteine, as the temple of Dagon in Sampsons time, not hundreds, but certaine thousands. It is to be conceived then, that the vestments brought out were onely for the Priests, which assisted in sacrificing, who onely are meant by all the servants of Baal, viz. who served at his altar, but many more came in and so the house was filled. Now to bring these together into one slaughter-house, no such ready way in the world could have beene devised as this. For the servants of Baal hearing of the destruction of their great patrons could not but feare and hide themselves in divers places, so that otherwise it would have beene hard to finde them out, and would have required a long time, but by this policy they were soone brought all together to suffer death, as they were well worthy. If it shall seeme strange, that Iehu should suffer them, untill that they had finished their sacrifice: Martyr saith well, that most probably he delayed the execution till this time, be∣cause haply there came still more and more; and it may also be thought that he stayed, till the sacrifice ended, that he might take them at their coming out, and lay their punishment upon them, when they had fully acted their sinne. For his going in with Ionadab and bidding them see, that there were none of the servants of the Lord amongst them, but the servants of Baal onely, herein he would seeme to them, as if he had a care, that their sacrifice might not be defiled by the presence of any, that were enemies to Baal and derided his worship, for even the heathen used to cry out, when they went to their sacrificing, Procul, procul este prophani: but secretly he meant, to provide, that whilest the Baalites were destroyed, none of the servants of the Lord should perish together with them; for which cause some thinke, that all the Baalites had vestments put upon them, whereby they might be knowne. The servants of Baal being all slaine, their dead corpses were not buried, but cast out to lye rotting as dung upon the earth for their greater, de∣basement, seeing to be buried was alwayes counted an honour.

Then they went to the city of the house of Baal, and brought out the images and burnt them, and they brake downe his image and house and made it a jakes to this day.] Which was all done to shew the greatest detestation of idolatry, that might be; and to purge the land so of Baalisme, that it might never be set up againe in Israel. For when Constantine the Great put downe idolatry in his Empire, he onely shut up idols temples, but for so much as they stood still, Iulian easily opened them and set up idolatry againe. Wherefore Theodosius to prevent this for time to come, demolished them. And it may be noted, that the idolatry of Baal was never pra∣ctised [Note.] in Israel more: Iehu and his successours indeed even to the Babylonian cap∣tivitie, chap. 17. idolized with the golden calves after the manner of Ioroboam, but from this of Baal they were free alwaies after this execution.

Wherefore to purge this land from Popish idolatry it had beene necessary at the first, although not to demolish temples to this wickednesse abused, because they were not at the first built, but purely to serve God in, yet to bring forth and burne the images, crosses and vestments, to breake downe the altars, and burne the masse bookes, &c. abused to superstition, a new table and liturgy being prepared instead thereof. For because it was not thus done, this idolatry continueth to this day, and of late there was great danger of its overspreading this whole Nation againe, but that it hath pleased God out of his infinite goodnesse beyond our ex∣pectation to turne it away. And he, who hath done this, inspire the great counsell of Parliament, that by doing now, what hath beene formerly neglected, they may with Iehu put this Baal quite out of this our Israel never to returne for the corrupt∣ing of it any more.

Touching temples built for idolatry, Martyr maketh mention of two that were converted into churches for the use of Christians: one the temple of Pan∣theon at Rome, the other of Mars at Florence, adding that there were also many more used in like manner: wherefore he urgeth not to the demolishing of tem∣ples, but of images and Papists ornaments, as the safest way for those, that embrace and professe the truth. For these words, vers. 25. To the city of the house of Baal] Iunius hath, They went into the house of Baal in every city. Respecting rather the meaning, then the words, which are so both in the Hebrew, Septuagint, and Vul∣gar Latine, and Vatablus, who yet expounds them, that is, into every city, where there was an house of Baal. Some by this city understand the house of Baal it selfe, that was like a city for spaciousnesse; some a little city by Samaria, wherein was an house of Baal; but Iosephus, Samaria, called the city of the house of Baal, because it was famous or rather infamous for the magnificent house of Baal built there by Ahab and Iezabel. They that stand for other cities in Israel meant by this city ground partly upon the words here following, Thus Iehu destroyed Baal out of Is∣rael, and not out of Samaria onely, and partly upon a conjecture, that Jezabel being so earnest in promoting the worship of Baal would not content her selfe to have one temple onely for his service in Samaria, but also in all the chiefe cities of the Kingdome. But for as much as the Text speaketh but of one house, and there is no∣thing here said, whereby we can gather, that they did these things in any other city besides Samaria, to which Iehu and his men were come, I take it to be plaine, that Samaria is meant by the city, out of the gates where of they having gone to cast out the dead bodies of Baals servitours, they now entered againe and fetched out the Images and burnt them, and finally destroyed the house it selfe. And if Ba∣al had but one house in Israel and that stood in Samaria, as we read, 1 King. 16. 32. it might well be said when that was destroyed, and Baal was there rooted out, that he was destroyed out of Israel. And that being but a conjecture, whereby it is con∣ceived, that many more houses were built in other places to the honour of Baal doth thus easily fall to the ground. But I will not here passe over the note of Mar∣tyr, that aptly Baals house was turned into Iakes: for both 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by which [Note.] name idols are called, signifieth dung, and from hence, as from a great lakes came a stinke infecting the whole city, viz the stinke of idolatry and superstition.

But Iehu departed not from the sinnes of Ieroboam, &c.] Therefore the Lord said to Iehu because thou hast done that which was right in mine eyes, &c] The first words here are inserted by a prolepsis, and not to shew, that God made Iehu a promise that his children should reign unto the fourth generation, when he sinned like Ie∣roboam. For it is most probable, that at this time Iehu sinned not so, but after that he was setled in his kingdome, onely the sacred historian having spoken so much hitherto of his well doing, could not longer forbear to shew, what a wicked heart and ungratefull to God, that had thus advanced him, he had all this while within him. The words of v. 30. then have reference to those going before the 29. God made him this promise for the zeal which he had shewed in throughly executing his will against Ahab and Baalisme, brought in by Ahab to the offending him in so high a degree. For God respecteth the good done by any, although his heart be not right, as he did before Ahabs repentance in sack-cloath and ashes, so now Iehu his

doing of these executions, as he willed, because he would have, even the wicked and reprobate, have all encouragements to do well, and to see, that it is not a fruit∣lesse labour to execute his will, that thus comfort and relaxation might be to his ser∣vants, and they not being moved by this his goodnesse to set their hearts upon the right, might at the last day of reckoning be without excuse, and likewise all others of the same stampe by their example. Tostatus holdeth, that God said thus to Iehu, when he was a worshipper of the calves, not by way of encouragement but of checking, meaning that they should have reigned ever, but now onely the fourth generation: but this is a presumption without ground which the words cannot bear: for it is not said, because he had done ill, but all which was in the Lords heart, &c. so that it was plainly a reward promised for this, not a cutting of any short threatened for his sinne.

But it is to be noted, that whereas David, whose heart was upright was pro∣mised [Note.] the throne to him and his for ever: Iehu whose heart was not so, had a promise onely to the fourth generation, a temporary reward for a temporary doing of good. But it may be demanded, how Iehu his doing good could please God, if it came from an evill heart, seeing that without faith it is impossible to please him. ye•• whatsoever is not of faith, is sin. I will not here answer with some, that the thing, which he did being good pleased him, but not as it came from him that had this evil and unbeleeving heart; for if it had not pleased coming from him, he should never have beene so approved by God and rewarded: but without faith a man cannot so please God as to be saved or to enjoy his favour to the advancing of him to his everlasting kingdome, as those faithfull persons there spoken of, al∣though he may please him so farre, as to be graced with temporary honour and bles∣sing, that God may not seeme to be endebted to any man and not come out of it. If it be said, then God is in some sort pleased with sinne; I answer, It is called sin, which is not of faith, not because it is every way sinfull, for it may be morally good, and then the act is in it selfe not evil or sinfull but good; onely it is styled sinne be∣cause for want of faith and sincerity in the doer corruption is contracted, which shall be punished eternally, although God liketh so well, that the thing is done that he rewardeth it temporally. The Prophet, by whom the Lord spake this to Iehu, is thought by Rab. Solomon to be Ionah, who had anointed him: but by Tostatus E∣lishah. And Lyra noteth a proportion betweene Amri and Iehu in their reigning untill the fourth generation. For so likewise his sonnes, Ahab, Ahazia, and Io∣ram reigned after him: but the proportion holdeth not, because Iehu had foure that reigned after him, Amri but three onely, neither continued the kingdome in his ••••ce so long for any good act done, as by Iehu, or upon any promise made therefore. To let this observation go then as frivolous, we may rather note what a great grace Iehu had herein done unto him, seeing no race, since the division of the kingdome reigned so long as his, untill the end of it at the Babylonian captivity. And here it may seeme strange, that Iehu should be so addicted unto the golden calves, as to be •• worshipper of them, when he had put downe Baal: for what was there more in one idol to draw him to it then in another? Answ. He had beene bred and brought up in this idolatry, as being the Religion of Israel ever since it began to be a king∣dome in Ieroboams time, and therefore although he observed the Lord to execute his will in that, for which he was made King, and haply to worship him also, as the words, vers. 31. doe intimate, He regarded not to walke in the wayes of the Lord with all his heart. He could not give over the worshipping of these calves also, for that he was bred up in this superstition appeareth in that it is said, He turned not from the sinne of Ieroboam] as if it had beene said, Notwithstanding the great favour by the Lord done for him and promised to him and his as he had beene before, he con∣tinued a worshipper of Ieroboams calves still. To note which probably the same thing is said both before the approbation given him by the Lord and after, although it be first spoken by a prolepsis, as hath beene said, Iehu not doing so then. For al∣though he had formerly sinned so, as he was blindly led, yet it is likely at the time, when he was executing the will of God, and making the kingdome sure, he for a time refreined himselfe, but it being still in his heart he left it not altogether to

his dying day. And it is not to be doubted, but that he was much moved by the consideration of his kingdome being generally for this Religion, so that if he should quite forsake it, he feared, that the people would be stirred up against him, and some going to Ierusalem to worship, would draw others to the endangering of all Israel to returne to the obedience of all the house of David againe, which of old was Ieroboams feare, when he first set up these gods. And it could not but increase his feare, because he had slaine the King of Iudah; and therefore if his power had beene so increased, that succeeded him, he should have beene sure to have beene cruelly destroyed. But what needed he to have feared, when he had Gods pro∣mise? certainly he needed not, neither would he, if he had had a true faith, but for want of faith both he and some other Kings better then he have done like unbelee∣vers, for which they have beene reproved and punished. So that we had need to [Note.] get a firme faith to have power to forgoe our evil customes, and to goe against the stream of the multitude, and to be safe from being moved by carnall policies against that which piety and conscience require.

From that time God began to cut off from Israel, and Hazael smote them in every coast of Israel.] After Jehu his sinne, here followeth his punishment in his people by Hazael King of Syria, whom God appointed to be King by the ministery of E∣lishah; and now is fulfilled what was then prophesied, although his cruelty towards the Israelites be not here particularly expressed, but thence to be learned, nothing being here said, but that he smote them, there that he should overthrow their strong holds, slay their young men, kill their children, and rip up their women with childe. And this was done in all the most fruitfull parts of the land, where the Reubenites, Gadites, and halfe tribe of Manasseh dwelt. It was indeed a punish∣ment threatened for Baalisme and putting downe the worship of the true God of which Elijah complained, whereupon he was bidden to anoint Iehu King of Israel, Hazael of Syria, and Elishah Prophet in his stead, threatening to destroy by the sword of one, what was not by the sword of the other destroyed. But the wor∣shipping of the calves being idolatry as well as it, and growing now to be an inve∣terate evil, both it and Baalisme, of which they never repented, (for no sinne is thoroughly repented, when the like abomination is still lived in) were punished together, and great was the misery of this kingdome.

And this is all which in the sacred history is recorded touching Iehu, who reigned 28. years, and then he dying, Iehohahaz his sonne reigned in his stead. He did nothing of worth, after that he fell to the worshipping of the golden calves, his valour said to be written of in the book of the Kings of Israel was before, not after, for then he had no courage to defend his coasts from the Syrians, but lost both Ra∣moth Gilead lately recovered, and all the rich countrey beyond Iordan, where the Reubenites, Gadites, and half tribe of Manasseh dwelt. For that not onely the people in those parts were now smitten, but that Israel was truncated, part of the kingdome being taken away and brought under the Syrian, appeareth, because Ie∣roboam is said about 60. years after, to have recovered the border of Israel from the entring in of Hamath, 2 King. 14. 25. so that it seemeth all this while to have [Note.] been held by them. Wherefore let Kings keep all idolatry out of their kingdomes as bringing ruine thereunto, and not some onely, as Iehu did, having thus also the spirit of courage turned into pusillanimity, and his glory into shame.

CHAP. XI.

VVHen Athaliah (the mother of Ahaziah King of Iudah) saw that her sonne was dead (as being slain by Iehu in Israel) she (to shew of what kinde she came, for she was Iezabels daughter, who was both most earnest in promoting Baalisme, and of a domineering spirit) rose up and slew all the Kings seed] her own grandchildren, thus through an ambitious desire of reigning extinguishing in her self all sparks of naturall affection. And she was carried on to this tragicall fact, as

Martyr noteth, that by her authority Baal and his worship might be upheld in Iu∣dah, although exterminated out of her father Ahabs kingdome of Israel by Iehu. For such is the fury of idolaters, that they passe not for embruing their hands in the [Note.] bloud of any for the promoting of their idolatry, and therefore she fearing, that the people would take one of the royall seed and make him King, which might be pre∣judiciall to her superstition, she hasteneth and cutteth them all off that she could come by. And it is not to be doubted, but that she made this destruction of the bloud royall, as well out a desire of revenge upon that seed, which she thought should be favoured as coming of David and Iehoshaphat, of whom she would not leave one alive, as Iehu had not of her fathers house, as out of an ambitious desire of reigning. But what had she to do to reign, although all had been dead, she was an alienigena, descended from the daughter of the Sidonian King, and not wholly Is∣raelitish, and a woman, and so uncapable of the kingdome, seeing by his law God provided, that no stranger, but one of their brethren should reign over his people? But she most probably having the administration of her sonnes kingdome in his ab∣sence, had now power in her hands to set up her self, the just judgement of God working with her designes for the punishment of Iudah for their idolatry, to which they were drawn by her means. Yet whilest she tyrannized thus, behold the pro∣vidence of God, according to his word unto David, preserved a light of his seed, one sucking childe called Ioas.

Iosabeth sister to Ahaziah, wife to Iehoiadah the high Priest, stale him away from the midst of the slain, &c.] And so this royall stock, now greatly in danger of being quite cut off, continued even untill the comming of Christ, who is King and reign∣eth for ever. This Iosabeah is called Iosabath, 2 Chron. 22. 11. and whereas here she is said to have taken him away and his nurse in the bed-chamber, there, she hid him and his nurse in the bed chamber, when the rest were slain. His nurse then, it seemeth kept him out of the sight of the executioners, till this was done, and so she was taken away with him to nurse, and to bring him up in secret, none know∣ing of it, as Iosephus saith, but she and Iehoiadah, who is said to be her husband. About the place where they were kept, all are not of an opinion, for some think, that it was one of the lodging-chambers one some side of the temple, for there were many, and R. Solomon that it was a room above the most holy place, wherein the sacred vestments and vessels, and treasure were kept. P. Martyr, that he was caried first into the one, and then for more safety to the other, to which I cannot subscribe, be∣cause one place onely, where he remained hidden six years, is spoken of, and R. So∣lomon is confuted by the text, wherein it is said to be a bed-chamber, and not a trea∣sury. It was then a room amongst those, which the high-priest had peculiarly to himself on one side of the temple, which was very secret, and so fit for this pur∣pose, and Ioas being here by the care of his Aunt preserved sixe yeares, whilest A∣thaliah reigned, in the seventh was brought forth and shewed to certain with whom Iehoiadah made a covenant, that they should joyn together to set up him for King, viz. to centurions, captains, and other officers, whom he sent for to this end to come to him to the house of the Lord.

In the Chronicles centutions onely are mentioned, who are also named, and they are said to have gathered together the Levites all over Iudah, and all the chief of their fathers houses. These centurions Martyr thinketh to have been a kin to the Levites, and such as were well known to Iehoiada to be faithfull, to whom there∣fore he might safely communicate this matter. But I cannot think with him, that he had at the first made some Levites acquainted with this matter, that in time to come they might testifie, that this was the kings son, and not supposititious; for his testimony being of that high place and credit, was sufficient for this amongst all the faithfull, especially his wife and the nurse who was known at the Court, being a∣g••••ts herein also, neither indeed was it safe, till this time to discover it to any.

But why was he now brought forth, not sooner nor later? He answereth, for two causes. First, least Athaliah continuing longer, should be more confirmed in the kingdome, and prevaile to appoint a successour and doe more hurt in setting up and spreading Baalisme into more places. Secondly, because Ioas now growing

past a child ought in reason not to be kept as a child still in obscurity, but be made known, that henceforth he might live like one of royal dignity. I think that he stayed till this time and no longer, because he doubted whether the people would be so inclinable to accept of him for their king being an infant, but so soon as he thought him fit to be shewed unto them, he brought him forth, and happily he delayed it, till now that the people being weary of her tyrannicall government, might be the more ready to receive him.

Moreover touching this Ioas, there are saith Martyr, who think him to be of the posterity of Nathan another of Davids sonnes, and not the sonne of Ahaziah, al∣though called so, because he succeeded him in the kingdome, who strengthen this their opinion from hence, that Athaliah would never have been so unnaturall, as to seek to slay the child of her own sonne, who living and reigning, she might have ex∣ercised the power of a regent at her pleasure, but for so much as Ahaziah her sonne and late king had no naturall sonne, and by this means the kingdome was in danger to be translated to another stock, she thought it necessary to provide for the safety of her selfe, and favourites of her religion, by rooting all others out, that might bee brought in to reigne, and so to put her down, and her great God Baal withall. And to this he confesseth, that he most enclineth, but I must needs confesse that I see no such force in this reason to move me so to do. For she was of an haughty and ambitious spirit, & therefore would not be satisfied now with a ruling power under another, though never so near unto her; but would rule as Queen her selfe alone, like unto Semiramis the mother of Ninus, who put her sonne into a womans habit, that she might reign, and Irene the mother of Constantinus Copron: who put out her own sonnes eyes to make him uncapable of the Empire, that she might enjoy it. And he is so plainly said to be the sonne of Ahaziah, v. 2. and when he was shewed, it is said, he shewed them not the kings kinsman, but the kings sonne, that he cannot possibly be any other, besides the consideration of her, by whose care he was saved giveth no litle light into this matter, shee was sister to Ahaziah, in whom naturall affection wrought to preserve her brothers sonne, and being of the same family, she might well have opportunity so to doe, but not a little one of ano∣ther family.

By their gathering together of the Levites, it seemeth that they were in these corrupt times most observant of the ordinances of God above others, but because the chiefe strength of the kingdome lay in the heads of the families, they were cal∣led together also to goe about this great work to set up a new king, who had right, and to put down a bloody Queen which had none.

And he said unto them, the third part of you shall be of them that enter upon the Sab∣bath, and shall ward the kings house, &c.] That this is to be understood of the Levites appeareth, because they are spoken of that enter in upon the Sabbath, and v. 8. they which goe out upon the Sabbath. For they were by David numbred and distribu∣ted into 24 courses, of which each course served about the temple a week, and then the Priest of that course with his troop of Levites going out, he of the next course with his troop came in. Now there were of the Levites, 38000. whereof 24000. served at their times in the house of the Lord, besides 4000 door-keepers, and 4000 singers, who attended there by turnes, also, only 6000 were dispersed over the land for judges. They that came in then were the course coming to serve at the tem∣ple, and they that went out the course, which had served the week before, and each of these, if they held, as in Davids time, were 1500 and upward. By this then we are to understand, that Iehoiadah stayed that course of Priests and Levites, which had served the week before, and now went out to help to defend the king, and as he used them that came in in three companies, one to ward about the kings house to withstand any that should be sent out by Athaliah, against the king, one to keep the gate Sur. 2 Chron. 23. 5. The chiefe gate, which was the largest saith Iu∣nius, and stood Eastward, and it was called Sur, saith Martyr, from declining, as the word signifieth, because the door-keepers standing before it made the un∣clean to decline from coming in that way, as the most common, and one the gate behind the guard, which carried shields, 2 Chron. 23. 4. Ianitores luminum, accor∣ding

to the Vulgar lat. in the gates; but another gate in particular, saith Iunius, is hereby meant, which stood South. As he distributed this course of the commers in, I say, into three companies and placed them thus, five hundred in a company, so he divided the goers out into two, whom he set to guard about the King on both sides, for which Iunius calleth them Laterales custodiae. The Chronicles make it more plaine, that these were Priests and Levites, and whereas nothing is here said of the rest of the men, that were present, there they are appointed to be in the courts of the Lords house, and the Priests onely and Levites, who were holy might enter in and be about the King, that is, those Priests and Levites, who were last di∣stributed into two companies, and if any others entered, they must be slaine, as not coming in the way of good will, but to seek the young Kings destruction. More∣over Iehoiadah put weapons in the hands of the Centurions, speares and shields, which were in the house of the Lord, and bade the Levites hold weapons in their hands also; and when he had made the guard strong in all places about, he brought forth the King and crowned and anointed him, 2 King. 11. 12. 2 Chron. 23. 11. Ie∣hoiadah and his sonnes anointed him and cryed out, God save the King.

Here many doubts occurre, as first, whether Iehoiadah being a subject did right∣ly [ 1] to conspire against the Queen, who then reigned? although he might have with∣stood her taking the government upon her at the first, yet it seemeth, that being in the throne it was not lawfull for any subject to pluck her out, because all must be subject to the higher powers?

Ans. She was an usurper and the true King abode in his custody, & therefore how long soever she reigned, that obliged not the subjects of that kingdome any more unto her, but they might without all scruple proceed against her, as an enemy to the true King and State, especially he that was by his place the second man in the kingdome, and to see the doing of right to the King, who suffered wrong all this time. They that live under a King, who hath unlawfully atteined to the Crowne, and possesseth it are not by this example justified, that conspire against him being private persons, and not having right unto it, or lead by these, that have, or by such Peeres of the kingdome as stand for the right of another unable to helpe himselfe. For to such it may be said, He that smiteth with the sword shall perish by the sword, because he doth this, when it is not committed unto him.

Secondly, whether Priests and Levites might beare armes, as he appointed these [ 2] to doe, sith the word is the sword of the Clergy, and Prophets pull downe, root up, and plant not by the materiall sword, but the spirituall, viz. prophesying?

Ans. It was no new thing for men of this tribe to take arms no more then of any other, for both Moses commanded them to goe every one with his sword in his hand, and to slay such, as committed idolatry with the golden calves, and when an army was sent against the Midianites Phinees the Priest went as captaine over it, and this tribe made an army, when they marched in the wildernesse, as well as any other. And well they might, because, as hath beene already shewed, many of them were set over civill affaires, and their service being so seldome required about the temple, viz. not above twice in a yeare, they might easily be spared, at sometimes to doe this service to the common wealth, namely, when great necessity requi∣red it. But otherwise I doe not thinke, that they were employed as souldiers, be∣cause they did also read and instruct the people in the Synagogues in all parts every Sabbath day.

If the question be of Ministers under the New Testament: whether they may be required to doe likewise? I answer, that our Lord seemeth to take all armes from us, when he forbiddeth his Disciples to take a staffe with them; and our mi∣nistery is a kinde of warfare for God, whose souldier Timothy is called, which must not be entangled with secular affaires, yea, a Bishop must be no striker, but must give himselfe wholly to meditation, reading, and preaching, except extraor∣dinary necessity requireth the drawing of his sword; as to resist theeves and rob∣bers, or enemies setting upon him, or the place, where he liveth; in which case it is no good citizens part to sit still, but to resist to the uttermost of his power.

Thirdly, Whether the temple were not polluted by giving order to have bloud

shed there? Answ. It is requisite, that the place dedicated to the worship of God should as much as may bee be spared from shedding bloud therein; but the Lord himselfe biddeth to pluck wilfull murderers from his Altar and to slay them, and in∣spired Solomon, who caused Ioab to be slain there, did by his fact sufficiently justifie this of Iehoiadah, but of this enough hath been said before upon that touching Ioab; and yet indeed by his military preparation there was no bloud finally shed there, for Athaliah was carried forth and slain.

To returne therefore to the Kings coronation, here are three things said to have been done unto him about his inauguration. First, a diadem or crown was set upon his head. Secondly, the testament was put into his hands. Thirdly, he was anointed, although some for (the testament have) the ornament, as Martyr saith, and render∣eth it, howsoever in commenting upon it he preferreth, this reading, the testament: and indeed, it is to be preferred, although the word may also signifie an ornament, and both Pagninus and Vatablus take it so. For Deut. 17. 19. it is commanded, that the King should have the book of the testimony by him, and read therein all the dayes of his life; neither do we read in any place of other royall ornaments besides the crowne, and of putting this book into his hands, according to the Vulgar lat. there was now good reason, because it had been in the dayes of his grandmother, father, and grandfather so much neglected. The crowne set upon his head glitter∣ing with gold and precious stones served to shew his kingly dignity, that he might be honoured the more: the book of the testimony, the care, that he should have to maintaine the worship of God, and to beat down idolatry so much condemned in this book; and the anointing, other kingly endowments of wisdome, fortitude, and justice.

These things being done, acclamations were made, [God save the king] and trumpets sounded, and there was clapping of hands for joy. Whereupon Athaliah hearing the noise came forth, into the temple, and seeing what was done, and the King standing by his pillar, rent her clothes and cried Treason, Treason; and if Io∣sephus may be credited, bade them take the new King and slay him, and the people contrariwise cryed out, God save King Ioas, and let Athaliah dye. But Iehoiadah bade thē have her forth out of the house of the Lord, that she might be slain, which was immediatly done, & in the way of the horses entrance into the King house she was slain, no man, that we read of, seeking to rescue her, whereby we see the mise∣rable condition of tyrants, they may have mens bodies and lives subject unto them, [Note.] but their hearts they can never have, that they who are in Regall dignity may feare to tyrannize or unjustly to usurpe. As the mother Iezabel came to a base end for her tyranny before being trodden under the horses feet; so most probably did her daughter for the like cause, because it was in the way of the horses, that she fell. Which was so called, saith Lyra, because the Nobles about the Court might come riding thus farre, but then alighting they went on foot to the temple. Wherefore Iosephus is not to be heard, when he saith, that she was carried downe to the brook Cidron, and slain there.

Touching her rending of her clothes, she did that in detestation of the fact, and out of extream sorrow, it being a ceremony in use not only amongst the Israe∣lites, but the heathen also, as Martyr noteth out of Suetonius, who saith, that Iulius Caesar made an oration unto the people with his clothes rent when civill wars were began, the tribunes of the people being violated, & compelled to depart out of the city

Then Iehoiada made a Covenant between the Lord and the King and the people, &c. and between the king and the people. Things being so much out of order, the wise Priest thought it necessary now that he had made Ioas king, to direct him and the people to make a Covenant with the Lord to root idolatry out of the land, and to restore and maintain the worship of God pure according to his word, and to joyne the people and king again together as one in doing this to direct him to make a co∣venant with them to rule them in justice and equity, and them to make a Cove∣nant with him, to obey and serve him as their King and Lord. Neither was this done without effect, for immediately they went about that, which their Covenant tyed them to, viz. to destroy the temple of Baal and the idols therein, and slew

Matthan the Priest before his altars. And thus doing, they had godly Asa going be∣fore them, who coming after idolatrous Abijam, and Rehoboam together with the people, made a covenant with the Lord, and did mighty beat down idolatry. Oh that as the house of Commons hath entred into such a Covenant, so the King and Lords would bee pleased to doe likewise, that all the people and not some only might follow them, and so together joyn their forces to root out popish su∣perstition, which of late hath been so much magnified amongst us. And the Priest set governours over the house of the Lord.] 2 Chron. 23. 18. And Iehoiadah set pre∣fectureships in the house of the Lord, which were committed to the Priests, the Levites, whom David had distributed, &c. It may seem by this in the kings, that some Captains with their bands were set to ward about the temple, that the Priests might securely in those tumultuos times doe their office therein, as some under∣stand it, but the Chronicles maketh it plain, that nothing else is meant hereby, but that he appointed the 24 courses of Priests first instituted by David to serve in the Temple, as formerly they had done, and vers. 19. the porters to keep out the un∣cleane.

After this the Centurions and the guard, and all the people conducted the King to his palace, and set him upon the throne. But all that went before touching the destruction of Baals house, and the setling again of the Priests in their courses could not be suddenly done, but required some dayes for the doing thereof, wherefore it must be conceived either that the king was conducted to his house before all this was done, yea they being but begun only, as some hold, or that he remained cer∣tain dayes after his coronation still in the temple, happily where he had been kept before till they were done, and then this company repairing to him again, condu∣cted him to his house with great joy, which is the more probable, both because ac∣cording to this order, his carrying to his house is set forth, and because it is said, Iehoiadah tooke the Centurions, Captains, &c. as implying his calling them thither again, after the businesses before spoken of ended. And now the city had quiet, they had an unquiet life before under a tyrannicall Queen, who together with her hus∣band, as Iosephus saith, built a Temple unto Baal and set up his worship, which doubtlesse was the occasion of many quarrels betwixt the Baalites and the servants of the Lord, but now there was an end put unto them all, neither did any rise up to revenge the death of Athaliah, and so they enjoyed great quietnesse and peace.

Rabanus upon Athaliah maketh this Allegory; shee seeking to destroy all the seed of David, setteth forth the synagogue of the Iewes seeking to destroy Christ and Christianity, for as Athaliah, so she reigned, whilst the Temple and ceremonies of the law stood. But Iehoshaheth setting forth the Church, kept Ioash close and so preserved him in an inward place of the Temple, in like manner the Church pre∣served the faith and love of Christ in the hearts of the elect by preaching him, untill that the synagogue Athaliah being destroyed in the time of Titus and Vespasian the city of God had quiet and no trouble from thenceforth any more by it.

CHAP. XII.

IOas was seven yeares old when he began to reign. In the seventh year of Iehu he was made King and reigned 40. yeares, &c.] The kingdome of Iudah being much disordered by Athaliah, cometh now by the divine providence to be under a childe; from whom in humane reason, what could be expected for the amending of their condition. But it pleaseth God, by weak means oftentimes to do wonderfully for the magnifying of his own power and mercy, and so he did at this time, Ioash by the good instructions of Iehoiadah the high-priest, did well, and was accordingly re∣warded with along reign, whereas his father and grandfather that were wicked, reigned but a short time. His mothers name also was Sebia of Beershebah, which was one border of the kingdome of Iudah, that we might know, that she was not alienigena, but rightly bred as his fathers mother was not, which turned to his ruine.

But this good high-priest lived not alwayes with him, as is afterwards shewed, and then he did evill.

But the people still sacrificed in the high-places.] That is, as hath been before shewed, upon such mountains, as whereupon their holy fore-fathers had anciently sacrificed, but it was unto the true God and not unto idols, and therefore yet tole∣rated, as it had formerly been by godly Asa, the great grandfather of this King, of which see more there.

And Ioas said unto the Priests, all the money of the Saints, the money of him that passeth, the money of souls, and the money of him that willingly offereth, the Priests shall take to themselves, and repair the ruines, &c.] The vulgar Latin, to make it more plain, The money of the saints, which is brought into the house of the Lord by those that passe, which is offered for a price of the soul, &c. Here Lyra reckoneth but two sorts of money; first, that of the half shekles, which all were appointed to pay when they were numbred by the poll from 20. years old and upward. Secondly, voluntarily given by such as were more wealthy. Wolsius besides these two, nameth a third, viz. the money vowed by any for the preservation of their lives in danger. But forsomuch as the same is said to be paid for the life or soul, which is paid by those that passe under this reckoning, for it is said, he shall give for the redemption of his life, that there be no plague amongst you, and this shall be given by every one that passeth to the numbred, it is plain, that the money of every ones life, and the money of him that passeth, is all one, and if we make a third sort of money here ap∣pointed to be gathered, it must be founded upon these words, the money of the saints, but hereby nothing else seemeth to be understood, but the money of the ho∣ly things, as the word [sanctorum] signifieth, as well as saints, and so the first words set down only the genus, or the money in generall to be taken, and the next the two sorts, redemption money being about 10. d. and money voluntarily given, as we read was afterwards done, when Christ sitting over against the treasury, rich men cast in much, and the poor widow her two mites.

The Priests are bidden by the King to go through all the cities of Iudah, to gather moneys for this end from year to year, but the meaning is, the redemption mo∣neys, and what any would voluntarily give, as in this place. For when all from 20. years old and upward, had paid it once, others still attaining to the age of twenty, were to pay it the next year, and others the year following, &c. unlesse we shall think with Iunius that the work of repairing the temple, at this time lasting more years, it was gathered of all over again from year to year, as in a case extraordina∣ry it might sometime be done, seeing it is said unto Moses, When thou numbrest the people, &c. so that it seemeth when ever they were numbred, these moneys were to be taken, yea as I have shewed upon that place, this numbring was from year to year, for the maintenance of divers things pertaining to the service of the temple, although Junius thinketh otherwise, and now most probably whilest the temple was in repairing, the service being intermitted, about which these moneys had been formerly bestowed, they were taken for the use of reparation. Whereas 2 King. 12. 6. it is said, that they should take these moneys of their acquaintance, but here that they should go out to gather money in all cities, it is most probable, that as the Priests dwelt in divers parts of the land, so they that dwelt nearest to some cities, where they were most acquainted, should go thither to gather it, and others to their neighbour cities. But it is to be noted, that before this 2 Chron. 24. 4 it is said, that Iehoiadah took him two wives, and this surely was not till he was of riper years, as may also be gathered by the age of his son Amaziah, who was 25. when he began to reign, therefore born, when he had been King fifteen, that is, anno 22. of his age, most probably then he took him not these wives till he was 20. or 21. years old, about the 14. year of his reign, and after this, he took orcer for repairing the house of the Lord, and yet it is said that it remained undone till Anno 23 of his reign, v. 7. If any man aske why Iehoiadah so godly a man took not order with the young king, about this so holy a work sooner? It may be conceived, that the decay was not yet grown so great, or at the least that the people not thinking it yet necessary to repaire, were unwilling to contribute unto it, or Iehoiadah being

very old, for he dyed at 130. and therefore was 90 when Ioash was made king, thought not upon all things that were needfull to be done, or if hee thought upon this, he feared the peoples unwillingnesse, although it proved otherwise, and so delayed the time, at length yet as Iosephus saith, moving the king to provide, that this work might be done.

What this decay was is not here expressed, only it is called the breach of the house, or the place or places broken through, as the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth. But 2 Chron. 24. 7. it is said, Athaliah being most wicked, her sons brake into the house of God, and took away all the consecrated things of the house of the Lord, to adorn Baal. The vulgar Latin, destroyed the house of the Lord.] Whereupon Ierom according to the traditi∣on of the Hebrewes, they destroyed it either by carrying out of it the ornaments, or as they say, because when Athaliah endeavoured to bring idolatry into it, there was an earthquake renting it, and the Chald. calleth it the scissure or cleft place of the house. This of the Hebrewes I passe over as an imagination of the Rabbins, be∣cause it is not spoken of in the sacred history. But we may well gather that some violence was done to the Temple in the time of such impious rulers, whereby brea∣ches were made in the walls thereof, although the destroying of it was not attem∣pted, and such a great rupture; and where ever else any decay was through antiquity for the Temple had now stood 155 yeares according to the Hebrews greater Chro∣nicle, and as may easily be computed, or by any other means, the kings meaning was, should now be made up, and if there came in mony enough, that such orna∣ments as were taken away, should be repaired again, as is partly shewed, that it was done v. 1. Iunius calleth the breach of the house, Labes domus. The Priests having the care of this reparation committed to them, were negligent in gathering the money, because no benefit should thereby redound unto them, or the people delayed to pay it, as not being willing to commit it to their trust, or ha∣ving gathered it in part as it seemeth, v. 7. where they are bidden to restore it, they neglected to set upon the work: wherefore the king calleth for Iehoiadah, anno 23. of his reign, challenging him for this neglect, and forbidding the priests thence∣forth to gather any more money. For he had commanded, that this work should be done with speed, 2 Chron. 24. 4. and v. 5. in challenging them for that they made no more haste, he saith, that they might bring from Iudah and Ierusalem the gathering of Moses the servant of the Lord, and of the congregation of Israel to the tabernacle, &c. pointing at the first ordaining of this numbring money, of which it hath been already spoken, and hereby it is implyed, that it was an annuall revenue of the tabernacle. To return to their neglect, the king for this would have them to meddle no further in this matter, and chid with Jehoiadah about it. Whereby be∣cause it appeareth, that the king had power over the high-priest (which the Pope can by no means endure now) Tostatus saith, that then the priests and laity were all alike subject to the king, but under the new Testament, the priests dignity recei∣ved infinite encrease, so that he can both remit sinnes, and make the holy body of Christ. But this is a meer delusion, witnesse St. Paul, who chargeth every soul to be subject to the higher powers, even under the new Testament, Rom. 13. 1.

Then Iehoiadah the Priest took a chest, and having bored an hole therein, set it on the right side of the altar, where men entred into the house of the Lord, &c.] 2 Chron. 24. 8. Therefore the King commanding, they made a chest fit, and set it in the gate of the Lords house without. Whereas Iehoiadah is said to have prepared and set this chest, 2 King. 12. 9. it is to be understood by the kings appointment, then procla∣mation was made that they should bring the gathering of Moses appointed in the desart. Then all the Princes and people brought and cast in rejoycing, untill they had finished. That is, they who were employed about this, repair the whole work belonging to it. For the placing of the chest, it was set in a place, to come into which a man must go through the priests court, whereinto it was not lawfull for the people to enter, for it stood by the door of the house, therefore the offerers did not put in the money with their own hands, but giving it to the priests and levites to put it in, to shew which, it is said 2 King. 12. 9. that the priests who kept the door, put all the money that was brought to the house of the Lord there. And this was a means wisely

devised to draw the people to a willing offering, when they were thus assured that their moneys should certainly be employed, as was intended, as also the setting of keepers, and placing of the chest near the altar, that men might be encouraged to it, as to an offering made unto God, as Wolphius noteth.

And when they saw, that there was much money, the Kings and high Priests scribes came up, &c.] After that money in aboundance was brought in, now they fall to the disposing of it, giving it into the hands of such as were appointed to oversee the work, and they here with hired carpenters and masons, &c. 2 Chron. 24. 11. this is more fully set forth thus, they emptied the chest and set it again in his place, and so they did from day to day, till they had gathered money in aboundance. That is, from time to time, so oft as they perceived that any good summe was put in. And v. 12. this the King and Iehoiadah gave into the hands of the overseers of the worke, who hited therewith carpenters, &c. and thus the work went on, till it was all finished, v. 13. somewhat being added, 2 King. 12. 16. in way of commending the fidelity of those that were chosen to take care of this work, they called them not to account, for they were faithfull] v. 134. before this we are given to understand, that neither basons, psalteries, trumpets, or other vessels of gold or silver, were made of this mony, but that it was given wholly to repaire the house withall, v. 14. But 2 Chron. 24. 14. it is said, that of the mony which remained when the reparations were fini∣shed, Instruments both of gold and silver were made, for ministration in the house of the Lord. To reconcile which it is to be held, that the meaning of the Kings is nothing else, but that these monies were not given to the overseers of the workin part to make any such vessels or instruments, but onely to repaire the house, yet there being much mony remaining still, saith that of Chron. the fidelity of the over∣seers was such, that they brought it to the king and the high Priest, who caused these instruments to be made therewith. So then by the care of the overseers ap∣pointed no such vessels were made according to Kings, but by the care of the King and Priest, they were of the superabounding mony brought back unto them, accor∣ding to Chron. so also Wolphius rejecting that of Rabanus, who saith that the mony whereof these instruments were made, was the mony voluntarily given, and not the redemption mony, which went wholly for reparations.

Finally because other monies by the law of God were also to be paid for attone∣ment, and consequently the safety of the offerers soule, viz▪ for trespasses and sinnes, which went to the Priests maintenance, it is shewed, that such equity was now used, that this belonging to the Priests of right went to them, neither was any part thereof taken for the foresaid uses. What mony this was, see Levit. 5. 15, 16. even the price of any mans fraud in keeping back part of the holy things, and a fift part more added hereunto. Sallianus addeth, that in case that he who was to offer was afarre off, he sent mony to the Priests to buy all things for the sacrifice, and what was spared out of this, when all things were brought, went to the Priests, which is not improbable; for difference between trespasses and sinnes, Tostatus saith those were omissions, these commissions, see before upon Levit. 5.

Pellican maketh the negligence used about repairing the Temple, a figure of the neglect to reform abuses in the spirituall Temple, that is, the Church; for as breaches made the Temple ruinous, so corruptions put the Church of God in great danger of ruine, and yet in seeking to purge these out, great negligence is commonly used. And he noteth, that Iehoiadah was the onely priest, that ever took care about repai∣ring the Temple, but he should have said, till the time of Iudas Macchabeus.

All things being prepared about the Temple, as was aforesaid, sacrifices were there constantly offered unto God all the dayes of Iehoiadah, 2 Chron. 24. 14, 15, 16. but then he being very aged, viz. 130 yeares dyed, and was honourably buried for his good deserts in the sepulchers of the kings of Iudah. And the princes of Iudah after this comming flatteringly to Ioash with most lowly reverence so wrought upon him, who had alwayes hitherto shewed himselfe a most godly king, that they drew him to idolatry, to worship idols in groves, leaving the house of the Lord, to the provoking of his fierce wrath against Iudah and Ierusalem, v. 17, 18.

The good demerits of Iehoiadah are thus expressed in the text. For the good, which he did in Israel towards God, and towards his house. That is, in Iudah, and not in the kingdome of the ten tribes, with which he had nothing to do [towards God] saith Ierom in beating down idolatry, and (to his house) in repairing it. For this also God blessed him with long life beyond any, that went before him since Iacobs time, who was of the same age, when he went down into Egypt. And his so ho∣nourable a buriall, is to be ascribed to the piety of Ioas, to whom he was as a father, as long as he lived, and therefore was by him accordingly honoured both in life and death.

After the death of Iehoiadah the court-sycophants, whose hearts had been all this time towards the idolatry formerly practised by his father and grandfa∣ther and grandmother, in all humility move him, that this religion might be set up again; in the text no more is expressed, but that the Princes of Iudah came before Ioash worshipping him, to whom he hearkened, and so they left the house of the Lord and worshipped groves and idols. Whereupon Lyra following R. Solomon saith, that they perswaded Ioash to accept of divine honour, and to this he yielded, because one idolatry easily draweth on another, they soon added hereunto idolatry with groves and other idols also. And he feigneth, that they drew an argument from his living in the temple sixe years, where none, but the priests must come upon pain of death, yet he continued there so long without any hurt, which proved him to bee more then a man, a god, and this is followed by Hugo Cardinalis and Pellican. But the ground of this opinion is too weak, viz. their bowing of themselves to him, which is no more then Bathshebah and Nathan the prophet did to David, or then is com∣monly done to any king. Whereas it is said, that he hearkened unto them, it is a forcing of the words to strein them to this, that he was willing and agreed, that worship should be given to him as to a god, neither was the like ever done to any king of the Iews before or after. However the heathen Emperour Caius Caligula presumed to set himself so up. Neither is it probable, that God would any time have tolerated it in him, being so well instructed, as he was, but presently have stric∣ken him with some miserable death, as he afterwards did Herod. The words of the text indeed are so brief, that hereby it becometh questionable, whether they moved Ioas to turn idolater with them, or onely to give them leave to serve such gods, as they had formerly done, because nothing else is said, but that they came and bowed unto him, and he hearkned to them, & that then they forsook the house of God, &c. But what they requested is not expressed, nor that they made any request at all unto him, but left to be gathered. So that from this Scripture we can rightly gather no more, but that they leaving him free, if he pleased to go on in serving the Lord in his house, as he had been by Iehoiadah taught, desired, that they might have liberty, as in times past they had, to set up in other places such worship as was used in other na∣tions, which were most flourishing. And this being granted, they did so, but that the king did thus also, it is not said. Yet Iosephus saith, that both king and people did it. But no more can hence be certainly affirmed, but that he tollerated idolatry in his kingdome, being drawn by their flattery, who durst not move him herein all the dayes of Iehoiadah his life, but now he being dead, moved for it and prevailed. Yet because he degenerated so farre, that he commanded Zechariah, a most godly priest, and sonne of Iehoiadah to be slain, when he reproved him, as is by and by shewed, it is most probable that he turned idolater also together with them, see∣ing this is peculiar to idolaters to be cruell and bloudy, by the instigation of that mur∣therer the devill, whom they serve. We may note hence, first, what need we have [Note.] alwayes to pray, that wee may be upheld in the truth, seeing Ioas being godly so long, yet now destitute of his old tutour, fell so souly. 2, that it is of greatavail to cō∣mit youth to good tutours & governours. Thirdly, that there is not a more pestilent way of corrupting princes or others, then flattery, that by shewing an hatred al∣wayes of such, we may keep out of their danger. Fourthly, that to tolerate a false religion, is the very way for kings to overthrow themselves and their kingdomes, although they embrace it not themselves, as the sequel here declareth.

He sent unto them his prophets, who protested unto them, but they would not hear

them, &c. God being so greatly provoked, yet judged them not immediately, but first admonisheth them to turn from his great wickednesse, and it is said not a prophet, as if he had sent one onely, but prophets, that is, many one after another, who ex∣aggerated this sinne unto them, and threatned them with judgements, if they did not, laying before them doubtlesse the examples of other wicked kings and people, as of Ieroboam, Baashah, and Ahab, for thus prophets used to deale in the like case. He deferred therefore long to bring his judgements upon them, out of his accusto∣med goodnesse, seeing it is not to be supposed, that these prophets were sent alto∣gether; but first one, and then another, afterwards a third, that when by no means they would be reclaimed, their censure how severe soever, might follow the more justly. But they were so farre from being moved by these admonitions, and this long patience, that they went on in their wickednesse, without regarding what the prophets said. And they perswaded the king most probably, that he being grea∣ter then they all, needed not to regard them, but doe what he pleased, notwith∣standing their admonitions and protestations, as other kings of the heathen did.

Then Hazael king of Syria fought against Gath and took it, and then set his face to goe to Ierusalom.] For here most rightly commeth in the history of the kings a∣gain not sooner, as Cajetan would have it, when he saith that this warre happened before the death of Iehoiadah, for punishments follow sins, and go not before them, nor latter, as Tostatus, and Genebrard, and Iosephus, would have it, when they say, that Zachary had first impugned their idolatry, and was slaine; so making but one only coming of the Syrians against Ierusalem, for they came manifestly twice. First taking a bribe without doing further hurt, and then this shaking off the rod over them, as it were not working, at the end of another year, when they had raged against holy Zachary to the shedding of his innocent blood, with a few, killing and slaying many, and all the princes of the people, &c. Thus also Iunius. Touching Gath, it was a city of the Philistines subdued by David, & ever since that time till this held by the kings of Iudah, for Rehoboam is said to have repaired it, and Iosephus writeth of it, as being now under the king of Iudah. Hazael therefore in begin∣ning his warre, here fought against Ioash, and prevailing went on to the chief city of the kingdome, Ierusalem, thinking to take that also. But Ioash fearing it tooke all the sacred things, which Iehosaphat, Ioram, and Ahaziah had consecrated, and his own sacred things, and all the gold, &c. It may seem strange that Ioram & Ahaziah be∣ing idolaters should consecrate any thing to the house of God, but it is to be concei∣ved, that they did it in the beginning of their reigns, before they declared them∣selves, according to the accustomed manner of the kings of Iudah their predecessors, that their reigns might be the more auspicious. Whereas it hath bin already said, that the temple was before spoyled of all the ornaments which were carried into the house of Baal, so that it may seem there were now no pretious things therein re∣maining, it is to be conceived, that when Iehoidah caused the house of Baal to be de∣stroyed, he first took and brought these ornaments out, and being sanctified, restored them to the house of God again, but now the temple being forsaken, and groves fre∣quented, it was just with God to give these pretious things into the hands of the heathen, and so the king of Syria departed from Ierusalem home againe for that time. For his other comming against Ioash, as this is wholly omitted in the Chro∣nicles, so is that here, there being only a reference made to the book of the Chro∣nicles of the kings of Iudah, for the rest of the acts of Ioash in this place. Wherefore we must now again look to 2 Chron. 24. 20, 21, 22, 23.

Moreover when the spirit of the Lord comming upon Zachariah the sonne of Iehoi∣adah] he from an higher place threatned them with Gods judgements for their foule sinnes, they conspiring against him, stoned him in the court of the Lords house by the kings command, who remembred not the kindnesse of Iehoiadah his father towards him, Therefore at the end of the year certaine bands of the Syrians com∣ing up, destroyed the Princes, &c. When this holy man saw that the judgement before going made the King and his Princes no whit the better, he according to his place, as the spirit moved him, inveighed most earnestly against them, and threat∣ned a greater judgement to come upon them by the Syrians, at what time they

should have no help from the Lord. For some hold that he was high Priest after his father, as Tostatus and Wolphius, Pellican, &c. But in the Hebrew Chronology Pe∣daiah is said to be high Priest now, and Zachariah a priest and a prophet, Genebrard followeth this Chronology, Iosephus calleth him that was high-priest now, Phidaeas. And because the Scripture saith nothing of Zachariah his being high-priest after his father, we may well follow the Hebrew Chronology, holding that Iehoiadah had another elder son, who succeeded him in this office. And if Zachary were not high-priest, yet he was a priest and a prophet, and so a sacred person, who should have been reverenced, and the rather, because he was the sonne of so well-deserving a fa∣ther. But such is the madnesse of idolaters being opposed in their idolatry, that all respect of persons being laid aside, they breath out nothing but slaughter and bloud∣shed, against those, that tell them the truth, and so did Ioas and the princes of Iudah against Zachary, and not onely against him, but as may be gathered from vers. 25. against his other sonnes also, for it is said, his servants conspired against him for the slaughters of the sonnes of Iehoiadah. Vnlesse with some wee hold, that the plurall number is put for the singular, which is not unusuall in the holy Scriptures, as where Sarah Speaketh of her giving children such, when she had but one, and of the theeves crucified with Christ, it is said, that they railed upon him, when onely one did so. Therefore the vulgar Latin rendreth it by the singular number, and Iosephus also, yet Ierom saith, that Zachary was slain together with his sonnes, and that not impro∣bably, although he onely be first spoken of, seeing it is said likewise of Naboth at the first, but afterwards by Jehu his sonnes are spoken of, as slain also. Our Lord reciting this parricide saith, Zachariah the sonne of Barachiah, whom ye slew between the tem∣ple and the altar. Iunius and Hugo Cardinalis, Lyra, and others say, that the same man had two names, as many more bave had, or that he was called Barachiah com∣monly by the people, the blessed of the Lord, as the word signifieth, because he en∣joyed the blessing of so long a life, farre beyond others, and was a blessed instrument of so much good, to restore the decaying estate of that kingdome and church. But why the murthering of this man is instanced in next to the murthering of Abel, when as it was 800. years before the time that Christ spake thus, and in that space they had murthered many more prophets? is a question. Iunius resolveth it by say∣ing, that Zachary dying called for revenge, as Abels bloud had first done, for he said, the Lord shall see and require it, 2 Chron. 24. 22. and the like is not said of any other martyr. Wherefore our Lord threatning revenge, nominateth two examples alike, and passeth over all others, leaving all the righteous bloud also shed from Zachary till his time, to be understood hereby. What other opinions there are touching Za∣chary the father of Iohn Baptist meant there, or Zachary one of the small prophets, see my comment upon that place. Genebrard relateth a tradition of the Iews, that his bloud continued bubling up, untill the time of Nebuchadnezzar, as calling for re∣venge still, so long after. And out of Epiphanius, that after this bloud-shed the an∣swers of God ceased, because the temple was hereby polluted. Whether this were so or no is uncertain, because many wonders are invented and passe for old traditi∣ons, but this murther indeed was most heinous, as the sacred history noteth, saying, the King remembred not that kindnesse, which Iehoiadah his father had shewed towards him. For he saved a venemous serpent from destruction, to be the death of his most dear and godly sonne, which was the highest degree of ingratitude, and a childe of the family, where he had been tenderly brought up, which was most unnaturall, his father and mother also adventuring their lives to save him, that gave out this bloudy command, which was unparaleld tyranny, and that for nothing but zeal for God, and against most abominable idolatry, and obedience to his spirit moving him, which was a very presumptuous fighting against God himself, and therefore if he did mi∣raculously a long time after shew his displeasure against it, he did but thus brand it to deter all men from the like ever after.

Therefore at the end of the year, certain forces of the Syrians coming up against him, invaded Iudah, &c. v. 24. And although these forces were but few, yet the Lord deli∣vered multitudes into their hands, &c. so they executed judgements upon Ioas. After so horrible a sin, judgement was not long deferred, the king of Syria himself came

not, for it is thought by some, that Hazael was now dead, and a new king set up in Syria, who not regarding the great price not long before paid to his predeceslour by the king of Iudah for his peace, entred his kingdome with some forces to spoil and destroy those, whom the Syrians commonly counted their deadly enemies, as they did them. And it seemeth, that he was extraordinarily stirred up by God, who hated so much the abhominable wickednesse of Ioas, because otherwise he should have done like a desperate man, to send out fewer against many more, unlesse it shal be thought that he presumed upon the valour of his men, and the cowardise of Ioas, who had formerly without making resistance compounded with very great treasure with Hazael. However, the hand of God was certainly in it, as the words of the hi∣stroy do imply. Therefore the forces of the Syrians came up, &c. viz. Because when he consented to idolatry he dealt so tyrannically with Zachary reproying it, and God delivered great multitudes into their hands being fewer. Thus fulfilling that which is threatned in the law against transgressours, Levit. 26. 37. ye shall have no force to stand against your enemies. For their invading of Iudah and Ierusalem, it is most probable that it was done in this order, first their comming being heard of, the king gathered a mighty army and went out to fight against them, but the Sy∣rians having slain many of them, and put the rest to flight, went on to Ierusalem, and having slain the Princes and done what they would to the king, most probably wounded him incurably, they took the spoyl of the Princes and sent it away to their king in Damascus; the vulgar Latin hath it] in regem ignominiosa exercuere judicia, that is, saith Ierom, they used hiw basely, or slaying his sonnes before his face, they upbraided him by his wickednesse committed against Zachariah. Whatsoever the judgement was, it seemeth that he was evill entreated by them in that they left him grievously sick and full of pain and torment by reason thereof. For it is said, they left him in most grievous diseases, v. 25. Vatablus thinketh, that by their exe∣cuting judgements upon him is meant that they punished him diversly, and it is most likely, that hereof he fell thus sick. Lyra, that they wounded him with di∣vers wounds, which were not mortall, and so left him languishing. And it is to bee noted, that having him and his city in their power, they neither slew him outright, nor took possession of the city, nor carried him away to be ransomed; for in this the singular providence of God appeared, who would have him reserved after much mi∣sery endured in his body, for his foule falling into the abominable sin of idolatry, to be slain by his own servants, who ought to have reverenced him, for his shamefull mur∣thering of Zachariah, whom he ought to have reverenced for his fathers sake, to whom he had been more obliged, then any of his servants to him. For so it follow∣eth, 2 Chron. 24, 25. His own seruants conspired against him for the murther of the sonnes of Iehoiadah, and in his bed slew him; and they buried him in the city of David, but not in the sepulchers of the kings.] v. They that conspired were Zabad the sonne of Shimhathah an Ammonitesse, and Iehoshabad the sonne of Shimrithah a Mo∣abitesse. 2 Kings 12. 21. he is said to have been slain by his servants in the house of Millo, of which, see 1 Kings 11. 26. it was a building reared up by Solomon upon a prerupt place, which he filled up, which goeth down to Silla, where the house stood which Solomon built for Pharoahs daughter, when he had levelled the ground. Iu∣nius understandeth Silla appellatively, as signifying an heap of earth, and not as a preper name. It was then in his own house, that he was slaine. And of his murthe∣rers one is said to be Iosachar the sonne of Simeath, the other Iehosabad, the sonne of Somer, so that it seemeth, that the first had two names, and the mothers of them both likewise.

Iosephus saith, that they were a kinne to Zachariah, who thus revenged his blood-shed. But wee may rather with Wolphius observe the sutablenesse of the judgement with the sin of Ioash. One of his murtherers was an Ammonite by the mothersside, the other a Moabite descended from two nations, that came of Lot, whom Abraham had saved from destruction out of the enemies hands, whereinto he fell in Sodom; but as they ungratefully sought the destruction of the Hebrewes, the children of Abraham, so did Ioash against the children of Iehoiadah, to whom he was obliged for preserving his life, when he was in danger to loose it, and there∣fore

it was just with God, that he should now perish by the hands of some of these nations, and those most probably his slaves, born of women, that were enthralled unto him. He was as an Ammonite in condition, and therefore an Ammonite was made his executioner; lib. trad. Hebr. saith, that this is set down to denote the wickednesse of the Iewes, they would not take revenge upon Ioash for that foule murther, therefore men of another nation were stirred up to doe it. But seeing they were murtherers for this, it is to be held, that their malice stirring them up, God permitted it for the blood of Zachariah.

And they buried him with his fathers in the city of David.] which least it should be understood of the sepulchers of the kings, the Chronicles saith, that it was not there, as he was unworthly of it, so he had not that honour; the high Priest who acted a kings part better in restoreing and well upholding all things, had this honour, but the king thought unworthy to lye near him, whom he so much wronged in his posterity, was buried lesse honourably in some other inferiour burying place. If any shall marvell that his sonne would suffer it, most probably his body was so corrup∣ted with his disease, that it was not to be buried with any solemnity, and therefore not amongst the kings; and the hand of God so grievously upon him, shewed him to be so hatefull unto him, that men durst not thus honour him, so it was verified in him, pride went before, with which he swelled through the flatterie of the Prin∣ces, so as that he thought he might doe what he listed, as having all power, and dis∣honour followed after. And Amaziah his sonne reigned in his stead.] From hence some gather, that the tradition before spoken of, is not true, viz. that the Syrians slew his sonnes, determining this to be one of the judgements which they execu∣ted upon him; for if this had been so, saith Lyra, he should not now have had a sonne to reign after him, and therefore he saith that book of the Hebrew questions wherein this is conteined, is none Ieroms, as also appeareth by the stile; and be∣cause in lib. de illusir. viris, where Ierom reciteth all the books by him written, hee mentioneth the book de Hebr. quest. upon Genesis, but not any any other. Wherefore he concludeth, that it was written by some Iew, who mingled toge∣ther things true and feined. In which his censure touching that book, although I de∣ny not, but it may be just; yet his arguement against that particular touching Ioash his children is not good. For some might then be slain, and yet one escape by a singu∣lar providence to reign after him, that the promise made unto David might stand. There was great perill of cutting off all his posterity before, when Ioash was pre∣served; which yet the faithfull not knowing, were tryed 6 yeares together, whe∣ther they would continue to believe it, even all the time that he was hidden, and now again the like danger was renewed by the Syrians, touching whom being ma∣sters of Ierusalem and of the king, it may be wondred that they destroyed not all his sonnes. And no lesse illustrious was the divine providence once before both these in preserving Ahaziah, when all the rest of Iehorams children were taken a∣way by the Philistines, that in him Davids line might be continued, so that God in judgement remembreth mercy, and how greatly soever provoked, will never fal∣sifie [Note.] his word, to the comfort of the faithfull. But his sonnes and the burthen impo∣sed upon him, and his founding of the house of God, behold they are written in the book of the Kings, and then followeth. Amaziah his sonne reigned in his stead. For the place where these things are written, Iunius referreth us to 2 Kings 12. but there is no mention made of his sonnes, nor in any Canonicall Scripture, but only in gene∣rall, 2 Chron. 24. 3. that he begat sonnes and daughters, and of his building the Tem∣ple decayed is lesse said, then in Chronicles, and although the treasure which he sent to the king of Syria to depart from him be there spoken of, yet nothing is said of a burthen of tribute imposed upon him. Wherefore it is most probable, that not 2 Kings is meant, but some other book, wherein the histories of the Kings were more largely written, which was not Canonicall Scripture, and so as many other writings of the Iewes perished in the many mutations, which befell them.

CHAP. XIII.

IN the 23. of Ioash King of Iudah, Iehohaz the sonne of Iehu began to reigne, &c.] This King as his father had begun to him, went on in the sin of Ieroboam, worship∣ping the golden calves, and the Lord accordingly went on to punish him and his people, by Hazael the king of Syria, and his sonne Benhadad after him, who did so waste and destroy the people of Israel, that, as it is said v. 7. they left him not a∣bove 50. horsemen, 10. chariots, and 10000. footmen. But when Iehohaz was brought thus low, he sought to the Lord, who heard him, and gave them a saviour, &c. who this saviour was, because it is not expressed, Lyra saith, that R. Solomon conje∣ctureth, that Ioash his sonne is meant, of whom it is said, v. 25. that he smote the Syrians three times in the dayes of Benhadad the sonne of Hazael, and recovered the cities which Hazael had taken from his father Iehohaz, and Iunius followeth the same. But Lyra rejecteth it, because it is said, he was delivered out of the hands of the King of Syria, whereas the victories by Ioas obtained against the Sy∣rians were after the death of Iehohaz. But Lyra was herein much mistakens for it is not said in the text, he was delivered, but God gave a deliverer to the people of Israel, & liberatus est populus, the people or Israel, not the king, of whom no men∣tion is made. Wherefore notwithstanding this objection, that exposition may be good. God gave Ioas, a saviour to the people, although not in his fathers time, yet soon after. Whereas it is said, yet they ceased not from their sins, as if the delive∣rance were then; it may be conceived that immediatly there was by Gods mercy a cessation from war, some good angel of God being sent out for this purpose, to stay the king of Syria from coming against them any more, by striking a terrour into him and his people, or some other way as seemed best unto him, as the same Lyra con∣ceiveth. Tostatus saith, that by this saviour is meant Ieroboam, the son of Ioas, because it is said, that by him God saved Israel. By the savior then here spoken of, is not meant one onely at one time, but three. First, immediately upon their humiliation, he sent a good spirit invisibly to stay the Syrians from coming any more against them in the time of Iehohaz. Secondly, Ioas saved them yet more through the prophesying of Elishah, v. 19. when he went three times against them, and overcoming them, re∣covered his cities formerly lost out of their hands. Thirdly, Ieroboam most of all, who recovered all the land of Israel out of the enemies hands, from the entring in of Hamath, unto the sea of the wildernesse by the prophesying of Ionah, chap. 14. 25. Iosephus saith, that God made Iehohaz himself a saviour to Israel, who having but 500. horsemen and 10000. foot left him, (he should have said 50.) went with them against the Syrians, and took from them many great cities, and made great slaughters of them. Which is manifestly false, because it is expresly said v. 25. that Ioas the son took the cities, which his father had lost; and of the state of Israel, whilest Iehohaz lived, no more is said, but that they came out of the hand of the Syrians and sate in their tents, as in times past; that is, being quiet and no more vexed with warres, the Syrians being held by a divine power, thenceforth from making warre upon them. For the name [saviour] it is commonly given to men extraordina∣rily stirred up by the spirit of God to save Israel, being oppressed by his enemies a long time before.

But they departed not from the sinnes of Ieroboam, &c. but walked in every one of them, and the grove stood still in Samaria.] Of which grove see 1 King. 16. 35. and how it was planted by Ahab. And thus they did, although they were beaten by warres of the Syrians, even as the dust under our feet, and of so great multitudes, which might formerly have been raised to go to war out of Israel, now there were left onely 50. horsemen, 10. chariots, and 10000 foot. Which is set down, as to make it appear, how deeply grounded this wickednesse was in them by a continuall ac∣customing [Note.] themselves to it, that we may be ware of sinfull customes. So to magnifie the goodnesse of God, that he would be entreated, and his power, that he could by such an handfull of men (who could not be much encreased in so short a time, as

between this and the time that Ioash went against the Aramites) give so great vi∣ctories to Israel. But it was not for any complacency that he had in their seeking to him with their lips, when their hearts were farre away from him, but to keep his covenant with Abraham, Isaac, &c. as is expressed chap. 14. 27. and because he had yet set them a longer time, before he would destroy them, that his exceeding great patience might be admired by all men, and praised, who still upheld their state, when they were so near to utter ruine, and that when afterwards having so long a time of repentance granted, they abused it, and were destroyed by the Assy∣rians, his judgements might be acknowledged to be most just.

For the rest of the acts of Iehohaz and his valour, we are referred to the book of the Chronicles of the Kings of Israel, that is, their annals; and his valour saith, Wol∣phius, is mentioned to intimate, that Israel was not brought so low in his time, [Note.] through his sloth or cowardise, but by the judgement of God, justly making the valour of the wicked vain. For no power or fortitude is of any avail against enemies invading us, if God be forsaken, and so becometh an enemy.

Then Iehohaz dying (and being buried, his son Ioas reigned in his stead, anno 37. of Ioas king of Iudah he began, &c.] Whereas v. 1. Iehohaz is said to have reigned 17. years, beginning anno 23. which must needs be to the 39. of Joash, the king of Iudah at the least, it is conceived by expositours, that he made his sonne consort of the kingdome with him two years before his death, or as some think three, and he reigued 16. years, whereof two or three passed in his fathers time, the rest he reign∣ed alone. The Septuagint reconcile this difference by rendring it thus, anno 39. of Ioas, not respecting so much the Hebrew verity, as the making of the matter plain.

The wicked life and death of Ioash is spoken of by anticipation, and Ieroboams succeeding him in the kingdome, as appeareth v. 14, 15, &c. where his history is again prosecuted, and ch. 14. 8, 9, &c. The reason of this brief running over the hi∣story of Ioash at the first, as Wolphius well observeth, may be, because all which he did worthy of remembrance, was to be brought in under the histories of Elishah and Amaziah, which here follow, by the prophesying of the one he being encoura∣ged and made successefull in his warres against the Syrians, and by the provocation of the other being drawn out to that victory against him. The sacred historian therefore stayeth not in telling any thing of Ioash, but of his wicked life and death, and so hasteneth to Elishah his last sicknesse and death, where there is occasion again to speak of him, and then to Amaziah, in the time of whose reign, what happened between him and Ioash is recorded.

And Elishah was sick of the sicknesse, whereof he died, and Ioash went down unto him and wept, &c.] This was according to the Hebrew Chronology, anno 10. of Ioash, from whence it is gathered, that Elishah had been a prophet above 60. years, as the same Chronology speaketh, seven under Iehoshaphat, five under Ioram, sixe Athaliah, forty Ioash, eight Amaziah, unto which if twelve be added, whilest he fol∣lowed Elijah and the years of his age, when he called him thirty, as may be con∣jectured, the whole time of his life, was 108. Yet others, saith Wolphius, think, that Elishah died in the beginning of the reign of Ioash, unto which he rather assen∣teth, because even in the time of Iehohaz his father, it is said, that God sent them a saviour, therefore saith he, it is not probable, that it was deferred to his tenth year. But if they were quiet and free from the invasion of the Syrians all that time, the fulfilling of this was begun long before, and from henceforth more. Touching Ioash his visiting of Elishah and weeping, although he were a wicked king, yet herein he gave a good example to visite the sick, and to shew other Princes, in what account they should have the holy prophets of the Lord. And yet I cannot think, that this [Note.] visite was without the singular hand of God leading him, that he might be made by the ministry of the prophet, a deliverer to Israel from the hands of the Syrians. And therefore the hand which brought him, made him weep when he was come, to see so worthy a man as Elishah ready to depart, who was as he called him, as a fa∣ther to care for him and his kingdome, although unworthy, and the chariots of Is∣rael and horsemen thereof, that is, the greatest strength to defend it, that he might be moved by the spirit, where with he was endued, to do something for him now be∣fore

his departure, seeing his case and the peoples would be lamentable, as he con∣ceived, when they had lost him their greatest strength, by reason of the power which he had with God. And it is to be noted, that he speaketh to him in the same words, wherewith Elishah spake to Elijah when he was taken away, 2 King. 2. 12. as if he were led by the same spirit of love and reverence towards him. Wolphius observeth it as a remuneration of Elishah his piety towards Elijah in that the like was now ascribed to him. But how could Ioash speak thus to Elishah when as he yet living the Israelites were so greatly oppressed by the Syrians, as hath been al∣ready shewed? Answ. He had heard of his assigning the kingdome to his grandfa∣ther Iehu, Ioram being slain, and that his prophesying was verified, seeing he was mightily set up, and his son after him, and now himself being the second genera∣tion of the four, to whom the promise was made, and in the dayes of Ioram, that he had divers times disappointed the Syrians forces, by discovering their plots, and lastly, bringing them into the kings power. Wherefore he conceived, that if he would, he could still do as great things for Israel, if he might live amongst them, and hereupon he so stiled him, that he might insinuate into him, and obtain his fa∣vour to do as much for him before he died, as in times past for others, his predeces∣sours in that kingdome.

Then Elishah bade him take bow and arrowes, and lay his hand upon the bow, which done, the Prophet laid his hands upon the Kings, having first bidden him, open the window towards the East. Then at the direction of the Prophet the King shot, and Elishah said, the arrow of the salvation of the Lord against the Syrians, &c.] By an out ward symbol or signe of bow and arrowes, he would, that he should understand and not by word of mouth onely, what the Lord would do by Ioas, as the instru∣ment for the saving of Israel from the Syrians, and for their destruction who had now long oppressed them. So the prophet Abijam formerly shewed Ieroboam, that the Lord would make him King over ten tribes, by renting his garment into twelve parts and giving him ten, for his further confirmation, and to make in him the dee∣per impression, and also to streng then him to this mighty work, and the prophets afterwards did often use signes, of all which, as of holy sacraments, this was the use. And this of shooting an arrow towards Syria, for it stood eastward, saith Lyra, to which part the window opened, was a most apt signe to shew the piercing of the Syrians with the Israelites arrowes, through Gods power, who hereby shewed, that he would strengthen the kings and their hands for this end, when the Prophet laid his hands upon the kings, although Lyra derogating from God saith, that it shewed victory to come unto him by the merits of the prophet. But whereas Eli∣shah addeth, thou shalt strongly smite the Syrians, till thou hast consumed them, he be∣ing about to shew it by a further signe, wherein Ioas not doing according to his ex∣pectation, he retracted and said, now thou shalt onely smite the Syrians three times. For he bade him take the rest of the arrowes and smite against the ground, and he smote three times and then ceased, at which the Prophet waxing angry, said, thou shouldst have smitten five or sixe times, and so thou shouldst have smitten the Syrians to consumption, &c. It seemeth, that God had revealed to Elishah, that if Ioas be∣ing bidden by him to smite the ground, should smite with his arrowes five or sixe times, the Syrians should by him be utterly destroyed, but if under that number, he should onely so many times overcome them, this work of their utter consumption, being reserved for another, as it was indeed, for his sonne Jeroboam after his death. Wherefore Elishah said no more, but bade him smite, supposing, that he would have continued to do so, till he had cried enough. But seeing him give over so soon, he was greatly offended for the discredit of his prophesie, which now could not take such effect through Ioash his fault, he had stinted himself to the number of smitings, wherewith he should smite them, and therefore should now go no further in victo∣ries over them. The word translated here [fortiter] strongly, by Iunius who I follow in this particular, is Aphek in Hebrew, and commonly rendred, thou shalt smite them in Aphek, a certain place saith Wolphius, being named, the more to as∣sure him, and not an uncertain Oracle like that of Apollo being uttered. Now there was an Aphek a city of Iudah, of which Iosh. 15. and another in Ashur, Iosh. 19 and

at this last most probably this destruction of the Syrians should be made, the very place, to which they formerly chose to come in the time of Ahab, and were de∣stroyed unto 127000. and therefore it is now again appointed to be the place, for more confirmation. Pellican saith, that Aphec in Iudah is meant. For the mystery of this, that Ioas smote the earth onely three times and no more, doing thus against himself to his hindrance, in respect of the utter destruction of his deadly enemies, which for this his remissenesse he could not compasse. It is according to Wol∣phius, hereby shewed that we through our own negligence cannot conquer over our spirituall enemies, because having begun well and with a good spirit to fight this spirituall battell we persevere not, but so give in, that they continue still to hinder our felicity, seeing such as endure to the end only, shall be saved. Or according to Rabanus, that who so believeth onely in the trinity set forth by the three times, and doth not adde unto his faith also charitable and vertuous actions, prejudiceth himselfe in respect of everlasting salvation, for he must smite the earth five or six times, that the Syrian like evill spirits hindering his salvation, may be utterly subdued; for faith without works is dead.

Then Elishah died and was buried, &c.] It may be marvailed, that the death and bu∣riall of such a worthy is passed over with so few words. But Iosephus saith, that he was honoured sepulchromagnifico, but telleth not the place where, therefore some will have it in Samaria, some in Carmel, and some in Sebastea. They that are for Sa∣maria, hold it and Sabastea all one, as Epiphanius, Beda, and Isidor. For Carmel is Adrichomius, saying that he was afterwards translated to Samaria. Tostatus think∣eth that he was buried in the Sepulchers of his fathers, as it was said before of Sa∣muel; the holy Scripture is so briefe, that the place is left uncertain, as not materiall to be known, but when he is said to have been buried, it is left to be understood, that he had a buriall according to his worth, seeing the king himselfe did so much honour him. And hast is made to tell of another thing happening about his Sepul∣cher, which honoured it more then if men had done all that they could to honour it, and so the mentioning of all solemnity is omitted. It is said onely that they bu∣ried him, saith Wolphius, to condemne superstitious rites, since invented about the dead, and the superfluity of cost, alleadging the example of Cyrus, who charged his sonnes when he should dye, not to delay the time of his buriall by making costly preparation, but so soon as might be to put his body into the ground, as being the most kindly thing that they could doe for it, that it might again be mingled with the mother earth, out of which all things spring and grow. The thing that happe∣ned, after his putting into his sepulcher was this, certain forces of the Moabites com∣ing, whilest they went about burying another man, they for fear cast him into the prophets sepulcher, and so soon as he touched his bones, he revived and arose, and stood upon his feet.

These forces or troops, as the word signifieth, were robbers, which came into the land of Israel for booty, whereby the miserable estate of the Israelites appeared, now that they were so much weakned and disheartened by Syrians, they became a prey to other nations also, and were without all courage to resist, like fearfull deer, at the sight of them they ran away. They had by their sinnes lost Gods protection, [Note.] and so lay open to all their enemies to be robbed and pillaged, as the Misians, when their king Telaphus was gone into a farre country, were made a prey to all their e∣nemies. But God out of this evill bringeth good at this time, as he doth often, turn∣ing the malicious attempts of the enemies of his people, into an occasion of good; for thus occasion was given to this miracle for the comfort and confirmation of Io∣ash and his people, who most probably had not yet attempted any thing against the Syrians, for then the Moabites would not have been so bold, but now such vertue coming from Elishah being dead, and hereby it being shewed, that God by his pro∣phesying could strengthen the Israelites, which were made to be of a dead heart towards any warlike undertakings through the Syrians manifold oppressions, hee and they might well rouze up themselves, and prepare to goe against the said Syri∣ans, as is by and by shewed that they did, and stood up so stoutly against them, that they overcame them time after time unto three times, as Elishah had prophesied,

and took away from them their cities formerly lost; when this was done, viz. the reviving of the dead man is shewed in these words, the yeare coming or beginning, according to Iunius, the year following, according to Wolphius; the vulgar Latin, in ipso anno, but seeing it is in Hebr. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the yeare coming, I rest in the first. It was in the beginning of the year after the burying of Elishah, at what time being the spring, they most commonly went out, that invaded others; as is noted, 2 Sam. 11. and if Elishah dyed, Iune 14. as the Roman Martyrology hath it, this happened about ten months after in the month of March, the Chald. in the entrance of the year; Tostatus in the return of the yeare, that is, saith he, in the beginning of the spring, or in the month of March. By their casting in of the dead man so speedily into the sepul∣cher of Elishah, it appeareth that hee was not laid into a grave and covered with earth, as the manner now is, but in a sepulcher of stone, having either a cover of stone to it, or standing open in some vault or cave; for so they buried Lazarus of old, and our Lord; and thus we may well conceive, how the dead mans corps be∣ing cast in, came soon to touch the corps of Elishah, if the stone covering him were but only remoued first. What became of this man the Scripture saith not, but the Rabbins bold to invent any thing and to set it forth as a truth, say that he by and by fell down dead again, being raised to come out of the sepulcher because he was un∣worthy for his wickednesse to lye so near the holy prophet. But if this had been so, it might well have been suspected, whether he was indeed raised up or no. It is ther∣fore more probable, that he lived and went to the king with his bearers, as witnes∣ses, that both he and all the people might reverence Elishah the more, and give cre∣dit to his last prophesie to be stirred up immediately to prepare and goe against the Syrians, being assured, that his God that set him awork to prophesie so, was as well able by weak means to give life unto that state now after a sort dead, as by the bones of Elishah touching this man only, to give him life againe. This is made a ground by papals of going in pilgrimage to the bones of the Saints departed, and by praying at their monuments to seek help against their maladies and salvation to their souls. But forsomuch as we read not of any such use made of this miracle by the faithfull of those times, it is to be condemned, as grosse superstition. For if God for some my∣sticall end, of which by and by, and to confirm Ioash, as hath been said, touching the prophesie of Elishah did work at this time miraculously by his bones, but never did any more wonders hereby after, nor at any time before either by Samuels bones or Davids, Iosephs or Ioshuahs, or the bones of any other of his dearest Saints, what a madnesse is it, or giddi-headednesse to goe to the dead bones of Saints, purposely to have help by vertue coming from them, as if this had been propounded for a presi∣dent unto us to invite us thus to doe? They had no such custome in the primitive Church, as we may gather from Ambrose, who saith no more of this, but that as the Virgin Mary being full of the spirit prophesied, so Elishah being dead, raised a dead man by the touch of his bones. And Chrysostom only that by vertue coming from them, none believing this great miracle was wrought.

And Eusebius writeth of Polycarpe being martyred, that when the Christians desired to have his body to bury, the Iewes their deadly enemies sought to hinder it by saying, that if it were granted them, they would, leaving their Christ, wor∣ship it. But they replyed, that they could not forsake, but worship him, who had redeemed the whole world by his blood, and love his Martyrs and Disciples, as his imitatours. It is indeed not to be denied, that by Martyrs bones also, sometimes wonders have been wrought, when God would, for the confirmation of the true faith, but this hath been extraordinary and rare, not by being sought unto, but when God pleased unexpectedly in the times of infideliy, at what time onely other mira∣cles were wrought also,

The mystery of this, according to Ambrose and Rabanus, was to shew, that who so being dead in sin, believeth in Christ, who died for our sins, toucheth thus, as it were, his bones; and liveth by grace, and shall live again for ever, after that he is dead, in glory.

And Hazael oppressed Israel all the dayes of Iehohaz, then the Lord had pity upon them for his Covenants sake with Abraham, &c. And Hazael died, and his sonne

Benhadad reigned in his stead. And Ioash returned and took cities, &c. Here is shewed, how the prophesie of Elishah was accomplished, and that the power and truth of God and his mercy might be more magnified, least it should be con∣ceived for that which was before said, touching a deliverer given unto them, that they were already exempt from their oppressions, it is prepared to tell of these victories of Ioash, by saying, that Hazael oppressed Israel all the dayes of his father Iehohaz, which that it may not seem contradictory to vers. 5. it is to be understood, that their resting in quiet, as in times past, there spoken of, is not meant of the present time, whil'st Jehohaz lived; but in his son Ioash his time, after that the Syrians had been overcome by them; although, as hath been said there, it is to be conceived, that the Syrians were even then by Gods provi∣dence restreined from vexing them any more; for Israel might still notwithstanding this, be said to be oppressed by them, because they yet held their cities formerly sub∣dued. But now God enlarged his mercy towards them more for his Covenants sake with their holy forefathers, and restored their lost cities again unto them, the Sy∣rians that had taken them, being expelled. This Covenant was, that he would be their God, and the God of their seed, and give them the land of Canaan for the pleasant∣nesse thereof, being a type of heaven; and by promising the seed, in which all nations should be blessed, intimating true blessednes also for ever, to come finally unto them.

Hazael, by whom God had as by a rod, scourged Israel about 50 years, now was taken away by death, and so his sonne reigning, these victories were atchieved. And here Wolphius noteth well, that this blessed change was granted unto Ioash in way of recompence, for his so kindly visiting Elishah in his sicknesse, to stirre men up [Note.] to kindnesse and respect towards the Prophets and Ministers of God.

CHAP. XIV.

THe second yeare of Ioash began Amaziah to reign over Iudab, he was 25 yeares old, when he began to reign, and reigned 29.] Having left Amaziah since ch. 12. 22. now he prosecuteth his history again, telling also who his mother was, viz. Iehohaddam of Ierusalem. He did that which was right in the sight of the Lord, but not like unto David, but as Ioash his father. He began well, as Ioash, and ended ill, as is shewed, 2 Chron. 25. as he also had done; whereas Davids heart was upright towards God all the dayes of his life, so as were the hearts of very few kings after him, as their histories doe shew. And 2 Chron. 25. 2. it is said of Amaziah in particular, that his heart was not upright. But how did he then, that which was right in the sight of the Lord? Ans. Hee refreined from worshipping idols, and restreined the people also from them, and both came himselfe and caused others to come and worship the Lord only, and this was right not only in the sight of godly men, but of God also. But in that he did it not out of conscience and piety, but being moved hereunto by some other thing (as Ioash his father had done by the instructions and authority that Iehoiadah had with him: so he seeing the ruinous e∣state of the kingdome, when he came unto it, because he thought by this he should obtein mercy to be saved from his enemies, by whom his father had suffered grie∣vously, when he turned to the favouring of idolatry) he is said to have done right, but not with a perfect heart, as David who bent all the forces of his heart to pro∣mote the worship and service of God meerly out of piety, without looking at any worldly end herein. For who so doth not thus, doth not good with a perfect heart, and is alwayes unstable in the true religion, as Amaziah was, and fell therefore into [Note.] great miseries, as the following history sheweth. Touching v. 4. The high places were not taken away, &c. it hath been often spoken before in the reign of other kings his predecessours. v. 5. But when the kingdome was confirmed in his hands, hee smote his servants, who had smitten the king his father, &c. And herein hee shewed his wisdom, in that (things standing as they did with his fathers house, since his un∣gratefull murthering of Zachariah) he avoided the giving of occasion to his subjects

in the beginning of his reign to think him cruell, least by any means their affections being alienated from him, his kingdom should have been endangered. Wherefore he prudently first setleth himselfe in the throne, and by lenity and kindnesse winneth the hearts of his subjects, and then being by such means established, he doth justice upon those murtherers. Some from hence gather, that although they were the kings servants, yet they were no mean persons, but men of might, so that Amaziah had need first to make himselfe strong, and then to proceed to judgement against them. Note from their example, that wicked murtherers may escape for a time, [Note.] but they shall at length be punisht most certainly as they deserve, and so shall other wicked ones, as Ioab and Shimei were before. And this execution he did necessarily, because bloodshed polluteth the land, and here from it is not again cleansed, but by shedding the murtherers blood. Besides, it had been against nature for the sonne not to revenge the death of his father, being slain by his own servants. But although he was most deare unto him, yet he exceeded not the measure set in the law of God by smiting also their children, as is shewed, v. 6. For if any murther deserveth ex∣cesse of punishment, the murthering of a king certainly doth, although he be wick∣ed, because he is set up of God; he is his annointed, and therefore not to be laid hands upon, as David concluded touching Saul; and if he be, God taketh it as done against himselfe, and therefore alwayes maketh such spectacles of his severest judgements, as was most notably shewed in the murtherers of Iulius Caesar, although hee had made himselfe worthy of hatred, in that he took the Empire upon him, and chang∣ed the government, which had hitherto been Aristocraticall, For Cassius when hee had joyned battell with Brutus at Philippi, when he saw his army give way, slew himselfe. M. Iun. Brutus also being in the same battell, slew himselfe likewise, and his dead body being sent by Antonius to his mother and wife to be buried, his wife Partia seeing it through extream griefe sought to kill her selfe, and when she could by no other meanes, she did it by thrusting hot burning coales through her own throat. The like was the end of Cato Minor. And D. I. Brutus falling into Antonies hands was put to death, neither did any of the other conspiratours escape. He also smote Edous in the valley of salt, 10000 men. That which is here omitted of his preparations to this warre is supplyed, 2 Chron. 25. 5. Then Amaziah gathering the Iewes together, made them Captains over thousands, and Captains over hundreds, &c. and numbring them, he found them to be 300000 chosen men, &c. This number although it may seem to be great, yet if we compare it with the number in the days of Iehoshaphat his great grand-fathers father, who reigned scarce sixty yeares be∣fore, it is small, for he had under severall Captains 1160000 besides those that were put into fenced cities; so greatly were the people wasted under wicked Iehoram, Abaziah, Athaliah, and Ioash. And unto these Amaziah hired out of the kingdom of Israel, 100000 more for 100 talents of silver to goe against Edom. What the cause was may be gathered from 2 Chron. 21. 8. they had revolted from the obe∣dience of the king of Iudah in Iehorams time 60 yeares before, and therefore being now free from the oppressions of the Syrians, as also the Israelites were, he thought it would make for his honour to reduce them to his obedience again; wherefore he made this mighty preparation to goe against them with 400000 men. But a man of God was sent unto him to bid him dismisse the Israelites, because God was not with them, and this he consented to doe, but was sorry for his 100 talents given unto them, which might seem a small price for the hire of so many, although it were a great sum. For a talent, if it were the common one, was 187 pound 10 shil∣lings, if the kings talent 281 pound 5 shillings, of the sanctuary, 375 pound; now it is most probable that the king counted by his owne talent, and if so, 100 talents a∣mounted to 28925. pound, and yet the hire of each souldier, accounting one talent for a thousand men was little, viz. 27. pound eight shillings four pence, to a hun∣dred, that is, about five shillings seven pence a man; but some reckon a talent at lesse, as Sallianus, who will therefore, that it may not seem too little, have it un∣derstood of talents of gold; but this is against the expresse text, which hath it, ta∣lents of silver. But it is rather to be supposed, that money was more scarce then, so that twenty shillings will not go further now in buying any provision, or hiring a

man, then five shillings at that time. And it is also to be conceived, that these men were drawn as much by hope of spoils, as by their hire. When king Amaziah was troubled in regard of this mony, the Prophet comforted him by saying, that God was able to give him more, and so the dismissed them, but they taking it to be a disgrace unto them, departed home full of wrath. And Amaziah with his own men went on against Edom, and in the valley of Salt slew ten thousand.

Here it may be demanded, how it could be said, that God was not with the E∣phraimites, or those of the kingdome of Israel, seeing about that time he gave them such victories over the Syrians? Answ. He did that out of his great mercy, and pi∣ty that he took on them, being a long time before grievously oppressed by the Sy∣rians, and not because his favour was towards them, for he was even then offended at their idolatry, and therefore he threatned, that if Amaziah took them with him, he should fall before the Edomites. For although he doth wonderfully sometimes even for wicked idolaters, as for Ahab also before, and for Ieroboam after, yet be is greatly offended, and fighteth against his own servants, when they joyn their for∣ces with idolaters, as Iehoshaphat with Ahab, and with Ahaziah his son. In that the kingdom of Israel was now able to supply Amaziah with 100000. men, which was brought to so low an ebb in the time of Iehohaz, the father of Ioas, from whom, till this warre, were but 14. or 15. years, for according to the Hebrew Chronology, this was the 12. year of Amaziah, and he began to reign the second year of Ioas, the great blessing of God to multiply them so much in so short a time, is to be no∣ted, in that they were grown from 10000. which was their number then, to 100000 which might be spared to help another king in his warres, besides them, that most probably stayed at home for the defence of that kingdome, which were not a few, But it is likely that they encreased greatly, by the return of their own cities from the Syrians into their own hands again, and by the accesse of such as before fled and hid themselves for fear of the Syrians.

Touching the Valley of salt, which is said to be the place wherein the Edo∣mites were smitten, see before Gen. 14. 8. where a battle is said to have been fought between the Sodomites and their enemies, and 2 Sam. 8. 13. David slew 18000. of the Edomites in the same place. For Edomites the Chronicles hath it, of the chil∣dren of Seir, because the Edomites who came of Esau, otherwise called Edom, in∣habited a place called mount Seir; and he took Sela and called the name of it Iokteel to this day. Iunius, he took the rock which men call Iokteel to this day, expounding it of a city in Arabia Petrea, from whence it had the name Petra or Rock, and yet he re∣ferreth us to Iosh. 15. 38. where Iokteel is numbred amongst the cities of Iudah, but bordering upon Edom southward. v. 21. the vulgar Latin, he took the rock and called it Ioshekel, that is, saith Lyra, gnashing of teeth, because they that were thrown down from thence and so killed, as 2 Chr. 25. 12. made a lamentable noise through their teeth. But in the Hebrew it is Iokteel, according to Bede coming of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 coetus, a company, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 God, this name being given for a remembrance, that the company coming with Amaziah, took this place by the help of God, and if so, it was piety in Amaziah to call it thus. H. B. deriveth it from Iakah heareth, and El God, because God heard to give him victory. Some derive it from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a bird called Onocratilus, which maketh a lamentable noise, holding it to be so called, for the reason before rendred by Lyra. Vatablus thinketh, that because it was a very strong place, and yet taken now by one Iokteel, it was called after his name, and this is the most probabl. But whereas Iunius calleth it first Salah, and then saith men called it Iokteel, as if it were not now first called by this name, but indifferent∣ly by either of these names, referring us to Iosh. 15. 38. where the name Iokteel is found long before, setting it forth also as the metropolitan city of Arabia Petrea. He was certainly mistaken, for it is manifestly spoken of, not as a city, but a rocky place, as Selah signifieth, and may further be gathered from 2 Chr. 25. 12. but a strong hold of the Edomits, which made the taking of it so remarkable, neither is the man∣ner of the holy Scripture to speak thus of the name of a place, but of such as was not called so before. And it is manifestly to confound places to say, that Iokteel in the borders of Edom pertaining to Iudah, was a city in Arabia. And hereunto adde, that

Arabia Petrea was farre from Edom, and when this was done, Amaziah was not fighting there but against the Edomites, wherefore it could not be a city in Arabia, but a rocky hold in Edom, which Iosephus saith, did imminere Arabiae, look towards Arabia, and therefore was not in it.

At this place what company was also slain, is not here recorded, but 2 Chron. 25. 12. it is said 10000. more, by casting them down from that rock, thus cruelly breaking their bones in pieces. This being done, the history of 2 Chron. 25. 13. pro∣ceedeth to tell, how the dismissed forces of Israel called Ephraimites, because that tribe was the most populous, raged against the kingdome of Iudah in that part, which lay nearest to them, viz. from Samaria, which was the metropolis of their own kingdome to Beth-horon, that is, according to Iunius, all the latitude of the kingdome of Iudah, which bordered upon the kingdome of Israel, slaying 3000 and carrying away a great prey. It is well noted here, by Lyra, that this was not done immediately after the Ephraimites dismissing by Amaziah, but as it is set down in order, after his victory against the Edomites, and that cruelty shewed to∣wards them: for God now most probably saw his heart lifted up with pride, and through displeasure taken hereat, secretly wrought in their hearts now to take re∣venge for the supposed disgrace done unto them by their dismission, after they been hired. For if this had been done before in their return homeward, it had would have been said, from Bethhoron in Iudah to Samaria, whereas it is said, from Samaria as farre as Bethhoron, to denote the place, from whence they then came, and to confirm this more, it is said vers. 10. that being dismissed they departed, though full of wrath, to their place. Neither would God certain∣ly [Note.] have suffered this their wrath to have thus broken out, for the credit of his Pro∣phet employed about that dismission, but that Amaziah immediately upon his vi∣ctory against the Edomites, had his heart, which was not perfect before, corrupted with pride and insolent cruelty, whence more sinne followed, as is by and by shew∣ed. Touching Bethhoron it was double, the one called the nether, lying in the tribe of Benjamin, the other called the upper in the tribe of Ephraim, wherefore it must be understood of the nether Bethhoron in the kingdome of Iudah, against which they went.

Then Amaziah took the gods of the children of Seir, and set them up for his gods.] It is a marvell, that by Gods help he having obtained victory over the Edomites, as he knew well enough, because Elishah had shewed him so much, and seeing the helplessenesse that was in these idols towards the people that served them, that he should so suddenly be besotted with their outward splendour, as that he should fall to the worshipping of them. But the Hebrewes, that this may not seem to have bin done without all reason, feign, that when those 100••0 Edomites were cast down from the rock there was a voyce heard coming from the idols, this happeneth unto you because ye have been negligent in the worship of us, which Amaziah hearing, carried them home with him and worshipped them. But Lyra well confuteth this, because no glosse ever yet yielded this reason, and when a prophet sent unto him challenged him for it, v. 15. he could, if it had been thus, readily have answered him accordingly, but he did onely check him, as being to saucy with the king, v. 16. And it is reason enough against it, because, if it had been so, the holy historio∣grapher, who so diligently setteth down all things of moment in the Chrronicles, would not certainly have passed it over, to say nothing, that the Rabbins are known well enough to be audacious forgers. It is reason enough, pride arising in his heart after his victory against the Edomites, as he is chardged by Ioash, v. 19. God who alwayes despiseth the proud, seeing it (for he seeth into the heart) was angry, and left him to himself, and being left, it is no marvell that he ran into any abhominable wickednesse. For when he by the encouragement of a prophet promising him vi∣ctory had obtained it, to be lifted up in his heart was so against God, that nothing could be more, for it was in effect the taking of the glory due to God for this victo∣ry, unto himself. Wherefore it was just with God to withdraw his grace from him, that he might abase himself to worship stocks and stones, and because he had now a proud opinion that victory was pinned to his sleeve, into what other wars soever

he should (as the sequel sheweth in his sending to Ioash) enter, v. 17. he cared not for serving the Lord any longer, to which he had hitherto been necessitated, when he was weaker, and therefore did it outwardly, but never from his heart. Lastly, as the old Romans having subdued any nation, set up their gods also to themselves to win their favour, that as they had not, so they might never be against them to with∣draw the obedience of that nation from them, or in case of revolting, to stand to defend them, so haply Amaziah set up these idols of Edom.

God seeing this, was full of wrath, and sent a prophet unto him, that he might the more justly proceed in judgement against him, when he should contemn his ad∣monition, as he did. For when he expostulated with him about the serving of those gods, that were not able to save their own people, he did nothing but check and threaten him, and bade him be gone, lest he should smite him, but the prophet an∣swered, that he knew, the Lord determined to slay him, because he would not hear∣ken to his counsell. This prophet, saith Hugo following Ierom, was Eleazar the sonne of Dodo his uncle, and some say that he was Amos the father of Isaiah, who is said 2 King. 14. 25. to have been a while after sent to Ieroboam the sonne of Ioas. But it is more probable, that it was one dwelling in Iudah, that had caused Amaziah to dismisse the Israelitish army, whereby they were provoked in his absence to do him so much mischief; therefore he was now so angry with this prophet, as the cause hereof, but what his name was, is to us unknown.

Then Amaziah sent messengers unto Ioas, saying, &c. Go to, let us see one anothers face, &c.] After admonition by a prophet, there following no reformation in A∣maziah, but an obstinate setling of himself to his idolatry begun, now followeth his punishment, of which he was made the occasion to himself. He returning from E∣dom with victory and great spoils, when he heard what the Israelites, the men of Ioash had done in his absence, in spoiling his countrey, and slaying his subjects, was greatly exasperated, as well he might, and to be revenged after counsell taken, saith 2 Chron. 25. 17. sent to challenge Ioash the king of Israel, to come and fight with him; for this he meant by the consent of all expositours, when he said, Let us see one anothers face. As if he had said, let not thy men come thus cowardly to fight and kill up my subjects, and to take booties by stealth, but if thou beest a man, come in person and bring all thy forces with thee, and I will meet and fight with thee face to face openly in a set battle, and not infest thy borders by stealth and then run away again, as thy men have done.

Iosephus addeth, that he also challenged him for usurping the kingdome over the ten tribes, which of right belonged unto him, as being lineally descended of David and Solomon, from whose kingdome they were rent by rebellion. Now although Amaziah had a just cause to go against the king of Israel, for the wrong which he had done him in his absence, yet it was temerity and no advised wisdome (although he be said to have taken counsell) thus to challenge him. His counsellours most probably were such, as those young men of whom Rehoboam took counsell in times past, and lost the greatest part of his kingdome. A wise King would rather have sent to require satisfaction for the wrongs done him, or without sending, taken the ad∣vantage of sudden coming upon him, thus seeking to salve himself again for his los∣ses. But when God meaneth to bring the wicked to destruction for their wicked∣nesse, he enfatuateth them, that they may run to their own ruine, and so he did Amaziah at this time. He let him be lifted up with pride, so as to think his forces were now invincible, because he had overcome the Edomites, and withall re∣counting what the prophet had said unto him, when he went against Edom, that the Lord was not with Israel, to slight all the power, that the king of Israel could raise. But of his own idolatry, which he was lately faln into, he was nothing sen∣sble, although the prophet had threatned him, to fear an alteration of successe in the warres, that he should henceforth make; therefore Ioas having received his mes∣sage, returneth answer by way of allegory.

The thistle of Lebanon sent to the cedar of Lebanon, saying, give thy daughter to my sonne to wife, but a beast passing along trod down the thistle, &c.] Hereby most aptly shewing him, how unequall his forces were to his own, and if he proceeded

according to his challenge, what the event would be. For the cedar is the tallest and firmest of all the trees of the forrest, one being found in Cyprus, according to Pliny, 130. foot long, and as big about as three men could fadome, and for the last∣ing of the wood hereof, it is reported to be incorruptible, but the thistle is so vile, that it is not to be accounted a tree, but a weed. And hereby he would set forth A∣maziah, contrary to the proud opinion that he had of himself, to be most mean and contemptible, in comparison of the king of Israel. And he compareth their meeting together to fight, to a most unequall mariage, which tendeth alwayes to great hurt to the over-matched; by the beast treading down the thistle, he meaneth, his sol∣diers, who would make no more ado to subdue him and his men, then a great beast to tread down a thistle. Thus Wolphius; but Lyra following R. Solomon, sheweth further the originall of this comparison. The Jews counted Shechem affecting a mariage with Dinah Iacobs daughter, as a thistle requiring the cedar to give his daughter to wife unto it, because Iacob was a great Patriark, and Shechem a base Ethnick, and because when Shechem sought that mariage, the sonnes of Iacob like a mad beast came and destroyed him, and the people of his city, it went for a pro∣verb amongst them, when any man would set forth one undertaking a thing too hard and dangerous for him, to say, the thistle sent to the cedar, &c. and so Ioas now used it to Amaziah.

Thou hast done valiantly against the Edomites, be content with this glory, and keep at home, &c.] Here Ioas shewing plainly this to be his meaning, that he challen∣ged him but to his own destruction, giveth him good counsell. But he had not the power to follow it, the Lord working so by his judgement for his idolatry with the gods of Edom, that he hardened himself to go to this battle, wherein he was so over∣come and subdued, that Ioas took & spoiled what he pleased in his dominions, even to Ierusalem, anp the temple it self, as is expressed 2 Chron. 25. 20, 21, 22, 23. ca∣rying away all the treasures found therein, with Obed-edom, and in the kings house, and taking pledges.

The place where they met to fight was Bethshemesh in Iudah, so called, because there was another of the same name in Nephthali, Iosh. 9 38. and this was near to Kireath-Iearim, where the Ark sometimes rested divers yeares, when it was brought back out of the Philistims country, and not above four miles from Ierusa∣lem. Ioas then seeing, that Amaziah was fully bent to warre, stayed not for his coming, but hastened to meet him in his own kingdome, as is the part of a wise prince, thus keeping his own from being spoiled by a multitude of souldiers, which was also the policy of Hanibal the Carthaginian afterwards, to keep his countrey from the invasion of the Romans, to make warre upon them in Italy, and theirs at length on the other side to do the like by Africa, and Carthage. The two Kings meeting at Bethshemesh, the challenger Amaziah paid for his arrogancy and rash∣nesse: for he was soon overcome, and his men put to flight, he was taken, and at the mercy of Ioas, as the Edomites lately were at his, but found none. So it was just with God, that he should now be under the power of his enemy, then which no∣thing certainly could more vexe him, being proud of his former victory, and expe∣cting nothing lesse, as his challenge before-going shewed. Being taken, Ioas lead∣eth him away in triumph, as a prisoner, to his chief city Ierusalem, and there break∣eth down the wall from the gate of Ephraim to the corner gate, 400 cubits. The gate of Ephraim was that which looked towards the kingdome of Ephraim and stood northward, and the corner gate that, where the wall began to turn again, which was westward, according to Iosephus, who in setting these things forth saith, that when the two armies were now ready to joyn battle, such a fear fell upon those of Iudah, that without fighting they began to flee away, and so the king was left to come into the enemies hands. And Ioas having taken him, brought him to Ierusalem, and there commanded him to cause his people to open their gates and yield their city unto him, or else he would presently put him to a cruell death. At his perswasion therefore the city was yielded, and because Ioash would have room enough for his army to enter, he brake down thus much of the wall, the citizens looking on, and not daring to resist. Then he riding in, in his chariot triumphantly,

took all the treasures, as was before said. Obed-edom, in whose hand the treasure and vessels of the Lords house were, was a Levite, to whose custody these were com∣mitted. The pledges which they took, was mens sons of the highest rank, whom he caried away with him, to be his security for the paiment of such tribute and stan∣ding to such conditions as he pleased to propound. Thus Amaziah and his people smarted for their idolatry, Ioas, who himself was no better, being made the instru∣ment. And to shew, that God used him but as his rod to punish sin in Amaziah, the relation of his death followeth next, as most probably happening the same year. For Ioas reigned but to his sixteen year, 2 King 13. 10. Amaziah began his reign in his second year, and anno 12. fought against Edom, wherefore the war between him and Ioas must be anno 13. that is, the 15. year of Ioas, and this most probably near ex∣pired when he returned to Samaria and then he lived not a year after. And unto this agreeth that, which is here added, v. 17. Amaziah lived after the death of Ioas 15. years, and the whole time of his reign was 29 v. 2. wherefore in his 14 Ioas died. Now although Amaziah lived still fifteen years, yet there is nothing memo∣rable recorded of him in all that time, but that after he left following the Lord, his owne subjects in Ierusalem growing weary of him, conspired against him, and thus hee was forced to flee to Lachish, to which place hee was notwith∣standing pursued, and slain there. Their hatred most probably was stirred up against him for the great miseries, into which the kindome was brought by his means, who after his overthrow by the king of Israel grew pusillanimous, not daring to attempt any thing more like a valiant king, for the good of his kingdome, but lay in the ab∣hominable sinne of idolatry, spending his time idly and basely. Of this the princes and nobles being at length impatient, when his sonnes were grown up to 16. years of age, consented together to depose him and set up his son, then he hearing of it fled. Ierom thinketh, that this conspiracy was begun in secret immediately after that their kingdome was made tributary to the king of Israel, and not brought to perfection till this time, and that Amaziah perceiving what they went about, fled; but being immediately followed, was taken and slain. Others think, that it was the fift year after the death of Ioas, that they made this conspiracy, and that he lay hid after this in Lachish ten years, before he was slain. But this cannot be, seeing he is said to have reigned 29 years, wherefore they are rather to be followed, who hold, that this conspiracy was made, and he thereupon fleeing, was pursued and cut off, all in his last year, no time being given him at Lachish to fortifie himself against them. If it be said, it is not likely that they would conspire against him 15 years after, for the mischief brought upon them by Ioas; the longer they were held under by the king of Israel, the more weary doubtlesse they grew, and now to be rid of this bondage they agreed to depose this king, who by oath was obliged, and to set up another, who was free. Whereas some are of opinion, that Amaziah in all this time patiently bare his miseries, and turned from his idolatry, as the cause hereof, yielding this for the reason, that his sonne Vzziah is said to have done that, which was right in the sight of the Lord, as his father Amaziah, 2 Chron. 26. 4. they go upon a most weak ground, seeing the like is said before of Amaziah, compared to Ioas his father. Their opinion then is rather to be preferred, who say, that when they conspired against him, he should have better provided for himself, by fleeing the idolatry which he had set up, and go to God by true repentance, then by fleeing to Lachish; but whereas in all his miseries he did not, this is set forth as another judgement of God coming upon him, as the words imply. After he left following the Lord, they conspired against him in Ierusalem. And it seemeth to have been a strong conspiracy, that he was not able to represse, and therefore was constrained to flee from, neither did his sonne after him attempt to punish it, as he had done to those that slew his father Ioas. It seemeth then, that it was made by a generall consent, as that sometime against Athaliah, and so the succeeding King was fain to passe it over.

Lachish, the city to which he fled, was in the tribe of Iudah, upon the borders of the Philistims, of which see Iosh. 15. it sometime had a King, and 2 King. 18. it was besieged by Sanneherib, when he had overcome the Philistims, whence we may

gather, that it was a place of strength, in which Amaziah haply thought to defend himself, it was 20 miles from Ierusalem.

When they had slain him, they carried him upon horses to Ierusalem, and not upon mens shoulders saith Ierom, because he served the idols of Edom, whom he brought to Ierusalem upon horses, therefore his dead body was carried so likewise, they thinking it unworthy to be carried upon mens shoulders, as the Ark of God upon the shoulders of the Koathites, because he had forsaken him.

Then all the people took Azariah and made him King, &c.] 2 Chro. 26. 1. Vzziah. It seemeth that he was called indifferently by either of these two names; his age al∣so is set down 16 years, and his mothers name Iecolia of Ierusalem, and the time of his reign 52. years, 2 Chron. 26. 3. Vzziah, saith gloss. ordin. signifieth the vertue of God, and Azariah, the help of the Lord, according to which names he did, and was holpen in the beginning of his reign, as here followeth, v. 4, 5, 6, &c.

He built Elath after that he had recovered it to Iudah, and slept with his fathers.] This Elath was in the land of Edom near to Ezion-gaber, 1 King. 9. 26. and if it were by Amaziah his father taken, when he went against the Edomites, it is most probable, that after the great blow given him by Ioas King of Israel, he lost it again, the Edomites waxing bold upon his being brought under, to set upon it, and take it from the Iews again. But now Vzziah coming to a better estate, taketh it and lay∣eth it to Iudah, and fortifieth it for his use, as being of great importance, sith it was a port town. And this is all that is in this Chapter set down touching Vzziah in the history of the Kings. But ch. 15. 1. returning again to the beginning of his reign, it setteth forth more. Anno 27. of Ieroboam king of Israel, Azariah began, &c. tou∣ching which description of the time, a great question ariseth, how it could be 27 of Ieroboam, seeing his father lived and reigned after the death of Ioas, father to Ie∣roboam 15 years, as was before shewed, and if he began immediately after his fa∣ther, it must be the 15 and not 27 of Ieroboam. Some answer this by saying, that there was an inter-regnum after the death of Amaziah, of twelve years, but the granting of this, maketh the Chronology of the Kings of Iudah uncertain, where∣as the end of reckoning the years of every ones reign is, that the whole time might be certainly known, as from the Creation to the Floud, by the fathers of the line of Sheth, and from the Floud to Moses and the Iudges, by the fathers of the line of Shem, so from thence to the carrying of Iudah captive into Babylon, by the Iudges and the Kings. Moreover, because ch. 15. 8 Zechariah the sonne of Ieroboam, is said to have begun his reign, anno 38 of Azariah, it cannot be admitted, that there should be an interregnum of twelve years, so that from the death of Ioas of Israel, should be 27 before he began, seeing from the 27 to the 41 of Ieroboam, are but fourteen years, and this was the whole time of his reign. It must needs then be yielded, that there was no interregnum in Iudah, but an ante regnum in Israel, Ie∣roboam being made consort of the kingdome together with his father, twelve years before his death, and this might be well upon good reason, seeing he made warre with the Syrians, the first, second, and third time, that in his absence he might rule and if he should have happened to dye in those warres, the kingdome being ready provided of a king, might sustain no danger for want of one, through divisions: And if we count it thus, twelve years to Ieroboam with his father, and fifteen after to Azariah, we shall fall justly upon his 27 year, when Azariah began. But then a greater difficulty remaineth, seeing Azariah by this account, had not reigned a∣bove fifteen years when Ieroboam died, and betwixt fifteen and 38 are 23 years difference; Here I do not finde any one Expositour, that doth fully satisfie this doubt, not Iunius by saying, that he was taken and made King eleven years before his fathers death, when he fled to Lachish, fer 11 added to 15 make but 26, and if all the time of his age before he began, viz. 16 be added, they will together make but 31. Nor Tostatus by saying, that there was an interregnum in Israel after Iero∣boams death, before Zachary began, of eleven years, for they being added to fifteen, do much lesse make up the number of 38; and Genebrard and Functius come yet shorter, who allow an interregnum but of eight years. But if we allow both unto Azariah eleven years in his fathers time, before he came to reign alone, which is

not improbable, considering the enmity of the people against his father, and an in∣terregnum in Israel of twelve years after Ieroboams death, these two numbers put together unto fourteen or fifteen of his reigning alone, make just 38. And that it was so, must necessarily be held, to come to the thirty eight of Azariah when Zechariah began. And it is most probable, that it was thus through contention in Israel, keeping Zechariah from the regall dignity a long time, because when he had gotten the crown, he kept it not long, viz but sixe moneths, being slain openly by Shallum, neither did he enjoy it above one moneth, but was slain by Menahem, chap. 15. 8, 9, 10. So that it seemeth, under the warlike and victorious king Ieroboam, such as were employed as great captains, grew to that height of ambition, that they kept his sonne, haply being young, or of weak parts, un∣der, that they might be regents, till at the last Menahem with his faction consented to set him up for king, Shallum another great commander not consenting, wherefore he taking opportunity came with his power, and assaulted and slew Zechariah, taking upon him to be king, which Menahem seeing, came with his forces and slew him.

To return again to that, which is further set forth 2 King. 15. 2, 3, &c. his age also, and his mothers name is shewed, and his doing right, as his father had done, and the high places not being put down, and lastly, how he was smitten with the leprosie, died, and was buried. But because all this is more fully set forth, 2 Chron. 26. 4, 5. where he is said to have done that which was right in the sight of the Lord, as his father Amaziah had done, for he was intent to seek the Lord all the days of Zechariah that informed him. I will here take into that history, in which a doubt ariseth, who this Zechariah was, for he could not be that Zechary who was one of the small prophets, for his time agreeth not. Ierom saith, that he was the sonne of Zechariah the son of Iehoiadah, born after his father was dead, whom Ioas caused to be stoned, and if it were he, as is not improbable, he was above 30 years old, when Vzziah began to reign, and so might continue many years to guide the young king aright. And in that time he is said to have prospered: first, against the Philistims, prevailing so, as that he brake down the wals of their strongest cities, Gath, Iabnes and Ashdod, and built cities there. It is not likely, that he did these things, so soon as he came to the crown: because he was then both young and tender, and found the kingdome in a poor estate, as it was left by his unhappy fa∣ther. But after certain years, he having gotten much wealth, by Gods blessing up∣on him for his piety, began first with the Edomits that held Elath from him, as hath been already said. Then he went against the Philistims, but upon what occasion is not expressed, onely we may gather, from 2 King. 12. 17. that partly occasion was taken to fight with them about Gath, which David had formerly subdued and put under tribute, but towards the latter end of Ioas his reign, who was grandfa∣ther to Vzziah, this Gath is said to have been taken by the Syrians, and most pro∣bably, their state declining, it came into the Philistims hands again: for Ioas king of Israel overcame the Syrians so often, that they could not but hereby be made ve∣ry weak, and unable to hold what they had formerly gotten. Therfore Vzziah now being strong, after he had dealt with the Edomites, setteth himself to recover this city also from the Philistims, and when they being overcome there refused to be tributaries unto him, he brake down their wall and pursuing them, who haply from other cities made head against him, he served their cities likewise, and so he came to break down the wals of Iabnes and Ashdod also. Partly that cruell inroad made into Iudah, both by Philistims and Arabians in the dayes of Ioram, his fathers great grandfather, recorded 2 Chron. 21. 16. (when they carried away his treasures, his children and his wives) might come into this kings remembrance, to be reven∣ged upon both these peoples, v. 7. Gath, here said to be taken by him, and the wall to be broken first, was one of the five principall cities of the Philistims countrey, and of great strength by reason of the Giants there; for of this city was Golia••h and four other of the sonnes of Anak, 2 Sam. 21. 19. Iabnes was another strong city of the Philistims by the sea side, not above three hours travell from Gath, accord∣ing to Adrichomius. Ashdod was another of the 5. cities, formerly also strengthned by Giants, Iosh. 11. 22. and herein was the temple of Dagon, 1 Sam. 5. These

three, Vzziah did not onely reduce to the state of villages, which are without wals, but also built in Ashdod and other parts of the Philistims countrey, defenced cities for his people to dwell in, the better to contain the Philistims thus subdued in obe∣dience. And it is said, v. 7. that God did help him herein, and not onely against the Philistims, but also against the Arabians, who joyned their forces of old with the Philistims against Iudah, as hath been already said. And more particularly, these A∣rabians are said to be inhabitants of the plain of Gur, that is, near unto Egypt: for which cause it is said, v. 8. that his name was famous to the entring in of Egypt. Iose∣phus saith, he subdued all that way as farre as Egypt. And moreover, he is said to have prevailed against the Ammonites, as the vulgar Latin rendreth it, and the words following do intimate, v. 8. where it is said, the Ammonites brought him presents. And both are expressed by the same letters in Hebrew, but onely in the first place 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is set before 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, it being written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the next 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 after 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, it being written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Iunius rendreth it indigenas, expounding it of such as dwelt dispersedly, and yet Iudg. 10. 12. 11. 6. he calleth them Ammonites. Stephanus saith, that they were Arabians dwelling near the red sea; and Ierom, that Gur be∣fore spoken of, as the place of the other Arabians habitation, was Gerar, where A∣braham had sometime sojourned. But it is most rightly understood of the Ammo∣nites, there being onely a transposition of one letter, And all these peoples were borderers upon Iudah, as Iunius noteth, the Arabians upon the south, the Phil∣stims upon the West, and the Ammonites upon the East. And it is said, that the Ammonites in token of subjection, brought him presents. Moreover he fortified Ierusalem with towers, even to the gate of the corner, and of the valley, &c. v. 9. In the dayes of Amaziah his father, the wals of Ierusalem next unto Syria were bro∣ken down by Ioas, but now he reared them up again, saith Iosephus, and whatsoe∣ver decayes else there were, he repaired and fortified. Touching the limits, unto which, the corner gate, and the gate of the valley, it is before said, the corner gate, and the gate of Ephraim, chap. 25. 23. but that of the valley and of Ephraim, Ierom saith, are one and the same, and upon the corner] that is, where these two walls met. Junius rendreth the word translated corner, as a proper name, Miktzuah, and Neh. 3. 19. he expoundeth it, a tower in a most high place of the city of David, so called for the prerupt scituation: but then it must not be read upon Miktzuah, but to it, he built towers as to the corner gate, and the gate of the valley, so to this tower, that is, as farre as was needfull, the vulgar Latin renders it, & reliquas in eodem muri la∣tere, but without any ground in the originall, wherein are no such words.

He built towers also in the desert, &c.] that is, saith Iunius, of Arabia, which was full of pastures, for the more safe keeping of his cattell, wherewith he abounded, and he digged cisterns also, at which they might be watered. For he had many husbandmen, and vine dressers, for he loved husbandry, and it is said that he had them both in the mountains and the fields, rendred in vulgar Latin, Carmel, accor∣ding to the Hebrew word here used, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 denoting fields most fruitful, as Car∣mel was, for that it is not to be understood of the place so properly called, appeareth, because the fruitfull Carmel was in the tribe of Issachar in the kingdom of Israel.

From hence he proceedeth to set forth the greatnesse of this kings forces, viz. 2600 Princes or Captains, under whom were of able warriours 370500 all well armed by the king, &c. But it is not to be thought, but that Vzziah prepared these great forces to goe forth to warre against the Philistians, Arabians, and Ammonites, before spoken of, although they are not mentioned till now. Thus it appeareth, how greatly he by Gods blessing encreased in wealth and power whilest he cleared to [Note.] Lord, that other kings may learn by his example to do likewise. Moreover he is said to have made engines by a singular art in Ierusalem, which he placed in the towers and the corners of the wall to shoot arrowes and great stones, which Iosephus doth not so truly relate, when he saith that he made them to break down walls of such cities as he besieged withall. And hitherto the well doing and prosperity of Vzzi∣ah, now follow〈…〉〈…〉 his foule falling and punishment. His great prosperity made him proud insomuch that he went into the house of the Lord to offer incense, but Azariah the high Priest with his company resisted him and when he was angry,

therefore the Lord smote him with leprosie, &c. 2 Kings 15. 5. It is onely said, when the Lord smote the King so as that he was a leper to the day of his death, he dwelt in an house apart, and Iotham his sonne was set over the kings house, the cause and occasion being altogether omitted, wherefore in the Chronology this defect is supplyed, and by Iosephus more fully, saying, He being puffed up with the pos∣session of fading riches, set light by divine and ever enduring riches, the reverence of the divine majesty, and the keeping of his law; wherefore upon a certain solemn day, to shew that he was above the condition of other kings, and nearer to God by a peculiar superexcellency, in the sight of all the people hee entred into the Lords house to offer incense, and when Azariah the high Priest, with 80 other Priests withstood him, alleadging the law of God, which appointed the Priests only, the sonnes of Aaron to doe this, he waxing angry threatned them with death, and so persisted in his enterprize, untill that a terrible earthquake came, and a rent was made in the temple upward, through which the Sun-beame smote the wicked face of the king, and then presently the leprosie appeared. And at the same time ano∣ther prodigy happened in a place called Eroge, before the city, halfe a mountaine Westward was pluckt away by the same Earthquake, and removed four furlongs off to the East part of the said mountain, damming up the way to the city, and with the ruines filling up the kings gardens. Thus the Lord miraculously shewed the greatnes of this his sin, and how highly he was displeased at it, that all men might learn by this example to keep their hearts humble and not be puffed by their great wealth, honour and prosperity. For the earthquake happening now, of which Iosephus speaketh, see [Note.] also Zachariah 14. 5. although some that will have it the same with that spoken of, Amos 1. 1. doe hereupon deny it, because it was in Ieroboams time who died long before that Vzziah was smitten. But that which Amos speaketh of might be ano∣ther, some yeares before this. For he that now was superiour to all men of those times in all these, when his heart was hereby lifted up, in an instant was brought to such an estate, that he was sequestred from the society of men, as unfit for his loath∣some disease to live amongst them, having no liberty any more to dwell in his own royall palace, or to reign as king, or to come to the house of the Lord for this once carrying of himselfe so proudly there. Wolphius to aggravate his sin, whereby hee deserved to be thus punished, saith, that it was not only a breach of the law ratified with pain of death, Levit. 16. but also a confounding of the orders of men, which God had distinguished, that one should doe the office both of King and Priest, and that by him that was the head, whose part it was to keep every one within his own order: yea forsomuch as the Priest in offering incense typified Christ, it was a trea∣ding under foot of that sacred mystery for another to take upon him to do the same. Lastly to doe this in contempt of the grave admonitions of the High Priest being se∣conded by such a number of Gods Ministers, putting him in mind of the law of God forbidding it, and threatning him with the danger of sudden destruction, which by so doing, he should incurre. Chrysostome also sheweth divers sinnes to have concur∣red in this one fact of his. 1. Ambition, in that he could not be content to enjoy the kingly dignity, but he must usurp that of the high Priest also. 2. Arrogancy, because he thought himselfe fit to execute both these high offices. 3. Pertinacy, in that he was not staid by the admonitions of the High Priest, but madly went on notwith∣standing to doe that which he had conceived in his mind. 4. Humane folly, in that seeking to ascend to higher dignity, he fell from that which he had. 5. Humane viti∣ousnes & pronenes to sin, in that having before done so worthily, he now fell so fou∣ly. 6. Impiety, in that he durst break into that holy place, which to come into was in∣terdicted to all others, but the High Priest, from which piety in respect of the strict law of God against it, and so many venerable men endeavouring to keep him from it, should have held him back upon the leprosie arising in his face for this. Hugo well noteth, that the punishment was most sutable to his sinne, in that as the High Priest wore a plate of gold upon his fore-head to adorne him when he offered incense, this proud king contrariwise was made to weare for ever the filthy mark of the leprosy upon his forehead to his perpetuall ignominy, and because he had so brazen a fore∣head, as without all shew of modesty or shame thus publickly to presume through

his pride, he was compelled to cease from that by punishment making ashamed, which modesty could not make him to do. In this example is shewed, that when [Note.] a man doth excellently, so as that he cometh into great grace with God, and the devill cannot prevail with him to draw him into any grosse sinne, yet he is not out of all danger of falling, and judgement therefore, if for the grace conferred upon him, he be lifted up in his heart: for God despiseth the proud, and giveth grace to the humble. Again, it is pride, that God will not endure, to presume to execute a mi∣nisteriall office, in him that is not called thereunto. Lastly, who so seeketh to make himself glorious, shall have shame for glory, and instead of rising shall fall from the glory that he already hath, to be the vilest amongst men, as leprous persons were.

When the King was smitten with the leprosie, the high Priest with his assistants began by force to thrust him out of the temple, because no unclean person was to be suffered there; and he seeing a necessity resisted not, but departed and dwelt in an house alone to his dying day, as the Lord had appointed that all leprous persons should do, Levit. 13. 46. Procopius saith, that he would not go out of Ierusalem, as he ought to have done, but dwelt in an house there by himself, by which means the whole city was polluted and counted unclean, insomuch that the Lord would not then reveal himself to his prophets there, (Chrysost. also in Esay 6. saith, that the people were deprived of prophesie, because they expelled him not out of the city) and when after this kings death, Esa. 6. 1. Isaiah had a vision, v. 5. he crieth out, that he was unclean, and dwelt in the midst of a people polluted. But no such thing can be gathered from the words of the prophet, and it is rather the pollution of sin for which he crieth out, then of the leprosie. And because there is nothing said of this his refusall in the history, it is rather to be concluded, that he went out of the city, where an house might be had standing alone, which could hardly be in the ci∣ty, where they stood in rowes, one being joyned to another. For the time, when this leprosie befell him, it cannot be, as some conjecture anno 25. of his reign, be∣cause his son Iotham ruled the court and judged the people, from this time forth to his dying day, whereas in that year he was yet unborn, seeing chap. 27. 1. he was but 25 when he began to reign after his fathers death, and his father reigned 52 years. And it is improbable which some others hold, that it was in the last year of his reign, both, because it is said, that when he was confirmed, his heart was lifted up, v. 16. and this most probably was some years before the end of his reign; and because he is said to have dwelt in an house apart to the day of his death, no men∣tion being made of this happening to him so shortly after, It is therefore most pro∣bable, that he was smitten some years before he died, and if we shall pitch upon the particular year, it was anno 48 of his reign; because then he might most of all be said to have been confirmed, seeing Ahaz the sonne of Iotham was born that year, as appeareth chap. 28. 1. he was 20 years old when he began to reign, and his father reigned but 16 years, therefore he was born 4 years before Vzziah died. Most pro∣bably then, when he had not onely a sonne to succeed him, but a sonnes sonne to reign after him also, in a kingdome now so glorious and flourishing, his house being thus confirmed, he was lifted up with pride. And if this were the 2^d year, Iotham his sonne was now 21, and so fit by his age to govern, when he was excluded.

The rest of the acts of Vzziah, were written by Esaiah the sonne of Amos the Pro∣phet.] That is, saith Iunius in the second Book of the Kings, and in the Book of his prophesie; but Lyra, in some book of his which is lost, and not in his prophesie, which is more probable, seeing in the Kings little is said of his acts, and lesse in Esay his prophesie. It is to be supposed to have been a book of annals written by Esay, as there were divers written by others, which were onely as Chronicles of other nations, and no canonicall Scripture; thus also Pellican.

Then Vzziah died, and they buried him in the field of the Kings sepulchres, for they said, he is a leper.] Therefore they laid him not into their sepulchers, but onely in the same field where their sepulchres were, in a place some what remote. Thus Vzziah was punished and abased for his presumption, both in life and death, and al∣though we reade not of his repentance, it may be hoped, that he repented, and so

God judged him here, but had mercy upon his soul, seeing he is not said to have fain into any other sin but this onely.

The 15 year of Amaziah, &c. began Ieroboam the sonne of Ioash king of Israel to reign, &c.] Chap. 15. 1. Azariah is said to have begun his reign over Iadah, anno 27. of Ieroboam, therefore, seeing Amaziah the father of Azariah reigned but 29 years, it seemeth rather that Ieroboam began anno 2^do of his reign. But this doubt hath been already resolved, upon ch. 14. 21. he began to reign alone anno 15. of Amaziah, having reigned before together with his father twelve years, and he is said to have reigned over Israel 41 years, and to have been as wicked, as the first Ieroboam, v. 24. Yet recovered the borders of Israel from the entring in of Hamath to the sea of the wildernesse.] Of Hamath see Numb. 13. 20. 34. 7. 8. both of the sea and Hamath, the sea being southward, and Hamath next to Damascus, the chief city of the Syrians northward. It is meant then, that he recovered from the Syri∣ans all that which they had gotten from Israel farre and wide, couping them up in a narrow compasse. Rabanus saith, that the whole latitude of the Syrians countrey is hereby set forth, and that they over-ran all this, dealing by the Syrians, as they dealt by Israel.

And this he did by the prophesying of Ionah the Prophet, the sonne of Amittai, who was of Gath Hepher.] This Ionah, by the consent of all Expositours, was that Ionah, who wrote the prophesie called Ionah, for he also is said to be the sonne of Amittai. Whereas some will have him to be the widowes sonne of Sareptah, but called the sonne of Amittai, signifying truth, because when Elijah had restored him being dead to life, she said, she knew now that the word of God in his mouth was true: this is improbable, because he was a Sidonian, this an Hebrew, Ionah 2. 9. and Amittai is not an appellative, but a proper name, and this was of Gath-Hepher in the tribe of Zabulon, having the addition of Hepher, to distinguish it from Gath in Palestine, he of Sareptah. And lastly, since that time in the dayes of Ahab passed 80 years before this. In Ahabs five years, in Ahaziahs two, Iorams twelve, Iehu twenty eight, Iehohaz 17. Ioas 16. unto which adde his age, when he was restored to life, haply ten or twelve, and if he were the man, he must be 90 years old at the least, when Ieroboam began to reign; which is not probable. And as Ieroboam is said to have done this, by the encouragement of Ionah, for he did it ac∣cording to the word of the Lord by him, so the motive that moved the Lord to make him the instrument of this work, is shewed to be, that he saw the affliction of Israel, and that there was none shut up or left in Israel, &c. It was not his or the Israelites well doing, whereby he was moved, but his meer pity and mercy, and as is added v. 27. he had not yet said, that he would blot out the name of Israel from under heaven. For the phrase [there were none shut up or left] see the like Deut. 32. 36. it is meant, according to Vatablus, that the oppressions where with the Syrians oppressed the Israelites, were so universall, that none escaped their fury, no not such as were shut up in the strongest holds, nor the poorest sort of people left out as the refuse to their mercy. It doth not then argue, that our wayes are well pleasing to [Note.] God at all times, when we arise out of misery, and our state is changed from worse to better: for this may be onely through pity in God to the miserable, when he thinketh them to have been afflicted already enough for one time, and not because they are bettered. And when affliction is taken off without amendment, it is to be feared, that farre greater judgements shall ere long be inflicted, as it happened to this people, chap. 17. when they fell into the hands of the Assyrians, and before that by factions amongst themselves, and by the Assyrians doing some mischief, ch. 15.

For the rest of the acts of Ieroboam, and how he recovered Damascus and Hamath to Iudah, they are written, &c. Iudah is here put for Israel, a part most worthy for the whole, as also hath been noted sometime before, and he is said to have recove∣red them, because David long ago subduing the Syrians of Damascus, laid it to his kingdome, but since the Syrians had again taken it, and Hamath and many other places properly belonging to the kingdome of Israel.

CHAP. XV.

THe history of Azariah or Vzziah conteined in the seven former verses being al∣ready explained, as being but the briefe of that which is more largely set forth, 2 Chron. 26. and the question arising about his beginning, Anno 27. of Iero∣boam resolved, 2 Kings 14. 21, 22. now followeth the time of the next kings be∣ginning to reign in Israel, viz. of Zachariah the sonne of Ieroboam, who is said to have reigned Anno 38 of Azariah 6 months, where again if a question bee made how this could be, seeing Azariah began Anno 27 of Ieroboam, and from thence to the end of his reigne were onely 14 yeares, see the resolution; also 2 King. 14. 21, 22. There was an interregnum as some think, during the minority of Zecha∣riah, when the kingdome was governed by regents, whereof Shallum was one. And that we might know the cause of his so short a reign, v. 9. he is said to have followed Ieroboam in sinning, and therefore he was rewarded with death, which he suffered at the hands of Shallum the sonne of Iabesh, who having slain him openly, raigned in his stead. Iosephus calleth him the sonne of Iothan, the kings freind. Ly∣ra saith, he was one greatly encreased with the kings riches, and hereby gotten to great favour with the people, as he might well be by his liberality and courtesie to∣wards them, wherefore presuming upon their good will, he openly slew the king, no man resisting him. Thus Wolphius saith, Lyra hath it; but indeed he speaketh not of his riches, onely he saith, that he was one of the Princes who were regents af∣ter Ieroboam, till Zachary was made king, and so most probably was in great autho∣rity, and therefore committed this murther openly, the people for the most part consenting, and being ready to receive him for their king, in his stead. And it ap∣peareth, that (although in respect of the divine providence, his living in the sinne of Ieroboam was the cause of this his untimely cutting off) Shallum did not slay him for this, because he also followed Ieroboam, but for his tyranny and ill governing of the kingdome, which made the people weary of him, being moved also by ambiti∣on to preferre himselfe, as Tostatus hath it.

The time also being now come, of which the Lord had spoken before in favour of Iehu his zealous proceedings, as is said, v. 11. that his children should sit upon the throne of Israel unto the fourth generation, for Iehohaz was the first, Ioash the second, Ieroboam the third, and Zechary the fourth. However therefore the Lord had hitherto forborn to execute his judgements upon these idolarrous kings, the race of Iehu, and their idolatrous subjects for his words sake, that it might be veri∣fied, and for many yeares in the reignes of the two last, Ierobeam and Ioash had made them prosperous, that they might subsist till Zachariah the fourth, yet he would not now suffer them in their wickednesse any longer, but brake out against them in his fierce wrath by judgement after judgement, till they were utterly destroyed. Note hence (because the first times of Iehu and his race were miserable, the kingdome being then brought by Hazael and his Syrians [Note.] to nothing, but the following times of Joash and Ieroboam prosperous, although they were as wicked as their progenitours, but now that mercy being abused, and their hearts not hereby moved to turn from their sins, although they had Eli∣shah, Ionah and other Prophets among them to improve it, misery followeth mi∣sery, as one wave of the sea another without end) note I say that no way is left by God unattempted to make sinfull man to turn unto him, for first he seeketh to engage by mercy, as hee did Iehu in raising him to kingly dignity, and ma∣king a promise unto him, then mercy not working, he sought to terrifie them by judgements, after this out of his compassion he returned in much mercy again, and gave them victory over their enemies, lastly, this not taking any effect, he cast them quite off, leaving them for a time to imbrue their hands in the blood of one another, and then giving them over into their enemies hands, the Assyrians. 2. Note that the greatest prosperity is followed with the greatest misery, when there is no re∣formation made therefore, that none may trust to present or long continued pro∣sperity,

or be hereby made bold to goe on in sin without feare of judgement.

Shallum having gotten the kingdome enjoyed it onely one month, and then he was slain by Menahem the son of Gadi coming from Thirza, and taking the king∣dome upon him. For although Zechary for his idolatry was worthy to dye, and the time appointed by God was come, to translate the kingdome from the family of Iehu to another, yet he was a wicked conspiratour against his lawfull king, and a murtherer, and therefore vengeance from God soon cut him off, as it doth like∣wise [Note.] all such as attain to royall dignity by bloudshed, according to that saying;

Ad generum Cereris sine caede & sanguine pauci Descendunt reges, & sicca morte tyranni.

Menahem is said to have come from Thirzah to Samaria, where he slew Shallum, that is six miles; of Thirzah, see Iosh. 12. 24. where the king of Thirzah is said to have been slain by Ioshuah, arguing it to have been a great city, and here it seemeth Menahem gathered his army, and so came against Shallum, when he heard, that he had slain Zechariah his master. From Samaria, when he had thus gotten the king∣dom, he went to Thipsah, being also sixe miles, the vulgar Latin renders it also Thirzah, but in Hebrew and Chaldee it is Thipsah, another Town not farre off Thirza. Iosephus saith, that Menahem was captain of the Army at Thirzah, which was once the Metropolis of the kingdom, for there Ieroboam began to reign and his successours, till that Omri translated the seat of the kingdom to Samaria. He therefore now that Zachariah his master was dead, thinking that he had as good right to succeed him as Shallum, who had wickedly conspired against him, and slain him; went with his army against him, &c. then hearing happily that the men of Thipsah would not receive him for king, he went against them, and when they shut their gates against him, he fell into a rage against them, and breaking in, smote whatsoever was therein, and all the borders thereof from Thirzah, and hee rip∣ped up the women great with child] Why they would not open unto him some con∣jecture, the reason to be, because they had given their faith to Shallum before, some because they had seen some experience of his cruelty, when he lived with his ar∣my near unto them at Thirzah, but upon what occasion soever, he practised this barbarous cruelty amongst them, that other cities being terrified might not dare to withstand him. Iosephus speaking hereof, saith, that he spared not the tender age, taking liberty to doe that which was not lawfull towards Hebrewes, being overcome. But he mentioneth not his ripping up of women with child, as ab∣horring to tell of such unheard of cruelty, amongst the men of his nation. Some saith VVolphius expound it by bulwarks made like mountains, as if it had been meant, that he brake them open, because 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth mountains, but the word here used is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which is never rendred otherwise, but gravidae, and so the Sep∣tuagint and Chaldee. This was horrible cruelty on his part, but on Gods a just judgement for their foule sins, in which they went on so long in impenitency, that others may be ware.

In the 39 of Azariah he began his reign, and reigned ten yeares, &c.] Although he were a most cruell tyrant, yet God suffered him to continue thus long to ag∣gravate his own misery, and the misery of this wicked people, for he going on, as his predecessours had done, ever since the first beginning of this kingdome in Ie∣roboam, suffered by Phul king of Assyria, who came against his land, and although he made his peace with a great summe of money, that he might reign under him, which he exacted of his subjects, even a thousand talents of silver, which was a∣bove 100000 pound, that is, 187500 pound, yet he was brought thus to live base∣ly and poorly all his dayes. This Phul is said to be king of Assyria, or of Babylon, for these names are sometime confounded, because Babylon was the chiefe city of that kingdome. He was called Phul Belochus, who succeeded Sardanapalus, and gave part of his kingdome to Arbaces, viz. the Medes and Persians, keeping to himselfe Babylon and Nineveh, and he was the first Assyrian king, that ever came against Israel; yet some think that he came not against Menahem, but being called by him, fearing for his cruelty to be deposed from the kingdome, which he had u∣surped, and that the mony here spoken of was not given once only, but as a yearly

tribute, grounding upon Sept. Sixti, where it is read, all his dayes came Phull, and he gave him 1000 talents, which reading is followed by Tostatus, and because Ti∣glathpilesar his sonne came again against Israel, when after the death of Mena∣hem and his sonne, this tribute was paid no more, v. 29. But it is said expressely, 1 Chron. 5. 26. that God stirred up Phull and Tiglathpilesar to come against Israel for their sinnes, and therefore when Tiglathpilesar came, there being no word spo∣ken of tribute denied, as the cause; this appeares to be a meet invention, and tou∣ching these words [all his dayes] they are erroneously in that translation taken from v. 18. and transposed to v. 19. farre from their place. And if Phull had come by the procurement of Menahem, it would have been so said as well as when Ti∣glathpilesar came in the dayes of Ahaz, 2 Chron. 28. 16. and hee should hardly have raised such an huge summe from such a multitude of wealthy men, as it is said, 50 shekels of each man, for so to the raising of it about 60000 men, must be seffed, seeing 50 shekels come but to three pound two shillings six pence; and it is incre∣dible, that so much should be paid yearly out of so little, and now so poore a king∣dome. Therefore I conclude, that this was only once paid, Phull happily promi∣sing hereupon, if there were any rebellion to be assistant unto him, which might be the cause that he cotinued 10 years, and then died a naturall death, leaving his king∣dome to his sonne after him.

In the 50 yeare of Azariah began Pekahiah the sonne of Menahem to reign over Israel, &c.] Whereas Menahem is said to have begun, anno 39. and to have reigned 10 yeare, it is to be understood, 10 compleat, the time which he reigned above, be∣fore and after, being a few odde dayes, not being here reckoned. Of Pekahiah no∣thing is said, but that he went on in the sinne of Ieroboam, and reigned but two yeares, being slain by Pekah the sonne of Remaliah, and Argob and Arieh, and with him 50 men of the children of Gilead, &c. This Pekah is said to have been his Cap∣tain, Hebr, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 being called from the word signifying three, either because he was the third man of the kingdome according to some, or had command over the third part of the army, called the rereward according to others; who also say that the valiantest men were here placed to uphold the battell, when the others quailed. Argob and Arieh are thought by Lyra to be no men, but places near unto the Pa∣lace, where this murder was done, wherefore in the vulgar Latin it is rendred [near unto Argob and Ariph] but for Ariph, saith he, Hebr. it is Arie, signifying a Lion, by which the place was named by reason of a golden Lion standing therein for ornament, and this out of R. Solomon. And this is most probable, because the particle 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 set before Argob and before Arit, as it sheweth the Accusative case, so it sometime signifieth in or super, adversus or ad; that is, above, over against, or at. Although some think two speciall men to be hereby meant, who together with the 50 Gileadites conspired with him. But the more probable opinion is, that these were slain together with the king in taking his part, as being in speciall favour with him, and then at a feast. For so Iosephus telling this history saith, he was slaine at a feast.

The 52 year of Azariah began Pekah the sonne of Remaliah to reign over Israel, 20 yeares.] Hee was suffered 20 yeares in the kingdome, which hee came to by blood, although a wicked idolater also; but then his blood was required therefore, a conspiracy being likewise made against him by Hosheah, and hee being by him slain, v. 30. Neither did he escape Gods punishing hand in the mean season, for Ti∣glath Pilesar king of Assyria came and took from him Hijon, and Abel Beth-Maacah, &c. and carried the inhabitants thereof into Assyria. Besides the places here said to be taken, he took the countries of the two tribes and an halfe also, viz. of Reuben, Gad, and halfe Manasseh on the other side of Iordan, which were most fruitfull, and on this side Galilee, the whole land of Nepthali, so that he bereft him of three tribes and an halfe, and so left him but a poor king. The cities here named were the uttermost bounds of the kingdom of Israel, as wee may see touching Hijon, 2 Chron. 16. 4. and touching Abel, Beth-maachah, 2 Sam. 20. 14. Touching the o∣ther places here named, Ianaah was a border of the tribe of Ephraim.

Chadesh was a city of Galilee in the tribe of Nephtali, and so was Hazor, al∣though

there were other cities of the same name of the tribe of Iudah, Gilead was that, where the two tribes and an halfe dwelt. Galilee was both superiour called Galilee of the Gentiles, and inferiour; both which are greatly praised by Iosephus not ony for fertility, but for the great number of inhabitants there maintained. Whereas they are said here onely to have been carried into Assyria. 1 Chron. 5. 26. the places in Assyria to which, are more particularly named, Chalah, Chabor, and Ha∣ram and Nehargozan, where they abide to this day; but of these cities see more upon 2 Kings 17. 6. where the carrying away of the whole kingdome is spoken of. Thus although the Lord suffered long the wickednesse of the Israelitish kings [Note.] and their people, viz. 220 years yet when after divers, coorrections and admo∣nitions, in this long time they being nothing amended shewed themselves to be in∣corrigible, he sent a judgment by the Assyrians, that swept away a great part of them at the first, and then all to live for ever after inperpetuall captivity and misery, and this will be the end of any nation, that in like manner abuseth his long continued patience, to the hardening of themselves the more in sin.

Then a conspiracy being made against Pekah, Hosheah smote him so that hee slew him, and reigned in his steed Anno 20 of Iotham.] Here because Iotham reigned onely 16 yeares, v. 33. and began but Anno 2 of Pekah, who reigned 20 yeares; Expositours are troubled about reconciling this. Iunius saith, that it is said, in the 20 year of Iotham, as meant only of the 20 year from the time that hee began to reign, 4 yeares also of Ahaz his son being now expired, wherefore he rendreth it 20 yeares from the kingdom of Iotham begun, so likewise Wolfius having first con∣futed two other opinions. 1. That to make up the number of 20, it must be under∣stood, that 4 yeares are reckoned here to Iotham of his fathers life, because after the time that he was a leper, Iotham governed all, but this makes the chronologie un∣certain. 2. That Ahaz being a wicked king is thought unworthy to be named in counting the beginning of any kings reign; and therefore he that was dead is ra∣ther mentioned, then this wicked king, that was living, but forsomuch as the sacred history hath hitherto reckoned by the wicked kings, as well as by the godly, it were strange, if for this reason he that began to reign in the fourth or fifth of A∣haz, should be said to begin the 20. of Jotham, yet Lyra indifferently followeth either this, as being the solution of R. Solom. or the other already rejected by Wol∣phius touching four years expired, when he began to reign alone. But I marvail, that he considered not, how ch. 17. 1. the time of Hosheah is reckoned by the years of Ahaz also, which sheweth, that the year of his reign, when Hoshea began, is not passed over in silence for his malice or wickednesse, but because the beginning of his reign was not yet spoken of, but long after ch. 16. 1. the whole history of Iotham, his fathers reign coming between this and it; and it is not the manner of the sacred history to reckon by the reign of any king so long before his time comes to be set forth, but by the nearest, which here is Iotham, v. 32. By the twenty year of Iotham, I conclude then, is meant the 20 from the time that he began, he being now dead four years before Hoshea his reign; who this Hoshea was it is not said, but Iosephus saith it was one of his familiar friends, and most probably by him∣self preferred. And it was just with God, that Pekah, who had been false to his lord and master, under whom he had been in an honourable place, should be like∣wise dealt withall by one preferred by him.

The second year of Pekah the sonne of Remaliah, began Iotham to reigne over Iu∣dah, &c.] The history of Iotham being intermitted from v. 7. hitherto (that the kings of Israel, who began to reign before him, might be shewed together, Zecha∣riah, Shallum, Menahem, Pekahiah, and Pekah) is now again prosecuted, his age, his mothers name, and the time of his reign being shewed. Whereas he is said to have begun the second year of Pekah, who reigned twenty years, and yet Hosheah that succeeded Pekah, began twenty years after the beginning of Iothams reign, it is to be understood, that the second year of Pekah was but new begun, and so Pekah being dead, nineteen years had passed from the beginning of Iothams reign, and in the beginning of the next, which was the twenty, Hosheah began. Iotham is said to have done that which was right in the sight of the Lord, as Vzziah his father.

2 Cron. 27. 2. it is added, that he went not into the temple, as his father had done, but the people corrupted themselves. Iosephus praiseth him for a right godly and excellent prince, neither doth the Scripture speak otherwise but very well of him, and of his deeds for the good of the church and kingdome, and of Gods bles∣sing him therefore. Which maketh against the people, in that having so godly a king, and some famous prophets, who were of that time, as Isaiah, Hoseah, and Michah, yet they were corrupt. 2 King. 15. 35. No more is said, but as in the time of Vzziah, Amaziah, and Ioash, the people sacrificed still in the high places. This ther∣fore, how ever tolerated hitherto, is thus censured as a corruption in the service of God, whereby he was much offended, seeing all sacrifices were now to be offered in the temple only, which Solomon built, of which I have spoken often before, see upon 1 King. 15. 9, 10. And therefore the Lord to shew his dislike, raised up ad∣versaries against Israel, Rezin king of Syria, and Pekah v. 37. most probably to∣wards the latter end of the reign of Iotham, so as that he lived not to see their com∣ming, but was before in mercy taken away, and in the dayes of his wicked sonne Ahaz they came, making preparation only in Iothams time, ch. 16. 5. But because Esay prophesying in Iothams time, speaketh against Iudah, as hearing but not un∣derstanding Esa. 6. 9. it seemeth, as Ierom also thinketh, that by these words, they corrupted themselves, is not onely meant by offering in high places, but also falling to idolatry, whereunto they saw Ahaz the young prince then inclining. The piety of Iotham is further set forth v. 35. he built the upper gate of the house of the Lord. Whatsoever his subjects did (because it seemeth that they could not yet be restrained) in sacrificing upon high places, he applyeth himself to beautifie yet more the house of the Lord. The Septuagint, for upper gate, have the high gate, portam excelsam, and so it is in the Chronicles. This, Vatablus saith, was the East gate; Rabanus, the gate called beautifull, Act. 3. which Lyra well confuteth, be∣cause the temple standing then was burnt down long before. But about this we need not contend, it was most probably, the highest and most magnificent gate of the temple, whereby it was most adorned outwardly, but now, it being above 200 years since Solomon built it, and in decay, Iotham out of his piety rebuilt it, for the honour of God, and that the people might be the rather drawn from high places, to the temple. 2 Chron. 27. 3. and in the wall of the hill he built very much; That is, saith Iunius, behinde the temple Westward, where the ground was high∣est, between the brook of Gihon and the fish-gate. The vulgar Latin renders it, in the wall of Ophel, the Hebrew word being retained, which signifieth, high, or defenced, or a tower, he built the wals of an high tower, for the defence of the city. v. 4. He built also cities in the mountanous places of Iudah, and in the plains, pallaces and towers. In the vulgar Latin, castles and towers, which were also for the defence of other parts of the kingdome.

He also fought against the king of the Ammonites and prevailed, so that they gave unto him 100 talents of silver, &c.] Thus likewise Vzziah his father did before, ch. 26. 8. and the Ammonites gave him guifts, that is, as being subjected by him, they paid tribute: but now refusing so to do any more, Iotham by war compelleth them again unto it. And his power to do all these things, is ascribed to his piety towards God, v. 6. and this is the onely way for any king to prosper, as many examples more, both in the holy scriptures and other histories do shew.

Concluding the history of Iotham, he saith, the rest of his acts, &c.] and in those dayes the Lord began to send Rezin the king of Syria, &c.] That is, at the latter end of his reign, they began to prepare to come, and in the time of Ahaz his son, they came, as appeareth chap. 16. 5. as hath been already shewed, as also the cause, the sinnes of the people; notwithstanding the good King and Prophets, which they had most famous amongst them.

CHAP. XVI.

AHaz the sonne of Iotham now succeedeth him being dead, Anno 17. of Pe∣kah, and followed not David but the wicked kings of Israel, making his son to goe through the fire, after the abominable manner of the heathen. He began his reign at 20 and reigned 16 yeares, 2 Chron 28. 2, 3. He made images to Baal, and burnt incense in the valley of the sonne of Hinnom, and burnt his sonnes with fire.] Of this way of worshipping idols, see before, upon Levit. 18. 21. and the manner of it. VVolphius from the time that he reigned, which was as long as his father had done before, noteth a proportion of time held in punishing the wickednesse of Iu∣dah [Note.] answerable to that, wherein they had such meanes of grace, and enjoyed pro∣sperity; for 2 Chron. 28. all his time was full of oppressions, and miseries. And likwise we that have so long prospered may justly feare intollerable and long pro∣tracted miseries to come upon us for our sins, unlesse by speedy repentance we pre∣vent them.

Then Rezin King of Syria, and Pekah king of Israel came against Ierusalem, and besieged Ahaz▪ but could not prevaile] 2 Chron. 28. 5. it is said, wherefore the Lord delivered him into the hands of the king of Syria, who smote him and carried away cap∣tive a great multitude to Damascus, and also into the hands of the king of Israel, who slew 120000 in one day, &c. Betwixt these there seemeth to be a manifest contradiction, so if they prevailed not, how was Ahaz delivered into the Syrians hands, &c Iosephus saith, that coming first together against Ierusalem, they could not prevaile for the great strength of that city, but then the king of Syria turning himselfe to Ellatha, which was a city taken away from the Syrians before by Aza∣riah, 2 Kings 14. 22. he took it, and having slain, he should have said, rooted out the Iewes who dwelt there, v. 5. he placed Syrians in their steed, thus returning into his own country, and for Ellatha, he hath Aila by the red sea. Then the king of Iudah understanding that the Syrians were departed because hee thought himselfe of strength sufficient to deal with the King of Israel, went out to fight with him with a great army, but doing it in contempt of God, whom he had forsaken, the king of Israel prevailed against him and slew of his men 120000. and carried away captive an incredible multitude, the Chronicles saith, 200000 women and children. And if things were done in this order, both these histories agree very well together, the Chronicles only supplying that, which was wanting in the Kings. Ierom, and after him Procopius, and Theodoret say, that one warre made by the Syrians and Israe∣lites severally is set forth in the Chronicles, and another after this, their forces being joyned together, set forth in Kings, and this agreeth with the Hebrew, Chron. c. 22. and is followed by Dionysius and others. And this is most consonant with the sa∣cred history, which saith, that Rezin the king of Syria smote him, whereas if no∣thing be meant, but that he smote the Iewes in Ellathah, it were not so properly spoken, seeing he smote not him there, but some of his subjects; he being in the mean while in Ierusalem with his army cut of his danger. Moreover when Rezin and Pekah king of Israel besieged Ierusalem, it is said that Ahaz sent for help into Assyria against them, and that the king of Assyria came and took Damascus, the chief city of Rezin and slew him, wherefore he had no time then by the way as he returned from Ierusalem to fight against another city, and to take it, and to re∣move the old inhabitants, and to bring in new, but rather hearing of the coming of the king of Assyria against his country, he hastened thither to defend it. And see the taking of Ellatha and restoring it to his dominions could not be at that time, but at some other before it, although it be mentioned after the siege and fighting against Ierusalem, v. 6. and said to have been done at that time, for these words [at that time] may be expounded generally of the time when Rezin had power over the king of Iudah for his sinnes, which was from the very beginning of his reigne, and and so Chron. Hebr. saith, Anno 17. of Pekah, this was done.

If it shall seem strange that the king of Israel should joyn with heathens against Iudah, it may be conceived that Ahaz kept correspondency with the king of As∣syria,

who was the great enemy of Israel, and therefore the king of Israel was easily brought to joyn with the king of Syria against him, to take him away, and to set another king in his room, who if the king of Assyria should come again, might be an help unto them, and not ready to joyn with him their common enemy, as Ahaz was, which is expressed Esa. 7. 6. where this coming against Ierusalem by these two kings, is more fully set forth, saying; Let us joyn Iudah to us, and set over it for king the sonne of Tabeal. For the Syrians, if it shall seem strange, that they who were alwayes so great enemies to Israel, agree now to make one army toge∣ther with them, it is to be understood, that in the dayes of Ioash and of Jeroboam they were so beaten, that they were glad to live quietly by the Israelites, and from cessation of armes, it is no marvail that they grew into such amity, as that they were now as one people confederate together, especially being also idolaters alike. Whereas Israel being idolatrous, as Iudah, yet prevaileth against Iudah, this is no∣thing strange, if we consider Ioash before prevailing against Amaziah, and the kings of Assyria against them both. For God useth oftentimes some most wicked, as his rods against others to correct them, and then casteth these rods also into the fire, as he did the Assyrian kings, when by them he had scourged Israel.

Now forsomuch as it appeareth by that which hath been said, that the history touching Gods delivering of Ahaz into the hands of Rezin, and then of Pekah king of Israel, set forth 2 Chron. 28. went before that of their joyntly coming together against Ierusalem, I will proceed in the explication of this first, and then return a∣gain to 2 King. 16. The king of Syria first coming against Ahaz, is said to have smitten him, and to have caried away captive a great multitude, that is, to have gotten the victory, and to have taken many prisoners, which yielded to his mercy▪ for he is smitten by the enemy, and into his hands he is delivered, whose forces are subdued. And this most probably was done about Ellathah, for which Rezin con∣tended at this time, and so these captives were the inhabitant, of Ellathah, who are said to have been carried away, and others from Syria brought to dwell in their place, 2 King. 16. 6. Then the king of Israel came also and prevailed against him, and smote him with a great stroke. This being shewed in generall, v. 6. the number of his forces slain by the king of Israel, is particularly declared, viz. 120000 in one day, and then the number by him carried away captive, v. 8. and before that what men of note were smitten. v. 7. Zichri, a mighty man of Ephraim smote Maaseiah the Kings son. For whom Ierom, qu. Hebr. hath the sonne of Molech, that is, one, as he thinketh, so called, because he was most earnestly addicted to the worship of Molech, the idol whom Ahaz served. He smote also Hazricham go∣vernour of the kings house, and Elkana the second to the king, and all this God did against him and his people, because they had forsaken the Lord, as is expressed v. 6. Whatsoever was the quarrell that their enemies had against them, God in whose power it is only to give victory, made them victorious for this cause, and the Israe∣lites to sustain so great slaughters, of the like to which in the reign of Amaziah, see also chap. 25. Whilest the Israelites were carrying away captive that great multi∣tude of women and children, which they had taken, Oded a prophet of the Lord came before them, as they were entring into Samaria, &c. v. 9. the vulgar Latin hath it, Obed, &c. Lyra saith, that he dwelt not in Samaria, but came out of Iudah, so likewise Jerom according to the Hebrew traditions saying, that Oded came to Sa∣maria, for he was of Iudah, as being that Oded who was father to Azariah, that pro∣phesied to Asa, 2 Chron. 15. 1. But how far from truth the Hebrew traditions are herein appeareth, because from Asa till this time, passed 200 years, and Oded was then father to a son that prophesied. To leave this Oded then, as unknown any more, then by his name, let us see what he saith. Behold, the Lord being angry with Iudah, hath delivered them into your hands, and ye have heinously slain them, so that your cruelty reacheth up to heaven. Moreover, ye mean to make them servants and handmaids unto you, which is not needfull to be done, for ye have sinned in this matter against the Lord your God. So the vulgar Latin. But Iunius more according to the Hebrew, are there not amongst you, amongst you I say, onely sinnes against the Lord your God? Hebr. verbatim, annon vobis solum, vobiscum peccata, &c. that is, have

not ye sinnes enough of your own, only against God, to pull down his judgements upon you, that you will by more cruelty thus against your brethren of Iudah, en∣crease the number of them? He would not have them to think, because God had now given them the victory for the sinnes of Iudah, that they were better accepted of before him, for even they had sinned as grievously also, and therefore ought not thus to insult over their distressed brethren, lest that hereby God should be provo∣ked against them also, but restore again their captives.

At this saying, there were certain men of Ephraim of the chief, that were so moved, as that they stood against the army, and forbade them to bring in the cap∣tives, which did hereupon forbear, and then they having fed and clothed the na∣ked, &c. carried the feeble amongst them upon their own beasts unto Iericho, and delivered them to their brethren; so mightily did the word of God in the mouth of the Prophet work upon them, although he used not the Lords name unto them, as Ierom noteth, because he thought them for their idolatries unworthy.

At that time Ahaz sent to the Kings of Assyria desiring aid. Moreover the Edo∣mites came, and the Philistims, &c. This of sending for help to Assyria, is more ful∣ly set forth, 2 King. 16. 5. 7. When Rezin king of Syria, and Pekah king of Israel came against Ierusalem and besieged it, Ahaz sent to Tiglath-pileser king of Assyria, to help him against them. Then he took the silver and gold in the Lords house, and in the Kings treasury, and sent a present unto him, who thereupon came against Da∣mascus the chief city of Syria, and took it, and slew the king, who doubtlesse hear∣ing of his coming, hastened from the siege of Ierusalem to defend his own country. This is more amply set forth Esa. 7. where it is shewed, what fear came upon A∣haz and the men of Iudah, when they heard of the coming of these two kings a∣gainst them, and that the prophet was sent unto Ahaz, to tell him, that they should be able to do nothing against Ierusalem, and therefore he biddeth him not to fear them. And then he giveth a signe of a Virgins conceiving and bearing a sonne, ex∣tending his prophesie to a farre greater comfort to come afterwards by the birth of Christ. And to comfort and confirm the men of Iudah the more for the present, he foretelleth of the destruction of both these kings in a short time, viz. before a childe now born, should have knowledge to refuse the evill and to chuse the good, as in∣deed it fell out, because Rezin was slain forthwith, and Pekah in the twenty year of his reign by Hosheah, who usurped the kingdome, and at this time he was upon his 18. year at the least. And chap. 8. 4. that as those two kings had come before severally, and carried away rich spoils out of Iudah, so from Damascus in Syria and Samaria in the land of Israel, should the like spoils be carried by the king of Assyria, before the childe then born should be able to say (my father.) How the judgement against Rezin was executed, is shewed here v. 9. but against Israel how, it is not said, but because Esay speaketh hereof also, it is certain, that it was fulfilled, and Iosephus saith expresly, that Tiglath-pilesar carried away a great multitude of cap∣tives out of the land of Israel, having wasted first the country, and Chron. Hebr. that then the golden calf in Dan was carried away by the Assyrian.

For the beginning of this warre made by the two Kings against Ierusalem, it is likely, that having severally invaded the land of Iudah the yeare before, and pre∣vailed, they thought, that if with their forces united they should march thither againe, they might take the chiefe city it selfe, Ierusalem. Wherefore they at∣tempt it, but in vaine, although Ahaz for his idolatry deserved to be given into their hands. For if they could have prevailed, as is shewed, Esa. 7. they would have quite taken away Ahaz and his seed, and have set up for King the sonne of Tabeal, that is, some great man of Syria, which God would not suffer for his pro∣mise sake unto David, that he would alwaies leave unto him a light in Israel. Therefore to prevent this, Esay with his sonne Sheuriashub is sent to Ahaz, as was before said. But the wicked King not beleeving him, trusted rather to an arme of flesh and sent to the King of Assyria, hiring him with great treasure to come and helpe him. Then he being allured by so great a gift, hastened with his army against Damascus, as hath been already shewed, thus causing the Assyrian forces to leave the siege of Ierusalem, and to returne to their owne; and it is most probable, that

the King of Israel did also the like, whereby Ahaz being freed from their danger went to Tiglathpilesar to Damascus to congratulate his victory, and there seeing a great and glorious altar, upon which those heathens sacrificed to their idols, he sent the patterne of it to Ierusalem, commanding Ʋriah the priest to make the like against his returne, &c. But before we come to this, a doubt is to be resolved: for whereas it is here said, that Tiglathpilesar came against Damascus and slew Rezin the King, and depopulated the countrey of Pekah, and carried away many captives, as hath beene already shewed, this being by Hebr. Chron. the second captivity of the Israelites, which was a great help to Ahaz King of Iudah, 2 Chron. 28. 20. it is said, that Tiglathpilesar coming to Ahaz streightened him, and con∣firmed him not, and v. 21. although he gave great treasures to him out of the Lords house, &c. yet he holpe him not. Sol. When he had at his request gone against the two kings his enemies, whereby, they were compelled to withdraw their forces from Ierusalem, he did him more hurt after this, then he had done him good herein, by coming into and pillaging his countrey and putting him in feare of his owne life also, which is intimated, 2 King. 16. 18. where it is said, that A∣haz removed the covering of the Sabbath, &c. from the house of the Lord for feare of the king of Assyria, so that this king was then in Ierusalem, and made great ha∣vock there amongst Ahaz his people, and he was in continuall feare of his breaking into his pallace, so Iunius. But it is not said he did these things Hebr. for feare, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 before the face of the king of Assyria, which by Lyra is ex∣pounded, to please him by shewing, that he had left worshipping of the Lord, the way into whose house he had stopt up, as it lay from the kings pallace. But if it were so, his seeking thus to please him came from feare, and because he saw him∣selfe to be now in his power and yielded to doe any thing, that his kingdom might not be destroyed, but he might agree to depart: For that the Assyrian king at this time subdued him and made him his tributary appeareth, 2 King. 18. 7. where it is said, that Hezekiah, his son rebelled against the king of Assyria and would not serve him, which agreeth not, but to a kingdome under tribute and to this was Iudah never brought, till that Ahaz, as he had spoken of himselfe, 2 King. 16. 7. I am thy servant and thy sonne, was indeed brought under by the same king of Assyria. And to expresse this the Vulgar Lat. for these words, 2 Chron. 28. ••0. Tiglahpilesar com∣ming to him streightened him] hath these words, he brought also Tiglahpilesar a∣gainst him, who afflicted him and wasted him without resistance. Touching the cover of the Sabbath, and the outward enterance of the king, which he is said to have removed from the house of the Lord before the king of Ashur; the Vulgar lat. re∣taining the Hebrew word, hath Musac Sabbati being expounded by Lyra, either the treasury, where the kings upon the Sabbaths put their offerings for necessary uses about the temple, which he saith, is the common exposition: or according to R. Solomon, a place in the porch of the temple gloriously covered, where the king used to sit upon the Sabbaths. Hugo followeth that of a treasury, but saith, the mo∣neyes given by the king and put there were for charitable uses. And whereas Iu∣nius hath he removed from the house of the Lord, the Vulgar lat. hath, he turned to the house of the Lord▪ which the Ord. Glosse expoundeth, that when the king of Ashur should come he might see and desire them to carry away, as he did many other great gifts, which he gave unto him. The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here used signifieth to make to goe about, and being read together with the next words, it is neither from, nor to the house of the Lord, but onely he made to goe about the house of the Lord. And what did he make to goe about? Answ. The covering of the Sabbath and the kings outward passage to the house. Or rather the covering having reference to the word, cut off, v. 17. (for most probably, as he tooke away other things of price from the house of God, thus defacing it and leaving it naked, so he tooke away this covering of brasse also, which was built in the house for some use before spoken of, or for the Priests to rest themselves in, according to some others) nothing else is meant, but that he stopt up the way of the king to the Lords house, so that if any would goe thither they must needs goe round about and so come up by many steps an high hill with great difficulty to the house; yea having done thus, to shew, that

he would have no more worship there performed, he shut up the doores of this house, as is said, 2 Chron. 28. 24. And whereas he is said to have done these things and others against the house of the Lord, v. 17. before the king of Assyria, touching the meaning whereof expositours are doubtfull. I conceive, that he did thus, when the Assyrian King was there, that he might give largely unto him to enjoy his fa∣vour, not regarding the Lord so much as him: for which cause and for that he was a grosse idolater, he cared not, how he spoiled the Lords house of all the ornaments, to give to this heathen king. And thus haply it is to be understood, that the king of Ashur coming to him streightned him and did not helpe him, because by his meanes he was greatly impoverished, that all he could wrap and rend, as we say, being taken to give to him, whether out of the Lords house or his owne, as 2 Chro. 28. 21. And so he became the lesse able to make warre against other enemies, that invaded his land, as 2 Chron. 28. 17, 18. the Idumeans and Philistims.

Having thus resolved the doubt, how the King of Assyria is said not to have helped, but streightened Ahaz, he also covenanting, as we may gather by that, which hath beene already said, to pay him a yearly tribute hereafter, I returne now to his idolatry with the gods of Damascus: of which see 2 Chron. 28. 23. although here his causing of an Altar to be made like unto that at Damascus only be spoken of, and setting it up in the place of that, which he caused therefore to be removed. It is most probable, as Pellican hath it, that he first sacrificed to the gods of Damascus being there, that he might the more confirme his league with the king of Assyria. But whereas he professeth, 2 Chron. 28. 23. that now he would serve the Syrians gods, because they had holpen them, and he hoped, that they would helpe him likewise; but it is said, This turned to his ruine, he had reference to the Syrians victories obteined against him in times past and not to their present state, since the king of Assyria subdued Damascus, seeing now they were not helpfull to them. A man would thinke, that Ahaz seeing, how they failed the Syrians at this time; should not have beene induced to sacrifice to such impotent gods: but idolaters fare like men be witched, for so did one of his progenitours; also Amaziah, when he had subdued the Edomites, worshipping their gods, 2 Chron. 25. 14. yet be∣cause he did not onely thus, but caused also such an altar, as was at Damascus to be made at Ierusalem, upon which all sacrifices should be offered against his returne thither with Evilmerodach, it seemeth, that the good liking of that king was of no small force to move him hereunto. And it is noted that he had an high priest according to his minde, called Ʋrijah, to whom he had no sooner sent the patterne of the Altar, that he would have made, but it was done according to his command against his returne to Ierusalem. Yea, he did so comply with him, that he suffered the king at his return to offer sacrifice upon this new great Altar, and his meat-of∣fering and drinke offering, as the zealous Priest Azariah would by no meanes suf∣fer his grandfather Ʋzziah to doe, and when he persisted notwithstanding his op∣position, God executed his judgement of leprosie upon him. If any man shall mar∣vell, that he did not the like against Ahaz, who much more deserved it; I answer, God is not wont alwayes to proceed one way in punishing, but divers, wherefore he punished Ahaz otherwise: for 2 Chron. 28. 17, 18, 19. it is said, that the Edo∣mites and the Philistims spoiled his countrey, and that his kingdome was brought low because of him. And if he escaped in person, it was but for a time in this world, he being reserved to the future judgement in another world, as most wicked men are, whereas Ʋzziah most probably was judged here, that he might not be con∣demned hereafter.

But it may be demanded, to whom did Ahaz here offer, to God or to idols? Ans. it is not expressed, but only that he offered and commanded the Priest hereaf∣ter to offer all sacrifices upon this new altar, whereupon some think that the sacri∣fices were still here offered to God, because the holy Scripture saith nothing of this abomination done in the Temple or Court thereof, as it doth in relating the idolatry of Manasseh, 2 Chron, 34. 5, 6. yea it is expressely said, 2 Chron. 28. 24, 25. that the doores of the Lords house being by him shut up, he set up altars and idols in every city of Iudah, and sacrificed there unto them. Yet Tostatus saith, he took away the

altar of the Lord, that no more sacrifice might be offered to him, but upon the new altar to the honour of the gods of Edom. And Theodoret saith, that this altar was set up to some one of the gods of Damascus, and Adrichomius, and Genebrard, that upon it sacrifice was offered to them. And truly I can hardly be induced to think, that hee would set up an altar of Damascus to sacrifice to any other, but to the gods of Damascus, especially seeing hee shut up the temple of the Lord, and rifled it of all the vessels and ornaments. It is expressely said, 2 Chron. 29. 7. that no sacrifice was then offered to the Lord, and if not to the Lord, then it must needs be to idols.

Then Ahaz removed the Altar of the Lord that it might not stand between his new altar, and the house, to the North side, commanding Ʋrijah the Priest to offer all sacrifices upon the new great altar, wherein he readily obeyed him also. And tou∣ching the altar of the Lord, he said, that it should stand by for him to enquire, that is as Iunius hath it, if he should think good at any time so to doe. And in the Hebrew it is also to enquire, but the vulgar Latin hath it, ad voluntatem meam, expounded by Pellican, to be offered upon, if at any time I shall please, but for the present it shall stand by as antiquated, and out of use. But Lyra will have the meaning, shall be at my will to make what I think good thereof, wherefore he saith, that he made af∣terwards a famous diall of it, of which mention is made, chap. 20. 11. and this is fol∣lowed by Adrichomius also, the contrary to which yet appeareth, 2 Chron. 29. 18. where it is said that the altar and the utensils thereof, which had been by Ahaz reje∣cted, were sanctified, and if so, then that brazen altar was not broken to make a diall called Ahaz his diall, seeing that stood still after that Hezekiah his sonne had caused this to be sanctified, even to the time of his great sicknesse.

Pellican of Ʋrijah his setting up of a strange altar, makes this Allegory. Such Mi∣nisters, as to please wicked Princes, bring into the Church of God strange doctrine, and rites in the worship of God, doe act over againe, as it were, the part of this wicked temporizer Vrijah, they set to the North side the altar of the Lord, and make and place an altar to the devill in the room thereof, the word of God and his ordi∣nances are thus debased and turned, as it were to the left hand, which was the North, and mens inventions drawne from the Gentiles, honoured above them. To revenge this wickednes in Ahaz, the Edomites were brought against him, and car∣ried away many captives from Iudah, when they had smitten it. And the Philistines brake into the Southern parts, and took Bethshemeth and Ajalon, &c. 2 Chron. 28. 17, 18. But all this would not move him to repentance, nor yet his suffering by the help which he had sent for out of Assyria, for even after this, he waxed worse and worse, v. 22. In the time of his streights he encreased his contempt against the Lord, this is Ahaz. The vulgar Latin joyning these words with the next following hath it, thinking Ahaz by himself offered to the Gods of Damascus. But it is plainly distin∣guisht both by a ful point & a conjunction copulative, beginning the next verse thus, And he offered. These words are added then after his despising of all corrections spo∣ken of, partly to shew that he was the same wicked one still, and partly to move all kings and men to look at him and his impious doings to abhorre from the like. Not one but divers wayes he sinned fowly. 1. By idolatry after the manner of the Israelitish kings, yea he made his sonne to goe through the fire to Molech, which was not as Theodoret thinketh, by burning him, which he calleth a common errour, but by sanctifying him, as the heathen counted, by making him to goe through the fire. And the manner of this he saith, that he had seen it, viz. once in the year fires be∣ing made in some cities, there were those that went dauncing through them, both men and boyes and infants were by their mothers carried through the fiery flames. 2. By infidelity, rejecting all confidence in God, and putting his trust rather in the King of Ashur. 3. By setting up a strange altar in the courts of the Lords house, making the altar built by Solomon to give way unto it. 4. By robbing the Lords house of the ornaments, and by shutting it up keeping men from worshipping him. 5. By sacrificing to the gods of Damascus, that smote him, and seeking to draw the people to the same idolatry, in that he set up altars unto them in many places. 6. By incorrigibility, in that being severely punished by Syrians, Israelites, Assyrians,

Edomites, and Philistines, he was so farre from being touched with repentance, as that he did like one set to vexe and anger the Lord all the wayes that he could pos∣sibly devise. And it was now like Prince, like Priest, so that the state was intollera∣bly corrupted.

Here nothing more, but of his death and buriall in the city of David, but not in the sepulghers of the Kings saith, 2 Chron. 28. 27. as was said before of Amaziah.

CHAP. XVII.

THe 12 year of Ahaz king of Iudah, reigned Hosheah in Samaria. The history of Hosheah begun, chap. 15. 30. is here continued. But how is it said, that he reig∣ned the 12 year, when as he began in the fourth, which was the 20 of Iotham, as was before shewed, reckoning from his first beginning, till that time? Pellican to this answereth well, that by reason of the king of Ashhur, although he had slain Pekah, he could not attain to the regall dignity, but ruled as a Lievtenant under him, till the 12 of Ahaz, that is, 8 yeares after, at what time he took upon him to reigne shaking off the the Assyrian yoak and might best be said to begin to reigne as a king of himselfe, and not under another. This is also recited by Wolphius and a second exposition of some, who say, that the first 8 yeares of his reign were full of tumult and trouble, but in the last of these, which was the the twelfth of Ahaz he began to reign in quiet, for which cause he is said here to have reigned, Anno 12 of Ahaz. And a third, in which he resteth, viz. that he slew Pekah Anno 4^o of Ahaz, and took the kingdom upon him, Anno 12^o being within 2 yeares after accepted for king by the states of the land, from which time to the 6 of Hezekiah are 9 yeares, according to which it is said that he reigned 9 yeares. But here are not 3 times, but two only put of the beginning of Hosheah his reign, or rather one of his beginning servily, and another of his reigning, after this shaken off, because it is not here said, he began to reign, but he reigned Anno 12 of Ahaz 9 yeares, according to Iunius, [the ninth yeare] whereby I suppose he meaneth, that this was the ninth from his beginning to reign; for so it was, if respect be had to that, ch. 15. 30. where hee is said to have reigned 20 of Iotham, that is, 4 of Ahaz, as hath been already shewed; seeing the 12 is the ninth from the fourth spoken of in that place. But if we read it he reigned or had reigned then nine yeares, it will agree better with the Hebrew text. For another beginning of his time made by Wolphius 2 yeares after, viz. An∣no 14 of Ahaz; I know no ground that he hath thereof. And therefore leaving it I should rest in the first brought by Pellican, but only that ch. 18. 1. the beginning of Hezekiah his reign Anno 3 of Hosheah seemeth to crosse this, for if he reigned An∣no 12 of Ahaz, and Ahaz reigned 16 years, from the twelfth, to which are foure yeares at the least, how can it be said that he began the third yeare. To this it may be said, that the 12 was now at an end within a few dayes, so as that it was not counted, and the 4^th year was so newly begun, that it was not reckoned neither; but it is said the third, meaning the third being even now expired. Vnlesse we shall say, that Hezekiah was made king some time before his fathers death., for the bet∣ter setling him in the kingdome in those tumultuous times, and for the opposing of the enemies that invaded it. Again, it is said here v. 3. that Salmanasar king of Assyria came up against Hosheah, because he denied to pay him tribute, which he had paid in former years; then he took Samaria his chief city, when he had besie∣ged it three years, in the ninth of Hosheah. So that if it be true which goeth before, about Hosheah his beginning to reign in liberty, the twelfth of Ahaz, he was suffe∣red by the Assyrian king sixe years before he came against him, which seemeth to be improbable.

Sol. It is probable enough, if we consider, that there be two kings of Assyria spo∣ken of, Evilmerodach and Salmanasar, the father and the son, since Hosheah attai∣ned to the crown. Wherefore Evilmerodach haply growing old, and towards his end, when Hosheah denied to pay any more tribute, this was permitted till Sal∣manasar

was king, his father being dead. But it is said here v. 3. that Salmanasar came first and brought him under tribute, and when he denied to pay it any longer, trusting to the help of the king of Egypt, he came again, and wasted his countrey, and took him; and all this was done from the twelfth of Ahaz, whereby his reign is here reckoned, to the end of his term of nine years. And if so, then the begin∣ning of his reign in liberty is not here meant, because after this he paid tribute cer∣tain years. Rather before this he reigned free, for the kingdome was reckoned to him, because when Pekah was slain, there was none else reigned: but because he coming to it by the murther of the old king, civill warres followed hereupon, and sometimes he ruled, but sometimes again his enemies prevailed against him; so that all this time he stood very uncertain, as if this had been no reigning, it is passed over, and the time here set down, when he began to reign; after that the king of Assyria taking advantage of the civill dissentions had come and subdued the land, and setled him for king, under a tribute yearly to be paid to the king of Assyria. And in this I rest, as the clearest and most free from all exception. And so it ap∣pears, that there was a double time of this king Hosheah, one before that he was made tributary of nine years, and the other after of nine years more, the whole time of his reign, when he was carried away captive, and his people, being eigh∣teen years.

He did that which was evill in the sight of the Lord, but not like the kings before him.] The Hebrew Chronology expoundeth this, of his not hindering men of his kingdome to go to Ierusalem to worship, as they were by the law of God bound to do three times in the year. For Ieroboam set garrisons, as some think, to keep them from going. But now, the golden calves, which he had set up for gods, be∣ing carried away by the Assyrians, Hosheah was lesse carefull to uphold that idola∣try, and so let his subjects for that matter do what they would, not setting any to keep them from going to the temple. But this is onely an imagination, and the lesse probable, because the temple was now shut up by wicked Ahaz, so that it booted not any to repair thither, although it be most commonly followed. I rather think with Wolphius, that he urged none to idolatry, as they had done, although he were an idolater himself, but was more remisse, either naturally, or for the recon∣ciling of all mens mindes the more unto him, whilest he left every one to his own will for devotion, compelling none.

Against him came Salmanasar, &c.] God had been so greatly provoked in that kingdome, that although Hosheah was not so bad, as his predecessours, lyet because his kingdome was all over greatly tainted with idolatry, and he was a party herein amongst the rest, and sought not to reform it, as he ought to have done; that he would now spare them no longer, but bring them into seruitude, and soon af∣ter into miserable captivity. It is not a mans not being so wicked as others, [Note.] that will avail with God for mercy, and sparing from his most severe judgements; who so doth evill, although not in that high degree, is in danger of Gods wrath, as well as they that sin more fouly: that we may abhor not onely from so much e∣vill, as others, but any evill at all.

This coming of Salmanasar against him, was after he had reigned, in some sort, nine years, yea at the beginning of his next ninth. And then being made tributary, he paid it five years or thereabouts, in the sixth he denied it, conspiring with So king of Egypt; in the beginning of the seventh, Salmanasar came, and in three years altogether vanquisht him and his people. Because he is said to have conspired with So, Tostatus thinketh, that he like wise was a tributary to the king of Assyria, and whereas it is said, Wherefore Salmanasar streitened him, and bound him in pri∣son. He takes it as spoken of him, seeing he could not get Hosheah into his hands, till the third year after. But, however So might be a tributary as well as he, and so they might joyn together in denying more tribute, it is plainly spoken not of So, but of Hosheah, that he besieged him and bound him in prison, it being left to be understood, when he bad gotten him into his hands at the taking of Samaria next spoken of. Wherefore Lyra saith well, that his imprisoning is here spoken of by anticipation. For the long time, that he was in besieging Samaria, it is probable,

that by the help of the king of Egypt, Hosheah had extraordinarily fortified it a∣gainst this time. And now the kingdome of Israel utterly ceased, the time being come, of which the prophet Esay had spoken, saying, Within 65. years Ephraim shall be wasted so, that he shall not be a people. Which according to the Hebrew Chro∣nology, is to be understood of those 65 which began, when their carrying away captive was first threatned by Amos, which was anno 25 of Vzziah, as is com∣monly held, for from thence to the end of his reign were 27 years, Iotham 16, A∣haz 16, and Hezekiah 6, for these together make 65, and the ninth of Hosheah is said to have been the sixth of Hezekiah, chap. 18. 10. thus many. But Iunius rather think∣eth, that the reckoning ought to begin from the time of Esaiah his prophesying, viz. anno 40 of Ahaz, from which to the carrying away of Israel captive, although there were but seventeen years, yet to the time of their ceasing to be a people were many more, viz. 48; for Hezekiah reigned after this 23, and after his time Esarhaddon the sonne of Sanneherib, in whose time the Israelites say, that they were carried away captive, Ezra 4. 2. For although this may seem to be spoken of the Iews of the kingdome of Iudah, yet they are there said to be Israelites; and 2 King. 17. 24. when the Israelites were carried away, it is onely said, that they were caried by the king of Babylon or Assyria, without naming him, and this is even by the Samaritans themselves expounded of Esarhaddons carrying away all the rest, at what time he brought in new inhabitants, and this most probably hap∣pened anno 25 of Manasseh his sonne, which together make 65. thus Iunius. But because, however the Israelites indeed remained haply in other parts still, for a time, yet they were no kingdome ever any more; and it is improbable, that the Assyrian king, having subdued Israel, whom he is also said to carry away captive, would de∣ferre the utter depopulation of the countrey, till 48 years after, and the bringing in of new inhabitants, and they of Iudah are often called Israelites, as well as the rest, I rather subscribe to the first, especially seeing v. 18. it is said, that none remained but the tribe of Iudah onely.

The people carried away into Assyria, are said to have been placed in Chalac and Chabor, and in the cities of the Medes. Of those places mention was made before, 1 Chron. 5. 26. when Tiglath pilesar carried away part of the people. They are held to be cities on the further side of Assyria next unto Media, so that they were not places farre asunder, and within a while, as is is in 4 Ezra 13. 40, 41. they lest those parts and went further to inhabit, where never mortall men dwelt before, and as Genebrard thinketh, the north parts of the east, where the Tartars now inha∣bit, which may be the more probable, and that they are descended of them, be∣cause some places amongst them are called by the names of Dan, Nephtali and Ze∣bulon, and some Hebrew monuments still remain there. Some take these for the names of rivers, but Ptolomee saith, they were cities. Whereas the binding of Ho∣sheah onely is spoken of, and putting him in prison, he is also said to have been carried away captive, 4 Ezra. 13. 40. of which, I think, no doubt is to be made, and he may well be comprehended under the name of Israel here. He carried Is∣rael into Assyria. He being now but as one of the rest.

The judgement, which swept all Israel thus away, being shewed, now follow the causes, why God was so severe against them. Although he had brought them in singular mercy out of the land of Egypt, yet they served other gods and forsook him, becoming even as the Gentiles, who dwelt round about them. And when he sent his Prophets to admonish them, yet they persisted, thus shewing them∣selves contemptuous of his statutes. And from this they proceeded to the casting of all his Commandements behinde their backs.

Then more particularly their horrible sinnes are laid open, they made them golden calves and worshipped them and the whole host of heaven, and Baal, and made their children to goe thorow the fire, and gave themselves to witchcrafts. Wherefore the Lord in wrath removed them, leaving behinde onely the tribe of of Iudad. Neither did this tribe finally escape, and for the present were given into the hands of robbers, as was before shewed in the history of Ahaz, because they sinned also like Israel, they were spoiled also in the dayes of Ioash and

Amaziah, &c. till they as Israel, were also removed from his face. Lastly the time how long Israel had thus sinned, is set forth, even from Ieroboam, vntill this their carrying away captive, which was 262. yeares, as will appeare to him that shall count it by the yeares of the kings of Iudah in this time. For Rehoboam reigned 18. Abijam 3. Asa 41. Iehoshaphat 25. Ioram 8. Ahaziah 1. Ioash 40. Athaliah 6. Amaziah 29. Azariah 52. Iotham 16. Ahaz 16. Hezekiab 6. together 26. on∣ly because Ioram reigned 5. yeares, together with his father Iehoshaphat, 2 King. 8. 16. deduct them and there will remaine 256. a very long time of provocation, be∣fore [Note.] the Lord brake out into this severity, whereby appeareth his patience, and their continued obstinacy, making them well worthy of so sore a judgement, and al∣though the Lord be slow to wrath, yet his patience being long abused by any nati∣on will at length breake out into the greater fury. Whereas, v. 9. it is said, They did things secretly which were not right. Wolphius noteth, that the word rendered covertly, signifieth also to put a glosse or colour upon a thing: hereby then is inti∣mated, that they justified their doings as acts of piety, as the Papists doe at this day. And whereas it is said, from the watch tower to the defenced city, they set up images, &c. he understands it from one limit of the kingdome to another, seeing watch towers used to be set upon the borders to espy the coming of the enemy.

Then the king of Ashur brought men from Babel and Chuthah, and Abah, Ha∣math and Sephenaim, &c. Babel was the metropolitan city of his kingdome of wonderfull vastnesse, and strength: for according to Berosus it was sixty thou∣sand paces in compasse, the walls were two hundred foot high and fifty broad, and he saith, that it was built by Saturne and was the first city, that was built in all the world, see also Pliny. Chuthah is by Iosephus thought to be a countrey of Per∣sia, having the name from a river so called. Avah was an Arabian Colony according to Ʋranius. Hamath is by Jerom called Epiphania, by Munster Epidaphne and Theopolis. Of Sephanaim we have no certainty; but Iunius saith, that Sephara is a city in Mesopotamia by Euphrates. Of the same places see something spoken again, chap. 18, 34. as of places subdued by the king of Assyria, viz. of Avah called there Ivah, Hamath and Sepharuaim. So that, it seemeth, the people brought by him to inhabite Samaria and her cities were none of his naturll subjects, except those of Babel and Cuthath, being onely thus translated thither out of their owne countrey, that coming into so good a land, whereunto they had no right but by the donation of the Conquerour they might the more willingly live in subjection to him and pay him tribute without rebelling. But whatsoever they were, so soone as they were come, because they feared not the Lord, he sent Lions amongst them, which slew them. Whereupon the king of Ashur hearing it sent back a priest, whom he had carried away captive to teach them the service of the god of that land, which he did, and so they served him; but they served their owne gods also, every one the gods of his nation; and thus they persisted to do both fathers & childrens chil∣dren. If it be demanded here, why God sent such destruction upon these heathens now more then in times past in their owne countreys, where they feared not God any more then at this time? Answ. because they were now it that land, which the Lord was pleased particularly to owne; for which cause he forbade any of it to be sold; and in his owne land he would be knowne and served; whosoever dwelt therein, and in case that he were not, send destruction amongst them there∣fore. But then another question ariseth, If for not fearing him he sent Lions a∣mongst them to slay them, why did he forbeare to doe so still, when as they wor∣shipped heathen gods together with him, which is so contrary to him, that rather then be so served, he will not be served at all, as Elijah said to the people. If the Lord be God, follow him, if Baal, follow him: and how long halt ye betweene two opinions? Answ. It seemeth, that he sent not Lions amongst them for their ido∣latry, in which they were bred and borne: but for that being in the land, which the Lord had peculiarly chosen, they feared not him, as if he had no power or were but a weake God, that could not keep his people from being carried away captive by the Assyrians, as afterwards Rabshakeh said, What is God, that he should be able to deliver you out of my hands? To shew therefore, that he was the God of all

power and to make them to feare him, and speake, and thinke reverently of him, he thus judged them, but forbare to doe likewise afterwards, when they bare a re∣verent regard unto him, as the priest taught them, leaving their idolatries to be reckoned for and judged at the last day. Yet I doubt not, but the priest sent to instruct them, taught him to be the onely true God, and that their idols were no gods, but vanities, and told them of his creating heaven and earth, and all things, and of his stupendious judgements shewed upon Egypt, and the Canaanites, and upon the Israelites themselves, when they turned idolaters. Yet they applyed no more of his teaching, but onely so much as concerned the reverencing of him. For sacrifice they could not be taught to offer there unto him, seeing it was not accept∣able in any other place, but onely at Ierusalem.

This sheweth, that if any of the people of God do abhominably, as the heathen, [Note.] God will not endure it at their hands, although they worship the Lord also: for it is in them spirituall adultery, seeing they are his spouse; but Ethnicks, that never were contracted unto him by covenant, are otherwise looked upon, as doing wic∣kedly indeed, but forsomuch as they are not the Lords, but another mans wife, as it were, his jealousie is not hereby stirred up against them, to make presently there∣fore sensible demonstration of his wrath, as against his Israel. According to which it is said, the time of this ignorance God regarded not, &c. And the people now placed in Samaria, being therefore called Samaritans, continued in this their superstition even till the time of the Macchabees, but afterwards it seemeth, that leaving their idolatry they worshipped God onely, as the Iews then did, because that wo∣man of Samaria Ioh. 4. enquired so seriously of the place, wherein they ought to worship God, and called her self, together with her citizens, the children of Iacob, and shewed a faith in the Messiah to come. To make all men to abhor from such kinde of fearing and worshipping God, as is joyned with idolatry, the manner of these peoples doings being recounted, they are greatly taxed, as not fearing the Lord, v. 34. although they had been said twice, v. 32, 33. to have feared the Lord, that is, to have trembled before him, and not to dare speak contumeliously, but re∣verently of him, and haply they prayed unto him, as well as they did to their idols; yet they could not be said to fear him truly, if by the fear of God we understand, as we must, such fear of him, as moveth a man to have respect to all his comman∣dements, and specially to that which forbiddeth the worshipping of other gods, as being most of all other things repugnant to his will, as is in the same v. 34, 35, 36, expressed. The gods whom they made to themselves and worshipped, were Suc∣ceth Benoth made by the men of Babel, they of Chuth made Nergal, Hamath, Asi∣ma, &c. Succoth Benoth, signifieth covering her children, that is, an hen, as the He∣brews expound it. Nergal is a woodcock, Asima a goat, Nibkaz and Tartal were the gods of the Havites, that is, a dog and an asse, though some by Tartar think, that Tartan is meant, who was one of those, whom Sanneherib sent against Ieru∣salem, as Wolphius saith, Adramelech was an horse, and Anamelech a mule, some think, they were the sonnes of Sanneherib. But forsomuch as other nations in the world have worshipped such base creatures also, as the Persians a cock, the Ptoem∣bari a people of Africa a dog, according to Aristophanes; the Mendesians a goat, and some an asses head. According to Athanasius, it is most probable, that these hea∣thens set up to themselves the images of such creatures also, according to their countrey manner. For of the heathen in generall, it is complained Rom. 1. that they changed the glory of God into the similitude of beasts, fowls, and creeping things. And hereby we may see, how greatly we are blessed of God, in that we are better [Note.] taught, and not left to follow such ridiculous vanities, as for our sinnes we might have been, that we may endeavour to live more to his glory, and not as the ser∣vants of dogs, goats, and asses, &c.

CHAP. XVIII.

IN the third year of Hosheah, Hezekiah began, &c.] If this shall seem to be re∣pugnant to chap. 10. 1. where it is said, Ahaz his father began anno 17 of Pekah, who reigned 20 years, and so he reigned but three years in his time, then he con∣tinued 13 more, for his whole reign was of sixteen years, and Hosheah got the crown immediately after Pekah, wherefore he reigned in Hosheah his time also thirteen years, and so Hezekiah could not begin till his fourteenth year. How this may be reconciled see before, upon ch. 17. 1. The age of Hezekiah when he began to reign was 25, the time of his reign 29, his mothers name was Abi, the daughter of Zechariah. His praise is, that he did altogether like David, he brake down the high places, where other kings had permitted sacrificing, and brake in pieces the brazen image which Moses had made because they burnt incense unto it; and it is said, that he did so excellently, that there was never any king of Iudah like unto him, before or after him. Touching his mother, some think, that she was daughter to Zechariah, the son of Iehoiadah, slain in the time of Ioas king of Iudah, for repro∣ving his wickednesse. But that was so long before, the reign of Amaziah of 29, and of Azariah 52, and of Iotham 16 coming between, together 97 years, that there is no probability of it. Ierom therefore conjectureth, that she was his grand∣childe, coming of a sonne of his own name, which is not unlikely, and if so, he had most probably a good mother, although a bad father. Others hold this Zecha∣riah her father, to have been the last king of Israel of the race of Iehu, but then most probably he should have been so set forth; and to put this out of doubt, Iosephus saith, that he was a Zechary of Ierusalem. Whereas it is said, that Hezekiah brake downe images, and cut down the grove, for so it is in the Hebrew and not groves, as in Vulg. Lat. (although a figure called Enallage numeri is there thought by Wol∣phius to be used, grove being put for groves) it is to be understood, that some escaped his hands, remaining still for Iosiah to have the honour of cutting and break∣ing them downe, as appeareth, 2 King. 23. 13. where he is said to have polluted the high places set up by Solomon to Ashterosh and Chemosh and Milcom, and to have broken their images, &c. and these are said to have beene before Ierusalem, and therefore not suffered to stand now, because in some obscure corner out of sight, but because haply they were unfrequented, untill the dayes of Manasseh, the father of Iosiah, who exceeded in idolatries of all sorts, as is shewed, 2 King. 21. Thus also Tostatus, these images either were not now worshipped, or the people, being taken with the pleasantnesse of the place would not suffer them to be beaten downe, so that the king could not doe it without danger of sedition, but I rest in the former of these, because to a godly king the people were never so un∣dutifull to crosse him in any of his godly designes, but rather have most readily joyned with him.

And if idolatry had beene there after Solomons time committed, it is to bee thought, that neither Asa, nor Iehoshaphat would have suffered them to stand in their times. For I cannot encline to that conjecture of one, who thinketh, that Solomon upon his repentance beat them downe; and whereas it is said, which Solomon made, it is to be understood, the like unto which he made and upon the same foundations, because these words, [which Solomon made] cannot with rea∣son be expounded, the like to which others made. And that he did not demolish them hath been already shewed and brought by Eucherius as an argument of his finall impenitency, 1 King. 11. 7. But touching the superexcellency ascribed unto him above all other kings of Iudah before or after him: If it be demanded how this can be truly said, seeing Iosiah did rather exceed both in polluting those high places, which he suffered to remaine, in keeping a passeover in such manner as no king ever did before him, 2 King. 23. 22. in rooting out Wizzards, and removing all abominations v. 24. Whereupon it is said, that he was such a king, as that there was never king like unto him, v. 25. To this Wolphius answereth by saying, that

we must take it according to the meaning and not stand strictly upon the words, it being not intended here to deprive other godly kings of their due commenda∣tions, but most highly to commend these two, as the most excellent of all others. Hezekiah for his beginning so soone, viz. anno 1. the first moneth of his reigne, 2 Chron. 29. 3. and that not being deterred by the state wherein he found the king∣dome, viz. altogether corrupted by idolatries, and that by his father. 2. For his most eminent confidence in God shewed herein, and in his breaking in pieces the bra∣zen Serpent, which was in so high estimation then amongst the people, that they worshipped it. 3. For Gods favour constantly gracing him unto his end by mira∣culously delivering Ierusalem upon his praying from the proud king of Ashur, smi∣ting his hoast by his Angel, and hearing him in his most dangerous sicknesse to re∣store him to health againe, and to adde fifteene yeares more to his dayes, and for a signe to shew a miracle almost, as at the request of Ioshuah upon the Sunne going back, as then it stood still. For in these three even Iosiah himselfe came short of Hezekiah, in that he began not his reformation, till anno 18 of his reigne, neither did he finde his state so corrupted, seeing Manasseh his father was converted and reformed all things most materiall before his end. 2. He had no image to breake downe so dangerous for the causing of tumult amongst the people, as the brazen image, which Moses himselfe had set up, and therefore Hezekiah in doing this did much endanger himselfe, as one that might be thought for this fact to be against God. 3. He was cut off by a violent death, in going out against Pharaoh Necho, non consulting with the Lord first about it.

Yet Iosiah excelled even Hezekiah, first in ridding the land of all abhominations both the high places built by Solomon, and the altar at Bethel. Secondly, in the sin∣gular passeover, which he kept. Thirdly, in his hearts melting within him for the sinnes of the people, when he heard the law read, and bringing them into a cove∣nant with the Lord; in which respects it is truly said of him, that there was no king like unto him before or after, and for that he lived without all scandall, so as David himself did not, nor Hezekiah, who was visited for his unthankfulnesse after his great deliverance, and heard an harsh prophesie for his correspondency with the king of Assyria, and his vain-glory in shewing his Legats his treasures. And as tru∣ly it is said likewise of Hezekiah, for the three things before spoken of, which were most notable in him. For the brazen serpent, see Numb. 21. 9. by Gods own command it was set up, and had been hitherto preserved, as a monument of the cures wrought hereby. But in the days of Abaz, by the superstitious incense was offered unto it, as thinking vertue to be therein. But Hezekiah brake it, and called it Nehushtan, that is, their brasse, and therefore without all vertue, and unworthy of adoration, seeing not thereby, but by Gods power cures were through it done. And hereby we are taught, that whatsoever is an occasion of offence ought to be abolished; such as is the crosse it self, although sometime Constantine thereby pre∣vailed.

Touching Gods being with Hezekiah in all his enterprises, and his smiting of the Philistims set forth here v. 7, 8. because his pious acts were the first, that he began with, as is noted 2 Chron. 29. 3. and these followed as blessings hereupon, we must here leave the history of the Kings, and bring in 2 Chron. 29. 3, 4, &c. where is shewed, what he first did after that he was king. In the first year, the first month he opened the house of the Lord, and called the Priests and Levites together, wil∣ling them to sanctifie themselves and the Lords house, recounting unto them, how their fathers had carried themselves indignly, shutting up the Lords house, and not offering to him, &c. This godly king, to give example to all others, began first with the worship of God, which is the principall thing in a kingdome, and if it be rightly intended, that which bringeth with it all other blessings, as a very fountain and well-spring thereof. Ierom saith, that by tradition he did this not only the first moneth, but the first day thereof. He opened the doors of the Lords house, which A∣haz his father had shut up, ch. 28. 24. and this is most consonant with v. 17. He caused the Priests and Levites to assemble in the East street, that is, saith Lyra, in the Priests court, where stood the altar of burnt offerings, and was on the East side

of the courts of the Lords house, which is said to be 100 cubits square, as the other courts also were. And here he exhorted them to sanctifie themselves, that is, by washing their bodies and clothes, and then to sanctifie the temple, by cleansing it from all the foulnesse growing therein so long a time; Ierom saith, by carrying out the images set up there, and all their appurtenances. But seeing the doors were kept shut, I see not how images could come to be set up there. And to stir them up the more, he commemorateth the wrath of God executed against Iudah, in slaughtering many of them, and giving others to be carried away captive, both men and women, of which see ch. 28. 5, 6, 7, 8. Then he telleth them, that he meant to enter into a covenant with God, which how it was performed I finde not expressed, but onely that sacrifices were offered for them all, and praises sung, and then both king and people bowed themselves and worshipped, which was im∣plicitly a covenanting, according to that saying Psal. 50. 5. which hath made a co∣venant with me by sacrifice, and this he propoundeth to do, that the Lord might turn from the fierceneste of his wrath, as being a speciall means to move him so to do. Then the Priests and Levites gathered themselves together, and it is shewed, of what families the Levites were, viz. of Chaath, Gershom, and Merari, Elisa∣phan, Asaph, Heman, and Ieduthun. Of which, the three former are well known to have been the sonnes of Levi. Elisaphan was the sonne of Huzziel, the sonne of Amram, the sonne of Kaath, Exod. 6. 20. and Numb. 3. 30. he is called prince of the Chaathites. Of the other three mention is made in the Psalms, as of chief singers, to whom therefore many Psalms were committed, and by some of them endited. Heman was a prince of the family of Gershom, 1 Chron. 3. 43. Asaph of the family of Merari, v. 39. And Ieduthun, was a skilfull Musitian next unto them, 2 Chron. 5. 12. where these three are named together in Solomons time, as being of the same faculty. Now the order of proceeding in cleansing and sanctify∣ing was this, the Priests cleansed the house of the Lord, bringing all the filth to the door, and there the Levites took and carried all into the brook Kedron, and this work being begun the first day of the first moneth, was finished in eight dayes, and in eight more the courts, with all their appurtenances were cleansed and sanctified also. From whence we may gather, that Hezekiah began his reign in the very be∣ginning of the year, and the same day that he began to reign, spake unto the Le∣vites to set upon this work; and that they without any deferring began the same day, that they were spoken unto. A most excellent harmony and consent in the [Note.] greatest diligence about things pertaining to religion, worthy the imitation both of prince and people in all ages. This work being finished, they certifie the king thereof, and of their cleansing of the altar for burnt offerings, and all the utensils thereof, which Ahaz had removed and cast aside, setting up an altar like that at Damascus in the room of it, as was before shewed. Wherefore, without doubt that altar was broken down by them, and carried away with the other filth, the al∣tar of the Lord being set again in the proper place.

The good king hearing what they had done, delayed no time, but rising early in the morning, called together the princes, and causing seven bullocks, seven lambs, seven rams, and seven kids, to be brought to the Lords house, he commanded the Priests to offer them upon the altar, for sinne, for the kingdome, for the sanctuary, and for Iudah, which they did accordingly. For the kingdome saith Lyra, was for the king and the princes, for Iudah was for all the people of the land, and for the sanctuary, was for the Priests and Levites who ministred therein. But because Le∣vit. 4. one bullock is appointed for the Priest sinning, and one for the whole con∣gregation, and a kid for a prince, so that this may seem to be an exceeding of the prescript rule of the law, he answereth, that Numb. 15. 24. unto the bullock, in case the whole congregation sinneth, a kid is added, whereby it may be gathered, that the meaning of Levit. 4. is, that so much must be offered at the least, but when the sinne is greater, more must be added. And at this time, because sinne had ex∣ceeded in the dayes of wicked Ahaz, the beasts brought and offered are many more, viz. a full number (for such is the number of seven) of all sorts that were fit for sacrifice, and not of the two prescribed in that law onely. Innius by the sanctu∣ary

understandeth it properly, because being polluted it had need again to be sancti∣fied, as at the first consecration, which was with bloud, Levit. 8. 15. so likewise Pel∣lican, and this seemeth to be the best, because the altar was sprinkled with bloud, before the sacrifices for sinne were offered. And by the kingdome and Iudah, may be understood all the whole body of that state, consisting of King, Clergy, and Laity.

And the goats were set before the King, and the whole congregation, and they laid their hands upon them.] That is, the king, and some of them representing the rest, laid on their hands as was appointed, when sacrifices were offered for sinne, Levit. 4. and thus they confessed their sinnes, shewing by their thus doing, that they were worthy to dye, but besought the Lord to accept of the bloud of this beast, whereby Christ his bloud was figured out, and to save them.

And the Priests killed them, and sprinkled their bloud upon the altar, to make an ex∣piation for all Israel, &c.] Such was the piety and charity of this king, as that he would have sacrifices offered not onely for his owne kingdome of Iudah, but also for all Israel, although under another king. And that the sacrifices now offered might be made with the greatest grace and praise to God, he addeth also musicke by instruments and voice of the Levites as was used in Davids time, as God com∣manded by his prophets, Gad and Nathan.

The sacrifices at this time offered were 70. buls, 100. rams, 200. lambs, 600. oxen, and 3000. sheepe, which was a great matter considering the poverty, to which the kingdome was brought by Ahaz; and that these offerings were given by the men of Iudah onely. And these were sacrifices of praise, as those before going for sinne. And being so many it is said, that the priests being fewer could not flea them all, wherefore the Levites did helpe them: and the reason, why there were fewer priests sanctified, was because the Levites were more upright in heart to sanctifie themselves, then the priests, for this is the true reading according to the Hebrew, and not as the Vulg. Lat. hath it, more belonged to the sanctifying of the Priests then of the Levites. Another reason why these fewer priests could not doe all, was because the fat also of every beast was to be taken off to be burnt upon the altar, which required the helpe of many hands.

HEzekiah that godly king having made this preparation, which was necessary in the first place, now taketh into his consideration the great neglect of keep∣ing the Passeover, and although the first moneth of the yeare was past wherein it ought to have beene kept, yet he would not deferre it, till another yeare, but ra∣ther keepe it the second moneth, beleeving that God would accept of his piety herein, although the circumstance of time were not precisely observed, seeing this could not at this time be for the case, wherein the altar and temple were in the first moneth, the sanctifying of which must take up many dayes. And yet he did not this without warrant, but as was allowed, Numb. 9. 10, 11. Here are also two other reasons of this, viz. because there were not a sufficient number of the priests sanctified to minister at this solemnity, and because the people of Israel could not suddenly be gathered together unto it from all parts, as all the males ought to be. And be endevoured to have them all at Ierusalem, not onely of his owne kingdom of Iudah, but also of Israel under Hoshea, and therefore he sent letters to them of Ephraim and Manasseh and to all Israel to invite them unto it. For although their king were wicked, yet the golden calves set up by Ieroboam being now taken away by the Assyrians, as hath beene already shewed, he did not evil, as other kings, his predecessours, by worshipping idols, or keeping his subjects from go∣ing to Ierusalem to worship, as they had done, so that if they would, they might freely come to this Passeover. And such was his charity, that he desired to doe, what he could for the reconciling of Gods favour unto them as well as to his owne kingdome, that no more of them might be caryed away captive into Assyria, as some had beene before, 2 King, 15. 29. which is expressed, v. 6, 7, 8. And in this ex∣ample we are taught how we should be affected to and seeke the good of our bre∣thren [Note.] in other kingdomes, as well as in our owne. At what time this was done, all are not agreed: for Cajetan will have it to be the yeare after the captivity by

Salmanasar, when they had no king of their owne to hold them at home. But see∣ing that was the seventh yeare of Hezekiah and this the first, he is in a manifest er∣rour. Wherefore Iosephus, Genebrard and Tostatus doe all agree, that it was before that captivity, which was not, till the sixth yeare of Hezekiah; the good King hoping by this meanes, that they might finde favour to be spared for time to come from being carryed away; and those, who were carried away before, might in their captivity have more comfort. The messengers sent were mocked of some in Manasseh, Ephraim and Zabulon. Josephus addeth, that they took both them and the prophets, who exhorted them to goe up, and slew them. But some in Asher, Manasseh and Zabulon humbled themselves and went to this Passeover. The time was now almost come of giving Israel over into the hands of their enemies for their sinnes, and of their utter extirpation: therefore to prepare unto this, they are first given over, as their wicked hearts lead them, to the contempt of all good∣nesse, and then the judgement soone followed. They that humbled themselves and came, were, as Pellican conceiveth, of those seven thousand that never bowed their knees to Baal, that is, of their posterity; for their time was expired long before this. And it is not to be doubted, but that these escaped the better, when the Assyrians came, coming again haply into Iudah, where so godly a king was, to be out of that danger, when they had first returned to their possessions and in their owne countrey destroyed idols, as chap. 31. 1. Touching Iudah it is said, that God gave them one heart to doe all of them, as they were commanded touching the passeover and in shewing their zeale against idolatry by breaking downe the idols altars, &c. as the Priests and Levites had cleansed the temple, so they cleansed both the city and countrey from all idolatrous pollution. Then the Passeover was kept and the Priests and Levites, who were not yet sanctified, were ashamed and sanctified themselves, that they might be fit to doe their duty at this great solem∣nity, and so they offered the burnt offerings. That, which made them ashamed was to see the readinesse and zeale of the people, to whom they ought to have been leaders. Yet it is said, that a multitude of the people were uncleane, for which cause the Levites were enforced to kil the paschal lambs for them, that they might thus be sanctified. They were for necessities sake now allowed to eat the Passeover, although they were uncleane, as is shewed, v. 18. that is, by touching some unclean thing, or by a dead body, the order of sanctifying, after which, had now been neglected a long time, and haply, for want of teaching, unknown unto them: but to kill the Passeover in this case none were permitted, but the Levites, who were sanctified, did it for them. Because, as Lyra saith, It is a greater work and unto it more holinesse is required, to kill the Passeover, then to eat of it, as in a priest that consecrateth the Sacrament, then in such, as receive it. All such in∣deed as eate the Passeover, must be sanctified from their uncleannesse, Levit. 7. 20. there being one common law against eating any of the holy things by such as were uncleane, and the penalty set therefore, death and cutting off from his people: for which it is said, v. 18. that there were many uncleane of Manasseh, Issachar, &c. which did eat, not according to the law, for whom Hezekiah prayed, that God would forgive this and accept of them notwithstanding, who ate the Passe∣over with a perfect heart, and it is said, that God heard him and healed the people, that is, according to Iunius, sanctified them by the vertue of his Spirit: the Vulg. Lat. (placatus est erga eos) was pacified towards them, respecting more the sense, then the words. But the word (healed) is used because uncleannesse is as a sick∣nesse in those that participate of holy things, endangering their lives by reason of the penalty before spoken of; so that God being pacified and his wrath stayed by the prayer of Hezekiah, this malady might well be said metaphorically to have been healed.

But how was it known, that God was pacified? The Rabins, saith Lyra, an∣swer, that commonly when any presumed to eate of the holy things of the Lord in his uncleannesse, they were stricken with death, and therefore because these were not thus smitten, it appears, that Gods wrath against this sinne was pacified But this he approveth not, because, if there had been such danger it had been a

tempting of God to adventure in this case to eate the passeover, and delivering his owne opinion, he saith, They were dispensed withall for necessities sake and for the good and hearty devotion, with which they came. For touching the first of these, David in case of necessity did eat the shewbread which otherwise it was unlawfull for him to doe; and for the second, it is faith and uprightnesse of heart, that maketh the doing of holy duties acceptable to God, although they be not at sometimes performed strictly according to the rule of his law.

Which reasons indeed are good for the Lords accepting of them, and pardoning their errour, but they do nothing satisfie the question propounded, viz. how it was known, that God was pacified, and therefore I rest in that, which Lyra except∣eth against, because however at other times, when there was no necessity, Gods wrath might break out against such, as ate in their uncleannesse, yet in this case of necessity, the king might well hope of his fatherly indulgence, to spare a poor ignorant people, that now began again to return with all their hearts unto him, al∣though in outward things, which never really defiled, they did not altogether ac∣cording to the law, seeing they were as a people newly converted, and therefore such as it could not be expected at their hands, that they should exactly keep this solemnity at the first. For both David before spoken of, did that which was dan∣gerous in eating the shew-bread in his necessitie, and all the Hebrews in omitting circumcision all the time of their being in the wildernesse, yet sinne was not im∣puted unto them.

To make it then the more probable, that such as at other times ate of the holy things in their uncleannesse were punished with death, S^t. Paul saith of the un∣worthy receivers amongst the Corinthians. For this cause there are many amongst you sick and weak, and many a sleep, that is, dead. For God hath at all times been most severe out of the case of necessitie, against those, that have transgressed the ex∣ternall rites of the law, as we may see in Vzzah, and in the men of Bethshemesh. Whence we may learn, that the heart indeed is the principall thing that God look∣eth [Note.] after: but however the heart be affected, there is danger to any, that presu∣meth to eat of the holy things of the Lord in the uncleannesse of sin, which he will never dispense withall, although he did sometime with legall uncleannesse. Yet seeing there is place for repentance for this and for all other sins, except that against the holy Ghost, upon prayer, pardon and reconciliation may be attained, as it was at this time by Hezekiah. Touching the case of necessity here often spoken of, it is to be known, that this was now the Israelites case. They came farre to the passe∣over, had kept none a long time, and had not now the liberty of another moneth, as the unclean, Num. 9. therefore must either eat it as they were, or else misse the taking of it haply for ever, to their greater danger.

Then they kept the passeover with joy seven dayes, the Levites playing with musick, and these being ended, they agreed at the kings motion to keep it seven dayes more: for he offered a thousand bullocks, and seven thousand smaller cattle, and the Princes a thousand bullocks, and ten thousand smaller cattle, which could not all be spent in the former seven dayes. And these, it is to be understood, were eucharisticall sacrifices, wherewith all the people were feasted, whom Hezekiah desired to hold longer, that by hearing more of the law, they might be the more confirmed therein: for which cause, neither he nor the Princes spared for any char∣ges, whereby they might draw them to stay with delight. This indeed, saith Pelli∣can, was more, then the law required, but not against it, seeing as free-will offer∣ings, besides those enjoyned were greatly accepted of, so to take time for the of∣fering of them to the praise of God, could not but be highly accepted of also. And it must be taken, as coming from their superabundant joy for that feast, now kept again by all Israel together, so as it had not been since the dayes of Solomon, be∣cause they of the ten tribes were never hitherto permitted to come to Ierusalem, from the beginning of Ieroboams reign, and for a long time in the reign of Ahaz, the kingdome of Iudah had been debarred by his shutting up of the doors of the house of the Lord. How it was accepted of before God, is shewed v. 27. where it is said, that the Priests and Levites blessed the people, and their prayer came into the holy habitation of heaven.

Then all the children of Israel, that were in Ierusalem, went out and brake down the images, &c.] That is, when they had heard the law against them, they returned not home, till they had first done these zealous acts. And because Hezekiah doubt∣lesse exhorted them so to do, and by his authority set them to this work within his dominions, it is said of him 2 King. 18. 4. that he did all this, and brake in pieces also the brazen serpent. For the history of the Kings omitting altogether the narra∣tion of his passeover, cometh immediately to this of his demolishing idolatry, but here it is set forth in the due order, together with those that were employed about it. He began then so soon as he came to the crown, to purge the house of the Lord, and this being done, proceeded, as the time required, to the celebration of the passe∣over, from which the people by him called unto it, being set on fire with a holy zeal, went out and purged all other parts from the filth of idolatry, even as farre as Ephraim and Manasseh in the kingdome of Israel, of which tribes some of them were. For although ch. 30. 10, 11. no mention is made but of some of Asher, Ma∣nasseh and Zabulon, that came at Hezekiahs invitement to the passeover, others of Ephraim, Manasseh and Zabulon, being set forth as mocking, yet v. 18. Ephraim and Issachar are mentioned, as being there also. If it shall seem strange, that the subjects of another king should presume to do these things without his licence, within his kingdome, It is to be considered, that Hosheah then king, was but an usurper, that by murthering of his master attained the kingdome, and therefore the subjects thereof did as if they had no lawfull king, being also haply permitted by him to do in these things, what they would, so that he might be suffered to sit in the throne; for which cause, as was said before 2 King. 17. 2. he is reported not to be so bad as other kings of Israel before him for idolatry, being rather A∣thiest then idolater. Here is then no warrant for subjects and private persons, to run of their own heads, to the pulling down of images set up by publike authority, especially living under a lawfull king, to whom every soul must be subject, and to his councell, but when the king that reigneth is indifferent, such zeal is hereby warrantable, as stirreth up the people to the pulling of them down. Otherwise it is to be expected, till God shall move his or their hearts to appoint it to be done, as he did the heart of Iehu before, and of Iosiah after.

Having thus purged both the Lords house and the whole land, as remained to be done in the next place, Hezekiah appointeth the Priests and Levites thenceforth to attend upon offering sacrifices, and singing praises unto God. And because this could not be done without many helps, who must all have due maintenance, he both renewed all the divisions of them in their courses, as they had been set by Da∣vid, and also stirred up the people to bring in the first fruits and tithes, whereupon they were to live, which they did aboundantly. And the king for his part, to free the people from that great charge, undertook at his own costs, to maintain the con∣tinuall morning and evening sacrifices, those of the Sabbath and new Moons, and of other feasts which the Lord had appointed, of the laws touching which, see Le∣vit. 23. Exod. 29. 39. Numb. 28. &c. The first fruits and tithes due to the ministers of God he calleth their parts, because they had none other part or portion in the land, but these were by law appointed unto them, that they might attend upon the office, by the same law commanded them, and not be distracted by seeking out for maintenance; that is, saith Lyra, upon reading, studying, and teaching, and officia∣ting in the temple. And good reason there is, that Gods ministers in all times [Note.] should have maintenance sufficient without trouble, seeing that even amongst the heathen, they who attended upon divine worship, were alwayes provided for by the care of others, as in Egypt, when that great famine was, which compelled all others to sell their lands to buy food, the Priests yet even then had no want, where∣by they might be compelled to do likewise. The first fruits and tithes, that here∣upon were brought in, were of corn, wine, oyl, honey, and all things which the earth bringeth forth, these came in now aboundantly. But as Pellican noteth, no tithe of money, yet tithes might be converted into money, and thus Gods mini∣sters were supplied with all things necessary for their sustenance, as they ought to be. And this people shall rise up in judgement against, and condemn many of these [Note.]

times, who will not pay tithe of all things, but keep back sundry of the smaller, saying, that the minister hath enough of the other. Such are worse, not onely then these Iews, but then the Pharisee, who said, that he payed tithe of all that he had. They also of Iudah gave the tithe of their heards, and of their flocks, and their holy tithes, or tithes of holy things. That is, most probably, of calves, whitemeat, wool and lamb, the tithes of holy things, saith Lyra, according to the Hebrews, were the tithe of the tithes, which the Levites paid unto the Priests, Numb. 18. 26. but be∣cause they were not paid by the people, but by the Levites, after they had recei∣ved them of the people, they cannot, I take it, be meant here, but rather such tithes, as over and above the tithes ordinarily appointed to be paid, any did volun∣tarily vow to give; because there it is said, v. 8. these oblations of the holy things of the children of Israel shall be the Priests. And here it is said, the tithes of the holy things. Whereunto the vulgar Latin, for more expression, addeth, which they vowed to the Lord their God. Because amongst the oblations of this kinde assigned to the priests, things vowed are also mentioned, v. 14.

In the third moneth they began the heapes, and in the seventh they finished them.] So that immediately after the passeover in the second moneth, they began to gather and bring in their tithes from all parts, that is, about our mid May, at what time their harvest began, the time of the year concurring with the exhortation made to move them unto it. And because after their corn harvest their other fruits coming of the vine, olive and pomegranate followed, which were not all ended, till the seventh moneth, at the beginning thereof, viz. the midst of our September, they were thus long in making their heaps.

Then Hezekiah came and saw the heapes, &c.] For which he and his princes blessed God, and understanding by Azarias the high priest, that these heaps remai∣ned over and above their necessary sustenance, that attended upon the service of the Lords house, he commanded to provide barns to lay them into, and this being done, all that provision was laid up in them, and committed to the custody of cer∣tain Levites, who should distribute them duly amongst their brethren, both in their service about the temple, and to them in the countrey, and all their families, that none might have any want, either men, women or children belonging unto them. Whether these barnes or places of receipt were now new built or no, it is not said, but it is most probable, that they onely prepared, and repaired and made clean, ha∣ving been made before by Solomon, when the temple was built, seeing rooms were then made all along by the sides of the temple, 1 King. 6. 5.

But what is meant v. 6. by saying, besides the males of their kinne from three yeares old and so forth] Answ. These are spoken of inclusively, as being some of those, that were with the holy things to be maintained, because they that enter into the house of the Lord are immediately spoken of in particular, and their age is set from twenty yeares old and upward. Lest therefore it should be thought, that others, who under that age, should not have allowance made for them, this paren∣thesis comes in, besides those of three yeares, &c. that is, who shall be provided for as well from that age to twenty, as from twenty and upward. If it be demanded further, what should the females then live upon, and male children under three? Answ. This distinction is made, because by the law of God some of the holy things might be eaten onely by the males, Levit. 6. 11. and Numb. 18. 10, 11. it is shewed what the males might eat of, and what both sonnes and daughters. None but the males then should have portions out of those allowed unto them, and with the other both males and females, and such as were under three yeres of both sexes should be susteined. Thus Hugo; but Lyra saying, according to the Vulg. Lat. that these are to be excepted, makes it doubtfull, wherewith such little ones should be susteined. But because v. 18. it is expresly said, their little ones, their wives, sonnes and daughters, it is plaine, that the meaning here is ac∣acording to that, which hath been said. If it be further demanded, why the age of three yeares of the males is spoken of, and then from twenty and upward, see∣ing that in numbering the Levites it is begun at a moneth, and twenty five years is the soonest, that they began to serve, and thirty. It is answered, indeed the

numbering of them from a moneth old is appointed, Numb. 3. 15. but that was because, as is there said, v. 13. they were taken for all the first born of the children of Israel; and a numbering from thirty to fifty, chap. 4. 3. 23. 33. of such as were able to carry burthens, when they travelled with the tabernacle: and chap. 8. 24. from twenty five to fifty, of such as were able to keepe the watch of the tabernacle and to attend there, that they might in five yeares more be better pre∣pared to doe the full office of Priests and Levites at thirty. But there is likewise a numbering of them from twenty yeares old and up ward, 2 Chron. 13. 23. a rea∣son whereof being yielded, v. 24, 25. viz. because God had given the children of Israel rest, so that the Levites should not need to carry the tabernacle any more from place to place, it is concluded v. 26. that according to the last appointment of David they were numbered from twenty, although v. 2. of the same Chapter it had beene said, that the Levites were even in Davids time at the first numbered from thirty and upward. Hezekiah therefore in ordering the distributions here to be made to them of twenty years old and upward followeth his father David, who was assisted by the Prophets, Gad and Nathan, as is expressed, 2 Chron. 29. 25. and not the way of accounting first appointed in Numbers. Yet it is to be held with Iunius, that they were not admitted to exercise their full ministery, till thirty years of age, at what time both Christ and Iohn Baptist first began their preaching. But at twenty they began happly to be instructed in things pertaining to ther office, at twenty five to execute it in part, and at thirty fully. Touching those of three yeares old and upward to twenty, they are most probably distinguished from such as were under, because although ordinarily they entered not into the tabernacle till twenty, yet sometimes extraordinarily they did, when they were very young and tender, as Samuel, whom his mother brought thither so soone as she had weaned him, 1 Sam. 1. and it is not improbable, but that some others gave their children to God likewise upon extraordinary occasion, as Hannah did.

Having thus taken in the memorable acts of Hezekiah omitted, 2 King. 18. but supplied, 2 Chron. 29. 30, 31. as hath been shewed: I will now return again to 2 King. 18. 7. The Lord was with him, and whither soever he went he was prospered, as more briefly it is concluded, 2 Chron. 31. 21. And he rebelled against the King of Assyria and served him not: that is, he refused to pay tribute unto him, as his father Ahaz had bound himselfe to doe, chap. 16. 7. neither would he and his kingdome be subject to him any more. But how may this be justified, seeing he could have his kingdome no otherwise then his father left it unto him, therefore if he hold it as tributary to this king, his sonne ought to have held it so likewise, seeing the fa∣thers covenant made in this case bindeth the sonne also, and that which he did be∣ing called rebelling against him intimateth it to have beene unlawfull. To this Wol∣phius answereth, that Ahaz his father did either covenant to be his servant, that he might be under his protection for ever, or else for certaine yeares, or as long as he lived. If for ever, he saith, it bound both him and his, and this fact of Hezechiah cannot be justified: but if for certaine yeares onely, or for his time alone, Heze∣chiah was now free. but he rather thinketh, that by his rebelling is meant nothing else, but his ordering of matters concerning Religion contrary to his liking, which he might lawfully do, seeing the higher power is to be obeyed in God and for God and not against him, as Origen saith, upon these words, He that resisteth the power, resisteth the Ordinance of God; this is not to be understood of such higher powers as persecute the faith, for in such case that saying must rather be taken up, We ought rather to obey God then men. And Tertullian upon these words, [Give to Caesar the things of Caesar, and to God the things of God.] saith, this is well oppo∣sed, otherwise what shall be left for God, if all be Caesars? Paulinus Tr••••••••••sis, Lucifer Sardiniae, and Dionysius Mediolanens. being required to write against Athanasius an Orthodox Bishop by Constantius an Arrian Emperour, answered, that the kingdome was not his, but Gods, of whom he received it, and that he is to be feared, lest he suddenly take away that, which he even now gave him. Tra∣jan also is reported to have said to a certain Praefectus Praetorii, when he gave him

a sword and belt, If I shall rule justly, use it for me, if unjustly, against me. And another Emperour said, He did not desire, that his wills should have any power against right; but if they seeme to fight against right, to have them abrogated, would be most pleasing unto him. Thus he bringing many arguments to the same purpose, and concluding, that it is Catachresticos called a rebelling. But because these words are added, [and served him not] it is plaine, that not any act of refor∣mation in the worship of God is meant, but his casting off the Assyrian yoake, which I doubt not, but he might justly doe, what contract soever his father had made with that King. For although he being an idolatour fled to his patronage and trusted in an arme of flesh, covenanting therefore to pay him tribute, it was not necessary, that Hezechiah, who trusted not in man, but in God should also doe likewise. Wherefore by the word [rebelled] here is not meant any unlawfull act, but onely, as the next words explaine, he would not serve him, as his father had done; and so did God defend him against that mighty king, that he could never by all his power be brought to the like servile condition, but lived a free and glorious king, bringing his enemies under his feet.

Therefore, that his prosperity might the more appear, it is said, v. 8. He smote the Philistims even to Azzah and the coasts thereof, from the tower of the keepers to the fenced city.] The like phrase unto which see before ch. 17. 9. These towers some expound by cottages, where vine-dressers and shepheards shelter themselves. Theodoret by towers, on which fires were made, Vatablus by strong towers, the meaning is, that he smote them in all places, whether solitary or frequented by peo∣ple howsoever they were fortified. Azzah, otherwise called Gaza, was one of the five Lordships of the Philistims. Into this warre against the Philistims, Hezekiah entred to revenge the wrongs by the Philistims done in the time of his father unto his kingdome, 2 Chron. 28. 18. And because the Assyrim king came not till anno 14 of his reign, and this appears to have been done before anno 4. at what time Is∣rael was carried away captive into Ashur, some think, that this his expedition against the Philistims, was before his revolt from the obedience of the Assyrian kings, and that his rebelling against them was after the Israelitish captivity, seeing it is most probable, that if he had rebelled sooner, the Assyrian king would not have re∣turned, when he had subdued Israel, without fighting against him. Wherefore they hold, that he being lifted up with the victory against the Philistims, began to refuse the paying of tribute to Assyria, hoping that he should be able now to with∣stand any power through Gods help, that should come against him. But before this victory they think, that for some time he paid it. But to me it seemeth by these arguments not so probable, as therefore to yield a neglect of order in the sacred historian, who placeth his rebelling against the king of Ashur first, and then his smiting of the Philistims. Because if upon this reason it be held, that his rebelling was not till after his victory over the Philistims, animating him thus to do, for the like reason it must be held, that there is a disorder also in relating this victory be∣fore the carrying of Israel away captive, seeing if it were before, then he was be∣fore lifted up thereby to rebell, which according to this reason could not be, sith it was so long before the Assyrian king came to chastise him for it. And if he had at any time paid him tribute, it would not have been said, that he served him not without some addition touching the time, when, for otherwise it is as much as if it had been said, he never served him. Againe, if he at any time served him, there was a time after he was king, that he had not such confidence in God, where∣upon he neglected man, the contrary to which seemeth to be most true, in that he was very godly from the first moneth of the first year, as appeareth before at large. But why then did the king of Ashur forbear so long to come against him, and to take his opportunity to be revenged? Answ. It was Gods singular providence over him, whilest he was busied in setling things touching religion, that he should not be disturbed, and when the Assyrian hoste came against Israel, his men being made courageous by their victory over the Philistims, it might haply not be thought a fit time, without first returning and encreasing his forces, for the Assyrian king to set upon him. Being returned and carrying away the people of Israel, and putting

others in their places, thus strengthening himself in those parts, he thought bap∣ly to come again with a greater puissance, but he was prevented by death: for we read no more of Salmanasars coming to warre, but of Sennacherib, which im∣plyeth, that he died. And who knoweth, what troubles his successour might have at home, before he could enjoy the kingdome quietly, or whether he were of that warlike disposition at the first to prepare for this warre? Thus then time might passe away, and nothing be done till anno 14 of Hezekiah, although the provocation were made anno 1^o. Touching the Philistims now subdued, they were a warlike people, and therefore the greater was Hezekiahs glory to smite and bring them under, as Plutarch doth hence praise the Romans above Alexander, because he sub∣dued Asiaticks, that were weaker and more effeminate, but these the Germans, Spaniards, Brittans. &c. most valiant nations.

In the fourth year of Hezekiah, which was the seventh year of Hosheah, came Sal∣manasar, &c.] How this is to be reconciled to chap. 17. 1. where the beginning of Hosheah his reign is in the twelfth of Ahaz, and therefore it was his eight or ninth year, and not his seventh, when it was the fourth of Hezekiah, seeing A∣haz reigned sixteen, how the time of Hosheah two wayes counted, maketh a seem∣ing difference, in comparing the time of his predecessour and his together, see be∣fore upon chap. 17. 1. Here the same thing is againe declared, which was said be∣fore, chap. 17. 6. The reason whereof, as Pellican thinketh may be, that the great favour of God, whereby he now protected godly Hezekiah and his kingdome when danger was so neare might be manifested, and so in what a safe condition a [Note.] godly king and state are, when the wicked goe to ruine, as Hoshea now did toge∣ther with his people.

In the fourteenth of Hezechiah came Sennacherib king of Assyria against all the defenced cities of Iudah and took them, &c.] After the prosperity of Hezechiah set forth, now followeth his adversity by the invasion of the Assyrians. He had re∣volted from their obedience, in which his father lived, and therefore they come now to be revenged upon him and prevaile very much. Then he sent to Sa••••••che∣rib at Lachish, one of the strong cities of Iudah, saying, I have sinned, but go from me, and whatsoever thou shalt lay upon me I will beare; and three hundred ta∣lents of silver, and thirty talents of gold being imposed upon him, he payd it out of the treasures of the Lords house, and with the ornaments thereof pulling off the plates of gold upon the doores, which he had formerly fastened there. Lyra think∣eth, that the sinnes of his father Ahaz and of the people in his time were the cause of his adversity, and that when Hezechiah confessed to the king of Ashur, that he had sinned, he meant that sinning of others against the Lord, which yet he taketh to himselfe, as being now king. Pellican, that the hearts of the people were to idolatry even in the time of this godly king, which soone appeared in that imme∣diately after his death in the time of Manasseh they fell away most fouly again; and for this cause God now brought the Assyrians against them, sparing the king. And by his sinning, which he accknowledgeth, he understandeth that against the Assyrian king in refusing to serve him. And Wolphius will have it a sinne indeed in Hezechiah to refuse to serve the king of Ashur, because that he was by his fa∣ther bound unto it, of which enough already, and because he made a league with Tirhakah the king of Egypt and Ethiopia, trusting to which he withdrew his obe∣dience from the Assyrian, and that contrary to the warning given him, and the in∣vectives made by the Prophet Esay against it. Thus he; but looking into Esay I finde nothing spoken against Hezechiah for trusting to the Egyptians and Ethio∣pians helpe, but against the Philistines: one of those chiefe cities the king of As∣syria fought against, viz. Ashdod, but they comforting themselves in expectation of helpe from this king, are by the prophets threatened, and by the signe of his going naked shewed that the Egyptians and Ethiopians being subdued by the As∣syrians should be so carryed away out of their owne countrey to their shame. And concluding, v. 6. he saith, Then shall the inhabitants of that countrey say, Behold, thus is it with our hope, to which we fled for helpe, &c. that is, not as some would have it, whom Wolphius followeth, the inhabitant of the countrey of Iudea, but of

Palestine, as Iunius rightly expoundeth it, and the whole course of the history di∣recteth seeing here is nothing said of Iudea, but of Palestine onely, whereas this may seeme to belong to another kings time, and not to Sennacheribs, seeing he is called Sargon, king of Assyria, v 1. It is to be understood, as Ierome hath it and others after him, that the same king had both these names Sennacherib and Sargon, as is also intimated in that Thartan said to be a captain of Sennacheribs, 2 King. 18. 17. is said to be a captaine of Sargon, Esa. 20. But let us proceed to Esa. 22. there Iudah is threatened with a dismall time, and upbraided by keeping in the waters and strengthening the wall, v. 9, 10, 11. and not looking to the Lord by fasting and prayer to seeke unto him: of which practices for fortification against the coming of the enemy, see 2 Chron. 32. 3, 4, 5, &c. But what is all this to prove a confede∣ncy with the king of Egypt and Ethiopia? verily nothing; or to the taxing of He∣zechiah, as if the Lord were offended with him for revolting from the king of As∣syria? For he is not once named, but Shebnah who is threatened and the people of the city, who when they were thus strengthened, were secure.

And whereas Esa. 30. a threatening is denounced for their trusting in Egypt, it is not to be understood of the time of Hezechiah as Iunius well observeth, but of Zedekiah, who was long after, although this were prophesied, as also the streight be∣sieging of the city of Ierusalem, ch. 29. 1, 2, 3. in the dayes of Hezechiah, but hap∣pened not, till after wards, as in some passages here following appeareth. Where∣fore Hezechiah brought not this judgement upon his kingdome by any sin, which he had committed, as Wolphius would have it: but rather according to others, it came for the hollow heartednesse and wickednesse of the people having so godly a king and so holy a prophet as Isaiah: for that they did most of them conforme to the Ordinances of God onely externally, their hearts being bent a cleane contrary way. Hezechiah then sent to Sennacherib, saying, [I have sinned] onely by way of humbling himselfe before so mighty a King, who taxed him of sinne and rebel∣lion against him, if haply by this meanes he might stop his further proceedings in destroying his countrey, and specially Ierusalem. And this he did not out of any distrust in God, seing, he was before for his trusting in him commended above all others, 2 King. 18. 5. but because the people were wicked, and had committed in his father Ahaz his time so great abominations, he feared, as he might justly do, some great judgement to be now in coming against them. Moreover, how he comforted himselfe and others in God, and what a confidence he had in him, see 2 Chron. 32. 7, 8. where his exhortation to the citizens of Ierusalem is set forth: Be ye valiant and feare not, neither be dismayed with the feare of the king of Ashur, and the multitude with him, for he is more that is with us, then with him, &c. which speech is said to have beene cordiall to the people, v. 6. And it is said, v. 1. that after the godly orders before spoken of firmely settled by Hezekiah, came Sennacherib, intimating, that his coming was onely or chiefly to exercise his faith and to make it the more glorious, when as by so great a power coming against him he being tryed quailed not, but encouraged others, and finally so miraculously prevailed against him, by his fervent prayers bringing downe destruction upon his army and him also.

But whereas, 2 King. 18. 13. it is said, that he came against all the defenced cities of Iudah and took them, here it is said onely that he invaded Iudah and pitched his tents against the defenced cities thereof, thinking to subdue them to himselfe. The meaning of that 2 King. 18. 16. that he presumed soon that he should take them, neither did the Iews themselves make any other account, by reason of his unresist∣able forces, wherefore the writer of the Chronicles, to make it more plain saith, that he thought, or as it is in the Hebrew, he said, meaning in his heart, that he would, &c. For 2 Chron. 32. 9. it is plainly said, that he was besieging Lachish, when he sent messengers to Hezekiah, and therefore all the cities of Iudah were not taken, neither when it is said, that he came against them all, is it to be under∣stood, that he did so any otherwise, but in purpose and resolution, because he could not so do, they being very many, but he must necessarily begin with some first, and most probably, he having taken some of lesse strength, proceeded to

besiege Lachish, a city that might not be so easily subdued. And if he had taken any, then those words 2 King. 18. 13. must be understood, he took some of them, when it is said, he took them; but others which he had not wonne, he laid siege unto, as he came at any of them. Iosephus relating this history saith, that Sanneherib bring∣ing with him the whole strength of Asia, divided his army into two parts, one of which he sent with his captain Tartan, against Azotus or Ashdod of the Phili∣stims, of which see Esa. 20. and with the other he came against ludah, so likewise Chron. Hebr. c. 13. In the same hour that he came against Iudah he sent Tartan a against Azotus. Thinking, because he had forces sufficient, with one part of them to keep the Philistims, who were at this time subject to Hezekiah from coming to help him, and withall to stop the passage of the Egyptians and Ethiopians, whom he most feared, whilest he was busied in the Iewish warres. Whether this were so or not, certain it is, that about this time the Philistims were overcome by him, and not long after the Egyptians under Tirhakah, according to Esa 20. Hezekiah his sending to pacifie the Assyrian king, which was the first thing done on his part af∣ter his coming into this countrey, being sufficiently set forth 2 King. 18. is in the Chronicles omitted. And what he did after that, he sought by so great a price to buy his peace, but was by the perfidious king notwithstanding come against, is one∣ly set down, as being omitted in the Kings. But how it happened that when he submitted himself for the safeguard of his countrey, as a provident king, to pay such a masse of silver and gold, he had the Assyrian forces yet bent against him, is left untouched in both. Iosephus saith, and we may easily conjecture the same, that Sanneherib promised by oath, that if Hezekiah did pay unto him so much silver and gold, he would depart with all his power, and not invade his land any further, but he sware this deceitfully, intending first to draw from him what treasure he could, and then to go against him and subdue his whole kingdome. This being perceived by Hezekiah, he consulted with his people about using the best means that he could, to keep off so great an army from lying near to Ierusalem, and for this end, with the help of his people, he dammed up all the fountains of water thereabouts, and stopped the course of that, which ran from the city through the midst of the countrey, that is, into other parts; and this Lyra conjectureth, that he did by dig∣ging a great head or pond to receive that water, and when that was full and ran over, making it a passage under the ground, that the Assyrians might have no be∣nefit by it, and for want of water be forced eftsoons to depart from thence, see 2 Chron. 32. 30. And then having also repaired the wall, which had been broken by Ioas king of Israel in the dayes of Amaziah, 2 King. 14. 13, 14. and built an outer wall for more strength, he called the people together and made that oration unto them so cordiall and comfortable, v. 6, 7. And if the wall remained broken from the dayes of Amaziah till this time, it lay in ruine above 98. years, that is, 52 in the reign of Vzziab, 16 under Iotham, 16 Ahaz, and 14 to this year of Hezekiah, which is a marvell, considering that Vzziah is said to have had a prospe∣rous time, and to have built towers in Ierusalem, 2 Chron. 26. 9. yet indeed no∣thing is spoken of his repairing the broken wall, so that it might probably remain in the same state, in which Amaziah his father left it, Vzziah haply intending after his towers building to do it, but being prevented by the judgement of leprosie, which befell him, left it, and so it continued, till this time, yet not in that length broken, but being almost all rebuilt before, now in the time of this danger it was with speed finished, and another such wall added, as they were able in that short∣nesse of time to make. Thus Hezekiah did now, and thus he expressed his sure trust and confidence in God, which sheweth, that he sent not to compound before, out of any base fear, but that he might use the most effectuall ordinary means, if haply so, this tyrant would have been moved to depart, to save the shedding of much bloud of his people. If he shall seem to have committed sacriledge (which he ought not to have done) in that he took away the treasures and ornaments of the temple; I answer, that the present necessity was a dispensation unto him, neither is it sacrilege in any king, but warantable by this example to do the like in the like case, having a minde to give again as much to the house of God, when he shall be able, as

he taketh away, for necessity hath no law, and so precious are mens lives in Gods sight, that to save them he is not unwilling, that his rights should be taken, seeing the faithfull are his living temples, in which he dwelleth by his Spirit.

After this preparation made for defence and an oration full of faith unto the people to stirre them up to beleeve, Sennacherib being still at the siege of Lachish sent messengers to Hezekiah, 2 King. 18. 17. He sent Tarthan, Rabsaris and Rab∣shakeh with a great army. But how could this be, seeing he with all his domina∣tion laid siege to Lachish? the Vulg. Lat. [he with all his army] It is to be under∣stood of that part, the leading whereof he tooke upon himselfe: as may be ga∣thered from that, which hath been already said about this dividing of his forces in∣to two parts, whereof he committing one to Tarthan according to Esa. 20. And he sent these men with this great company to terrifie the Iewes, that they might deliver the city of Ierusalem unto him, and not yet to lay siege unto it; neither in∣deed ever did he, according to the Prophesie of Esay, 2 King. 19. 32. but lost his army, and was himself destroyed for attempting it in so insolent a manner. Touch∣ing the reason why Sennacherib sent against Hezekiah after the composition before spoken of made with him; Pellican himselfe thinketh, that Hezekiah made ac∣count, that when he paid so great a summe of silver and gold, the Assyrian would not have expected also a yearly tribute from him, but he requiring this, Hezekiah by the perswasion of Gods Prophets refused & so rebelled the second time against him, whereupon he sent, as here followeth; but for as much as no such thing is said in the text, this is uncertaine, and it is rather to be held, as was before said, that when he had received the money, he would not depart, but most injuriously would have the city delivered unto him also, and this being denyed, he sent thus to threa∣ten and expostulate with the people. Amongst the persons of note sent, Rabsha∣keh in particular is the mouth, v 19. and it seemeth, v. 26. that he spake in the He∣brew tongue. The Rabbins, as Ierome hath it, upon this, say, that he was the son of the Prophet Esay, who fell from the true religion and ranne away to the Assy∣rians, and therefore was now employed by them; but the ground hereof is so weake, that it is not worth the confuting, viz. because Esay had another sonne called Iasub, signifying Left: but it followeth not from hence, that he had his name for this reason. And they adde, that by the menaces of Rabshakeh, Shebnah, one of them, who was sent by Hezekiah to speake to the Assyrian Embassadours, was so terrified, that he betrayed part of the city Ierusalem into their hands, and for this the Prophet Esay speaketh so bitterly against him, Esa. 22. 15, 16, &c. and threateneth his putting out and placing Eliakim in his roome by a decree not to be altered.

But although he were thus threatened, yet it no where appeareth, that this was the ground or cause, but rather his relying upon outward meanes, and not trusting in God; and for his betraying of any part of the city, there is nothing to intimate it, but rather the contrary; both because he went with Hilkiah after this to the Pro∣phet Esay, and it was by him promised that he should not enter this city or doe any hostile act against it, 2 King. 19. 32. Iunius upon Esay 22. 15. saith, that Shebnah, who was now over the house, held that Office in the dayes of wicked Ahaz, father to Hezekiah, being, as his old master, wicked in heart, and secretly a favou∣rer of wicked idolaters, and an hinderer of reformation, yet he could not at the first be outed by reason of his greatnesse, onely since the time of Esay his prophe∣sying against him, he was put from that Office and made the Kings Scribe, that so he might have lesse power and Eliakim placed in his roome. For which both here and Esa. 36. 3. Eliakim is said to be over the house, and Shebnah the Scribe or principall Secretary to the King, haply his age being pretended, which made him unfit to hold that place any longer; and this being an honourable place, and because it was of little paines, fit for a man now grown old, Esay 36. 2. Because Rabshakeh was the onely speaker, he onely is mentioned, as sent by Sennacherib.

Now for the speech of Rabshakeh, some parts of it onely are set forth, 2 Chron. 32. 9, 10, &c. because it is conteined at large in this place, v. 19, ••0, 21. and Esa. 36. we have the same set forth verbatim, from whence most probably both this and the

whole 19. chapter, and 20. to v. 19. was taken and inserted here, which maketh this history of Hezekiah king of Iudah so compleat as that the writer of the Chro∣nicles had nothing left him to adde hereunto, as his manner hath hitherto beene touching all other kings of Iudah, but onely before this conflict with Sennacherib as hath been already shewed, and after his recovery from his dangerous sicknesse, from v. 25. of 2 Chron. 32. to v. 31. where some remarkable passages more are set forth then in Kings.

The place, where Rabshakeh stood, was at the conduit of the upper fishpoole, as the way lay to the fullers field, a place neare Ierusalem, where Fullers used to wash and dry their clothes, being a plaine place neare to the wals of the city. Here Sennacheribs messengers call to the king, but he not thinking it safe to come out unto them in person, who were so false hearted, (for the person of the King is not to be hazarded) nor yet to stand with his honour to deale any otherwise with the king of Assyria, then he dealt with him, viz. by messengers, sent his servants to speak with the servants of that king, Eliakim governour of the house, Shebnah the Scribe, and Ioas Recorder. Concerning which offices enough hath been said be∣fore upon 2 Sam. 20. 24, 25, 26.

For the speech of Rabshakeh, v. 19. Say to Hezekiah, thus saith the great king, the King of Assyria, What is that trust in which thou trustest, &c,] Which was spoken out of intollerable pride in respect of the king of Ashurs unresistable strength, as thinking it vaine for Hezekiah to trust either in God or man to be saved out of his hands. For so he goeth on, to beat him from all confidence, in the king of Egypt, calling him a broken staffe of reed; not that Hezekiah sought help from Egypt, as Pellican noteth, but because he was his next neighbour; and it is the manner of kings in time of danger to seek to some neighbour king for aid: where∣fore Rabshakeh presuming also, that he did so, as Hosheah the last king of Israel had done before, propounds this as true, when it was false, and Hezekiah was not so prophane as to doe thus, seeing if he had done it, some record in the Sacred Hi∣story would have beene made thereof. Yet Wolphius holdeth, that he did, but without ground, as I have made it appeare before by examining the prophesie of Esay: the allegory of a broken staffe of reed was very apt both for the situation of Egypt in a low reedy ground, and because a reed leaned upon giveth a man a fall, and hurteth his hand by piercing it. 2. He proceedeth to shew, that if he trusted in God, this was vaine, seeing he had broken down his high places and altars in other places, restreining all his worship to one place at Ierusalem onely. And this be spake after the manner of an heathen. (which sheweth, that he was no lew) for they thought that it tended greatly to the honour and glory of their gods to set up altars and temples to them in many places, and that to breake downe any formerly set up was a dishonour which could not, but greatly incense them. But he was herein deceived, for when one stately temple was by Solomon built to the honour of the true God, to shew, that he was one onely and his religion one, he forbade sacrificing in any other place. 3. He propounds to his consideration, how much he was overmatched, seeing he had not men enough to manage two thousand warre horses, and he had so many to spare, if he would, for him, and yet too great a power for him to encounter, although he had Egypt on his side. 4. Which might more him most, he saith, that God bade him come against that countrey and destroy it. This, saith Wolphius, he spake from their owne principles, viz. that nothing comes to passe without Gods providence, and according to Esa. 10. 5. where Ashur is called the rod of Gods anger against Ierusalem: but that it should not remaine long upon it. And accordingly the king thereof at this time distressed it, and probably took some other parts belonging to the king Hezekiah, that reigned in Ierusalem, but that he should destroy the countrey can not from thence be truly gathered.

Eliakim hearing his oration, together with his fellowes, besought him to speak unto them in the Syriack tongue, and not in the Iewes tongue in their hearing, who were upō the wal, lest they should be terrified by his words. Lyra saith, not only the Rabbins, but also our doctours commonly gather, that Rabshakeh was a Iew, be∣cause he spake Hebrew; but this is no argument, seeing it seemeth, he could have

spoken Syriack also; and Lyra himself noteth, that men near the king learned more languages commonly, that they might be the fitter to entertain forraign embassadours. But why would they have him to speak in the Syriack tongue? and not rather in the Assyrian or Chaldee? seeing he came from the king of Assyria. Sol. The Syrians, Chaldeans, and Assyrians, used all one and the same tongue, as Wolphius noteth, and the Iews language not differing much from it, but as one dialect in the Greek tongue from another, came afterwards in their captivity ea∣sily to be turned into it, their own being forgotten. But whereas they sought from hence to move this Rabshakeh to speak unto them in this tongue, that it might not be understood of the people, which he said, he condemneth as most foolish, ab∣surd, and pernicious, because it could not but be conceived, as it fell out indeed, that he would by this motion be more provoked then stayed, from speaking what∣soever he could devise, to stir up the people to revolt from the obedience of Heze∣kiah, and their saying so, shewed a fear in them of the peoples fidelity towards their king, and was enough to stir them up to a jealousie against him, that he would have them kept hood-winked, that they might not know their danger, till it came upon them, which could not but greatly exasperate them. Yet that such an asper∣sion might not be cast upon Eliakim, or Ioas, who were good men, he conceiveth that this was the devise of wicked Shebnah, purposely to provoke Rabshakeh to rail the more, and to lay open that, whereby the people might be moved to yield up the city, and yet he thought, that by making this motion he should be concei∣ved to be very godly, and a great lover of his countrey, when he secretly medita∣ted the betraying of it into the Assyrians hands. And if otherwise it came from E∣liakim, he imputeth it to his fear, which made him speak unadvisedly; thus he. But others blame them not for thus saying, because either that the people might by this means be provoked to shoot at him from the wall, or would be overmuch terrified, was to be feared. I hold with those that lay no blame upon these messen∣gers of Hezekiah, for making this motion, because they thought haply, that he spake in the Iews language, as supposing that they understood none other, and it irked them, that all the people should hear their good king thus traduced, making no doubt, but that his errand being to the king, he would hereupon be moved to alter his language, as having in commission not to speak to any other, but to com∣missioners sent from the king, however it fell out to the contrary.

Rabshakeh utterly refusing to hearken to this motion, takes oceasion hereupon to traduce it, as if he that made it, cared not to what miseries the poor people were exposed, saying, hath my lord sent me to speak to thy lord and to thee these words, and not to the people, that they might eat their own dung? &c. Hereby intimating a long siege, which they must necessarily endure, and at the last be forced to yield, and therefore that they should provide best for their own good, to do it now at the first.

Then he spake with a loud voice to the people, Let not Hezekiah deceive you, for he shall not be able to deliver you, &c.] That is, to make you abide quietly in the city, and to hold it against Sanneherib. For neither is his power sufficient to secure you in thus doing, neither can his God in whom he would have you to trust, defend you from him. Because other gods, as experience had already shewed, could not save their people; viz. the gods of Hamath and Arphad, Sephervaim, Hevah, and Ivah, nor the gods of Samaria. Of Hamath and Sephervaim and He∣nah, see before ch. 17. 24. Arphad, saith Iunius, was a countrey in the upper part of Assyria. Ivah, called Ingilines in Epiphanius, in Mesopotamia. Of Samaria, it hath been shewed, how that was taken by the Assyrians, ch. 17. and 18. 10. He therefore moveth them in time to provide for their own good, by coming forth with a present to Sanneherib, as Iunius rendreth it, by doing that which might be profitable for them, saith the vulgar Latin, but in the Hebrew it is, make a covenant with him, that is, by voluntary submitting and making oath unto him to be his sub∣jects. Then he promiseth on Sanneheribs behalf, if they would do so, that they should remain in safety in their own land, living as they had done in times past, eve∣ry one in his possession, till that he should remove them to one like their own most

fruitfull, that is, at his return out of Egypt, Gloss. Ordin. For so he had already dealt with the Israelites their brethren, and with the Syrians, who were removed into other countries, in policy to keep them the better under. And thus he con∣cludeth, that they might live, but otherwise dye, because neither Hezekiah nor his God could save them. But herein he blasphemed the living God, as also his Lord Sanneherib doth ch. 19. 12. in comparing dumb idols, the work of mens hands with him, for such were the gods of the gentiles, and therefore his judge∣ment was not long delayed. To this railing and blasphemous oration, no man made any answer, for so the king had commanded, lest Rabshakeh should be provoked to blaspheme the more, according to Lyra. They had a most wise and godly king, who would have the answering of this reserved to himself, and therefore they did bet∣ter to obey him in silence, then to be moved by Rabshakeh to answer, so Pellican. But not onely for this cause, saith Wolphius, and that reason rendred by Lyra, was this silence enjoyned, but also lest liberty of answering being left unto the people, something might rashly have been uttered, whereby the enemy might have had advantage given him, to gather the disposition of the people, or the state of the ci∣ty; And lastly, to shew his contempt of the Assyrian King, and how much he slight∣ed him for the vile speeches of his messenger, as a dog or swine, before whom pearls and holy things are not to be cast. And to teach us to answer such in their ca∣lumnies [Note.] with silence, whom we have no hope to amend by speaking; And the strict obedience of the people to their king in this case is worthy the imitation of all subjects, as being the safest way in times of greatest danger, the king being wise and godly, and carefull to preserve the kingdome. Then they that were sent, retur∣ned with their garments rent unto the king, relating all unto him. For thus in sor∣row the Iews commonly used to do for blasphemy, or some great misery, as hath been sometimes noted before, and in the high Priest, supposing that Christ had blasphemed.

CHAP. XIX.

HEzekiah hearing this, rent his clothes, and putting on sackcloth went to the house of the Lord, &c.] 2 Chron. 32. 18. it is said, that the servants of Sanneherib spake more against God and the king, wherefore he presently humbled himself in prayer, and whilest he was thus doing, sent to the prophet Esay. He considered, saith Gloss. ordin. that the sinnes of the land might be the cause of this misery, and therefore he mourned. And although it be not expressed, what he now prayed, Lyra conjectureth, that it was for pardon, and help, and mercy towards the people, and justice towards blasphemers, and because he thought there was more merit in the prayers of Esay then in his own, he sent to him to pray also; he should have said, because he thought, that his prayers could more prevail, seeing he was a pro∣phet of the Lord, and so most gracious with him, as sometime Elijah and Samuel, and Moses, &c. had been. For what can the poor merit at the hands of the rich by begging? And therefore another of the same religion saith better, he sent to Esay, as to one, that had most inward familiarity with the Lord, and he sent the same messengers that came unto him with their clothes rent, together with certain priests clad also in sackcloth. Whereas coming to Esay they complain of their com∣mon calamity, and say, the children are come to the birth, and there is no power to bring forth; that is, the state is now like unto a woman in travell full of pangs, which are so much the greater, because she cannot bring forth: for even so was Hezekiah and his people in Ierusalem; they conceived great indignation and horrour at the blasphemies of the Assyrian king, being desirous to revenge this wrong done to their God, but his forces were so great, and theirs so small, that they were no way able to do it, which made their sorrowes to continue, and them to flee to the di∣vine Majesty, who only is able to judg him according to his demerits, thus, but more briefly Lyra and some others. But Wolphius more fully. We are full of sorrow, as

a woman in travell, that cannot be delivered, both for the great power which is come against us, and because our God is so vilified, as unable to help, and his ser∣vant Hezekiah, as a deceiver and oppugner of his worship, to promote which his chief care hath been, insomuch, as if a woman at the point of bringing forth be not presently holpen, there is danger of perishing both to her and her children, so if God make not haste to help his people in these extremities, there will be present danger of ruining all, both the city and religion. By the children come to the birth, he meaneth the people in distresse, unto whom he being as a mother, laboured to bring them forth of it, by doing what in him lay by great guifts sent to Sanneherib, but he was not able, for still the danger continued. Pellican likeneth the conscience of their own sinnes, thought to be the cause of Rabshakeh his blasphemies to the pangs of a woman in travell, that cannot be delivered, because they are as bitter to a godly soul. I rest in the first, Hezekiah and his people were as much pained at these blasphemies, as a woman that wanteth strength, when the childe is even now come to the birth; because they went to their hearts, making their spirits ready to fail, and power they had not to overcome them, wherefore he did flee to God for help, being otherwise ready by and by, together with his people to perish, and desired Esay to pray for the remnant of the people, that is, them being but a rem∣nant, in comparison of the great number that were of them, before they were wast∣ed in the time of Ahaz, so Lyra; or a remnant he calleth them, with reference to their brethren of Israel, who were carried away captive before.

The kings messengers coming to Esay, are comforted against these their great sorrowes, and sent back with comfort unto him. For the prophet biddeth from the Lord, that he should not fear Sanneheribs brags, saying moreover, I will send a spirit unto him, and he shall hear a message, and return into his own land, and fall by the sword there. That is, a spirit of trouble at the message brought touching the king of Ethio∣pia coming to fight against him, and when he hath gone against him and is return∣ed, his hoste being cut off and destroyed, he shall return and fall by the sword in his own land, all which came to passe accordingly, but not till he came again from fighting against the Ethiopians, so Lyra. But Wolphius, by the spirit, which he would send unto him at the hearing of a message, understandeth a panick fear, wherewith he should be surprized at the hearing of the destruction of his army by the Angell of God sent out in the night against it, the lamentable cries whereof should come to his ears and affright him. Some by this spirit understand the fear, wherewith he should be stricken at the hearing of the Ethiopian king, lest the E∣thiopians and Egyptians joyning together against him, whilest he went to fight against them, the Iews should come upon him at his back, and so being beset with three nations at once, he should be endangered with his whole army. Iunius, by this spirit understandeth a minde to return. But I prefer that of Wolphius, because he was not so much afraid of the Ethiopians, that we read of, nor at the hearing of that message, nor caused hereby to return home, but still continued as full of cou∣rage, and insulted as much over the God of Israel, and Hezekiah his servant, as ap∣peareth by his letters unto him, as he did before. But so soon as, his army being destroyed, the noise thereof came to his ears, he presently fled away. Neither doth the word rendred Message in the vulgar Latin, signifie any thing else, but an hear∣ing, he shall hear an hearing, or sound, Iunius hath it, a rumour. It is therefore to be conceived, that the prophet overpassing the impediment, which he met with∣all by reason of the Ethiopian king, comforteth Hezekiah and his people by this, wherein the greatest comfort lay, viz. the enforcing of Sanneherib to flee to his own countrey, never to come against Ierusalem, or any other city of Iudah again, which yet was not immediately fulfilled, as we may gather from v. 9. but a year after, when he had ended his warre against the Ethiopian, and returned, thinking to take Ierusalem. For there the prophet giveth this signe to confirm his words. This year ye shall eat that which groweth of it self, and the next year, and the third sowe and reap. Implying an whole year to come after that, wherein he thus pro∣phesied, before their full deliverance.

Rabshakeh having no answer, and thereby perceiving, that the Iews meant to

hold Ierusalem against his Master, returned unto him at Libnah, for he heard that he was gone from Lachish, being, as is generally thought by expositours, taken, be∣cause it is improbable, that he would otherwise have gone from the siege thereof to another. Rabshakeh coming to him at Libnah relateth unto him the stoutnesse of the Iewes at Ierusalem: Whereupon he wrote as followeth, v. 9. Because he being enforced to go against Tirachah king of Ethiopia, and Egypt, as is commonly held, could not goe immediately against Ierusalem as he desired. But this coming of the Ethiopian king against Sennacherib is not thought to have been against his countrey in this his absence, but in the place, where he then was, whereas indeed it seemeth rather to have beene against his countrey, both because it is here said, he returned, although Iunius for this word hath nothing else but againe, he wrote letters, &c. but in Hebrew it is, he returned, and wrote. And so Iosephus saith, he heard, that the king of Ethiopia led an army through the desert against the Assy∣rians, whereupon he returned: so like wise Genebrard and Severus Sulpitius, but as Iosephus saith, he left Rabshakeh with two others to continue the warres against the Iewes in the meane season, so that they could not in his absence intend their husbandry, but lived upon that, which grew of it selfe, according to the foremen∣tioned Prophesie. And the long time, that he was in this expedition against Tirha∣kah, viz. an whole yeare at the least makes it the more probable, that he tooke a long journey to represse the Ethiopians, even to Assyria, which was seven hundred miles, and not that the Ethiopians came neare Iudea to fight against his army there, for then he should doubtlesse have sooner ended that warre. Of what great power the Ethiopian King was, so that he had need with all his might to oppose him, see in the example of Zerah king of Ethiopia, 2 Chron. 14. 9. who came against Asa with 100000. men.

For his writing to Hezekiah, it is said, that he sent messengers to him, that should say, Let not thy God deceive thee, in whom thou trustest, saying, Ierusalem shall not be delivered into the hands of the king of Assyria, &c. and yet v. 14. When Heze∣kiah had received the letters, &c. So that it seemeth he both wrote and committed the same to be delivered by word of mouth to these his messengers also. To this effect Lyra saith, He threatned him both by word and writing to strike the greater terrour into him. See also 2 Chron. 32. 17, 18.

And in this speech and letter is nothing, but the same, which Rabshakeh had said before, nor all that, yet coming to reckon up the countreys, which the Kings of Assyria had subdued, v. 12. he is more full, then Rabshakeh had been, saying, Have the gods of the nations, which my ancestors destroyed delivered them? For whereas Rabshakeh addeth next to these words, Where be the gods of Hamath and Arphad, &c. He before his coming to Hamath inserteth others thus, Gozan, Charan, and Rezeph, and the children of Eden, which are in Thelassar. Junius thinketh Gozan to be the same, that is called Nehar Gozan, chap. 17. 6. Charan, that city in Mesopo∣tamia, Gen. 11. 31. Rezeph also, according to Ptolomee, he placeth in Mesopotamia. The children of Eden in Thelassar, about the midst of Euphrates, being a garrison appointed to that place by the king of Babylon, where they pitcht their tents, as the word Thelassar signifieth. Wolphius saith, that Ptolomy in his Geographicks sometime placeth Rezeph in Syria, as may be seen in his description of Syria, and somtime in Mesopotamia, & that some hold it to be the same with the city Petra in Arabia; but most probably it lay in Syria, because that countrey was now certainly subdued by the king of Assyria. By the children of Eden he understandeth a people of Eden Eastward now inhabiting the city Talathah standing according to Ptolomy betweene Apamia and the Persian bosome. It being of no great consequence to know these things more certainly, and haply the certaine knowledge hereof not to be atteined, we may be content to know onely thus much, that for their cha∣stisement for sinne God gave many kingdomes into his hands, whom he to have them more certainly at his obey, removed from their native countreys to others, as the children of Eden in particular, of whom also mention is made, as of fellows to Tyre Ezek. 27. But he not knowing by whose gift he obteined these countreys tooke occasion from hence proudly to magnifie his owne power and to extenuate

the Lords, and if he made any promise, as having power against him, he blasphe∣mously called it a deceiving and not to be trusted to, threatening Hezekiah, that he should not be delivered by all that he could doe, and therefore the best way for him were to yield the city quietly into his hands.

Hezekiah having heard this message, and received letters to this effect spread∣eth the letters before the Lord and prayeth, saying, (O Lord God of Israel, who sit∣teth betweene the cherubims, &c. That is, as Lyra hath it, rulest over the glorious angels represented by the cherubims set in the most holy place, and therefore the Mercy-seat was supported, between them, which was the seat of God. And he mentioneth his sitting there, saith Pellican, as intimating his readinesse, according to his promise to Moses, to meet such as seek him in his house. And to shew the confidence, that he had in his power over all things in heaven and earth, he calleth him Lord of all kingdomes, and maker of heaven and earth. He had before a pro∣mise against Sanneherib, so as that he might have contemned his threats: but be∣cause he iterated the same message againe, he sought the second time unto the Lord, that he might be further confirmed, and by hearing answer from the Lord againe comforted against the sorrow, which he could not but conceive at these iterated blasphemies, teaching us in his example still to seeke by prayer even that, [Note.] which God hath promised.

When Hezekiah had made an end of praying, the Lord suffered him not to stay for an answer, but prevented his sending againe to Esay by causing the Prophet to send to him, saying, Thus saith the Lord, I have heard thy prayer against Sannehe∣rib. And this is the word which the Lord hath spoken concerning him; The virgin, the daughter of Sion hath despised thee, and laughed thee to scorne, &c. That is, the faithfull king and people of Sion, the highest part of the city Ierusalem have con∣temned and derided thy boasts and brags made against her, knowing assuredly, that all thy power is weaknesse to doe her hurt, having the Almighty on her side. And be saith, the virgin daughter of Sion, because there were some alwayes there, that persisted in the true faith uncorrupted. Then he turneth his speech to Sanneherib, saying, Whom hast thou upbraided and blasphemed, &c. Even the holy one of Israel, that is, the most holy God, who is peculiarly the God of Israel, because he chose Israel above all peoples, and onely there was he worshipped aright.

Thou hast upbraided the Lord by the hand of thy messengers,] That is, by Rab∣shakeh and others sent the second time, whereby the proud kings abasing of the Lord is aggravated, in that he did not onely blaspheme with his owne mouth and pen, but by his servants who were of an inferiour condition.

Then he addeth other words full of insolency which he spake, With the multi∣tude of my chariots I have ascended unto the high places of the mountaines, &c.] Hereby, saith Lyra, he meaneth Ierusalem. To the top of Libanus and cut down the Ceders thereof. That is, destroyed the temple made of Cedars of Libanus, which he is brought in speaking, not because he had already done it, but did as certainly promise himselfe in his owne heart, that he should doe, as if by this time it had beene done. He also by Cedars understandeth the Nobles of the land, and by the lorrest of Carmel the common sort: and whereas he saith, I have drunke the wa∣ters of others and dryed them up by the steps of my feete: It is meant, that he had gotten all the cisterns and wells with water made at other mens cost, and had so many men and beasts in his army, that all the waters of Iudea would not suffice them to drinke by a vainglorious hyperbole. But we may better with Wolphius understand Libanus properly, the height whereof was such, as that it was impreg∣nable. Yet this tyrant bragged of coming over this huge mountaine, and cutting downe the Cedars thereof, which were preserved for speciall uses by the kings of Indah for the building of houses of greatest note, as the house of the Lord, and the kings, but he in spight of Hezekiah would cut them down; and adding to this the forrest of Carmel also, another high mountaine towards the sea, it is meant, that he would bring under his power all places of greatest note both farre and wide. Last∣ly, in saying, I have digged and drunke others waters,] He meaneth, that the work, which Hezekiah and his people had done in stopping the waters about Ierusalem

before spoken of, that Sanneherib coming with his host might finde none, should little availe them; because he with his great multitudes were soone able to digge new wells of water sufficient for them to drinke, and to make their waters within the city soone to faile. Of which words, although we read nothing before, yet probably they were spoken by his servants at his first sending, seeing it is said, that they spake much more, then was expressed, 2 Chron. 32. 16.

But what doth the Lord now answer to this? v. 25. Hast thou not heard long ago, that I have done it, and of ancient times, that I have formed it, and now that I bring it to passe, that thou shouldst be to the troubling of defenced places, &c.] That is, saith Lyra, at the beginning of the world, that I made it and all things contamed therein: for this the very heathen Philosophers taught, when they said, there was one cause of all other things, viz. the God of gods, and now for the sinnes of divers nations, I appoint thy ancestours and thee as my scourage to bring to ruine many strong cities, not by any might or power of your own, but by me given unto you, and to be taken away again when I please. For which cause the Lord calleth Ash•••• his rod and staffe, Esa. 10. 5. 6. to scourage and beat many nations withall, but be∣cause he did it, as by his own might proudly being puft up hereby, a wo is denoun∣ced against him. Wolphius analysing this speech of the Lord, makes it to answer to Sanneheribs letters in the three parts thereof. First, whereas he bragged of his ma∣ny conquests, this is answered v. 25, 26. Secondly, whereas he magnifieth him∣self, this is answered, v. 27. Thirdly, whereas he throatned what he would do further, this is answered v. 28. 32, 33. To the first, he did nothing by his own, but the power of God; to the second, he was well known to the Lord, and how we•••• and unable to subsist any longer then he pleased; to the third, he should do nothing against Ierusalem, but be carried back into his own countrey and be slain there. Touching these words, hast thou not heard of old that I made it, &c. he saith, that some understand them as spoken of Pharaoh, and what he did many ages before, but this cannot be, because it is added, and now I bring it to passe. Some by it under∣stand Ierusalem, which the Lord made and formed in that beauty, long before the Assyrian Monarks were: but neither can this stand, because the thing pointed at here, is the laying desolate of defenced cities, as Ierusalem should never be by him. Wherefore he setteth this down rather, as the true meaning. Haste thou not heard of old, that I have done that which thou speakest of, viz. set up thy ancestours and thee in this height of worldly glory, and made other nations of no strength, before them and thee, and he addeth, that in ancient times he formed it, that is, laid down from the beginning of the world in his minde, a platform of all this, which is now come to passe. And he asketh him, if he had not heard it, because he was not so barbarous; but he must needs ascribe to the divine power the ••l••va••••on of his own house and kingdome, and the pulling down of others, yea he said before by his messenger Rabshakeh, that God bade him come up against Ierusalem, and de∣stroy it. From this dissenteth not Ierom, who also understandeth the word [it] of that which by Gods providence and predetormination the Assyrian kings had done against other nations, taking away all heart and courage to resist from them; and making them as weak as grasse, as here followeth v. 26. So likewise Iunius; Pediean and others; neither can it be understood otherwise by any, that duly con∣sider these two verses together.

I knew thy sitting down, or dwelling, and thy going out and rage against me, &c.] That is, although thou hadst not in words boasted of thy greatnesse, and uttered thy fury against my city and servants, I know well enough what counsels thou to••••••st in thy minde; yea all thy very thoughts and intentions, for by Gods knowing of his helling down and rising up, David sheweth, that all the most secret cogitations and counsels of his minde were known unto God, but these of Sanneherib were both known and derided, as meer vanities. And because the Lord knew him to be ragling like abeast, he threatneth to use him accordingly, viz. to put an hook in his nosthrils, &c. alluding to the manner of men towards a bufle or wilde oxe, into whose nosthrils an hook being put, he is led to the house or wilde oxe, into the Lord shewed by thus saying, that he would with shame and disgrace thus bring him back to Assyria, as to his slaughter-house.

And to thee (O Hezekiah) this shall be a signe, eate this yeare what thou findest. the second yeare that which groweth of it selfe, &c.] Thus the Vulg. Lat. but Pag∣ninus whom Iunius, Wolphius and other Translatours follow: eat this yeare what groweth of it selfe, and likewise the second. But for so much as two divers words for these two years are used, for the first 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Saphiach, coming of [Saphic] togather: for the second 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sachish, signifying that which groweth of it selfe, Wolphius well acknowledgeth, that the store then by them, which they had before gathered and laid up, might well be meant hereby; so also Lyra. And it agreeth hest with reason, that they should one yeare live of the old store, and when this failed, God hereby promised a supply extraordinary of fruits and selfe-sowne corne haply en∣creasing the more by meanes of the corn the year before beaten downe and spoiled by the Assyrian armies. So that Hezekiah and his people are hereby comforted and confirmed against the feare of want during the time, that their enemies placed in that countrey by Sanneherib annoyed them. For although they could not goe forth to plow and sowe, yet God promiseth by his blessing to cause the earth to bring forth so much fruit even in this troublesome time, (suffered happily by the Assyrians to grow to maturity in hope to enjoy it themselves) as should satisfie them and keepe them from famishing. And if it be doubted how they should come to reape it, seeing their enemies were in the land? It is to be conceived, that at the very time, when it was to be gathered in, the Assyrians were smitten, as is here by and by related, and then they had their full liberty. For although the signe given is extended to the third yeare, when he saith, The third year sowe and reape: Yet it is not to be understood so, as if they should doe thee before their deliverance, but that when they had beene preserved one whole yeare by their old store, the enemy all that while ranging about the countrey, so that they could not provide for the next, in it they should be extraordinarily provided for by come growing of it selfe, as well as if they had followed their wonted course of husbandry; and by this m••••ns they should also have seed to sowe the ground to be reaped the third year, being at the time of reaping the second years crop miraculously set free from the fear of their enemies. It was not then the tearm of three years that passed be∣fore the putting of the book into Sannehoribs nosthrils, and that prodigious slaugh∣ter of his men, nor much lesse then a year after his so fouly blaspheming of the God of Isreal, and yet a signe is given of three years continuance, where of part must needs follow after the thing signified hereby, but so plain shew was in the second year made hereof, that they might well beleeve it, seeing the earth so to fructifie without labour, that they should not in the third went either provision for suste∣nance, or seed. For why should it be doubted, when they had and used means, whe∣ther God who had promised, would make the earth to bring forth aboundantly, when as without meanes he had sufficiently furnisht them with provision the year before? If it be demanded, how this could be a signe to confirm their saith, con∣sidering that they saw it not performed, till their deliverance? I answer, they did se•• the earth fructifying the second year, although unsown, and in the year where∣in this was prophesied, their store haply was almost spent, providence, and divine favour towards them, how could it but confirm them touching his pro∣mised merey against Sanneherib?

For the residue of the house of Iudah, shall take rooting downward, and bring forth fruit, &c.] Here he proceedeth from the encrease of the fruits, which should come of their sowing, when their enemies should be destroyed, unto their firm and stable habitation in the land, which remained, and escaped in Iudah, where∣in many doubtlesse had been slain by the Assyrians, by continuing his speech, as he had begun metaphorically. For what is a peoples taking rooting downward, but the firm establishing them in their place? as trees, the more deeply they are rooted stand the surer, and what is their bringing forth of fruit upward, but their encrea∣sing in posterity, although Lyra expoundeth it of good works, but without reason.

And the remnant shall come out of Ierusalem, &c.] That is, although now they

shut up themselves within their wals for fear of the enemy, yet being delivered, they shall come forth again, as men at liberty, to plow, and sowe, and reap, as in former times: The zeal of the Lord will do this, and not their own merits, as Lyra well noteth. Whereas one expoundeth all this of the residue of their corn, which should greatly encrease, insomuch as that they should go out with it to sell to men of other countries, and have no need to lay it up at home for fear of another siege to come, I think it to be altogether from the purpose, because it is not said, the re∣sidue of the corn in Iudah, but the residue of the house of Iudah, and not the resi∣due shall be brought forth as speaking of corn, but shall come out, as speaking of men, that have life and motion. Pellican extendeth that which is said of their going out, yet further, thus, they shall go out and take the rich spoils of three nations, Assy∣ria, Ethiopia, and Egypt, by a singular providence brought thither, to become a prey unto them, conceiving, that Sanneherib having gone out to fight against the Ethiopians and Egyptians, and overcoming them, brought their spoils to his camp, which now came into the hands of the men of Iudah; but forsomuch as nothing is spoken of the spoils taken by them, but onely of the destruction of their enemies, I passe this over, as depending meerly upon conjecture. Comestor saith, that these words [shall go out] have reference to the men of other parts of the land, who in this time of danger, came for shelter to Ierusalem, but now returned to their own places and multiplied there, as they had formerly done, Eccles. histor.

He shall not enter into this city, nor shoot an arrow against it, &c.] The Lord hereby promiseth, that he should not onely not overcome it, but not be suffered to come and besiege it, but before that he with his hoste should approach so near as to shoot an arrow unto it, he should by the utter losse and overthrow of his army, be forced to flee away most shamefully. And this he promised to do for himself, that is, his gloty, when all men hearing of it should extoll his power, and for Davids sake, because of the covenant made with him. Lyra saith erroneously, for his merits. And therefore Ierome is rather to be heard, who is farre more ancient, who saith, for Davids sake, that is, for, or in the remembrance of him, adding moreover, that so highly accepted of are some of the holy servants of God, that he is delighted to remember their pietie long after, and maketh it to go the better with their po∣sterity therefore many generations after, as he also promiseth in the second Com∣mandement. And as Wolphius hath it, his saying that he would do this for Davids sake, is to be understood, for the promise sake made unto David, 2 Sam. 7. that the kingdome should be established to his posterity for ever.

Wherefore it came to passe the same night that the Angel of the Lord went out and smote in the tents of the Assyrians 185000.] That God, whom the proud King of Assyria had vilified and contemned, would not have execution done upon his army by any other, but his Angel, that he might against his blasphemies vindicate his power from contempt and prove it to be above all men and gods. But where this army now was, by what kinde of death it was smitten, and what night is meant by the same night, is uncertaine. But most probably his army was brought againe back from his Ethiopian expedition into the coasts of Iudah, because the Lord sweareth, Esa. 14. 25. in that land to tread him under his feete, and chap. 10. 12. having threatened to destroy his power, and v. 16. shewed the manner, how, viz. as it were by the burning of fire, and v. 26. as the Midianites and the Egypti∣ans were destroyed, whom his Angel smote, he sheweth, v. 28. by what places he should passe, when this should be done, viz. Haiana, Migron and Michmash Gibeah Ramah and Madmenah, naming Nob as the uttermost to which he should come towards Ierusalem, intimating the destruction of the Assyrians there, v. 32. Whereby we may gather, that at his returne from Ethiopia, he being come to Nob some sixteene miles off towards the North, where he appointed all his army to come together to him; for it is said, That he should appoint a day at Nob, his hoast was thus smitten. For the manner, it is thought by some, because of that, which is said, Esa 10. 16. to have beene by fire, being further confirmed, Esa. 33. 11, 12. Some think, that an earthquake and horrible tempest and fire to∣gether destroyed them grounding upon, ch. 29. 6. and some, that they were smit∣ten

with the plague. But that of fire burning in their breasts and stifling them is most probable, in which the Hebrews consent, saying, that their bodies were •…•…urnt, but their garments untouched, so that the Iews might take the spoile of •…•…hem. Lastly, although Wolphius by the same night understandeth the night follow∣ing the delivery of the foregoing message of comfort from the Prophet, yet Lyra •…•…etter determines, that it was the night after Sanneheribs returne to fight against Ierusalem when he had been gone near two years; or rather, as I shewed before, •…•…bout a year to fight first against the Ethiopians, when he was come with his army •…•…o Nob, as also R. Solomon saith, nearer then which place he came not towards Ierusalem. For it is against the tenour of the prophesie beforegoing, This year eate •…•…f your store, the second that which groweth of it selfe, &c. Implying, that a long time was to come betweene the prophesie and their full deliverance from the Assyrians, •…•…nd not that it should be wrought by and by.

Whereas it is here said, The Angel of the Lord smote 185000 and when they rose in the morning, behold, all were dead corpses, 2 Chron. 32. 22. it is said, The Lord sent his Angel, who smote every strong man and warriour, and the prince of the host of the king of Assyria. Whereby we may gather, that some of the weaker sort were spared, the prime men onely being smitten, without whom he and his host re∣maining became contemptible, wherefore it is said, that he returned with shame •…•…nto his owne land. He had then many more doublesse in his army according to the manner of such mighty Monarchs, who used not to goe forth to warre, but with 500000. or 1000000. men, but all his captains and officers of bands being de∣stroyed and the Generall, so that none were left to order the battell, he was so con∣founded, that he speedily provided for his owne safety by fleeing home with those weake and inferiour persons, that remained in his campe, not daring to abide in the •…•…eld any longer. Wherefore Iosephus saith, that he fled with his army, and Heb. tradit. his head and his beard being as it were shaved by singeing, according to Isay. They that rose then in the morning and saw them dead, were the refuse of the ar∣my, who brought word hereof to the king: but the Vulg. lat. rendereth it, When be arose in the morning he saw, as if it were meant of the king, contrary to the He∣brew verity.

Sanneherib then returning to Nineveh, the chiefe city of Assyria was slaine by his owne sons Adrammelech and Sharezer, as he was worshipping in the temple of his god Nisroch. For the cause, why his owne sonnes slew him, R. Solomon, whom Lyra citeth, hath a pretty invention. The great men of the countrey having lost each one his sonne, brother or friend in that expedition against Ierusalem by means of his blasphemies, were provoked so, that they meant to destroy him, which he bearing, fled to the idols temple and prayed and vowed, that if his god would de∣liver him from this danger, he would give these two sonnes for sacrifice unto him; then they hearing this, came and slew him there.

But this savoureth as a Rabinicall invention, for by what means came he to know this, and how should his sonnes know so soon what he said in praying? It is there∣fore more probable, which Lyra rejecteth, that they slew him, because he neglect∣ing them, that were haply elder, appointed Esarhaddon another sonne of his, to reign after him, but they not being able after this appointment to alter it, con∣tented themselves onely to take this revenge, and then fled away. Thus the peo∣ple of God were by degrees made more and more safe from the enemies sword. First, by the sudden destruction of his hoste. Secondly, in that he returning, is said to dwell in Niniveh, that is, giving himself to sloth and pleasure, not applying his minde to make warre any more, or haply, as some other tyrants have done, in their elder years, when they became weary of the warres, they have betaken them∣selves to a monastery, that they might spend the rest of their time in blinde devo∣tion, so he, and then it may well be conceived, how he came at this time to be ta∣ken in his idols temple. Thirdly, by his cutting off, as was threatned, Wolphius rejecting the reason of his coming to this temple at his return, rendred, by Ierom, viz. to give him thanks for his victories, saith that he fled hither to complain be∣fore his god of his ill successe, but because it is said he dwelt in Niniveh, I rather

think, as was before said, that he spent most of his time in blinde devotion to an impotent idol, thinking thus to live the more securely the rest of his days, because the terrour of the Angels stroke which he had received in his hoste, would not yet go out of his minde. So farre was he from learning by that scourge of God, that there was but one onely true God of power, viz. the God of Israel, and acknow∣ledging the impotency of dum idols. Wherefore his blaspheming of God was now fully punished, when he praying in the temple of his god, that it might appeare, that the idol had no power either to save his hoast or him afarre off, or being nearest to him, seeing it may be, that he ascribed the preservation of his owne person in that great massacre to this tutelar god and therefore worshipped him still, not∣withstanding his armies overthrow in the land of Iudea. But if Tobit. 2. 24. may be credited he lived not 55. dayes after his returne to Nineveh. Touching this idol Nisroch nothing is recorded amongst Writers, saith Wolphius, but by Ierom. in tra∣dit. Hebr. that he was of old worshipped amongst the reliques of Noahs Ark, and calleth him Dagon. The Assyrians worshipped Iupiter Belus for their god, as saith Dion, Cyril, Eusebius and others; and haply the same was called also Nisroch, be∣cause he was a refuge to such, as fled and escaped out of battell, this being suppo∣sed by the ignorant heathens to have been under his protection, and through his tender care, according to the signification of the word, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Nes, fleeing, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Rech, tender. But the Lord to shew the vanity of such as trusted to this, would not have him slaine by the Angel coming upon his army, but after his returne, before his idol, in which he trusted, and that by his owne sonnes, that came out of his own bowels, as is added, 2 Chron. 32. 22. both that his sufferings might be the greater, who had sinned so greatly, in seeing first the principall of all his army slaine, and in fleeing so many hundred miles with great shame and feare: and also that he might be punished in his kinde for the striking of terrour into all others, by being led as an oxe to the house of slaughter, who thought none either man or God comparable to him in power and puissance, and by their lifting up of their hands against him most unnaturally, to whom he had given their being, as he had ungraciously lifted up his blasphemous tongue against him, that had so greatly magnified him and set up his throne above the nations about both far and neare.

The place, that his sonnes who slew him fled unto, was Ararat in Armenia, of which see Gen. 8.

After this, 2 Chron, 32. 23. it is added, that God saved Hezekiah and the inha∣bitants of Ierusalem out of the hands of Sanneherib and gave him peace round a∣bout, and many brought sacrifices to Ierusalem, and gifts to Hezekiah, &c. That is, this miracle of the Assyrians destruction being divulged amongst the nations, they both sent great gifts to Hezekiah for honours sake to one so highly in the favour of the Lord, all their hatred against him and his people being turned into love and ad∣miration, and a desire, (all hostility being laid aside) of their amity, and so they had quiet on every side, and in acknowledgement, that the God of Israel was the onely true God and the Almighty, they sent sacrifices to be offered in his temple in Ie∣rusalem, being, as Pellican thinketh, converted to the true faith by this great mi∣racle, that being in part now fulfilled, which is prophesied, Esa. 2. of the flocking of all nations to the mountaine of the Lord. So that however the ten tribes were car∣ried away captive for their sinnes and no more sacrifices came from them, which before had beene prophesied against, as abominations, and forbidden, Esa. 11. Yet there was now no defect, but rather a superabundance of them, by reason of the na∣tions about, who brought them in from every place haply being moved also in part, because they having been under the oppression of the Assyrian tyrants, shared with the Iews now in the comfort and freedome coming by this their miraculous de∣struction.

CHAP. XX.

IN those dayes Hezekiah was sick unto the death, and Esay the sonne of Amos came to him, saying, Set thy house in order, for thou shalt die and not live.] The He∣brewes, saith Pellican, think that this sicknesse was three yeares before the destru∣ction of the Assyrians before going, ch. 19. although it be related after, because it is said, v. 6. And I will deliver thee out of the hand of the Assyrians, and will defend this city for my selfe, and for David my servant: and they say three yeares, because af∣ter the Assyrians coming against Ierusalem, three yeares are spoken of, that should •…•…e to Hezekiah a signe of deliverance. But if it be taken as it lyeth in order, a good reason may be rendered of the promise of deliverance from the Assyrians after San∣neheribs death, because there might be danger again by Esarhaddon his sonne, who reigned in his steed, and might threaten to come and be revenged upon the Iews for the overthrow of his people past, and thus to vindicate the credit of the Assy∣rians, who were then put to great shame.

Lyra is for that of the Hebrews, alledging R. Solomon, in confutation of the opi∣nion of some, that Hezekiah was smitten with this sicknesse, because he was not worthily thankfull for his great deliverance. For this, saith R. Solomon, cannot be so, because that deliverance was after his sicknesse, and the cause of his sicknesse, was for that he would not take a wife to continue the line of David, but lived a sin∣gle life, till after his recovery of health, as is probable, if the time be considered of which his sonne Manasseh was, when he died, viz. twelve years old, whereas from this sicknesse were 15. But Wolphius well confuteth this of the Rabbin, be∣cause there was no law, whereby he was bound to marry, but when he himself thought fittest, and if his life be considered from the beginning of his reign to this present, a fit time for his marrying could not hitherto be found; for first the service of God was so disordered, at his coming to the crown, that much time was requi∣site for the re-ordering thereof, and then his wars with the Philistims followed; after which anno 4^o. of his reign, his neighbour kingdome of Israel came into great calamity by the Assyrians, and therefore, he having refused to pay him tribute, could not but expect the like, and labour to fortifie all his cities against the time of their coming. But letting all this passe, who knoweth, but that he was married, and went so long childlesse, or without a sonne, as others had done at sundry times, or having children, no son lived with him, till Manasseh. Touching the cause yielded by others of his sicknesse, viz. his unthankfulnesse and pride, wherewith his heart was lifted up from his great victory, it is both contrary to Iosephus, who saith, that he offered many eucharisticall sacrifices, and to the piety, which was al∣wayes known to be in him, although Ierome somewhat taxeth him for this, and he is thus charged in part, 2 Chron. 32. 26. but it was after his deliverance from his sicknesse. But that which maketh most for the confutation of this opinion, is the allegation of R. Solomon brought before, viz. that his sicknesse did precede, and not follow after his deliverance from Sanneherib, as appeareth from the considera∣tion of the time, when the Assyrian came, viz. anno 14. and the time of his life after this sicknesse, viz. 15 years, and the whole time of his reign 29 years. There∣fore this sicknesse must needs have befaln him, about the time of the Assyrians first coming into his land, and not after Sanneheribs departure, from which to the death of Hezekiah could not be 15, but onely 13 or 14 years at the most. It must needs be yielded then, that his sicknesse and danger by Sanneheribs coming against him, were about the same time, the army of that blasphemer not being yet de∣stroyed, and unto this agreeth the promise made here v. 6. But what then was the cause? Verily none that we can know, but as in the case of the man that was born blinde, Ioh. 9. that God might be glorified, and his servant Hezekiah tried, and his faith made the more illustrious by this miracle, wrought upon his faithfull praying, [Note.] to the encouragement of all others, to fervent and faithfull praying in their sicknes∣ses and dangers. Wherefore although it be set down after his deliverance from

Ashur, it is onely said, In those dayes Hezekiah was sick, nothing being spoken deno∣ting the time either before or after, but that being left to be gathered by the dili∣gent reader. He was sick unto the death; that is, according to the nature of his sick∣nesse, and in humane reason. For it is hereby intimated, that his sicknesse was such, as that he could not by all the help of phisick or chirurgerie escape death, had not the divine power miraculously healed him. But to finde what sicknesse it was, we must look to v. 7. a bile, the same word being used, that is Exod. 9. 9. a bile so painfull through inflamation, as that a man cannot long endure it, and by the same word, the biles of Iob are set forth. But this certainly was the most dangerous of all others, a very swelling full of pestilentiall matter, as Wolphius and other think, which nei∣ther by lanceing, or out ward application could be made to break, but must needs kill without supernaturall remedy. And accordingly the prophet denounceth death unto him, which Lyra noteth to have been done with respect unto secondary cau∣ses, and not by divine revelation. For then it could not have been otherwise, nei∣ther would Hezekiah have prayed against it as he did. It is to be conceived then, that Esay, as the duty of a good pastour is, hearing of the kings sicknesse, went to visite him, and finding him to labour with such a sicknesse, as alwayes killeth, he dealt faithfully with him, and told him, there was no way for him now to go but one, viz. down the grave, exhorting him therefore to make his last will and testa∣ment, for the setling of his worldly estate, that he might wholly dispose himself to∣wards God, and to a better life. And as Hezekiah, so every man that hath possessions or riches to be disposed of, is to be exhorted to make his will before his death, and because the time of that is uncertain, especially in these times, wherein men do of∣ten dye suddenly, without delaying, till warning be given by sicknesse. Of making wills see Wolphius at large, upon this place, and touching Hezekiah in particular, he having no heir to his kingdome, and the danger being great, if this were left undetermined, whom should succeed him by reason of the contention likely to a∣rise, the enemy also now being at hand to destroy it, the wise prophet thought it of great importance for him to make his will, and therefore moveth him in it. Whereas he saith, for thou shalt dye and not live, some Rabbins make a strange construction of the words, viz. that he should dye soon of this sicknesse and not live in the world to come: but considering the piety of the king, and that Gods ministers are not instruments to drive into desperation, but of comfort in times of danger, this is to be exploded, and it is rather to be held, that having said he should dye, he added, and not live, lest he still being in hope to live, should defer the making of his will, about which the Prophet was very solicitous.

Hezekiah hearing this, turned his face to the wall and prayed. Remember I be∣seech thee O Lord, how I have walked before thee in truth, and with a perfect heart, and have done that which is pleasing in thy sight, and he wept sore.] The news of death approaching, is naturally terrible to any, the most courageous man, although St. Paul, since the breaking of the power of death, by the death and resurrection of Christ Iesus, desired rather to be dissolved, then to live. And to hear of dying now, did pierce the heart of this good king the more, because the worship of God had by him been but newly reformed, and there would by his death so soon, be great danger of corrupting it again, and he was also yet without a sonne, to con∣tinue the line of David, touching which God had promised, that a light should not fail unto him in Israel for ever. That of Ierom is not to be heard, that he was thus troubled, because he was uncertain, whither he should go: for he was of greater faith, and whereas he inferreth upon this, that no man is certain of salvation, till he be in possession of it, Cyprian is rather to be heard, who saith, that death is not to be feared of the godly, because they were not ignorant, whither they go when they dye.

Touching the words of Hezekiah his prayer, they may seem, saith Wolphius, both to savour of arrogancy and discontent, in that he assumeth to himself perfect∣nesse of heart, and expostulateth with the Lord, as if he were injuriously dealt withall, to be made to suffer, by such a sicknesse as was incurable, when as he had not displeased, but pleased the Lord: but he saith, that Hezekiah spake not thus to

justifie himself to God, but in way of appeal against the blasphemy of Sanneherib, not by way of complaining against Gods just dealing, but of imploring his help to heal him again by his almighty power, that all mouthes might be stopped, from ta∣king occasion upon this his stroke to calumniate him as an hypocrite. For Rabsha∣keh in declaiming against him, had sought to infringe his piety, in saying, that he had put down the high places of the Lord, and that he deceived the people, in ma∣king them believe that he was in so much favour with him, when he had greatly incurred his displeasure by thus doing, and if he did any acts of godlinesse, it was not for any other but his own ends, as hypocrites do. Now this deadly sicknesse concurring with that exprobration, if he should die thereof, would make the world beleeve that he was such an one indeed, to his infinite discredit, wherefore he maketh here God the judge of his sincerity, and the rather uttereth his grief by weeping, to think of dying at this time in such infamy, thus striving with the Lord of pity for restitution to health, believing, that he was easily able to raise him up, how deadly soever his sicknesse was. Yet he prayed not to have his life prolonged, saith Ierom, remembring how acceptable Solomon was to God, for his not desiring long life, therefore he left that unto God. When he had prayed, he turned himself to the wall, partly because it was next to the temple, and partly that he might be more private, and not interrupted by any object occurring, whilest he was pray∣ing, and that he might not make ostentation of his tears, so Rabanus; who also faith, that Hezekiah spake here as the Pharisee, Luk. 18. but not from the like heart, for Hezekiah spake out of humilitie being necessitated, he out of pride, therefore the one is justified, the other condemned by him, that looks not at the words, but at the heart.

When Esay was scarce gone out of the kings court, the word of the Lord came unto him, saying, return to Hezekiah, &c.] Here for the word [court] Hebr. is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifying the city, and so Iunius, who confesseth, that having sometime rendred it so, now he rather thinks it fit to be rendred city; but in the margin it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, court, and the Chald. and Sept. follow that, and the Hebrews generally, and of the court made by king Solomon we read, 1 King. 7. 8. and it may be conceived, that the kings court was like a city; wherefore in the text it is put down city, and that it might be understood what city was meant, in the margin it is court: for it is not to be thought, that the prophet was gone so far as the midst of the city, because this countermand is spoken of, as coming to Esay immediately after the kings pray∣ing, in the time whereof being so short, he could not be gone farre. Whereas Pellican thinketh, that Esay was bidden before to denounce death to the king, but •…•…ow he had a new revelation to the contrary: I rather hold me still to that of Ly∣ra and others, that he spake not before by revelation, but by conjecture, seeing what his disease was, and now first was the will of the Lord made known unto him, touching his recovery. And what doth the Lord now say? Truly, that he had heard his prayer and healed him, and he should go up the third day to the house of the Lord, that is, to praise him for this great deliverance. And R. Solomon saith, for the destruction of the Assyrians the same day, but I leave that as uncertain. And it is thought most probably, that by the third day, is meant the third from that wherein the prophet spake unto him including it, so there was but one day for the medicine to work between.

And I will adde 15. years unto thy dayes more, &c.] This is not so to be under∣stood as if he should live longer then the time first set in Gods decree, but whereas he was now according to the nature of this sicknesse a dead man, that he should be raised up again, and live from henceforth one 15 years more. For as S^t. Augustine saith, it was from the beginning by God determined, that Hezekiah should be smitten with this mortall sicknesse, and recover again and live after it 15 years, and therefore he did not that now, which should not have been, but what must be, because he fore-knew that it should be. And if Esay spake at the first by revelation from God, that he should now dye, there was no contradiction in the Lord in his returning and saying soon after, that he should not dye, but having proved Heze∣kiah by the first message, and found him so submisse and unmoved from his faith, as

appeareth by his faithful and fervent prayer, he as his purpose was hereupon, takes a∣way the fear of death at this time by the second, and not only prolongeth his life, but granted this upon his praying, which he never did to any mortal man so long before, to know, how many years he should yet live. Touching the time set by God long before of Hezekiahs life, it is true not onely touching him, but also touching every other man, that his time is determined, neither doth any live fewer or more years. So Iob 14. 15. the dayes of man are predetermined, the number of his moneths are with thee, neither can any one passe the time set him. Likewise Gregory hereupon; God fore-knowing all things to come, decreed before the world, how all things should be disposed throughout the world, and it is also set, how long every one should live tempo∣rally in this life. If it be objected, Psal. 54. The wicked and bloud thirsty shall not live out half their dayes, therefore some die before the time set by God. It is an∣swered, the meaning is not half the time set him by God, but reckoning according to the common account of the time of mans life, he shall not live out half the time that men commonly live, but either be cut off by the sword of justice, or by his rio∣tous courses bring himself soon to his end. And the Lord doth not onely promise a longer life by 15 years, which were one more then he had reigned hitherto, but al∣so to exempt him and his citie from the danger of the Assyrians, and that upon a sure ground, for himself, and for David.

Then Esay said, Take a lump of figs &c.] This, saith Lyra, was by the nature thereof rather a meanes to encrease his paine, then to ease him of it, because sweet things doe so, as the Hebrews also hold, thus making the miracle the greater. But Wolphius averreth it to be a meanes to ripen and to bring out the corruption of the bile according to Cornel. Celsus. l. 5. c. 12. and Gallen l 8. de simplic. medici. and Dio∣scorides l. 1. whose sayings he citeth to this effect. Basil also speaketh, as holding the fame. Physick is not to be neglected nor the benefit coming thereby, yet health thus recovered is not to be imputed to it, but to God, as was done by Hezekiah, who did not think that masse of figges the chiefe cause of his recovery, neither im∣puted his health hereby recovered to it, but to Gods glory, adding thankes to him, that created the figge. And Ierom likewise, saying, some thinke it not a bile, but an apostemated place swolne and filled with corrupt matter, all which according to the art of the Physician is drawne to the superficies of the skin by dry figges pun∣ned or bruised and applied outwardly. And agreeable to this is that of Fr: Valle∣sius. Hezekiah could by no meanes be more aptly cured then by a Cataplasme of dried figges with barley meale, if the inflammation might be dissolved, if not, with wheat meale to mitigate the heat of the fever and other accidents. Ob. But if this were so, what miracle was there in this cure? Sol. There was not so great force in this medicine as that by vertue thereof he might in so short a time have beene healed, wherefore God miraculously made the force of it at this time greater then ordinary, thus he; or rather the sicknesse of Hezekiah was such, as that it was here∣by, incurable, as the Physicians present probably knew well, yet it being applied at Gods command, he was healed; and thus it was miraculous.

For Hezekiah had said to Isaiah, What shall be the signe, &c.] Here it may be doubted, whether Hezekiah sinned not by doubting of the truth of Gods promise? Ierome saith, Parvae fidelitatis indicium fuit. But Author Mirab. Sacrae Script. better, he had heard from the same Prophet two contrary messages, and therefore to confirme the last he thought it requisite, that he should give a signe; and Lyra, Dionysius, and Tostatus, His father Ahaz had sinned in denying to aske a signe, therefore he asked one for this further confirmation to Gods greater glory, when not one onely but two miracles should be wrought together. Or rather because he did not plainly ask a sign, but only what should be the sign, it is to be supposed, that he presumed that Esay would give him a signe, as his manner was before to Ahaz, Isa 7. and so he onely demanded, what this signe should be, whereupon he gave him liberty to ask one of two, which he propounded, as he had before done to A∣haz and a farre greater. The liberty given to him was, whether the shaddow should goe forward ten degrees or ten degrees backward upon the diall, but he asked, that it might goe backward and so it did upon the diall of Ahaz. But here

a question ariseth, Whether the Sunne went backward so many degrees in so many houres, as it had gone forward, and so the day was made longer in all places by twice ten degrees, or whether the Sunne keeping the course, the shadow upon that Dial onely notwithstanding, went ten degrees backward. Comestar for go∣ing backward hath standing still ten houres, averring, that in Hebrew it is so, and that the day either way should have been encreased but ten houres, yielding this as a reason, why Hezekiah would not have it stand still, because that had been done before for Joshuah. But he is deceived, Hebr. is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifying to go, not to stand. R. Levi as Pellican hath it, answereth, that the prophets proposition is to be understood, as if he had said, Thou seest, that the shadow is gone forward upon the Dial ten degrees, wilt thou therfore that in a moment it go forward ten degrees more, or be immediately, brought back ten degrees, referring all to the shadow and not to the body of the Sunne. And this seemeth to be the truth, if we consider the answer of the king, It is easie for the shadow to go forward, because it will do so naturally; but to cause the body of the Sun with so great celerity to move for∣ward is a greater miracle, saith Pellican, then ever was wrought by Moses, neither could it be done without the concussion of the whole heavenly frame; yet God was able as well to do it without this concussion as to do so great a miracle. Lyra contrariwise saith, that the Sunne went backward ten degrees, which made the shadow upon the Dial to go back also, and that in the ordinary time, viz. ten houres, so that the Sun being now within two houres of setting was kept still a∣bove the horizon ten houres, in which it went back again from West to East, from whence again it returned in ten houres more to the same point, the day being thus made twenty houres longer then ordinary. And for this he citeth Dionysius his Epistle to Polycarp. Wolphius making no doubt, but that the body of the Sun went backward to the East, saith, that all the question is about the degrees, whe∣ther they were, as Dionysius and Lyra hold, so many houres, or as others, so many half houres, or as some, so many quarters, and either twenty, ten or five in going backward and forward again, for in some dials be two degrees in an hour, in some four, and in some each degree is an hour; or whether it were suddenly brought back, and Immediatly forward again, and he concludeth without resolving it, be∣cause none before him hath cleared this question. Rab. Kimhi holdeth, that the day was but ten houres longer, and Procopius saith the same in effect, the day was almost doubled, and Jerom likewise, and Tostatus, and Author Mirabil. Sacrae Script. The Sunne, saith the Rabbin, being brought back in a moment, and then going forward again in such time. And some Hebrewes are so bold in this point, that they tell the reason of this signe given in particular, viz. because in the day of wicked Ahaz his funeral the Sunne hastened faster then ordinary to his setting, that there might be no time for funeral rites; now to recompence the losse of time, which had been then, the day was prolonged. But if this were so, what shall be said for getting up the time again, which was lost in the dayes of Joshuah by the standing still of the Sun an whole day together? Lyra is large in reciting the tenet of Burgensis, that the body of the Sunne did not go back, but the shad∣dow upon the dial of Ahaz onely, and not upon other dials, which he founds up∣on the words of the text, which speaketh three times of the shadow going back, but not of the Suns. 2. Because no Astronomers ever observed this in any other countrey to write of it, which they would doubtlesse have done, if so strange a thing had happened contrary to the course of nature. 3. Because this had been the greatest of all miracles, that ever had been wrought by Moses or any other, for so much as it was in the chief of all the heavenly bodies, and yet there was no such great cause, as at some other times, there being now none other cause, but to as∣sure Hezekiah of the restitution of his health, yet he saith it was greater, then that standing still of the Sunne caused by Joshua, seeing it is a gaeater work to bring the Sunne back then to make it stand still; wherefore he concludeth, that the day was neither longer nor shorter then other dayes, but onely the shadow was made upon Ahaz his dial to go backward miraculously, when as by the course of nature it should have gone forward. All this and more being recited by Lyra

he confuteth, opposing first here against Dionysius and August. de mirab. Sacrae. Script. Jerom, and others; then he confuteth his reasons, to the first answering, that the shadow upon the Dial, caused by the Sun, could not go backward unless the Sun went backward also, and therefore the one inferreth the other. To the other, that the Persians have left it written in their memorials, viz. their priest, that there was one day almost as long as three; and to the third, that this signe was given not onely for Hezekiahs healths sake, which should be recovered, but also to assure him of the deliverance of Jerusalem from Sanneherib, which was of greater consequence, then that which was done in the time of Joshuah, because if then the enemies were destroyed, that room might be made for the Israelites to inhabite that land; now he and his army was to be destroyed, by whose blasphemies they might be made to stagger in their faith, touching the true religion newly re∣stored by Hezekiah, and purged from the idolatries practised in the time of his fa∣ther Ahaz, which was of far greater moment. Moreover the will of God is the cause of miracles greater or less, and therefore no reason is to be demanded why a greater should be wrought now, then at any other time, thus Lyra: wherein I must needs say, he hath not spoken so satisfactory, as to overthrow that opinion. For first, however in the course of nature the shadow caused upon a Dial by the Sun cannot go backward, when it goeth forward, yet supernaturally and miraculously it may, for what is not God able to do? 2. It is doubtful whether any such me∣morial be made by the Persian priests or no, seeing Lyra himself is not able to affirm it, but onely that Dionysius read such books, as Burgensis never saw. And if such a wonderful day almost treble to another now were: the Caldeans who were under the dominion of the king of Ashur should rather have written of it, then the Persians, especially seeing their king sent to Hezekiah, as being much af∣fected with the wonder, which he heard was wrought for the recovery of his health, to congratulate the same, 2 Chron. 32. 31. and to enquire after the said won∣der, 2 King. 20. 12. 3. Lyra over-reacheth much, when he assigneth other weighty causes of this signe besides Hezekiah his recovery of health, seeing this onely is named, What is the signe, that the Lord will heal me, and that I shall go up the third day to the house of the Lord? For although his and the cities preserva∣tion from the Assyrian be promised, yet a signe to confirm his faith touching that is not desired, but onely of the restitution of his health, neither was it needful, as being done before, chap. 19. 29. Wherefore I conclude rather, the wonder wrought at this time was in the shadow going backward upon the Dial of Ahaz onely, when the body of the Sun went forward, seeing nothing more is expresly said in the text, and the litteral sense is to be taken in all places, if it be neither against the analogy of faith, nor any other place of Scripture, nor absurd as this is not but ra∣ther more miraculous. But then it is not to be conceived, that the Sunne was at this time onely two hours high, but five, if we reckon, as is most probable, two degrees of the Dial to every hour: for so it might either go forward or back∣ward ten degrees as was propounded, before the sunne setting, the time of the de∣grees being kept. And if so, by that time the Sunne went down, the shadow was gon back just to the degree appointed, viz. to about eight of the clock in the morning, and then the Sunne setting appeared no more that day, whereas if the shadow had gone forward ten degrees in the like proportion of time, it had been no wonder, but that, which was easily and extraordinarily done daily, as Hezekiah said. But I would have this taken, as spoken onely in way of confuting Lyra his reasons seeing yet something to encline me to the common tenet, viz. that the Sun went backward, and that is the express text, Esa. 38. 8. And the Sun returned ten degrees by the same degrees by which it descended. unless this shall be construed of the Sunne appearing on the Dial onely, that is, the beams thereof. Some are altogether for an allegorical sense here, as Rabanus, making these ten degrees of the Suns going backward, a figure of Christs going backward, or descending by so many degrees, saith, the first was his descending to an Angel. 2. In the Patri∣arks. 3. In giving the Law. 4. In Joshua. 5. In the Judges. 6. In the Kings. 7. In the Prophets. 8. In the high Priests. 9. In his Intarnation. 10. In his Passion Yet

the same authour in Lyra going upon the letter: sense saith ten degrees were ten houres, wherefore the sunne being within two houres of setting was brought back ten houres upon the sudden to the East, and if it had gone forward ten houres it should instantly have passed those two houres, and so, there being no night beene carried to the ninth houre of the next day. But for so much as this had beene as great a miracle as the going backward and rather greater, why did Hezekiah re∣fuse it as being more easie to be done? he answereth, in an Island called Tyle be∣yond Britany and the North of Scythia divers dayes in summer there is of course no night, and so the sunne is seen still to goe forward, when it is at the West, al∣though to us in parts more southerly it is never so. Others, saith Wolphius, allego∣rize to the nine degrees of Angels, and a tenth of soules glorified, beneath all which Christ, the Sun of righteousnesse descended, when he was made man, but leaving this he findeth an aptnesse in this signe to the matter in hand. Hezekiah was as the sonne to the kingdome of Iudah, therefore the suns going backward ten degrees did most aptly set forth his declined estate by this sicknesse almost to the extinction of so famous a light; but because the sunne having gone backward being caused so to doe by the Almighty power, in the course of nature would returne againe and goe as much and more forward; Hezekiah should likewise be hereby assured to returne to his former health, and live rather longer a glorious king from hence for∣ward, then he had hitherto done, for fourteene past, fifteene as he was now pro∣mised. Genebrard saith, that Hezekiah was studious of the Mathematicks, and the Rabins to the same effect, that he restored the yeare by the intercalation of a day every third yeare in the moneth Adar, that answereth to our February, and if this were so, he had a signe most fitting for him.

Now for the Prophets making him this offer, it was not out of any private mo∣tion, as if he at his pleasure could doe so great a worke, but as he was moved by the spirit, for which cause having heard Hezekiahs answer he is said to have prayed that this signe might be shewed, and then the shaddow went back upon the diall of Ahaz, which it is to be conceived stood so as that Hezekiah might see it. Touching dialls made by art, the world was long without them, at length, as Varro saith, they were devised by Anaximenes Milesius amongst the Lacedemonians, and by Marcus Valer. Messala amongst the Romanes 477. yeares after the city built, and by Gods working of a miracle upon a diall at this time, this art was ho∣noured and approved, and by consequence the seven liberall Sciences, of which this is one.

And hitherto of the sicknesse and recovery of Hezekiah. Now although v. 12. the next thing spoken of is the king of Babylons sending Embassadours to him, yet 2 Chron. 32. 25. he is before this taxed for ingratitude and pride, for which Gods wrath was greatly kindled against him, which notwithstanding how it could be is a doubt, considering that Esa. 38. 9. he is said to have made a commemoration of Gods gracious dealing with him, in writing to his praise, as a lasting monument of his thankfulnesse. For if he rendred not unto the Lord according to his dealing with him, but had his heart lifted up, as is there said, what is to be thought of that his thankesgiving? Sol. By his not rendring to the Lord is meant, that he gave not thanks unto him, but because after his health restored, Sanneheribs army at his prayer destroied, and other great worldly blessings heaped upon him, recorded v. 27, 28, 29. his heart was lifted up, and he made ostentation hereof to his own vain-glory, at the coming of the embassadours from Babylon unto him, shewing them in a vaunting manner all his treasure, as heing proud of that respect, which was shewed unto him by so great a king, and he shewed it, not as a blessing be∣stowed upon him by the God of Israel, that he might be magnified and thought highly of by these heathens, but to set forth his own excellency, as if for some extra∣ordinary merit in himself, his miraculous recovery and these blessings had befaln him. And what thanks soever a man giveth unto God in word, yea though he writes it to continue and to be publikely sung alwayes in the sanctuary in his behalf, [Note.] as most probably was the case at this time, it is not counted a condigne rendring un∣to God, if the heart be any way ill affected, and not holy and humble, which God

counteth the greatest retribution which can bee made unto him, as appeareth Mich. 6. 6.

That which is then set forth 2 Chron. 32. 25. in way of blaming Hezekiah, is by anticipation; the proper place being after the Babylonian embassadours coming to him, v. 31. where it is said, that God left him to try what was in his heart, and more fully 2 King. 20. 13, 14, &c. For the words here following, therefore the fierce wrath of the Lord was kindled against him, &c. have reference to that, which is there said, viz. the threatning of the prophet Esay, that all this treasure should be carried into Babylon, and the answer of the king submitting himself to the will of God, for this is here called his humbling of himself, for which the adjourning of this judgement was made to the times following after his decease. Yet it is to be conceived, that this was not the sole cause; for Ahaz and other wicked kings of Iudah before had incensed the Lord much more, and Manasseh, and Zedekiah, and Iechoniah, who reigned after, when the judgement was executed, but hereby the coals of Gods wrath were again blown up, as they are by sinne in the best, espe∣cially, [Note.] if extraordinary benefits be abused to their own vain ends, and not used to Gods glory, from whom they come. Touching the thankesgiving made and writ∣ten by Hazekiah, it is set forth Esa. 38. 9, 10, &c. to v. 21. and by the last words thereof it seemeth to have been compiled to be used in the house of the Lord, not onely at his going up thither upon the third day before spoken of, but also at certain times as long as he lived.

At that time Berodak Baladan, the sonne of Baladan, king of Babylon, sent letters with a gift unto Hezekiah, for he heard that be had been sick.] 2 Chron. 32. 31. It is said, The Oratours of the Princes of Babylon who sent to enquire of the predigy which was done in the earth. Esa. 39. he is called Merodach Baladan, and it is not on∣ly said, that he heard he had been sick, but also recovered. But of what stock this Be∣rodak or Merodak was, and how he attained to that kingdome, when as Esarhad∣don the son of Sanneberib, is said to have reigned after him, may be a question, see∣ing he that was king of Aslyria, was king of Babylon also, as appeareth in Salma∣nasar, who carried Iews away to Babylon, when he subdued the kingdome of the ten tribes, and brought men from thence to Samaria. But it is resolved by some, that this Merodach was vice-roy of Babylon, as also his father Baladan had been, under the kings of Assyria, but now Sanneherib being dead and his chief strength overthrown, and Esarhaddon his sonne young and tender, he waxed bold to take that kingdome absolutely upon him, the Assyrian being shaken off, and to streng∣then himself the more, be sought the friendship of other princes, which had been oppressed by the great tyrants of Assyria, amongst whom Hezekiah being one, whose part God had specially taken, and for whom he had done wonderfully in de∣livering him from his sicknesse, he specially sought his friendship, wherefore Ge∣nebrard in him placeth the beginning of the kingdome of Babylon. But R. Kimhi as Wolphius saith, holdeth him to have been the son of Esarhaddon, and king both of Assyria and Babylon, which is improbable, both because his title should not then have been altered from king of Assyria, to king of Babylon, and the time of his sending agreeth not, it being in the beginning of Esarhaddous reign, and therefore not of his sonnes, after he had reigned twelve years, as Chronologers say. But be∣sides this cause of Merodachs sending to him, concealed in the sacred historie, there are two other causes expressed, viz. to congratulate his recoverie, and to enquire of the prodigie, that was wrought thereabout. Comestor saith, that he sent unto him to be his friend and fellow; for at that time both the Babylonians and Medes fell from Esarhaddon, but the chief cause is held to be, for that the Chaldeans, his subjects, being Astrologers, not being able to yield any naturall reason of the extra∣ordinarie length of one day by all their skill, were at length certified, that it was done for Hezekiah his sake. This the king hearing, sent to enquire the certaintie of it, and a present for honour to him, whom the Sunne, which they worshipped in that countrey as a god, had so much honoured, in staying the ordinarie course, and prolonging the day in token of the prolonging of his life. Hezekiah rejoiced at the coming of these Embassadours, not so much for the guift, but to see, that his friend∣ship

was highly esteemed of by so mighty esteemed of by so mighty a king, to be in league with whom, would be a great strengthening to his kingdome against the Assyrians for time to come. And for the guift sent, which doubtlesse was no small matter, but of great worth, as beseeming the sender, and the royall majestie, to whom it was sent, it is to be understood, that it was and is common amongst prin∣ces thus to honour each other, when they send out their embassadour, and that king hath thought himself mocked of old, to whom another prince sending, sent him no present. The Hebrew for rejoyced, as the vulgar Latin renders it, hath he be and them, but Esa. 39. 2. it is rejoyced, Comestor addoth, he was again also puffed up in his minde, affirming, that he sinned once before in the same kindo, after his deliverance from Sanneherih, because he shewed not himself sufficiently thankfull, although, as Iosephus saith, he offered many eucharisticall sacrifices, yet because he wrote no canticle of praise, as others of his fore-fathers upon such great occasions had done. Wherefore God pulled down his minde, that was lifted up by that great sicknesse, thus he; but as hath been already shewed he was much mistaken, the time agreeing not. But now being left a little to himself to try what was in him, as is said, 2 Chron. 32. 31. he was lifted up by all these honours done unto him, v. 25. and so in great vain-glory he shewed his treasury, silver, and gold, and precious spices, and oyl, and the house of his vessels, &c. Some, saith Comestor, by the house of spices understand a cell in the temple, into which it was unlawfull to bring any heathens; but Epihanius saith, it was a very long house made by Solo∣mon, the entrance whereof was so cunningly contrived for secresie, that it could not by the people be found, yea many Priests were ignorant of it, and here lay his treasure and spices, then the corpses of his progenitours, and after them of the high Priests and Prophets, which he denuded to them, and so defiled their dead bodies with the presence of heathens, wherefore from that day he was made bar∣ren, the contrary to which was true, seeing he begat Manasseh after, as his age being but twelve yeares at his decease sheweth. R. Solomon in Lyra saith, that he shewed them the things, that were most secretly and reverently kept in the tem∣ple, viz. the annointing oyle for kings and high priests, and the two tables of the testimony and the law; and Ierom saith, that he shewed them not only his own trea∣sury, but of the temple also, for that was in his power, following the Cald, who for these words, In his whole kingdome, hath, in all his power. But it is not to be thought, that a godly king would goe so plainly against the law of God, whereby heathens were prohibited coming any nearer to the temple, then the court of the Gentiles; neither is any thing said by him, to have beene shewed unto them, but whatsoever was in his house, yea Es. 39. 2. where more is said, and in all his dominion, nothing is spoken of the Lords house, and if he had brought them in thither, certain∣ly the Prophet would not have passed it over without a particular taxation. It was sinne enough to stirre up the wrath of God to abuse the favours of God done unto him above all other men unto pride and vain glory which he did at this time, and to comply so with heathen idolaters, from leagues and covenants with whom ne∣ver redounded any good, but hurt unto the people of Israel. Yea, hereby he shewed some distrust in God, who had done so mightily for him, and some trust in forreign forces, of which God had so lately shewed him, that he stood in no need. And if [Note.] there had been none other fault in him, but the abusing of Gods singular blessings to puffe up himselfe there with, it had been intollerable, it being no losse, then a sacrilegious robbing of God, who doth all things for himselfe and his owne glory, protesting against giving it to another; as if a steward to a lord should rob him and convert the goods, where with he is betrusted, to his owne use. Wherefore the Prophet Esay cometh unto him in the name of the Lord, and threatens him with the carrying away of all his treasures into Babylon, of which he had said before, that •••• was a countrey a farre off: for he said unto Esay, that the Babylonian Embassa∣dours came from a farre countrey, the distance from Babylon to Ierusalem was 680. miles. But it seemeth, that he upon this message humbled himselfe for this sinne, and all Ierusalem with him, and had comfort, that those evils should not come upon the land in his dayes, but after his departure: for 2 Chron. 32. 26. some what

is said implying thus much, and here Hezekiah answereth the Prophet, as having a promise, that they should not come, whilest he lived, v. 19. The word of the Lord is good, which thou hast spoken, seeing peace shall be in my dayes, Iunius, Is it not, sith peace and stability shall be in my dayes? So likewise Hebrew, Is it not, if peace and truth be in my dayes. Vulg. Lat. Sit tamen pax et veritas in diebus meis. As if he had prayed so; and thus Iosephus takes it, who saith, that the godly king was grieved at this message, as unwilling, that his nation should fall into that calamity; but see∣ing God had so determined, he prayed that he might passe the rest of the time assigned to his life in peace. But the Hebrew verity being otherwise, I adhere to my former exposition, from which neither doth Pellican vary, for he findeth no praying here, but a submissive resting in the will of God, who, he knew was propitious, mercifull and holy in all his workes, and injurious to none. Wolphius thinketh, that he spake of peace all his dayes, as grounding upon a former promise, when Esay comforted him by prophesying restitution to health and prolongation of life, and preservation from his enemies: but seeing those enemies are particu∣larly named Assyrians, and here not the king of Assyria, but of Babylon is threatened to be sent to vanquish the land, unlesse he had some new promise, he could not build his confidence upon that. Some Hebrew expositours as Ierom sheweth up∣on Isa. 39. taxe Hezekiah here, as unlike unto Moses, who was so affected to the people, as that he prayeth rather, then they they should suffer, to be blotted out of Gods booke: but he contrariwise, as not passing for the miseries of his people and posterity is intent onely to his owne preservation for his time in peace. But here∣in they doe most injuriously traduce this Saint of God, whose care and paines were alwayes so great for their good. And Iosephus much better writeth of him, as grieved for them, but necessity submitting to Gods will, as he would also have done doubtlesse, although no exception had beene made of the terme of his life to be spent in peace. It was not therefore out of a dislike of Hezekiah his answer that Esay turneth to the people, chap. 40. 1. saying, Comfort ye, comfort ye my people, &c. as these expositours would have it, but that they hearing of a captivity to come might not be overcome with griefe. Ambrose also favoureth that of Iose∣phus, saying, That just Hezekiah rejoyced not, that the misery of captivity should come upon his children, but he could not resist Gods will, and therefore submitted to it as a poore servant.

There is rather thed here to be noted, of what a good spirit Hezekiah was, in that he raged not, but patiently received this sharpe message from the Prophet, as godly Theodosius bare the censure of Ambrose, honouring him the more for it, in that he said, he thought him onely worthy to be a Bishop.

Whereas v. 18. it is said, They shall also take of thy sonnes which thou shalt beget, and make them eunuchs in the court of the king of Babylon. It appeares, that in the fifteene yeares which he lived, he had more sonnes besides Manasseh, although mention be made of no more; or rather by his sonnes are meant his grandchil∣dren foure or five generations after, viz. the children of Iechoniah, who was the sonne of Iehoiakim, the son of Josiah, the son of Amon, the son of Manasseh his son, for these also came out of him, and were begotten by such as he begat, and therefore may well be meant, when it is said, which thou shalt beget. And if he had any other immediate sonnes besides Manasseh, it cannot be understood of them, because they must needs be all dead long before the carrying away here spoken of, unto which from this time passed at the least 100. yeares, seeing it was after that Mannasseh had reigned 55. Amon 2. Iosiah 31. and Iehoiakim 11. for after him was Iehoiachin or Iechoniah. 2 King. 24. who was carryed into Babylon, and other princes, who most probably were some of them of Hezekiah his posterity, and then and not before was this prophesie fulfilled.

The rest of the acts of Hezekiah, and how he made a fish pool and a conduit to bring water into the city, &c.] Of which act of his, see 2 Chron. 32. 4. 30. the last place being a comment upon the first, he stopt the waters so from flowing out, for the benefit of his enemies the Assyrians, and that he brought them under ground, and turned them to another part of the city to the no small benefit thereof; thus brief∣ly

the writer of the Kings. But 2 Chron. 32. 27. it is said, after his recovery from his sickness, that he attained to great treasures of silver, gold and precious stones, spices, and shields, and all desirable stuffe, and store houses for provision of wine and oyl, and stables of horses and flocks, and cities, &c. all which or some of which, viz. treasures, whereby he compassed the rest, he had gotten before the coming of the Babylonian Embassadours unto him, after he was delivered from the danger of the Assyrians; for which cause, their coming followeth after this, v. 31. as be∣ing not immediately after his recovery, but three or four years haply after, when Baladan had attained the kingdom of Babylon, and enjoyed it without any more opposition, from which most probably he was not free at the first. For he had ex∣hausted his treasures so to pacifie Sanneherib, that without some time coming be∣tween to fill them again, he could not have had any such glorious things to shew to the Babylonians at their coming, nor in so few years neither, but that the huge hoste of the Assyrians being so destroyed, as hath been said, and the spoils of the camp left unto him, he was doubtless hereby greatly enriched; and so by Gods blessing upon him for his piety, he soon encreased it much more, so that it was now a thing worth the shewing to great princes, what he had so extraordinarily heaped up together, although it were intolerable in him so to do to idolaters, who were Gods enemies, as unto his intimate friends, and joying to be counted such to them, and to their lord the king of Babylon, as hath been already shewed. By the spices here said to be shewed, saith Rabbi Solomon, some understand those sweet spices, in which the kings his progenitours were laid, and upon this reason they think, that he shewed them their sepulchers▪ as hath been spoken before. But he better expoundeth them of sweet spices, of which the incense was made to be burnt daily in the temple. Now as the Kings hath reference to the Chronicles of Judah, for the rest of Hezekiah his acts, so 2 Chron. 32. 32. hath reference to the vision of Esay, by whom ch. 36, 37, 38, 39. the most memorable touching him are also set forth; but nothing of his riches, unless it be in speaking of his shewing them to the Babylonian Embassadours: yet because Esay is more full in setting down some things, as also the Kings, he referreth to them both. And so concludeth with his death and honourable burial. in the upper part of the sepulchers of Davids po∣sterity, all Judah and Jerusalem doing him honour, by assembling from all parts to his burial, v. 33. which in the Kings is altogether omitted, it being onely said, that he dyed, and Mansseh his sonne reigned in his stead, this other being left to the relation of another, who hath done it indeed briefly, but so as that we may conceive, he had no less love then wealth, by reason of his great piety, wherein he continued to the end, in that it was done so to him at his death, as to none of his progenitours▪ he was placed above all the house of David, as he exceeded them all in vertue; and therefore cast not off the care of posterity, as some have fondly imagined but have been already confuted.

CHAP. XXI.

MAnasseh was 12 years old when he began to reign, and reigned 55. years, his mothers name was Hephsibah.] Numa saith S. Augustine, reigned at the same time over Rome, who encreased so the number of the gods by making more, that he left no room for himself to be placed amongst them, and Baladan the king of Babylon was also idolatrous, the Samian Sybilla was also of these times. The world then, as we may gather, was full of superstition, and the Princes of Judah being alwayes prone to the same, most probably wrought upon the youth of their king to favour this way, and the rather, for the league made by his father with the king of Babylon, whereby he became most wicked, as is hereafter shewed. Touch∣ing his mother, some Rabbins say, that she was the daughter of the prophet Esay, as Wolphius hath it; but because he was so bad, she that bare such a sonne is not set forth by the name of her father; to leave which to the inventers, Hephsibah signi∣fieth,

which pleaseth me or is acceptable to me; whereby is intimated, that of what parentage soever she came, she was a good wife, and according to Hezekiah his heart, seeing names are not thus singularly commemorated in holy Scriptures, but because they, that bear them, are really such. Wherefore most probably, as Ma∣nasseh came of a good father, so likewise of a good mother, yet he degenerated, to shew, that vertue is not hereditary. Notwithstanding he lived long, and reigned longer then any of the kings of Judah before him, amongst whom none but Aza∣riah [Note.] attained to 52. but he to 55. but he spent a great part of his time in much mi∣sery for his abominable wickedness, wherein he equalled the most idolatrous hea∣thens. And in that which is said touching this, first it is to be noted, that he was most contrary to his godly father, 2. The main parts of his wickedness are to be considered. For the first, whereas his father in the very beginning of his reign en∣deavoured by all means to set up the true worship of God, he contrariwise put that down; his father set the Priests and Levites in their order about the temple, he drave them from the temple, setting idols priests in their room; his father brought even some heathens by his piety to the true faith; he by his impiety cor∣rupted many of the faithful; his father honoured much the Prophet Isaiah, he, as history saith, sawed him asunder, having first dishonoured his venerable age by scourges, although he were his neer kinsman; his father consulted with God by his Prophets, but he with the devil by witchcraft; his father had the sunne and starrs obedient unto him, he worshipped most basely the sunne, moon, and stars; his father by praying, and piety prevailed to keep away judgements from his peo∣ple, he by his impiety brought judgements upon himself and them; wherefore his father obtained a glorious victory over his enemies to the encrease of his ho∣nour, no labour or pains in fighting being taken therefore, but he to his great in∣famy was overcome by his enemy and bound like a slave in chaines was carryed into Babylon. Somewhat to this effect also hath Josephus. For the second, his wic∣edness consisted of three parts; Idolatry, Homicide, and Magick.

First, he turned and built the high places, which Hezekiah his father had pulled down, and set up altars in the house of the Lord, as Ahaz his grandfather had done.] For by means of evil counsellours about him, who swayed him in his childhood, he was perswaded, that his grandfather was wiser then his father, and therefore preferred rather to follow the house of Ahab, of whom he was descended by the mothers side: for Ahaz was the son of Jotham, the son of Ʋzziah, the sonne of Amasiah, the son of Joash, the son of Ahaziah, whose mother was Athaliah the daughter of Amri, Ahabs father, who was the setter up of more idolatry in Israel, then any of his predecessours. Wherefore it being now a long time, since this su∣perstition came up and was practised even in Judah, the young king might easily be made believe, that it was the old religion, and that of Hezekiah new, and so to stand for it, this being put down: for so was Joas by the flattery of his courtiers carryed away after the death of Jehoiadah. But hereby the great men of Judah shewed, how hollow hearted they were, when as under Hezekiah they had shewed all for wardness against idolatry and for Gods pure worship; but now immediat∣ly after his death having an opportunity, they soon discovered, that their hearts were all this while towards idols.

And he set up altars in the two courts to all the host of heaven] That is according to Vatablus, in the inner court of the Levites, and the outer of the Israelites; thus defiling all holy places, both temple and courts, in the temple the altar set up most probably was such an other as Ahaz had set up there before to the idol of Da∣mascus, these in the courts were to the Planets, Saturne, Jupiter, Mars, Sol. &c. having several images with inscriptions to make them known: and as Wolphius hath it, not to the Planets onely, but also to the fixed starres, and the spirits in the aire.

And he made his son to pass thorow the fire.] Which he could not do at the first, because being but twelve years old he had none, but having begun betimes in his idolatrous course, as he grew into more years, he grew still worse and worse. Of this horible and most unnatural practice of idolaters to their dear chil∣dren,

see before upon chap. 16. 3. Yea he did not onely make groves, and set up the idol Baal, as is said here, v. 3. but he brought in time that idol into the temple, waxing more audacious against God, who had given a streight charge about put∣ting his name there so, promising, that Israel should never be moved out of his place. But he nothing regarding this, together with his princes committed this abomination to remove the Lord, as it were, and to set up Baal there. In the text it is called the image of the grove, whereupon Vatablus saith, that it was an image of a grove, which he had planted, artificially carved; but Dionysius better, the image which he had placed in a grove, which he would have worshipped above all others, that is, the image of Baal. And it is said, that the people being decei∣red by him did worse then the Gentiles expelled out of that land before them. He forced them not at the first then, but sought to allure them to his idolatry by setting up glorious images, and planting pleasant groves, in which they might walke and delight themselves, and when by this meanes he saw them come to a liking of this, he ascended this height of impiety to pollute the temple it selfe. Neither is this all that is said, to aggravate his wickednesse, but both he and they being admo∣nished by prophets, they contemned it, and all the terrible threatenings, which they added against him and them. And hitherto the first part of his wickednesse, the second was his Magick inserted, vers. 6. He became a sonthsayer, and set up such as had familiar spirits, and multiplied wizzards to provoke the Lord.] Be∣cause his law was thus manifestly transgressed, as also by causing his children to passe thorow the fire, which two are censured together, Levit. 20. 1, 2, 6, &c. But of these devillish practises see before upon Levit. 19. 31. There were two wayes of the wizzards divining, the one called auspicium, the other augurium: 1. By beholding their flying. 2. By hearing their singing, unto which they added a third, viz. aruspicium, by looking into the entrailes. So Wolphius who entreateth at large of all sorts of heathen superstitions.

The third part of his wickednesse was his homicide, he shed so much innocent bloud, that he filled Ierusalem therewith up to the brim. So that although at the first he drew men on by fair deceitfull means, yet afterwards it seemeth that he persecuted, and tyrannically murthered such prophets and other godly persons, as opposed and would not consent to his idolatries, and other abhominatious: because after the relation of Gods threatning against him by his prophet, made v. 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15. this followeth immediately of his rage and bloudshed. Who they were that suffered under this tyrant, by name is not recorded, onely forsomuch as he is said to have filled Ierusalem with innocent bloud, alluding unto a floud filling all places where it cometh; we may gather, that many of the common people also were murthered, insomuch, as that through the great numbers who were slain, there was as it were a sea of bloud in the city; and it is generally held, according to Epiphanius, that the Prophet Esay was one of them that suffered by being sawn a under, and then buried under the oak Ragel. But the Rabbins more circumstan∣tially say, that because he called the princes, Princes of Sodome, ch. 1. and said that he saw God, ch. 2. which it is said no man shall do and live, Manasseh sought to slay him, but a great cedar opening it self, he went in and was closed there, then the tyrant commanded the tree, with him in the midst of it, to be sawn asunder, to the sawing of him it is pointed Heb. 11. 37. Lyra saith, that this history is set forth in a book called Iehamoth, thus; Because Esay was uncle to Manasseh by the mothers side, he durst not deal with him as with other martyrs, but sought occasion against him from his writings, Esa. 6. as hath been said before, hereupon he was con∣demned to dye; then he prayed unto the Lord, and he caused a cedar to open unto him to hide him therein, but he not terrified with the miracle, caused him to be sawn asunder with an iron saw; according to some, with a woodden saw, to en∣crease his pain, and when he being thus cormented desired drink, they would give him none, but God sent some down miraculously into his mouth. But it is more probable, that Esay was slain for his bold enveighing against the sinnes of the king and his people, Esa. 57. 3. where he calleth them witches children, and children of the adulterer and the whore, and Esa. 1. 10, &c. And hitherto of the great wic∣kednesse

of Manasseh, unto which in the Kings nothing is added more, but briefly having referred us to the history of the Kings of Iudah, his death immediately fol∣loweth.

Wherefore 2 Chron. 33. 11. it is said, The Lord brought against them the princes of the Army of the king of Assyria, who took him in the thornes, and bound him with two iron chaines, and carried him into Babylon, where being in great affliction, he prayed unto the Lord, &c.] Iosephus, for the Princes of the king of Assyria, hath, the king of Babylon. But herein, saith Lyra, there is no difference; because the King of Babylon, that now was, had been a subject of the king of Assyria, together with the princes there, but now they were revolted, & Babylon was an absolute kingdom of it self, as hath been shewed before. When he together with his princes, then are called princes of the king of Assyria, it is onely spoken as they were in times past, for that the princes of Babylon are meant, appeareth, because he is said to have been carried into Babylon, and these princes are not here simply said in Hebrew, to be the princes of the Assyrian king, but the princes of the army which was his, viz. when he came against Ierusalem, for although they who were of the kingdome of Assyria were ••••••troyed, yet these most probably escaped away alive, and now did no longer live under that kings obedience. The place where he was taken, was in a queachy place full of thorns and briars, to which Iunius saith, he fled to hide himself; for so did many of Israel in the dayes of Saul, for fear of the Philistims. For the great misery endured by Manasseh in Babylon, Jerom saith, that he was put into a brazen vessell full of holes, and therein tormented by fire put about it, wherefore he prayed earnestly to all the gods, whom he had formerly served, but having no help, he remembred what he had heard his father say of the God of Israel, that he onely was able to help in distresse, and would save all those that called upon him, and therefore he sought most earnestly by praier unto him, and was delivered. But this is generally sleighted as a Rabinicall invention, because it hath no ground in holy Scripture, and it is improbable, that being brought into this misery, whilest he was so zealous for his idols, who (it appeared now) could do him no good be∣ing in his own land, that he would seek unto them in a strange land, to which they had suffered him their servitour to be carried away. Moreover, for the affliction endured by him in particular, Chrysostome saith, that he was fed but with so much barley bread in a day, and so much water mingled with vineger, as might keep him alive, being all the while bound with chains in the prison house. Which sheweth, that the particular relations of his miseries are but conjecturall, none being able to tell, what they were besides imprisonment and bands, and this was misery enough for a king to endure. If it be demanded, what quarrell had the king of Babylon or his princes against him, that they should come thus against him, and use him so indignly? It is answered, that most probably he being waxed great, as the kings of Assyria had formerly been, was moved out of the ambition of his minde, when Hezekiah was dead, with whom he had contracted friendship, to think of subduing the land of Iudah, and getting that wonderfull great treasure, which he heard by his embassadours was at Ierusalem, and so sent out some to take the king, which he thought they might easily do being young and improvident, and then he might propound his own conditions, before he were again restored, to pay him such a summe of money down, and to be his tributary under a tribute of so much per annum; thus he. But God, who moderateth in all things, had another end in the coming of these men against him, viz. to punish him with grievous affliction, according to the grievousnesse of his sinnes. But it is strange, and different from all other histories, which is here related, in that it is neither said with what forces this expedition was made, nor how he was taken, nor whether being alone, or ha∣ving any of his princes in his company, he were carried away. Wherefore the sa∣cred historian was only intent to the shewing of his punishment, as being the main thing to be lookt at for use, together with his repentance and deliverance, not re∣garding to speak of other things concomitating the same. It is probable therefore, that all which was here done was extraordinary, and not like to any other invasion or deliverance, any where recorded in holy Scripture. The King Manasseh haply

being so horrible a sinner and bloudshedder, was stricken with inward terrour, as Cain had sometime been, which made him to flee out of the city, there being no apparant cause, and to seek to hide himself amongst thorns, and these princes at the same time being extraordinarily stirred up, came into the land of Iudah to get some rich prey, being drawn by the fame of the great wealth which was there, and ha∣ving accidentally lighted upon Manasseh, they thinking him prey enough for that time, made him fast with chaines, and so carried him into Babylon, without any other in his company, except Shebnah, who might also then be taken and carried away likewise, as is prophesied Esa. 22. 17. according to Cyril. Gretserus and some others, because we never read of any king so carried away, will needs have some of the princes also to have been carried away with him, because also the Lord is said to have brought these princes against them, in the plurall number, & not against him in the singular, and good reason, that they who did partake with him in his sinne, should likewise partake with him in his punishment; especially, seeing they most probably were the instigators of him to these evils, he being too young to set to such works of himself. But because the taking and carrying away of none but of him is spoken of, it is rather to be held, that he was alone, or at the least without any con∣siderable company, haply having but one or two with him, being for their paucity omitted without speaking of them. Whereas some conjecture, that the city of Ie∣rusalem was now also taken, it is yet further from the truth, neither doth Iosephus make mention of any such thing, but saith, that Manasseh was taken by deceit, haply riding out for his recreation with few attendants, but when he saw the As∣syrian princes, and the danger, wherein he was, he fled into a bushy place, and lurk∣ing there for fear, was taken.

The Lord being prayed unto was entreated, and brought him back againe to his owne kingdome, &c.] As the hand of God was evidently in his carrying away so extraordinarily, so it was in his bringing back againe; for how or by what meanes this was done it is not said: whereupon some conjecture, that it was miracu∣lously. Ierom. in the Hebr. tradit. That it was by taking him up as Habbacuk Dan. adject. c. 14. 35. by the haire of his head, and carrying him from Ierusalem to Baby∣lon and thence back againe to his owne place. Chrysost. op. imperf. That a fire be∣ing sent by the Lord dissolved his chaines and so he was delivered. But because God hath many wayes to deliver such as call upon him in distresse, which are unknown to us, the safest is to passe this over undetermined, onely we may be sure, that he was extraordinarily delivered: and not as Benhadad sometime had beene out of the hands of Ahab by humbling himselfe to him and entering into covenants, for then it could not so properly have been said, That the Lord brought him back. Most probably as he was carried away without battell first fought, the kingdome not being indammaged much hereby, so without ransome or covenant for tribute he was returned against the will of the king of Babylon and his princes, most probably his chaines being losened, and the prison doore being opened in the night, as to Peter afterwards, Act. 12. and so he departing unseene. In what yeare of his reign this was done is uncertaine, but the Hebrew Chronicle saith, that anno 22. some others anno 7. but that is more unprobable, seeing he was not by this account come to mans estate, when he was carried away, and all the evils that he did, and gods patience and sending to admonish and threaten him imply a far longer time. Then he knew that the Lord was God] That is, experimentally by this judgement brought extraordinarily upon him, and by his extraordinary deliverance. He was not certainly ignorant of it before, but whilest he lived in idolatry he was not re∣puted one that knew God, but now he reforming both knew and acknowledged him indeed. In Manasseh see the unspeakable mercy of God towards man most [Note.] sinfull repenting, in that he having been so foule a sinner, as that none was ever like him to the destruction of many in body by bloudy persecution, and of many more doubtlesse in soule by deceiving them, yet he was received to mercy, when he was greatly humbled, and servently sought to the Lord by prayer, for the comfort of all distressed sinners, but not of audacious ones, who are bold presuming upon mercy to run into and continue in any wickednesse. What words he used in praying is

not recorded in the Hebrew text but onely in the Apocriphals in another language, but v. 19. it is said, that his prayer is in the words of Cozi, that is, some booke not now extant, but not canonicall Scripture: Of which it is to be held that nothing hath perished, or shall perish, whilest the world lasteth, because by Gods singular providence preserved; whose it is the Hebrew Chronicle makes mention of Ozai as a Prophet, saying, Vnder the reign of Amon Shellum prophesied, who was high Priest and Ozai. By Ozai then is not meant Esay, as some conjecture for he was dead long before Manasseh.

Afterwards Manasseh built the outward wall of the city of David, &c.] The Sacred Historian immediately after the returne of Manasseh from his captivity sheweth his providence to defend himselfe and his people against his enemies, out of whose hands he had escaped, and then his approving himselfe to be truly con∣verted in the care that he took about religion. Iosephus contrariwise saith, That he first reformed religion, and then went about those works of defence, neither doth the Sacred History plainly crosse this, but onely relateth the one before the other, and it may be, as in some other things, not regarding order, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the last first. For it is most probable, that Manasseh being brought home againe a convert, did without all delay prepare to offer unto God eucharisticall sacrifices, and that he might rightly doe this, first tooke away the altars set up to idols and then erected the altar of the Lord in the proper place, and as he had before drawne the people to idolatry, so now he sought by his godly exhortations to draw them to the Lord, be∣cause that therein stood their greatest safety, and this might soone be done; and then in due time the building of another wall for defence might the better be in∣tended. The city of David was Zion, the wall now built was first westward toward Gihon, a book of water in a valley there, then towards the fish-gate, which was east, all these parts being compassed with a strong wall round about, which lay lowest. And it is most likely, that whilest the Priests and Levites were busied with some workmen to help about the temple, others were employed about pre∣paring materials for the wall.

As in the dayes of other godly kings, who also maintained the true religion, so now yet the people persisted to sacrifice in the high places, but to the Lord onely. And of Manasseh no more is said, but references are made to other bookes and writings, and Amon his sonne succeeded him. But 2 King. 21. 18. he is said to have beene buried in the garden of his house, which was the garden of Ʋzzah, ap∣pointing it thus by his last will and testament, as Iunius conjectureth, as counting himselfe unworthy for his sinnes to be laid in the sepulchre of the kings of Iudah. Tostatus saith, that the people would not suffer him to be buried amongst the o∣ther kings for his great wickednesse past, and indeed although he humbled him∣selfe and prayed, and was to his kingdome restored, yet his wickednesse was still remembered and punished afterwards, 2 King. 23. 26. & 24. 3. It was forgiven to him, and no further punished in his person, but in his posterity, that renewed it, to deterre all men from such profligate wickednesse.

Who this Ʋzzah was from whom this garden is named, is not shewed by any that I have seene but for so much as inheritances passed not from one to another family, he was some man of the family of David, whose garden came to the king, for want of another heire, unlesse by Ʋzzah be meant Ʋzziah the king, who be∣cause he died a leper was buried in a field belonging to the kings, 2 Chron. 26. 23. being haply made a garden and for his being buryed there called by his name.

Amon was twenty two yeares old when he began to reigne, &c. his mothers name was Meshullemeth, the daughter of Charutzi of Iotbah.] Of which Iotbah see Deut. 10. 7. It was, saith Ierom, an ancient towne of the tribe of Iudah, but whe∣ther she or her father were good or evill, it is not said, onely we may gather, that she was no stranger, but a Iew, and so he was no mungrell breed; and by his age it appeareth, that he was borne long after his fathers conversion and so educated in the worship of the true God all his dayes hitherto. Wherefore it is the more strange, which is there related of him: He did evil in the sight of the Lord, and walked in all the wayes in which his father had walked, worshipping those gods, &c.

2 Chron. 32. 23. He humbled not himselfe as his father did, but encreased the guilt. So Iunius translates it, the Vulgar Lat. He sinned much more: Hebrew it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Hirbe Ashma, which may be indifferently rendered either way. He was therefore another Ioash, of whom see before, chap. 12. who notwithstan∣ding his good education under Iehoiadah turned wicked idolater, and therefore this king came also to the like end, was slaine by his servants, because haply by them and their flattery he had been drawn to idolatry, as Ioash also had been by his, who came and fell down before him and thus enclined his unsetled minde to their impious desires. And it was a judgement of God singularly to be marked, justly [Note.] coming upon him, that the same should be the instruments of his destruction, who were the instruments of his seduction. And although Manasseh his father re∣pented and rejected his idols, yet he was not altogether blamelesse of this wicked∣nesse of his sonne, because he burnt not his idols, but onely cast them out of the city where they remained to be a snare to Amon. Neither is he said to have done any thing for the reforming of other parts of his kingdome, but of Ierusalem onely, so that from the countrey, where his corruption remained still it might easily be de∣rived to the city: for a warning to all reformers, not to doe as Manasseh, but as Iehu, breake down the image and burne the house of Baal with fire, and so root [Note.] out idolatry from Israel forever. But how can it be said, that Amon sinned more, seeing he turned not wizard, nor shed innocent bloud, that we read of, but onely in idolatry followed his father? Chrysostome saith, that he sinned more, because he said, that he would thus doe now and by the example of his father repent, when he was old, and this is to sinne presumptuously. The Hebrew Chronicle, he sinned more, because he burnt the bookes of the law, which is the more probable, because a book of the law being found amongst the rubbish in the dayes of Iosiah was brought unto him, as most rare. This also made his sinne the greater because he was taught by his fathers example, but contemned or perverted it: lastly, whereas Manasseh repented, he did not, but died in his sinnes, as 2 Chron. 33. 23.

And the servants of Amon conspired against him, and slew him in his house, &c.] Thus through the just judgement of God, he was soon cut off, although the trai∣toors who did this execution are by no means to be justified, but condemned as most wicked bloud shedders, for that they not onely maliciously in way of revenge kill an ordinary man, but the King; whose person is so sacred, that although he be rejected of God for his wickednesse, yet every one of his subjects ought to be so farre from killing him, as that he should fear to cut off the lap of his garment, as David did by Saul. And therefore the people did well to slay those, that thus trea∣cherously had slain their king, as David had before done by him, that said, he had killed Saul.

Amon being dead, the people made Iosiah his sonne king; and buried him in the garden of Vzza, where it is said Manasseh was buried before. They neither put him into so honourable a sepulchre, as other kings that were godly, nor any lamentation for him, as they did afterwards for Iosiah when he was slain by Pharaoh Necho, Thus a difference shall be put after death bet wixt the wicked and the god∣ly, not so much in respect of the more or lesse honourably bestowing of their car∣kasses, [Note.] but of their souls; as of Dives and Lazarus.

CHAP. XXII.

IOsiah was eight years old when he began to reign, and reigned 31 years, &c.] And And he is also set forth by his mothers name and parentage, which was Iedidiah, signifying the beloved of God, and it seemeth that she had not this name by chance, but the divine providence appointing it, because she bare so excellent a sonne, Io∣siah, signifying the salvation of God, as he was named before in the time of Iero∣boam, and prophesied 344. years before he was born, and indeed by him was Israel

saved all his time, both spiritually by being delivered from the bondage of idolatry, and corporally saved from the invasion of forreign enemies.

He did that which was right in the sight of the Lord, &c.] As his father was most wicked, he was most godly, for which cause he is compared with the first king, who was notable for godlinesse, even David, from whose wayes he is said not to have declined; that is, his wayes of sincere seeking to promote the worship and service of the true God onely. Whereas v. 3. he passeth immediatly from this to repairing of the temple anno 18. of his reign, omitting to say what good he did be∣fore.

This defect is supplied 2 Chr. 34. 3. In the 8 year of his reign he being yet a child, he began to seek the Lord, and in the 12, he cleansed Iudah and Ierusalem, from the high places groves, and images, &c. It seemeth, that he was godly brought up, in that he began so soon to declare himself, what course he would take, viz. follow on in the steps of David; which is meant, when he saith, that he then began to seek the Lord. Before this he was too young to make any such expression, and in that he did it now being but sixteen years old, it appears that the grace of God wrought [Note.] betimes in his heart, and other youth should hereby be stirred up to do the like. Such an other was our Henry the ••^th, who being dissolute before, suddenly turned saint, being very young; and Edward the sixt was another very Iosiah. In the 12 year, when he was but 20, he sought to reform others under his dominion, by de∣molishing all idols and their appurtenances in all places, yea in thus doing he pro∣ceeded so farre, that he beat the images and altars of Baal to dust, and burnt Baals priests bones upon them; and passing out of the bounds of the kingdome of Iudah, he purged the cities also of Manasleh, Ephraim, Simeon, and Nephtali, yea all the parts of the land of Israel. And how hee proceeded in doing this, is more particularly shewed, and more largely, 2 King. 23. 4. although this relation be there misplaced. For it followeth after ••he repairing of the temple and the cove∣nant making, in the eighteenth, &c. of Iosiah, whereas this was done from the 12 to the eighteenth, wherefore it seemeth that the writer of the Kings regarded not order so much, but onely to set truly down the particulars done. And the writer of the Chronicles putting things in order, regarded not so much to relate every parti∣cular, as being a thing done before, and therefore is so brief, as that without any mention making of purging the temple, wherewith indeed this godly king is said to have begun, 2 King. 23. 4. he passeth on to the worke of his eighteenth year, wherein order was taken for repairing the temple. That we may then more fully understand how Iosiah proceeded, in purging Iudah and Ierusalem, we must look back from the Chronicles to the 2 Kings 23. 4. He commanded first Hilkiah the priest and other priests, to carry out of the house of the Lord, all the instru∣ments of Baal, &c. and burnt them, and carried the ashes thereof to Bethel, which was, as Junius noteth, under the dominion of the kings of Iudah, as being taken from Ieroboam, by Abijam the sonne of Rehoboam, 2 Chron 13. 19. and be∣cause it was by Ieroboam made a place of abhominable idolatry, this godly king to disgrace it the more, caused this base dust to be carried thither, as to a most prophane place, and soon after upon the altar there, burnt mens bones, and then brake it down and burnt it to ashes, v. 15. What these vessels were, it is not said, but it may be conceived, that as for the service of the Lord there were precious vessels of gold and silver, as censers, basons, dishes, bowles, spoons, &c. so there were many such for superstitious uses about Baal, and the hoste of heaven. Yet as precious as they were, Iosiah thought them not fit to be put to any other use, then to be burnt to powder, as the cursed goods of Iericho, that there might remain no remembrance of them, for the entangling of others afterwards. And the like care is hereby com∣mended [Note.] to all godly princes, and not to do as Manasseh, when he turned to remove appurtenances of idolatry onely, and to cast them out, seeing so they may soon be brought in again, as those that he cast out were by Amon, but utterly to abolish them. Moreover in speaking of the vessels made to Baal, it is added, and to the grove, which was, saith Wolphius, a place of pleasure near to the Lords house, in one of the courts, where men and women met together and satisfied their fleshly lusts under

the shade of the trees planted there. But more probably, by grove here is meant the image of the grove before spoken of 2 King. 21. 7. because vessels were not made to groves, but to idols, for the service of which, groves used to be planted where they were worshipped. 2 Chron. 34. 4. The dust of this burning, which is said to have been carried to Bethel, is carried and strewed upon dead mens graves, that is, the graves of idolaters, to shew the basenesse both of idols and idolaters, and what they shall come unto, viz. to be as the dust, which is troden under foot, that none might be infatuated thus any more, to worship any such base and refuse stuffe.

And he caused to cease the wizards, &c. or priests of the idols.] Hebr. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sometime rendred one of these wayes by Ierom, and sometime another; some, saith Wolphius, think that the word cometh from burning, because they carried fire to burn incense to their idols. Pagninus deriveth the word from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to be blacked, because idols priests did put on black garments. Whatsoever they were, it is cer∣tain, that they were the servitors of idols, being set up and having maintenance from the wicked kings of Iudah, to do this impious service, like unto which are Iesuites and Monks, to whom maintenance hath been given from princes and great persons, who were superstitious, to perform blinde devotions, whereby they [Note.] thought good would redound to their souls, and to their whole families. But as Io∣siah caused them to cease doing so any more, dissolving those nests of unclean birds, and converting their means doubtlesse to better uses; so should all Christian kings do, that would come into favour with God.

He made the grove also to be taken out of the house of the Lord, and burnt it in the valley of Chedron, &c.] This grove is called the idol of the grove, ch. 21. 7. which Manasseh made, touching which see there; it is not to be understood as properly spoken of a grove planted with trees, but of an image called the grove, or grove image, because brought out of a grove thither; which is also intimated, in that it was carried as other images and vessels, and burnt in Chedron, and the dust there∣of was strewed upon mens graves, whereas not dust, but ashes come of the burn∣ing of trees. And indeed it cannot be conceived, how a grove should be in the house of the Lord, or in so short a time, for Amon stood but two years, neither did he any other thing, but renew the idolatry of his father Manasseh, who planted no grove there, but set up the image of the grove, which also after his repentance, he is said to have cast out, 2 Chron. 33. 15.

Vers. 7. He destroyed also the houses of masculine harlots or Sodomites, Iunius The stewes in the house of the Lord. The Vulgar Lat. The litle houses of the effemi∣nate. That is, saith Lyra, of the priests of that idol, who are so called, because they were gelt. But of this see before in the time of Asa, 1 King. 15. 12. and of Ieboshaphat, chap. 22. 47. Where women weaved little houses to the grove. That is, saith Lyra, curtaines, where with being enclosed as in little houses they prostituted themselves to such as came unto them to the honour of the idol, as the priests com∣manded them, holding therefore that they did well, for so much as they did not so out of lust, but in obedience. Oh a nation blindly lead, that could be made be∣leeve they did well, when they consented to such foule and abominable sinning, and therefore such as needed purgation at this time. Neither is it improbable, see∣ing [Note.] Popish priests at this day have the faith of silly women as much subjected to them, as those idolatrous priests had.

Vers. 8. And bringing the priests out of the cities of Iudah, he defiled the high places, where they burnt incense from Gebah to Beershebah.] That is, from one end of the kingdome of Iudah to another, for Gebah was the farthest city North∣ward in the tribe of Benjamin, as Iunius noteth from 1 King. 15. 16. and Beer∣sheba in the tribe of Iudah Southward, Iudg. 20. 1. [And the high places of the gates] That is, not sparing the idols of any, but destroying even those, that were let up by great men, and rulers, whose judgement seats were in the gates of the cities and there they had set up altars, amongst whom Iehoshuah governour of the city Ierusalem is named as the chiefe. Wolphius thinketh, that the priests, who are said to have offered incense in the high places, did it to idols, but Lyra better,

to the Lord, yet because the temple was the onely place, they were caused to leave those places, they being now destroyed, which divers godly kings had before spa∣red, and permitted sacrificing in them; which they would not doubtlesse have done, unlesse the sacrificing there had been to the Lord, as Manasseh after his con∣version, and Asa, who is said in the Chronicles to have destroyed the high places, but 2 King. 15. the people are said still to have sacrificed in them, he destroyed those, that were made to idols, but permitted those wherein it was sacrificed to the Lord. Moreover, that which here followeth, viz. that they had portions of food allowed them to live upon after this, sheweth that they offered not to idols, for if they had done so, they had been idols priests; and so most probably should have beene slaine, as other idolatrous priests were, v. 20. He slew all the priests of the high places. But these were onely from henceforth put from their ministery for that their offence, but had maintenance out of the priests meanes allowed unto them, as long as they lived, but no more, I suppose, then necessary for their suste∣nance, because otherwise they should have suffered onely in their honour, but be∣ing for this cased of the burden of his service, it would have been counted as no punishment for their errour past. After this example such as are taken from the [Note.] executing of the office of the Popish priesthood, ought to be judged unfit to be imployed in the reformed, if without them enough others may be had: if not, such as turne, may be imployed, but the rest not, seeing there is no agreement be∣twixt God and idols.

Vers. 10. He also defiled Tophet in the valley of the son of Hinnom.] That is, a pleasant place nigh unto dedicated to the idol Moloch, where they used to make their very children to passe through the fire, being called Tophet, signifying tympanum a taber, because the priests of that idol played upon tabers at the time of sacrificing, that the noise of the children crying which were offered, might not be heard, ••s is more at large shewed upon Levit. 18. 21. and in the history of Ahaz. And he is said to have defiled this place, that is, saith Pellican, by filling it with dead mens bones, that it might be unfit for sacrificing there any more, see vers. 14.

Vers. 11. He also tooke away the horses, which the kings of IUdah had given to the Sunne, &c.] That is, some idolatrous kings of them. But whether these were images of horses onely and of a chariot, wherein the heathen thought the Sume to be drawne about; or very horses drawing a chariot in honour of the Sunne, is doubted. Christian expositours for the most part hold the first, R. Solomon the se∣cond, saying, That every morning some were carryed out in that chariot at the Sun rising to wards it to salute the Sunne in the kings name. Wolphius conjectureth, that the image of the Sunne was placed in a glorious chariot, and that horses being kept for the purpose were at certaine times made to draw it about in honour of the Sunne, which he groundeth upon Macrobius, who saith, That there was a∣mongst the Heliopolitans a golden image of Apollo, or the Sunne without a beard carried about in a chariot after the manner of the images of the gods, which were carryed in pompe at the time of the Circensian playes. And this seemeth to me most probable, because it is said, The kings gave them to the Sunne, not made them, as if they had beene images, and he caused them to cease, as speaking of things living, as before of idols priests, v. 5. whom no man doubteth, but that he slew them, and why should we not then in like manner hold, that here the killing of these hones dedicated to such superstition is meant, and the rather because he is mediately said to have burnt the chariot with fire, and why not the horses also, if they had been onely images of horses? The place, where this idolatry was done was at the entering of the Lords house, that is, East ward, as thought most apt for the Sunnes rising there, and yet not very neare that house, because it is said to have been in the suburbs, at the chamber of Nethanmelech.

This idolatry Iunius noteth out of Strabo to have beene derived from the Per∣sians, and he saith, They were the suburbs of the city of David, that is, Sion, where the Idol stood.

Vers. 12. And the altars which were upon the roofe of Ahaz his parlour, which

the kings of Iudah had made.] So excessive was this Ahaz in multiplying places of idolatry, that he set up some on the top of his owne house, and most probably Amon the sonne of Manasseh did the like, and Manasseh also, for which it is said, [which the kings of Iudah had made] but Iosiah pulleth them downe, and the altars set up first by Manasseh in the courts of the Lords house, and restored againe after that they had been by him upon his repentance cast out, by Amon his son.

The high places also, which were before Ierusalem set up by Solomon, &c.] Of Solomons setting up of these high places see before, 1 King. 11. 7. and what idols those were to the honour of whom he set them up. And the destroying of these is specially named, because this fact argued a notable resolution against all that might be said in regard of Solomons wisdome, who set them up, Art thou wiser then So∣lomon? Iosiah cared not what might be said, seeing he did that, which true zeale •…•…nd piety required. And in his example we are taught not to be moved to im∣pogne [Note.] the lesse any superstition in the Church, because men most eminent for wis∣dome and learning have long agoe brought it in, used, and countenanced it a for if it be a corruption, true piety will not be hereby hindered from beating it downe, see∣ing in the wisest there is some folly, and in the most holy some blemishes which we must take heed of, although we reverence them for the excellencies that were in them.

If it shall seem strange, that these abhominations were put down no sooner in the dayes of some other godly king his predecessour, as of Asa, Iehoshaphat, or He∣zekiah? It is to be held, that although they were godly and zealous, yet God had one all that while in his minde called Iosiah, to bring into the world, who should in purging the Church somewhat exceed them all, that if after this they should fall to idolatrie again, they might the more justly be given over into the hands of their enemies as desperate, as indeed they were. And herein haply was figured out, what should be done in these latter dayes of the Gospel, in which a great reformation of [Note.] region hath been made, but it shall come to more perfection yet, the Iewes being also converted; and when after this a relapse shall be made again, destruction by the Lords last coming to judgement shall soon follow. This doubt also touching former godly kings, why they suffered these abhominations to stand in their dayes, hath been further resolved upon. 2 King. 18. 4. Of these high places it is said, as of Tephet, v. 10. he defiled them; and to expresse how, v. 14. he is said to have filled the places, where idols were worshipped, with dead mens bones.

And destroyed the altar at Bethel, which Ieroboam had made.] What power he had thus to do, seeing Bethel was in the kingdome of Israel, over which, accord∣ing to the first division of the two kingdomes, the house of David had no domi∣nion, see before upon v. 4. But forsomuch as v. 19. he is said to have destroyed ido∣latrie also, in all the cities of Samaria, and 2 Chron. 34. 6, 7. in Simeon and Ma∣nasseh, Ephraim, and Nephthalim, and even all over Israel, which were subject to the Assyrians, it is apparant, that his zeal carried him in his holy warre against ido∣latrie, not onely throughout his kingdome of Iudah, and other parts actually under be deminion, but also through all other parts, where any Israelites yet dwelt, as belonging anciently to the house of David, and without doubt being now willing to subject themselves to that house again, or brought under by his power, which those poor people were not able to resist. Onely it is probable, that he bauked the citie of Samaria it self, as being inhabited by strangers. Iunius thinketh, that Ephraim Manasseh, &c. in this place are meant onely such as in those tribes were willing, because in the dayes of Hezekiah his grandfather, it is said, that many of them came to the passeover to Ierusalem. But in such places doubtlesse, they would of themselves have beaten down idolatrie, and Iosiah should not have needed to come amongst them for that purpose. Wherefore I think rather, that he did this whether they of the place were willing or unwilling, not without some reluctation and dan∣ger, which might follow to him from the king of Babylon, or Assyria, when he should hear of his bold attempt amongst a people subject unto him, in a matter of so great consequence, viz. the alteration of religion, which commonly beareth more sway with conscionable men, then any other thing. This then shewed a most

great courage in Iosiah, carrying through all difficulties; and the difficultie of doing this will appear the greater, if we consider how long idolatrie had continued in the kingdome of Israel to take the deepest rooting; viz. even from the beginning of that kingdome, in which there was never any other king but an idolater. Touching the altar at Bethel in particular, it is noted, that his destroying that was prophesied of in Ieroboams time 1 King. 13. and also the burning of mens bones first upon it, which was now fulfilled by Iosiah his taking them out of their sepulchres and burn∣ing them there, thus to defile and make unfit for any such worship for ever this place, which had been formerly this way so grossely abused. Whose bones these were it is not said, 2 Chron. 34. 5. he is said, to have burnt priests bones upon their altars; whereby we may gather, that these were the bones of idolatrous priests, who had served there in their life time; and if any shall think hardly of this fact against the bones of the dead, which had no sense of that which was done unto them, it is justi∣fied by the prophesie, wherby he was appointed so to do, and the Lord would have it so done, to shew the abomination wherin he had idols servitors, in that he provided that they should have no rest in their graves, as others commonly have, but be dis∣graced [Note.] to the uttermost; and the burning of their bones after death, was a demon∣stration of their burning in hell fire, to which, idolatry and other foul wickednesses do make all men liable. And this judgement was just, that they who had sacrificed beasts to the devill, should for their bestiall stupidity shewed herein, be themselves sacrificed as beasts; the devill being thus dishonoured in his servitors, where they him most had honoured. Whereas the Antichristian sect have some time done the like, against the oppugners of idols and Antichrist, as against Robert Grosted bishop of Lincoln, and Bucer, it was by a zeal, but not according to knowledge, as in those of whom Christ speaketh, the time shall come, that they which kill you shall think that they do God service. For the time that this was prophesied of, it was above 300 years before, as hath been already noted, and not till now accomplished, whereby we see, that the words of God shall take effect, and judgements threatned shall be executed, although they may seem to be long deserred, see this also in many ex∣amples [Note.] more.

And he said, what title is that which I see? the men of the place said, it is the se∣pulchre of the man of God, &c.] Because Iosiah noted this sepulchre above all the rest, there are divers conjectures about it. Lyra saith, that it was highest, having a pillar standing at one end, in which was a large inscription, so as was not in any of the rest, and this might well move the king to look at it, and thus to enquire. To∣status, that he was moved by the instinct of the spirit to note it, that his bones might rest in quiet. R. Solomon, that bryars growing about the other sepulchres, here grew balm; for the Rabbins have inventions for all things. However, it was noted and declared, what sepulchre it was, and it was left untouched; and thus the old prophet, who had deceived this, rested in quiet also, seeing he was laid in the same sepulchre. But the greatest wonder is, that the men of that place so well knowing this, were not moved to abdicate idolatrous worship. But most probably they be∣lieved not, till they saw it fulfilled.

From thence the king going on to Samaria her cities, destroyed all the high pla∣ces, and burnt the priests upon their altars. 2 Chron. 34. 7. He is said, to have de∣stroyed all the idols throughout all the land of Israel; that is, where the Israelites inhabited, with whom he had to do. But in Samaria, where strangers inhabited that were of other nations, it is not likely that he medled: because also it is said, 2 King. 17. 41. They feared the Lord, but served idols, both fathers, and children, and childrens children to this day. Then he returned to Ierusalem.

All this being done from the twelfth of Iosiah to his eighteenth year, that is, in sixe years, in which time also it seemeth, that a collection was made for the repair∣ing of the temple, now the godly king taketh order for this work. 2 King. 22. 3. In the eighteenth year of his reign, he sent Shaphan to the house of the Lord, to bid Hil∣kiah the high Priest prepare the mony, which the porters had gathered of the people, &c. Nothing had been done for the reparation of the temple, that we reade of, since the time of Ioash and Iehoiadah, the high Priest, which was before this 234 years,

18 of Ioash, Amaziah 29, Vzziah 52, Iotham 16, Ahaz 15, Hezekiah 29, Manas∣seh 55, Amon 2, Iosiah 18. Wherefore it is probable, that it was in great decay again, which being espied then in the twelfth year of his reign, the temple was purged, and order, as is here intimated, was presently taken to collect moneys for this work, as had been done before under Ioash, 2 Kin. 12. 4. where the same is said, that is here, of putting the moneys collected into the hands of overseers of the work, and not requiring an account, and therefore shall not need to be here expounded again. Onely it is to be understood, that 2 Chron. 34. 8. things are more exactly set down, for it is said not onely that Shaphan the Scribe was sent, but also with him Maasiah the governour of the city, and Ioash the recorder, to confirm the house of the Lord, so Iunius; but the vulgar Latin, to repair; respecting rather the sense, then the proper signification of the word.

Who came to Hilkiah and delivered unto him the moneys gathered of the Manas∣sites, Ephraimites, and all Israel and Iudah by the Levites the porters, when they re∣turned to Jerusalem.] Whereby it appeareth, that there was not a cheist set with an hole, as in Ioash his time to put moneys in, but that whilest Iosiah went about destroying idols and altars in all places, they went about gathering moneys for this worke. And in speaking of the work to be done, he addeth, Which is not in Kings: and for the roofe of the houses which the kings of Iudah had destroyed] That is, as Junius conjectureth, of the Priests and Levites houses about the tem∣ple, which haply Manasseh, when he persecuted and slew the priests opposing him in his idolatry threw downe, and Amon likewise, if he upon his repentance repaired them againe. Moreover it is here more expresse, to whom the moneys for this work were delivered without calling them to an account, because they were most faithfull, viz. the overseers of the work, Iasaph and Obadiah, Levites, Merarites, &c. And such, saith Pellican, ought much more to be made Bishops, that is, overseers of the spirit: building under the Gospel, and not any unfaithfull, [Note.] or not throughly approved for their piety and good conscience.

And when they brought forth the money which had been brought into the house of the Lord, Hilkiah found the booke of the Law, &c] It seemeth, that the Levites, who gathered these moneys, v. 9. brought them to the high priest and so they were laid up in the treasury of the temple, untill the kings officers coming, they were before them brought forth againe by the care of the high priest, as had beene done in Ioash his time, that they together might take order with the overseers of the worke to have all things done herewith, that were needfull about the temple. But whereas in Ioash his time besides reparations, that were done, divers gold and sil∣ver vessels also are said to have been made of the overplus money, 2 Chron. 24. 14. here nothing is spoken of them although some, because the word confletur pecunia, is used in the Vulgar Lat. hold it to be obscurely intimated, because that word is used to set forth the making of vessels of silver, but Iunius renders it better, abso∣lent, and if the making of it out into vessels were meant, what should there have beene for the reparations? It is most probable, that Hezekiah reigning so lately, from whose time no vessels were taken out of the temple, he left it sufficiently fornished, being a king of so great wealth, as he was, and so there was at this time no need of supplying these, although Iosephus, who is in many things of little cre∣dit, saith the contrary.

Touching the book of the Law said here at this time to be found accidentally as Hilkiah took out the money out of the chest in the treasury, it may seeme strange, that it should be spoken of as so rare, seeing such a book was appointed to be kept alwayes in the Arke, and also by the king, that he might continually read therein: some of the Hebrews say, that Amon had burnt the books of the Law, which he could finde, in so much as it was thought, that they had all perished; and if it were so, no marvaile, although this being found was produced, as a thing so rare and presently carryed to the king. How ever, it is certaine, that so few books of the law remained in the land, by what meanes soever they were destroyed, that nei∣ther the high priest, nor the great Princes of Iudah knew, where to finde one at this time, till that Hilkiah lighted accidentally upon this which haply his prede∣cessour

had hidden here from wicked Amon, and then dying left it, no man know∣ing thereof. For it may be conceived, that there were in those dayes very few such bookes, before that any thing was done against them, because we read not of any but that put in the Arke, and a copy before the priests, the Levites, and another written out of that for the kings use, Deut. 17. 15, 16. Of the Levites copy see also, Deut. 3. 19. and how it was ordained, that they should reade out of this book to the people at the feast of tabernacles, and the Law should be written in plaster upon stone in a publique place, where every one might read it. In processe of time notwithstanding it seemeth, that they were multiplyed so, that in every Sy∣nagogue there was one under the hand of the Rector or Ruler of the Synagogue, because it is said, that Moses was read in their Synagogue every Sabbath day, and because this reading and expounding, (which commonly went together for which it is said, Moses is preached when he is read; and Ezra is said to have done thus) was by the priests; it is said, The priests lips shall preserve knowledge, and they shall enquire the law at his mouth. The ten Commandements were indeed at the first made common, for every father was bidden to write them upon the posts of his house, and to talke of them to his children continually, that they also might know them, but all the books of Moses here called the book of the Law were more rare, as may be gathered from that which hath been said, till that afterwards divers copies being written out, every Synagogue was furnished with one, and most probably some, that were godly disposed, were at the charge to have them in their private houses. If it had beene so yet in Amons time, he could not so easily have deprived the Church of this treasure, and now that one was preserved in the treasury unknowne to any man living, it was the wonderfull providence of him [Note.] that was the Authour of this blessed book, that although heaven and earth shall passe away, yet not one jot or title of the Law should perish till all be fulfilled. And whereas not onely the books of the Law doe so much abound amongst us, but of the Gospel also at this day, we see, how much we are bound to God, if the com∣monnesse of these divine books make us not to sleight and neglect them.

The book thus found by the high priest was by him delivered to Shaphan, who carryed it to the king, and after relation made of the moneys taken and delivered for the building, he told him of this book, and read it before him; and when Iosiah the king heard it he rent his garments, &c. The place in which he read, that trou∣bled the good king so much, was as Ierom conjectureth, Deut. 8. 9. but there be many Chapters more in that book conteining terrible threatenings against trans∣gressours of the Law, in hearing any of which, and considering the wickednesse of that land a tender heart could not but be smitten. For both his fathers had foulely sinned and the people by grosse idolatryes, which never goe unaccompanied with many other abominations, for which he saw, that grievous judgements hanged over the land, and therefore he sent immediately to enquire of the Lord by Huldah, a Prophetesse, by what means they might be prevented, and most probably that she might pray for the averting of them, as Hezekiah had formerly sent unto Esay, when the kingdome was in danger by Sanneherib, the king of Assyria. Of rending garments to shew the sorrow of the hart hath been spoken before, but for the person, to whom he sent, it may seeme strange, that it was not to Ieremy ra∣ther, being a Prophet of more note and a man, then to a woman: for that he had begun to prophesie five yeares before this appeareth, Ier. 1. 2. even in anno 13. of Iosiah, whereas this was done anno 18. so that they doe ill, who bring a reason of this from his minority, saying, that he had not yet begun, or being but young was not so venerable. And as ill doth R. Solomon in saying, that the king feared to send for him, because he thought he would be more rigid; but a woman, who is by na∣ture more tenderly affected, more milde. For both the king knew, that either of them would speake, as God directed without varying any jot therefrom, for even so Balaam himselfe had done; and being so cast downe by hearing the book read, he doubted not certainly, but that from either of them both he should heare of comfort.

The cause then of his sending to Huldah rather then to Ieremiah was, for that she

dwelt nearer, even in some part of Ierusalem. For she is said to have been the wife of Shallum the keeper of the wardrop and to have dwelt in Ierusalem in Mishneh, for so the Septuagint read it, reteining the Hebrew word, but the Vulgar Lat. and other expositours render it [in secunda] that is, either the second gate of the wall, as Ierom, or upon the second wall; for Hezekiah built another wall, as Lyra, or the second part of the city, as some others dividing it either into two or into foure parts, as Wolphius saith. But Ieremiah his dwelling was at Anathoth in Benjamin about two miles from Ierusalem. And haply he was at this time further off, repro∣ving and threatning sinne in another part of the land of Israel, to which he was sent. And it was not without a speciall providence, that they went to her, that this [Note.] weaker sexe might not be despised; but forsomuch, as sometime God hath vouch∣safed to make women instruments of revealing his will touching things to come, as well as men, as Deborah before, and Miriam the sister of Moses, and Hannah after, &c. they might according to their good endowments, have their due ho∣nour, and that marriage might not be vilified so much as it is, amongst popish teach∣ers, seeing it hath pleased God to inspire with his spirit, even married women, and men; for some of the prophets were married men, and the high Priest also, who oft times prophesied, as high Priest of that time, as Caiaphas did. Whereas Wol∣phius seeketh a proof of prophetesses under the new Testament, from 1 Cor. 11. where it is said, A woman praying or prophesying with her head uncovered; saying, that although other women must in the congregation be silent, yet hereby it is shewed, that such as had the spirit of prophesie, were left at liberty to speak there; ••e is in this contrary to the current of other expositours, who generally hold, that they are spoken of as prophesying, that are present at the prophesying of the word. And although women have prophesied even under the new Testament, yet it hath not been publikely in the congregation, but privately.

But to return again to Huldah, some Hebrews think, that Shellum her husband was uncle to Ieremiah his father; whereas also some expound the wardrope of the priests, others expound it of the king, and Ierom gathereth yet somewhat more from their going to her a woman, viz. that this was done to the reproach of men in those dayes, and to shew, that there was not a good man, who was worthy to be consulted with. But how this can stand, seeing Ieremiah lived then, and Baruch, and Zephaniah, I cannot see.

Say to the man that sent you unto me, &c.] She doth not say [to the man] with∣out adding any word to set forth his dignity, out of a minde neglecting to give ho∣nour to so great a person, but as Gods deputy she onely uttereth the words of God, with whom there is no respect of persons, or giving of titles, but the king is as ano∣ther man. Yet when she cometh to speak comfort to him, she altereth her phrase, and saith; But to the king of Iudah, &c. v. 18. To intimate, that although a king is [Note.] not made by his dignity to differ from another ordinary man before God, yet when he is godly, he shall be honoured even before him, as he is, with the title of a King, or the Captain of my people, according to the name whereby God calleth Heze∣kiah to Esay, when he sent him unto him. Her saying unto him from the Lord, consisteth of two parts; First of a threatning to the place and to the inhabitants, of all the judgements contained in the book, which should not be turned away, toge∣ther with the reason, because they forsook the Lord, and offered incense to other gods, this being the greatest provocation of all others, and therefore solely men∣tioned, although they were full of other wickednesses also, as all other idolaters are. And she speaketh of that which was written in the book for the credit thereof, that we might know all things to be most true and certain, which are herein written, and so tremble at hearing the judgements threatned in this book. And she threat∣neth these judgements without any hope of reversing them, because the Lord, who put these words into her mouth, saw into the wicked hearts of the people, al∣though when the king made a reformation, they seemed to consent unto it. For that their hearts were still bent to idolatry, which was now destroyed, appeareth, because Iosiah was no sooner dead, but the kingdome returned to the former vo∣mit, doing as in the worst dayes of Manasseh, both by idolatry and shedding inno∣cent

bloud, chap. 24. 3. and then they fell into the hands of the king of Babylon, according to this threatning, and others before going. Otherwise, if their hearts had been as Iosiahs, they should not have been threatned with the abiding of Gods judg∣ments upon them, without any means of escape, seeing he is gracious to all that [Note.] truly repent, even when his threatnings are most peremptory and terrible, as to Nineveh, and Manasseh, although not amending when he was threatned, yet amending after wards, his compassion was extended towards him, to take him out of his miserable captivity, and restore him to his kingdome, as hath been before shewed.

The second part of her saying, was touching comfort to godly Iosiah, because his heart melted at the hearing of the threatnings of the law, he humbled himself, rent his garments, and wept, and prayed, as is implyed, in that the Lord saith, I have heard; the bringing of these judgements should be respited during his life time, who he promiseth, shall be gathered to his fathers in peace. Touching which last clause, if it be doubted, the common answer is, that although Iosiah thirteen years after fell by the sword of the king of Egypt, yet it may truly be said, that he died in peace; that is, the kingdome enjoying peace, and not being annoyed with war by any enemies, but remaining free from the miseries which warres bring, to the end of his daies: because that king of Egypt moved not warre against him, but professed the contrary, and whereas he perished by his sword, it was by his own seeking, neither did he any more hostile act against the kingdome of Iudah, when he was slain, untill three moneths after, when the time was come that judge∣ments should begin to work against that place, for the peoples horrible wicked∣nesses. Moreover, as Lyra hath it, he is counted to dye in peace, that dieth, before he seeth the destruction of his people and true religion, which to wise men are so grievous, that they prefer dying, before living to see such things; as it is said, 1 Ma∣chab. 3. and it is worthy the remembring to this purpose, that Titus the Romane Emperour said to certain priests of the Iews, who escaped hardly from the burning of the Temple, and craved of him to grant them their lives, he commanded, that they should be slain, saying, that they were of degenerous mindes, who desired to overlive their temple and god. He also saith, that he died in peace, because in full assurance to be saved everlastingly, forsomuch as he was a true saint of God. But the former doth best agree, because the peace spoken of was not internall, but ex∣ternall; the kingdome not being infested by any warres, as it should be afterwards, when so holy a king being gone, and not another good one left to stand in the gap, judgements should have full scope to enter in. And these words, that thy eyes may not see all the evils which I shall bring upon this place, do plainly shew this to be the meaning. Whence note, what benefit cometh by the godly and zealous, it is [Note.] by such, that all the kingdome is preserved from ruine, seeing it was kept off from Ierusalem, for Iosiah his sake whilest he lived, but so soon as he was dead, with∣out any long delay, the floud-gates of Gods judgements were set open up∣on it.

CHAP. XXIII.

IOsiah hearing the Lords answer, immediately gathereth all the people of Iudah and Ierusalem, before the house of the Lord, both great and small, and having read the words of the book in their hearing, they entred into a covenant to keep these laws with all their heart, and not to sinne against them any more. Yea, as is added 2 Chron. 34. 33. he rested not in this, but removed all abhominations out of all Israel, and caused all in all parts to follow the Lord all his dayes. The godly king thought it necessarie, when the land was in so great danger, to binde himself and the people by oath, from going after idols any more, as being a course taken before by Asa, 2 Chron. 15. 12. and by Iehoiadah, ch. 23. 16. and by Hezekiah, ch. 29. 10. grounding doubtlesse upon that fact of Moses, after the giving of the law, who

caused the people to make a covenant, to keep the things therein contained, con∣firming it by sprinkling bloud upon them. For the tye of a covenant is so sacred, and so strongly binding, as that none but such as are desperately mad upon sinning, dare break it, because whoso breaketh it, dissolveth the bands of his souls mariage with God, and is actually divorced, and so excluded from all benefit of his protection from miseries here or hereafter.

Now Iosiah is said to have made this covenant with all his heart, and the people did out wardly all binde themselves also, but dissemblingly, as appeareth by Iere∣miah his complaint, that they turned not with all their heart, but fasly, or deceit∣fully; for which he saith, that rebellious Israel was justified before Iudah, because Iudah added to all her abominations hypocrisie, and therefore chap. 4. he biddeth them to breake up the fallow ground of their hearts and not to sowe amongst thomes; that is, having still an impious and perfidious heart. If it be demanded why Iosiah did thus now, seeing for his owne time he was by the promise of God secured, and afterwards the threatening was so peremptory, that there was no hope of preventing the judgements? Answ. When any promise is made, the faithfull know, that tacitly it is implyed, that they should with all diligence use all good meanes to obteine it, and when judgements are threatened, as against Ni∣neveh, they may be by true repentance averted. Wherefore Iosiah forbeareth not to doe his best to make sure the promise, and if it might be, to avert the judge∣ments threatened against the land.

And for this cause next unto the covenant he calleth to the keeping of a passe∣over in a most solemne and religious manner. v. 21. For although here from the 4. v. hitherto the purging of the temple, &c. from all idolatrous pollution com∣meth betweene, yet, as hath been before shewed, it went before and followed not after the making of the covenant, and therefore of all that, it hath been already spoken. And 2 Chron. 35. 1. the keeping of this passeover is set forth immediately after the making of the covenant and that most amply, whereas here it is onely mentioned most briefly. But there is 1. mention made of the time, the fourteenth day of the first moneth. 2. Of the priests, that ministered about it. 3. Of the Le∣vites, that killed and fleaed the sacrifices. 4. Of the number of kids and lambes out of the flock given by the king, v. 7. 5. Of the number given by the princes of the Priests and Levites, v. 8, 9. 6. Of their boyling for all the people and for the priests and themselves, who were busied about sacrificing till night, v. 13, 14. 7. Of the Levites the musicians, who stood to play upon instruments of musick, v. 15. 8. Of the continuance of this solemnity, viz. seven dayes, v. 17. 9. This passeover is praised above all, that had beene kept, since Samuels time, v. 18. 10. It is said to have beene kept anno 18. of Iosiah his reigne, v. 19. that is, the same yeare, that the repairing of the temple was made. Yet here also this passeover is in like manner praised and before others preferred, that had been kept, since the dayes of the Iudges, and the time is also set down, viz anno 18. v. 22. 23.

But whereas 2 Chron. 35. 3. it is said, And he said to the Levites giving under∣standing to all Israel, sanctifying them to the Lord, put the holy arke in the house which Solomon built, &c. There is no burden for you to carry upon the shoulder now, serve the Lord your God and his people Israel.] It may be demanded, where the Arke now was, and whether out of this house, and when it was carryed out, be∣cause we never reade, that it was carryed out since the time that Solomon placed it there. Ierom saith, that it was carryed out by Ahaz, when he set up idolatry in the Lords house and set in the house of Shellum, the husband of Huldah the Pro∣phetesse, where it continued, till that Iosiah caused it at this time to be fetched away by the Levites into the Lords house, being the proper place thereof: and Cajetan, that the wicked kings of Iudah most probably remembering, what dammage was done to the Philistims, when the Arke stood by Dagon. their idol, durst not let it stand in the temple, when they worshipped idols there, but caused it to be carried out into some other place. And the kings sending to Huldah the prophetesse to consult with the Lord is thought by some to favour the relation of Ierom, that it stood in her husbands house. Lyra having recited that, which Ierom

hath, saith, that in an Hebrew Glosse it is said, that the Arke was not carried in A∣haz his time out of the temple, but when Manasseh set up an idol, he removed the Arke to another place in the temple, that he might make roome for that idol to be placed there, and so it was not brought at this time from any other house but from some other part of the temple to the most holy place, where most properly it ought to stand. But he excepteth against both these, against the first, because He∣zekiah reigning after Ahaz, who was so full of zeale, would not doubtlesse have suffered the Arke in any other place all the time of his reigne, and against the se∣cond, because the Levites might not come into the temple, but the priests onely, and therefore, if it had stood in any part of the temple out of the proper place, Iosiah would have spoken to them and not to the Levites to remove it in. And he resolveth, that it was carried out by Manasseh, and now at Iosiah his appointment brought by the Levites to the Temple, of whom the Priests receiving it, carryed it into the most holy place. But against this it may as well be excepted, because Manasseh was converted and lived many yeares after, in which time it is not to be conceived, but that if he had carryed out the Arke before, he would then have brought it in again. Wherefore, if it were now brought in, that conjecture seemeth the best to me, whereby it is held, that Amon the sonne of Manasseh, that was worse then his father, proceeded to this height of impiety to cause the Arke to be carryed out, and it having stood so till he was cut of and during the time of Iosiah his minority, and till he had found the booke of the Law, he now appointed it to be brought and set in its place, where it should rest; neither should the Levites, as in times past be troubled with carrying it upon their shoulders any more; so that they might the more freely attend upon their other ministration. But Iunius admits not of any such sense of the words, as may imply, that the Arke had been carryed out, and was now brought in againe: for he rendreth them thus. And he said to all Israel preparing the holy things of the Lord, put them before the Arke in this house, &c. Which reading although I approve not, (because I have before rendred them other wise verbatim according to the Hebrew text, neither can the words well beare it, seeing there is no word signifying preparing, or before the Arke, but plainly put the Arke in the house, and it is improper to say of the sacrifices, which must be meant by the holy things, if it be so rendred, put them in the house, sith they came no nearer then the court, (where the altar to sacrifice upon stood) yet I cannot but approve of that opinion, whereby it is held, that the Arke was not hitherto remo∣ved out of the house where it should stand, since the time that it was placed by So∣lomon, so that it needed not now any carrying in, as most expositours imagine, be∣cause the carrying it out in the most corrupt times is no where spoken of, where∣as if it had been, doubtlesse it should not have been passed over in silence, being an impiety so remarkable, and the manner of bringing it in with all solemnity (as was requisite,) would have followed, whereas nothing is said hereof a lastly, as Pellican hath it, the Prophets of those times most probably would have earnestly called for the restoring of it to the place, if it had been taken out, seeing no sacrificing could be acceptable, or seeking unto God, but before the Arke. But where as he hereup∣on inferreth a fault to be in this place through the negligence of the Scribes, it is by no meanes to be given way unto, as being of dangerous consequence, as I have sometimes said before. If it be demanded then, how could he bid them set it in the house, if it were never carryed out, but stood there already? I answer, the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 set or put doth not onely signifie thus much, but also suffer or permit it, for the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 whereof it cometh, hath all these significations, wherefore if we render it, saffer the holy Ark in the house, the meaning will be nothing else, but as the next words imply, the Levites were since Solomons time exempt from this work of carrying the Ark upon their shoulders, seeing it was to stand fixedly in the most holy place, therefore as they might by reason hereof, he biddeth them now to at∣tend wholly upon the service of this pascall solemnity. For the first words of this verse the Vulgar Lat. hath, At whose instruction all Israel was sanctified: respect∣ing rather the sense, then the translating of the words: seeing they are therefore said to sanctifie them, because they made them understand how this was to be

done, and the truth is said to sanctifie, because when a man being instructed herein receiveth it, he is renewed unto holinesse thereby,

Whereas v. 4. he biddeth them according to the divisions of their families made by David and Solomon, to prepare for the people, as was appointed by Moses; the meaning is, according to their divisions into severall families, 1 Chron. 26. they should kill the lambs for the passeover to be kept by all Israel, preparing for each fa∣mily a lamb, for so Moses appointed, Exod. 12. They did this indeed themselves by the first institution, every one in his own family, because they wanted a publike place to come unto; but now, there being a temple, this feast must be kept before it, and because in the publike place, to which all assembled together, the publike Mini∣sters must do this service for all, as is shewed v. 11, 12. that they did; and it is not to be doubted, but as Pellican hath it, that the Levites being present, taught them the right order and ceremonies to be observed in eating the passeover, that they might not erre hereabout, and how prepared, being sanctified from all un∣cleannesse, they ought to come unto it, see also for this vers. 6.

For the number of cattle given now to furnish this solemnitie, they were ex∣ceeding many, viz. of small cattle out of the flocks 30000 given by the King, and of greater out of the heard 3000, &c. and these are said to have been given to the people; the godly King, and Princes after his example, and the Princes of the Priests and Levites also, thus providing, that the passeover being no burthen to them, because their flocks were not hereby diminished, they might the more cheer∣fully keep it. And all these cattle thus given, were partly spent by severall families, according to the institution, and partly in eucharisticall sacrifices, a great part where∣of went every of these dayes to the offerers to feast and make merry withall. The bloud, which the priests are said here to have sprinkled, was upon the altar, as Le∣vit. 3. and whereas the Levites fleaed them, it was not because their office re∣quired it, but for necessitie in respect of the multitude of sacrifices, as before in He∣zekiah his time, chap. 29. 34. whereby it appears, that this ought to have been done by the priests, but now as need required, the levites holp them herein.

And they sod the Passeover, &c.] The vulgar Latin, they rosted it. And this in∣deed doth best agree with the ordinance of Moses, Exod. 12. 8. But the word here used, doth first and most properly signifie to sethe, for it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but as Pagninus noteth, it sometime signifieth to roste, and so it must be understood here, because the pasch raw or sodden is forbidden, Exod. 12. 8, 9. whereas this here is said to have been done, as was appointed by Moses. And the other holy things were sod∣den in pots, that is, the flesh of the sacrifices, for so it ought to be.

All Israel being provided for thus by the Levites, they finally provided for them∣selves and the priests, who ate the passeover last of all, because they had no leisure for sacrificing till night, and for the Levites, Musitians, and Porters, who kept them all this while to their stations, the musitians to sing and sound over the sacrifices, and the porters to keep the doors.

In concluding this history it is said, that such a passeover as this had not been kept since the dayes of Samuel, by any of the kings of Israel, 2 King. 23. 22. from the dayes of the Iudges, by any of the Kings of Israel or Iudah; both to the same effect, because Samuel was the last of the Iudges, but in Kings not onely the Kings of Is∣rael, but of Israel and Iudah are spoken of; because passeovers had been kept, not onely whilest all Israel was united under one king, but also after it was divided, by godly kings that reigned over Iudah in particular. Whereas the time is extended to the dayes of the Iudges, Lyra noteth, that no passeover is commemorated to have been kept in the time of the Iudges, but onely in the time of Ioshuah, Iosh. 5. 9. but that passeovers were kept from year to year, when they had godly Iudges or Kings, is not to be doubted, although not commemorated, sith it is not the manner of sacred historians to set down the solemn feasts, which were commonly kept of course, but when there was somewhat extraordinary in the keeping of them, as in the time of Hezekiah, and now in the time of Iosiah. For that in Hezekiah his dayes was extraordinary for the time, the second moneth, and the keeping of it seven and seven dayes, the congregating not onely of Iudah, but of the other

kingdome also to it, viz. many tribes thereof, and the great number of cattle then offered, viz. 1000 bullocks, and 7000 lesser cattle by the King, and 1000 bullocks, and 10000 lesser cattle by the Princes, and the most joyfull keeping of this feast, like the joy in Solomons dayes, 2 Chron. 30. 26. And this in Iosiah his time was yet more extraordinary, because it is said, none like unto it had been kept before, and therefore neither in the time of Hezekiah. But wherein did this exceed that? Answ. First in the time, this being kept the first moneth, as was primarily ap∣pointed that in the second through the necessitie of the time. Secondly, in the uni∣versality of the congregation gathered to this out of all Israel, for he brought them all to follow the Lord, ch. 34. 33. Whereas in Hezekiah his time, some onely are said to have come out of the tribes of the kingdome of Israel, to that passeover. Thirdly, in the sanctitie of all that came, for they were taught by the Levites first to do this; whereas at that were many out of the tribes of Israel eating in their un∣cleannesse, but Hezekiah prayed for them, and so it was forgiven. Fourthly, now were all the classes of the Levites employed, in preparing and killing even that, which was for the eating of all Israel; then they killed onely, and for the unclean only. Fiftly, the singers and players upon instruments, kept them to their stations all day, the Levites providing for them also, but then not, as we reade of. Sixtly, in the number of cattle given by the king to the keeping of this solemnitie 30000 small cattle, and 3000 oxen, whereas by Hezekiah, only 1000 and 7000 were given. But whereas Iosephus will have the preference to be in his keeping it more exact∣ly, according to the ordinances of Moses, he is not to be heard, because this were a derogation to David, Hezekiah, and other godly kings, as if they had not in so materiall a point of religion kept them to the rules prescribed, If any man shall wonder, why the keeping of the passeover was made so great account of, when as it consisted of nothing, but eating, and burning fat in the fire. It is to be understood, that the thankfulnesse to God for their deliverance out of Egypt expressed hereby, [Note.] was the thing in esteem, and faith in Iesus Christ, of whom this was a figure, and obedience to Gods will, when as other nations sacrificed to false gods, in abhor∣ring from that, and sacrificing aboundantly to the true God. And obedience, saith and thankesgivings, in solemne manner are still the duties most acceptable; so that there be no sparing of cost withall in contributing to the maintenance of that which tendeth to his praise, or charitie to his poor.

Although there was not such a Passeover as this, &c] The vulgar Latin, for there was not, &c. But 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here used, signifieth both for and although, but it agreeth bet∣ter with the words following, v. 26. Yet God turned not away from his wrath, &c. to render it with Iunius, although. For so it is, as if he had said, all the means that might be, were used by godly Iosiah, in keeping a most exact passeover, and pur∣ging the church from all pollutions, yet he turned not away, &c. And here is subjoy∣ned a recitall of things formerly done by him in reforming, v. 24. He took away the wizards, soothsayers, and images, &c. and v. 25. there was no king like him, &c. Shewing, that all this is to be understood as spoken together, that it might appear, how resolutely the Lord was bent to bring his judgements, whatsoever was now done tending to a pacification, and therfore that it agreeth best to render the word, although.

But how is it said, there was no King like unto him, that turned to the Lord with all his heart, &c.] Whereas 2 King. 18. 5. the same is said of Hezekiah? In satis∣fying this doubt, enough hath been already said upon that place, the things being shewed, wherein Hezekiah did so, as that none other did like him, and the things on the other side, wherein Iosiah was without his peer.

Lastly, if it be demanded why it is said, that he was not turned from the fierce∣nesse of his wrath, to which he was provoked against Iudah by the provocations of Manasseh, notwithstanding? Pellican answereth, that Manasseh his sins did onely lye covered all the time of Iosiah, till by his wicked posteritie and the Iews, who now turned but feignedly from them, they were uncovered, and vengeance sent down therefore even to the making of all their ceremoniall worship, which they had so much abused, cease, so as that it was never perfectly restored again, but some

of the divine glory henceforth diffused amongst the Gentiles. Lyra saith, that the holinesse of Iosiah sufficed not to expiate the wickednesse of his predecessours. But all this satisfieth not the doubt, seeing Manasseh was a convert, and against true converts their sinnes are remembred no more. Hugo therefore expoundeth it thus, the provocations of Manasseh, wherein the people imitated him. The more full an∣swer is, the provocations of Manasseh are in speciall mentioned, not that they were not blotted out of Gods remembrance towards him, but because they were in the highest degree (no king of Iudah doing so vilely before) and renewed with the ••••king of the people by his sonne Amon, and God, who seeth into all hearts, saw that they were still in their hearts, although outwardly they conformed themselves to Iosiah his minde for the time, seeing both Ieremy complaineth of this, ch. 3. 9, 10. and their relapse immediately after Iosiah his death declared it. And because Ma∣nasseh began to advance iniquity to this height, they are still called his provocations, when as they were his now in name onely, but really theirs that feared not to act them over again after his severe chastisement and repentance. Sin, we see by this, [Note.] leaveth a scarre, although remitted, in the name of him that commits it, throughout all generations, as a personall foul sinne did also to David, who greatly repented himself thereof, that if we would have a good name like a precious ointment, we may abhor from all such sinning, and flee even the corrupting that cometh hereun∣to by any folly, as by dead flies, which are but little, to a boxe of precious ointment.

In his dayes came Pharaoh Necho against the king of Assyria to the river Eu∣phrates] 2 Chron. 35. 20. He went up against Charchemish. Which was a city of Syria, or rather Assyria 400. miles off from Ierusalem standing neare the river of Euphrates. The Assyrian Monarchy now declining, the king of Egypt trusting to his great power went forth to make warre against him, and because he could not come thither without passing through the kingdome of Iudah in some part, Iosiah either, because he thought it not safe to suffer such great forces, to passe through his countrey, as fearing least under a colour of passing through they should endeavour the possessing of it, or because some amity had been sometime betwixt the kings of Iudah and Assyria; or he feared by his suffering of the Egyptian army to goe quietly through his kingdome, to incurre the Assyrians displeasure, as others thinke; but most improbably, seeing the friendship of king Ahaz with Assyria was long agoe broken off in the time of Hezekiah, and Josiah had no reason to fear any king in the world, having a promise of peace in his time to the end. It was therefore a suspition of treachery towards his land in Necho, that made him to goe out to oppose him, and an unwillingnesse to have the Assyrian subdued, lest the king of Babylon having no potent adversary neare to resist him, the effecting of that should be hastened, which had been threatened to Hezekiah, viz. the subduing of Ierusalem to that proud king. But whatsoever cause outwardly there may seeme to have been, this his going against Necho to fall by his sword was not without a divine providence secretly working, that he being taken out of the way roome might be made for Gods judgements for his sake hitherto withheld, to enter a∣mongst a rebellious and hypocriticall people, of whom many secretly practised a∣bominable idolatry even whilest Iosiah lived, as we may gather by the invectives of Ieremiah, chap. 5. 7, &c.

The place, to which Iosiah went against Necho is not here mentioned, nor what other passages were, before they met, betwixt him and Necho, but 2 Chron. 35. 22. It is said to be the valley of Megiddo, and that Necho sent first unto him to will him to forbeare, seeing his coming out was not against him, although he marched through the borders of his countrey, not without a command from God. So that it i•• to be conceived, that the king of Egypt hearing of Iosiah his preparation to resist him, sent an Herald unto him with this message, going on his journey in the meane season, till he came to Megiddo, where Iosiah encountered him and was slaine in the very beginning of the battell, as is intimated in saying, He slew him, when he saw him, v. 29. And in more words, 2 Chron. 35. 21, 22. The darters smote Iosiah, who had disguisedly thrust himselfe into the battell: then being carryed away in his charriot he died. Of Megiddo in the tribe of Manasseh, see Iosh. 17. 11.

The place, wherein he died, was Ierusalem, 44. miles from Megiddo, and he was greatly lamented by Iudah and Ierusalem, and Ieremiah who wrote his lamenta∣tions upon his death, and the miseries ensuing; and these lamentations they were taught commonly to sing both to put by the singing of other vaine songs, and that a daily remembrance being herein made of the vertues of Josiah, all might be mo∣ved to the love hereof; and this took so as that it continued a custome thus to doe to the time of the writing of this book, which serveth to commend unto us the singing of the like godly songs throughout all ages.

Iosiah being dead, Iehohaz his sonne was anointed king in his stead being twenty three yeares of age, &c. This anointing of a king, that was heire apparant to the crowne, was extraordinary and needed not to have been done, saith Iunius, but onely because the kingdome having been troubled by Pharaoh Necho, this was now used as a signe of putting it into his hands, as the right king to be by him de∣fended against the Egyptians and all others. But, as Wolphius noteth, they did un∣wisely herein so to neglect the victorer, whom they should rather have sought un∣to for peace and liberty to make them a new king: for this their fact could not but greatly provoke him, as the sequele sheweth, that it did, when returning from his warres against Ashur he came and took Iehohaz and carryed him away bound in chaines unto Egypt, where he died, having reigned before his captivity but three moneths, and made Eliachim his brother king in his stead, turning his name to Iehojakim, who is said to have been 25. yeares old, and therefore the elder bro∣ther to Iehohaz, and consequently the right heire to the crowne, but he being in∣juriously refused, the younger was set up, and it succeeded accordingly. For both he was put downe and came to misery, and the land had a mulct imposed upon it for this presumption, one hundred talents of silver, and a talent of gold, which, if we account to the talent as the Hebrews commonly do, 125. pound, amounteth to 12500. of silver, and of gold 2250.

This Iehohaz is other wise called Shallum, that is, a recompence, Ier. 22. 11. Or consummation, although Ierom applyeth it rather to Zedekiah in whom the judge∣ments threatned were consummated; but because Iehojakim is spoken of after this, and Zedekiah was after him, that cannot stand. The Hebrews by the name Shal∣lum understand all the sonnes of Iosiah, either Iehohaz, Iehoiakim, or Zedekiah, be∣cause they were all alike wicked and holpe towards the consummating of the judgements, but it is plainly spoken of one particular Iehoahaz, as who began by his wickednesse to make way for the fulnesse of Gods judgements to come after Iosiah his death. And his dying in Egypt is prophesied of, and that he should never returne into his owne land againe. The place where Necho took him, was Rib∣lah in the land of Hamath, eighty miles from Ierusalem in the tribe of Nephtali. Of Hamath, there see Iosh. 19. 35. it was the uttermost boundary of the land of Ca∣naan. But how it happened, that Iehoahaz came to Riblah to be bound there, some conjecture most probably, that Iehoiakim his elder brother went to Necho thither, as he returned from Ashur to complaine of the wrong that was done him, profer∣ing, if he would helpe him to the kingdome, to pay him a tribute, whereupon Ne∣cho sent for Iehoahaz, under a pretence of compounding the matter betwixt the two brothers, and when he came within his power, bound him, and made Iehoia∣kim king, imposing the money aforesaid upon the land. But that we might know the cause, why Iehoahaz enjoyed the kingdome so short a time, and came to such misery, and that it was not accidentall, it is said, that he did evil, as his wicked forefathers had done, viz. Ahaz, Manasseh and Amon. His mothers name is also set downe, Hamutal the daughter of Ieremiah, not of the Prophet, for he was of Anathoth, yet it is likely, that the Ieremiah of whom she came, was godly, see∣ing Iosiah would not otherwise have matched himselfe with her, and if so, he was a degenerating plant, and therefore the more worthy to be rooted up.

The brother of Iehoahaz set up by Necho, was at the first called Eliakim, but he changed his name to Iehojakim, which he did, that it might alwayes be remem∣bred that he was made king by him, the changing of names being a signe of their being obliged to those that changed them for some great benefit, as Nebuchadnez∣zar

changed also the name of Zedekiah, when he made him king; and it was usuall amongst the Romans, when a man endued a servant with freedome, to change his name. But the change now made was but small, for Eliakim signifieth, rising, and Iehojakim, the rising of the Lord, as Genebrard noteth out of the Hebrews, who, he saith, do use these two names promiscuously, which may well be, for that there is no more difference, but as betwixt 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifying God, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, three of the four letters of the name Iehovah, the rest of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 being common to them both. But although either way he had in his name the most holy, yet in truth there was in him nothing lesse, for he is said to have been wicked as his fa∣thers, and therefore in his dayes the judgements threatned from Babylon began to work, he not being suffered to sit in the seat of royall Majestie above eleven years, but he began immediately to exact the moneys ceased for Pharaoh, as Manahem had also done once before for Phul the king of Assyria. Of his wickednesse Ezekiel speaketh under the similitude of a lion devouring men, as he doth also of his bro∣ther that reigned before him: and Jeremiah taxeth him with covetousnesse, and ambition, and other vices. Whereas Ezekiel calleth them princes of Israel, it was because they reigned over Israel also in a great part, for so the gestes of Iosiah their father shew that they did.

CHAP. XXIV.

AGainst Iehoiakim the Lord brought Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon, and he became his servant three years, then he rebelled against him, &c. 2 Chr. 36. 6. Nebuchadnezzar is called the king of Chaldea, and it is said, that he took Iehoiakim and bound him, to be carried into Babylon together with the vessels of the Lords house; so that Chaldea and Babylon were all one, Chaldea the country, and Baby∣lon the chief city thereof, and this in the Chronicles is to be understood, as happen∣ing to Iehoiakim after his rebelling against the king of Babylon, when having been before for his sinnes brought into his power, he had bound himself by oath to serve him, so Pellican. Yet some will have it meant of his first coming into his power, when they say he was carried away, but upon agreement soon returned. And for∣somuch as when he was bound to be carried away, the precious vessels of the Lords house were carried away also, and this is not said to have been done anno 7 of Ne∣buchadnezzar, Ier. 52. 28. for of the three carryings away there mentioned, that was the first; and the seventh of Nebuchadnezzar was the eleventh of Iehoiakim. But Dan. 1, 2. part of the holy vessels were carryed away Anno 3. of Iehoiakim, it is plaine that the binding of Iehoiakim to be carryed away was Anno 3. of his reigne, but upon composition he came backe againe to rule as tributary to the king of Babylon, and so did till that rebelling he was within a few yeares after de∣stroyed by the Chaldees and others coming against him, in Ierusalem, and cast out of the gates thereof like an asse unlamented by any, Ier. 22. 19, This is indeed in Kings for brevities sake passed over, the coming of Chaldean robbers against Iudah being onely spoken of, but plainly shewed to be so in Ieremiah, wherefore Nebu∣chadnezzars coming is not mentioned here any more, but that he being dead, his childe was immediately set up to reigne after him, whereas, if he had fallen by the sword of Nebuchadnezzar, he would doubtlesse have taken order for a successour, as well as he did, when he carried away Iehoiakim soone after. In what yeare of Iehoiakim Nebuchadnezzar came first against him, it is not here said, but Dan. 1. 1. In the third yeare of Iehoiakim concerning which a question ariseth, because Ier. 25. 1. the first yeare of Nebuchadnezzar is said to be the fourth of Iehoiakim, whereas by Daniel it should be in the third, and his second in his fourth. Some answer, that the third and fourth yeare are so neare together, if by the third we understand the latter end of it, that the first of Nebuchadnezzar might be said to be either his third, or fourth.

But out of Berosus it may otherwise be resolved thus, that Nebuchadnezzar

came against Iehoiakim a year before his fathers death, and so the first year of his reign was the fourth of Iehoiakim; For he saith, that Nebuchadnezzar senior, hear∣ing of the revolt of those in Syria, he being unable through age, sent out his some Nebuchadnezzar against him, and died before his return; then he having overcome his enemies, returned, and was made king in the room of his father. In the third year of Iehoiakim then, Nebuchadnezzar not being yet crowned, but soon after made king of Babylon, for which he is now so called, came and subdued, and bound, and made him his tributary; which is meant, when it is said, he served him three years, that is, paying tribute unto him. Hitherto, it seemeth that he had continued under Necho king of Egypt, who first set him up, and when he had thus long served the Babylonian, most probably Necho instigating him hereunto, by promising him ayd, he denied him tribute, and then was troubled with Chaldees, and other robbers, and most probably destroyed by them.

At what time also, to make it the more probable, that Egypt was his stay, to which he trusted in revolting from the king of Babylon, it is said here v. 9. that from the Egyptian king was taken away at the same time, whatsoever was be∣twixt the river of Egypt and Euphrates. Whereas Ier. 46. 2. the Egyptian forces are said to have been smitten by him, anno 4. of Iehoiakim, that is said to have been done at Charchemish, where Necho was fighting against the Babylonians; but this about the time that Iehoiakim perished. Those warres were begun in the last year of Iosiah, and having continued till the fourth of Iehoiakim, Necho was able to stand no longer, but his forces were then overthrown, yet it seemeth, that after this he practised again with Iehoiakim against Nebuchadnezzar, wherefore now he both sent some to cut off Iehoiakim, and subdued a great part of the Egyptians domi∣nions also. And to effect this utter overthrow of Iehoiakim, it is said v. 2. that the Lord sent against him troops of the Chaldees, Syrians, Moabites, and Ammonites, and against Iudah, as he had threatned by his prophets, that is, Huldah and Ieremy, ch. 14, 15, &c. From whose mouth it is said to have come, to take Iudah away for the sinnes of Manasseh, according to all which he had done. Iunius renders it, for the like sinnes to those which Manasseh had done, holding a trajection to be in the words. As also, Gen. 5. 29. Iudg. 18. 31. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, verbatim, in the sinne of Manasseh, according to all which he did. Which is plainly meant of the kingdome of Iudah thus wasted, when as the sinnes of Manasseh were again acted over therein, as the words [according to all which] do imply. For it is as if it had been said, as the Lord had threatned so he did, viz. took away Iudah, when they sinned like Manasseh, doing according to all that, which he had done, yea filling Ierusalem also with innocent bloud, which is intimated in comparing Iehoahaz and Iehoiakim to lions devouring men, as hath beene already said, and the shedding of innocent bloud is expresly laid to the charge of Iehoiakim, Ier. 22. 17. For if these judgements had beene sent simply for the sinnes of Manasseh, that pro∣verbe had been justly taken up, The fathers have eaten sower grapes, and the chil∣drens teeth are set on edge. From which, as great injustice the Lord vindicateth himselfe. Wherefore not those personall evil acts done by Manasseh are here meant, for he repenting thereof was forgiven; but the men of Iudah never re∣penting, but dissemblingly had them still remembered against them, as coadjutours in so evil works, and now the stay which held them in from running to the like wickednesse being taken away, viz. godly Iosiah, they returning with the swine to wallow in the mire were severely judged, as they were wel worthy.

Iehoiakim being dead, Iehoiakim his sonne was made king, being eighteene years old, and reigned onely three moneths, &c. 2 Chron. 36. 9. He is said to be eight yeares old, when he began to reigne. This is commonly resolved by saying, that the Chronicles mention the time, when he began to reigne with his father, which was in the second yeare of his reigne, and if so he were but eight then, he was eighteene when his father being dead he began to reign alone, according to Kings. And this is the more probable, because the times were troublesome, and Iehoiakim might think it necessary to settle his sonne in the kingdome before his death, that there might be lesse danger in setting up another, before him, which was a thing

so lately done in his younger brother Iehoahaz, he himselfe being kept from it. But because no such thing is spoken of, as his reigning together with his father, all this is but a conjecturall. Iunius therefore by this word [He,] When he began to reigne, understandeth not Iehoiakin, but Iehoiakim his father, he was eight then, but now eight〈…〉〈…〉, alleading the like touching Ahaz, 2 King. 16. 1. but then he must needs be in his nineteenth at his fathers death, seeing he reigned eleven yeares, but it may be that the first yeare of his eleven was but part of a yeare, and so is not here reckoned. But the words are the same which are used in Kings, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 when he reigned, and therefore it seemeth, that the same [He] is to be understood in both places, yet no better way of resolving this having been by any other found out, I rest in this, not thinking it safe to admit of the resolution of some, that here was a fault in the scribe, eight being written for eighteene, for which cause in one Septuagint translation it is eighteene, as in Kings. Of the wickednesse of this king read more, Ier. 22. for which he is threatened to be delivered into his enemies hands, and was delivered, as we see here, v. 12. and 2 Chron. 36. 10. the time is noted to be the turning of the yeare, that is, most probably, in the Spring time, when kings used to goe forth to warre. And it is here said, that Nebuchadnezzar first sent his servants and besieged Ierusalem, then he came in person, and the king fearing ruine both to himselfe and the city, came forth unto him with his mother and courtiers, &c. But for what cause he then invaded that land it is not said, onely Iosephus saith, that fearing the young king would seeke to revenge his fathers death, and ignominious casting out of Ierusalem unburied, done by Nebuchadnezzar, he thought it not safe to suffer him to reigne, and therefore came against him, carryed him away to Babylon, and set up another to reigne in his stead; and some thinke, that he having first made him king, soone repented and returned thus againe. But forsomuch as it no where appeareth that Nebuchadnezzar was at the death of his father, as hath been partly noted before, neither is he said to have set up his sonne, and it is improbable, that having done it, he would without some new cause so soone reverse that act of his; it is rather to be held, that Iehojakim having rebelled against him, but by some troupes of his Chaldees already slaine; he heard that his soone tooke the kingdome upon him, and at this he being offended, as making ac∣count that it was in his owne power onely to set up a king there, since he had sub∣dued that kingdome, he thus sendeth his forces against him, &c. but on Gods part the cause why he sent Nebuchadnezzar against him was his wickednesse, he did that which was evill, even as his father had done.

Then Iehoiakin coming forth and yeelding himselfe to Nebuchadnezzar was taken and carryed into Babylon together with his mother, wives and courtiers, and all the best of the people, and artificers 10000. and the whole summe being first by a prolepsis set downe together, they are immediately distinguished into 7000. mighty men, 1000. artificers and warriours, whose number is not expres∣sed, but to make up the foresaid summe must needs be 2000. so Iunius. Others as Wolphius hath it, will have the whole number carried away 18000. viz. 10000. of the common sort, 7000. of the better sort, and 1000. artificers, and Iosephus hath it, 18032. but in this summe there is a manifest mistaking, for in Iosephus it is 10000. and 832. this last number being added out of Ieremiah 52. where it is that anno 18. he carryed away 832. these two then, which were ten yeares after one another, are by Iosephus put together. I assent therefore rather to Iunius, that al∣though here be two numberings of them, that were carryed away, yet the second is but to shew more distinctly, of what sorts the 10000. first spoken of were. But because Ier. 52. 28. it is said, that the people carryed away, anno 7. of Nebuchad∣nezzar were 3023. where both the number mentioned is much lesse then this, and the yeare agreeth not the eighth being spoken of here, but there the seventh, and therefore there were either more carryings away captive, then these mentioned by Ieremiah whose purpose seemeth to be to summe up all together, or the Scri∣pture is contradictory to it selfe. To this the same Iunius and some others answer, that the 3000. there spoken of were onely of Ierusalem, those of the rest of the kingdome of Iudah being omitted, which were about 7000. more, and that this

carrying away was at the latter end of the seventh and the beginning of the eighth, and therefore said by Ieremiah to have been anno 7. by Kings, anno 8. but the solu∣tion, I take it, will be more cleare, if it be said, that when Iehoiakim dyed, the troupes of Chaldees and others sent by the king of Babylon carryed away that les∣ser number, and this was anno 7. but when he came against Iehoiakin in p〈…〉〈…〉n the greater number was carryed away the yeare following, which was the eighth, and that it was in another yeare may be gathered from Chronicles, where it is said in the turning of the year, and it is likely, because this was plainly set forth, 2 King. 24. Ieremiah omitted it, as also, that captivity anno 3. of Iehojakim, being left to be re∣corded Dan. 1. 1. Some thinke, that Iehojakim coming out to Nebuchadnezzar, was not to yield himselfe into his hands, but being required so to doe under a pretence of receiuing conditions of peace, but when the king of Babylon had him in his power, he held him, and carryed him away captive: but others contrariwise more probably, that seeing the danger wherein the whole city and kingdome was, he voluntarily yielded himselfe, hoping thus that it should be preserved, wherein he did the part of a good king, as Iosephus commends him in speaking of this, and to make this the more probable, he was better entreated then his successour Zedikiah, that stood out and would never yield, although moved to it by the Prophet Iere∣miah. But he upon the like motion yielded, as is intimated, Ier. 24. 5. where the Lord saith, that he sent them into Chaldea, who were then carryed away, and would bring them againe as good figges, see also Ierem. 29. 2, 3, 4. The same king by Ierem. 22. is called sometime Iechoniah, sometime Choniah, whereby it seem∣eth, that he had two names, and it is threatened, that none of his children should sit upon the throne for his wickednesse, and accordingly it came to passe, for Ze∣dekiah his uncle, a third sonne of Iosiah was made king in his stead. Thus as Wol∣phius noteth, his yielding as the prophet moved him brought upon him great cala∣mities at the first, but in the end he was not without a reward of this his obedience and piety towards his countrey, when Evilmerodack the sonne of Nebuchadnez∣zar [Note.] lifted up his head, and set him at his owne table that others might not feare to obey the motions that come from God, but whatsoever they see, they are like to suffer for thus doing, be comforted by looking at the end, which shall be comfortable; and that Kings in particular may practice the like piety to∣wards their countreys in the time of danger, doing what they can, although it may seeme a disparagement unto them, that so many thousands committed to their government may not be brought to misery, they being as their sheepe, of whom they are made shepherds, and therefore ought to be ready as the good shepherd to lay downe their life for them.

And he took away all the treasures of the Lords house and of the kings, and all the golden vessels that Solomon had made.] It may seeme, that there could be none of the golden vessels made by Solomon remaining at this time to be carryed away, because all the treasures of the Lords house were taken away long before in the time of Rehoboam the sonne of Solomon, 2 Chron, 12. 9 And if under the name of such treasures the vessels were not comprehended, they are expresly said to have beene carryed away in the time of Amaziah, 2 Chron. 25. 24. To say nothing of these treasures againe exhausted in the time of Hezekiah, 2 King. 18. 15. 16. But it is answered, that they are called the vessels of Solomon, because they were made like unto them, and so as God had directed Solomon. This was prophesied of to Hezekiah by Esay above an hundred yeares before, and now fulfilled after so long a time to shew the truth of God, that we may beleeve; and it is to be noted, that Ierusalem was now punished in that, whereof they were proud and vain-glo∣rious to make ostentation of it, that our precious things may not puffe us up, lest [Note.] God be hereby provoked to strip us likewise, and bring us to misery.

And he carryed away all Ierusalem, and all the mighty men, and all carpenters and Smithes, &c.] The Vulgar Lat. for Smiths, hath inclusores, by which word, saith Wolphius, the Hebrews understand those that were shut into the towres to keepe them, but because they are rather to be thought to come under the name of warriours, he preferreth the other reading of Iunius, Smithes. But for as much as

the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth, shut up, or shutters up, it seemeth rather to be meant of porters, as some expound it, for they shut up the gates, and by all Ierusalem, under∣stand some of all sorts, wherefore Junius reads it, He carried out of Ierusalem, all the princes, &c. instead of these words, He carryed away all Jerusalem, and all the princes. Whereas, 2 Chron. 36. 10. it is said, that Nebuchadnezzar sending carryed him into Babylon, it is not to be understood, that he sent first, but followed in per∣son, and then tooke and carryed him away as is said, 2 King. 24.

And he made Matthaniah his uncle king in his stead, and turned his name to Zedekiah] The reason of this change, saith Lyra, was, because Zedekiah signifieth the justice of God; and Nebuchadnezzar when he made him king caused him to sweare to be just and true unto him, in paying him tribute and having nothing to doe with the Egyptian, which is also in part expresly said, 2 Chron. 36. 13. and by giving him this name he would as shew his authority over him, so hereby put him continually in minde of his duty, that when he should rebell contrary to this oath, he might appeare to be the more odious and worthy to come into his enemies hands, as also was to be expected for his other abominations. He had the same mother with Iehoiakim, and sinned like him, but his father Iosiah is not once here mentioned, because he was unworthy of that honour, to be styled the sonne of so godly a king. This king was so wicked, that notwithstanding his oath to Nebu∣chadnezzar he rebelled against him, and 2 Chron. 36. 12. He humbled not himselfe before the face of Ieremiah at the word of the Lord. Of which word see Ier. 37. 2. 38. 17, 18. The Prophet warned him doubtlesse not to rebell, and when he had rebelled and the city was besieged, not to stand out against him, but to yeild. And through his rebellion and obstinacy the judgements of God by the Babylonians were hastened against him and his people of Iudah and Ierusalem.

CHAP. XXV.

ZEdekiah rebelling against his lord, began by him to be besieged in his city Ie∣rusalem anno 9 of his reign, and anno 11 the city was taken; the siege began the tenth moneth, the tenth day, and the city was taken the fourth moneth the ninth day. Here it is onely said, the ninth day of the moneth, but Ier. 39. 2. thus fully, the fourth moneth the ninth day. Whence also the reason may be gathered, why it was so long before the city could be taken, viz. Nebuchadnezzar heard when he was in this siege, of the coming of Pharaoh king of Egypt against him, whereby he was constrained for a time to withdraw his forces, but the Egyptians being soon over∣come, he returned to the siege again, Ier. 27. 5. The time wherein the city was be∣sieged, was also revealed to Zechariah in Babylon, ch. 24. 1. the tenth moneth, the tenth day, which used to be a day of humiliation, for the making of an attonement, Levit. 16. but now their wickednesse was grown to that height, that God would be reconciled to them no more. The city being broken into by the Chaldees, the warriours flee out by a back gate and the king also, but is taken and brought to the king of Babylon in Riblah, and there his children being first slain before him, his eyes were put out, and he was carried bound into Babylon. The siege then, as ap∣pears by this description, lasted long, viz. eighteen moneths, whereby a great fa∣mine was first caused in the city, before the winning of it, insomuch that mothers boiled and ate their own children, as both Lament. 4. and Iosephus do declare, who also saith, that the pestilence was in the city, according to Ier. 20. 16. The gate by which they fled, is said to have been that which led to the Kings gardens, and to wards Iericho by the way of the wildernesse, that is, by a way most secret and unfrequented, and the Hebrews say, that here was a way under the ground leading to sericho, Iosephus in a deepe valley betweene mountaines, yet the king could not escape the punishment threatened unto him for his soule wickednesse. v. 6. It is said, They gave judgement upon him, that is, as some thinke, when he was brought before Nebuchadnezzar in Riblah, a city in Syria, he having first up∣braided him by his perfidiousnesse, committed him to his judges to be punished, as they should finde him worthy, and by their sentence, his children being first slain before his face, to vexe him the more (for as Iesephus saith, when he fled by that secret way out of the city, he took them with him) his eyes were put out, as unworthy to see or enjoy the comfort of the light any more, the eyes of whose minde had been put out long before, so that he could not see to follow the safe counsell of the prophet, rather then the flattering counsell of his princes. A punishment oft inflicted by enemies, as also upon Sampson by the Philistims, up∣on Constantinus Copronymus by his unnaturall mother Irene, upon Robert Duke of Normandy by his brother Henry the first King of England, and upon the sonne of Trebellius king of the Bu••garians, to whom his father had committed the kingdome to be maintained in the Christian faith, but he forsaking this set up ido∣latry, wherefore he resuming the kingdome again, put out his eyes, as unworthy to enjoy the comfort of the light, who had put out the most glorious light amongst his people, viz. the light of Truth.

Thus Zedekiah was carried captive into Babylon as Ieremiah had prophesied, but yet never saw Babylon, as Ezekiel had said, that he should not. So Iosephus, who saith, that hereupon he hardened himself against the counsell of Ieremiah to yield to Nebuchadnezzar. The Author of the Chronicles chap. 36 14. in speaking of the cause of this judgement addeth, after that he had spoken of the sinnes of Zedekiah. The princes of the priests and of the people sinned greatly, doing after the abominati∣ons of the heathen, and polluting the Lords house. And when he sent unto them by his servants, they mocked, &c. So that sinne was now grown to the full, not onely in the court, but also in the country, and in the clergy also both through the universality

of it, they did according to all the abominations of the heathen, and the contempt of admonition, touching which, it is not only said that they mocked at his messengers; but also despised his words, as causing to erre by his prophets, or deceiving; thus it is in Hebrew. The vulgar Latin, they set light by his words, and mocked his prophets. Iunius, they said, they were led about by his prophets. The word is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 making to erre, or made to erre. The scoffe which they put upon the prophets was, that they were deceivers, and false prophets, and thus they went on, till the wrath of God burnt against them, and there could be no healing, that is, of the land thus sick of sinne, till it was utterly destroyed and laid waste, and not of their souls, which when they were upon this grievous punishment, being made penitent in any of them might be saved everlastingly.

And hitherto is shewed what was done in the fourth moneth of the eleventh yeare of Zedekiah. Now the authour of Kings saith, The fifth moneth, the seventh day (that was the nineteenth yeare of Nebuchadnezzar) came Nebuzaradan, &c.] Which is doubtlesse so punctually set downe that reckoning from hence forward by the yeares of the Babylonian kings, we might know in what time the end of the seventy yeares captivity prophesied of, Ier. 25. 11. ch. 29. 10. ex∣pired. As for the difference, which seemeth to be from this Ieremiah 52. 12. saying, The fifth month, the tenth day, it is nothing, for here is noted the time of his coming, there of his burning the temple three dayes after. From whence he came it is not said, but most probably king Nebuchadnezzar staying yet at R••biah after a moneths deliberation, sent him with a company of butcherly executioners back to Ierusalem to make his spoile there, for which he is called praefectus lanio∣rum, master of butchers, as Wolphius renders it, but Iunius, praefectus satellitum, captaine of the guard; Vulg. Lat. princeps exercitus. But 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is the word here used cometh of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to kill, and therefore most aptly may be rendered by butchers, the souldiers over whom he was, being for their cruelty and abun∣dance of bloudshed thus termed in disgrace. But to returne to the foresaid time, there is a difference amongst expositors, some holding, that it began at the carrying away of Iehoiakim, eleven yeares before and some at this time; and Wolphius saith, that some make a third time, when Iehoiakim was slaine, when the Chaldees be∣gan first to carry away captives, ending this and that of Iehoiakin the first of Cyrus, the other the second of Darius▪ the limits of each conteining within them seventy yeares. They that will have the time begin at Iehoiakin, alledge the Epistle of Ie∣remiah sent to those of the captivitie, comforting them by promising a returne, after that they had beene in Babylon seventy yeares, and this Epistle was sent by the messengers of Zedekiah, therefore not to those, who were carryed away with him, but before with Iehoiakin, and this they strengthen farther from Ezech. 1. 2. and 40. 1. where a reckoning is made by the yeares from the carrying away of Ie∣hoiakim, the fift and twenty five, and from Matth. 1. 11. where the captivitie is reckoned to begin at Iehoiakim. But in the same 40. of Ezek. there are two reckon∣ings, one from Iehoiakim, another from the destruction of the city, betwixt which two a distance is put off eleven yeares, the first was the time of the captivities be∣ginning, the other of the desolation, whereby Ieremiah beginneth the time of ac∣count, chap. 25. 11. and therefore from thence doubtlesse, according to the opinion of others, we are to reckon and that was the time of carrying away Zedekiah, and this they further confirme out of 2 Chron. 36. 21. and Dan. 9. 2. For the Epistle sent by Ieremiah to those in captivity, it must be expounded by the prophesie pre∣ceding, when they had been seventy yeares in Babylon, that is, who were carryed away both first and last, for he by the spirit foreseeing this, speakes of it, as being the captivity fully made, from whence they were to reckon and not from that already past, and then the seventy yeares expired, anno 1. of Cyrus king of the Persians, and of Darius, who although he be said, Dan. 6. first to have reigned, after the Baby∣lonian kingdome destroyed, yet his reigne was very short, viz. but one whole yeare, before he died, and Cyrus his sonne in law was king immediately after the next yeare. The destruction of Babylon then was the terme of the desolation, and a new kings beginning to reigne, who was of another nation, the beginning of their

promised deliverance. But if we reckon from the desolation happening anno 19. of Nebuchadnezzar who reigned 43. yeares, in his time there were after it, 24. Evilmerodach his sonne, 30. Regassar the next king, 3. Labassardac the next 6. and Balshazzars, 5. Darius, 1. altogether 69. we shall finde, that the seventieth was the first of Cyrus, and so their deliverance was the same yeare, that it was pro∣mised.

To returne to Nebuzaradan, He burnt the house of the Lord, and the kings house, &c.] It is a received opinion amongst many ancient fathers, that now also the ho∣ly Scriptures were burnt, and that God inspired Ezra to write and set them forth perfectly again, and this is grounded upon 4. Ezra 14. 21, 22, &c. But Athanasius saith, When the sacred books perished by the incury of the people and the long captivity, Ezra being a very industrious and diligent reader and lover of the truth kept. them all by him and afterwards brought them forth for the common good, and so in a manner preserved them being delivered from destruction. It is said also, that Daniel by reading Jeremiah found the time of the captivity to be at an end, when 70. years were ex∣pired. And Iosephus saith, that the Prophet Esay was by Daniel shewed to Cyrus, wherein it was prophesied of him by name 200. yeares before, by which he was the more moved to let the people goe, so Theodoret saith, that for the familiarity, which he had with him, he shewed him the Prophesie of Esay, and was unto him the authour of returning the captivity. Neither is there any mention in cano∣nicall Scripture made any where of the burning of all the holy Scriptures, which would not doubtlesse have beene omitted, or passed over unlamented by Ieremiah, if it had been so. Lastly, Ezra himselfe is said to have read the Scriptures to the people, and other Levites read therein also, but it is not said, that he indited them over a∣gaine, but onely read them and gave the sense. Wherefore it is not probable, that all the bookes of holy Scripture were now suffered to perish, but some copy was still by a singular providence preserved, and this being done by Ezra, he was therefore counted the restorer of them, being in no other hands then to be found.

But to returne to the burning of the Lords house, 2 Chron. 36. 17. before this it is said, That they slew their young men in the Sanctuary and spared no age, and they took out and carryed into Babylon all the vessels of the Lords house, both great and small. This is inserted to shew the extremity of their misery, such as fled to the sanctuary thinking to be protected by the holinesse of that place, were cruelly slaine notwithstanding, neither were young children, or virgins, who are most commonly spared, exempt from the Chaldees fury. And for the carrying away of the vessels of the Lords house, it is here set downe when they were taken out of that house, 2 King. 25. 13, 14, 15. After the burning, when they were carryed away into Babel, a more particular enumeration being made of them.

But the rest of the people, which remained in the city, and which fled to the king of Babylon he carryed away &c.] The warriours were before said to have fled out of the city, when the king fled, and leaving him alone to have shifted for them∣selves, some others both young and old fled to the temple for safeguard, and were slaine there; all the rest, who either stayed in the city and yielded, or had fled be∣fore out to Nebuchadnezzar, as Ieremiah had oft counselled the king to doe, were carryed away into Babylon to be servants to the Chaldees, except some poore peo∣ple, who they thought would either be a burden to them rather then a benefit, or more beneficiall being left to till and husband the ground for their use, these were left still in the land to be vine dressers and husbandmen, most probably by their la∣bours to raise some what, out of which a yearely tribute might be paid to the King.

The brazen pillers and the bases, and the brazen sea, &c. The Chaldees brak down and carryed into Babel, &c. 2 Chron. 36. 18. it is added, the treasures also of the Lords house and the kings, and of the princes] And here, whatsoever vessels were of silver or gold they carryed away, and the height of the pillers is set downe, 18 cubits, and the weight of all brazen things inestimable.

He also took Serajah the chiefe priest, and Zephaniah the second, and the three por∣ters, &c.] And these being brought to Nebuchadnezzar in Riblath were all slaine

there. Most probably these men had hidden themselves, thinking thus to escape the Chaldees hands, but when the temple & all the principal buildings of the city were fiered, they could lye hid no longer, and because they were men of note, the captain would not slay them himselfe, as he had done the common sort which yeilded not, but reserved them to receive their judgemēt from the king himself, who for their rebellion put them now to death also. Lastly, because the poore people remaining most needs have an head to governe them or else confusion would follow, Gedaliah the son of Ahikam is set over them, and moreover some Chaldees, as it seemeth, v. 28. were left to see, that all things might be ordered for the best for the king. Of this Gedaliah nothing is recorded amongst Writers, but that he was a good man and loving. For which cause the captaines of the army, who sled out of Ie∣rusalem when it was taken, and there men resorted to him to Mizpah, where he kept in the borders of Iudah and Benjamine, being a citie famous of old, as Gilgal, in both which Samuel is said to have judged the people. The captaines, that came to Gedaliah, were Ishmael, Iohanan, Serajah, and Iaazaniah. To whom he sware for their assurance. Because probably when they came unto him and saw some Chalde an souldiers there still, they feared, that they were left to take such Iewes, as should after the departure of Nebuchadnezzar come out of their hiding places, and send them captive to Babylon or slay them, as others had been served before. Therefore to secure them he sware unto them, and Ier. 40. 10. He spake com∣fortably unto them, bidding them gather the Summer fruits, the vines and olives, for now it was the sixt moneth, wherein they were usually ripe; and if any shall wonder, that any fruits remained to be gathered and were not spoyled by the Chal∣dee souldiers, who had been so long in that countrey, it is to be conceived, that they spared them, as not knowing what use they should have need to make of them. It is also further by Ieremiah added, that all the Iewes amongst the Ammo∣nites, Moabites, Edomites, &c. came to Gedaliah, and gathered much fruit, neither doth he omit, but speake more fully in the first place of his owne coming to him, as Nebuzaradan had appointed.

Then Ishmael who was of the kings seede, and ten men with him came and smote Gedaliah, and the Iewes and Chaldeans, that were with him.] This is more fully set forth, Ier. 40. 13. where Iohanan the sonne of Careah and all the captains are said to have come out of the field, that is, from gathering of the Summer fruits, and to have certified Gedaliah, that Ishmael was sent by the king of the Ammonites to slay him, but he not beleeving it, no not when Iohanan told him of it againe secret∣ly, and would have cut off ••shmael, before he should commit such an heinous and dangerous fact, whereby all the Iewes remaining should come in perill, as sheepe without a shepherd, without all feare received him, and ten men of the kings of Ammon with him, eating and drinking together; and as Iosephus hath it, when they were heavie with wine and sleeping, they fell upon him and his company and slew them all. Why Ishmael did thus is not said, but it may well be conjectured, that he did it out of envie to see Gedaliah thus preferred before himselfe, who was of the blood royall. And this was done the seventh moneth to the extreme griefe and terrour of all the Iewes that remained, before two moneths of his go∣vernment were fully expired, because they feared, that the Chaldees would come againe and destroy them all for this fact. And it is thought by some of great judge∣ment, that in this moneth the Iewes kept a fast therefore during the time of the desolation of their land, as also the fourth moneth, because in the fourth the city was broken up, and in the fifth because the temple and city were burnt in the fifth, and in the tenth moneth, because in the tenth Nebuchadnezzar first besieged Ieru∣salem. For of all these mention is made, Zech. 8. 19. it being promised, that they should be turned into times of rejoycing at their returne from captivity.

Then all the people arose and went into Egypt, &c.] Before this it is shewed, Ier. 41. 4, 5. that there came eighty men from Shechem, Shiloh and Samaria their beards shaven, and garments rent, &c. And it is said, that they came knowing nothing that had been done against Gedaliah, for they came the second day after, directing their course to the house of the Lord, with an offering to be made at the least in that place,

for they could not well be ignorant, that the temple was now burnt. To meet these men, Ishmael went out dissembling sorrow, also for the ruining of the city and temple, and brought them into Mezpah by the way to see Gedaliah, and when he had them in the city he slew them also; most probably, because they loved Ge∣daliah, whom he envied; and he cast their dead bodies, as also others whom he had slain, into a pit made sometime by Asa, of whom it is said, 1 King 15. 22. that he built of the stones carried from Ramah, Gebah and Mizpah, haply trench∣ing some of part of it with a great trench, like a pit, for the greater strength. And this being done, he took the remnant of the people and the kings daughters, that were with Gedaliah and carried them away captive towards the Ammonites countrey. But Iohanan and the other captains in the field now hearing, what he had done, went with their men against him, and he with eight of his company fleeing away, the captives were all brought back again, and the whole company came to Bethlehem, to passe from thence into Egypt. But before they went the captains spake to Ieremiab, to crave the Lords direction for them, promising to obey. This Ieremiah did, and after ten dayes gave them an answer, that they should not go into Egypt, threatning them, if they did, with destruction, if not promising them safetie. But they obeyed not, but told Ieremiah that he lied unto them, and so in contempt of that which he said, went into Egypt, carrying him away with them also. Thus the prophesie, which was of a desolation of the whole land for 70. years took effect, a divine providence secretly working with their ob∣stinacie, that no word spoken by the Lord, might at any time fall to the ground.

2 Chron. 36. 20. It is concluded with Nebuzaradans carrying away of captives, and their continuance in Babylon till the Persian Monarchie began, that the prophe∣sie of Ieremiah might be fulfilled, of the lands enjoying her Sabbaths 70 years, of which times beginning and ending, see before upon this, 2 King. 25. Then finally, it is shewed, that Cyrus king of the Persians in the first year of his reign, made a proclamation throughout all his kingdome, for the return of the Iews, with which the book of Ezra beginneth, and therefore the explanation hereof I deferre, till I come to Ezra.

But before this captivitie ended, viz. anno 37 of Iehoiakins captivitie, it is said, 2 King. 25. 30. that in the twelfth moneth of that year, the 27 day, Evilmerodach lifted up the head of Ieho••akin in the first year of his reign out of prison, and spake comfortably to him, and lifted up his throne above the thrones of the rest of the kings, &c. See the same also Ier. 52. 31. but there the 25 day of the moneth is put for the 27 here. Wolphius saith, that by the Rabbins it is thus reconciled; Nebu∣chadnezzar died the 25 day, and being buried the 26 day, his son Evilmerodach com∣ing to the crown the 27 day, caused his dead bodie to be taken up again, and drag'd about the streets, that it might appear to all men, that he was verily dead, and then causing it to be cut in pieces, it was given to the vultures to be devoured, that he might be sure, that he could never live again to put him by, as he had once done, when after his seven years living amongst the beasts of the field, he returned to his kingdome, and put his sonne Evilmerodach in prison, who in that time had taken the kingdome upon him. Now because Evilmerodach haply being at his fathers death in prison with him, spake comfortably to him, and promised him deliverance; Ieremiah sets down this as the day, but because he was not fully delivered till two dayes after, when Evilmerodach had obtained the kingdome, here it is set down the seven and twentieth day. But Wolphius himselfe bringeth another solution, viz. that Evilmerodach held a consultation about his deliverance, and propounded it the 25 day, but it was not actually performed, till the 27. Some o∣thers, he was losed from his bands the 25, and the funerall rites being performed the 26 day, in the 27 he was fully delivered. But who shall accurately compare the places together, will rather encline to think, that Ieremiah setteth forth the day of his coming out of prison, and the Kings, the day of his being so preferred, a∣bove other captive kings then in Babylon, because, in Ieremiah it is said, he lifted up his head bringing him out of prison; but in the Kings, he lifted up his head from the prison house, intimating two degrees of favour done to him.

First, in freeing him from prison, for this was one lifting up of his head. Secondly, in raising him from being a prisoner to royall Majestie, and maintaining him accord∣ingly all his dayes, for this was another lifting up of his head, being now out of pri∣son. What moved Evilmerodach to shew this great favour to Iehojakin is not said, in any of both these places, but if that be true, which the Rabbins report, that Evilme∣rodach was by his father Nebuchadnezzar put into the same prison where Iehoiakin lay, it may easily be conjectured, that some friendship that grew between them in that time was the cause, and Iehoiakins acquainting him with his first voluntarie put∣ting of himself into Nebuchadnezzars hands, hoping, that he would not have dealt so hardly with him. For this could not but work upon a good nature, to seek to make him some amends in doing him a greater favor, then to any of the kings about him. But if we would know the true efficient cause, it was Gods singular provi∣dence, whereby this was brought to passe for the verifying of his word, and the encouraging of all kings and men to obey his prophets, as Iehoiakin did in so freely yielding himself to the king of Babylon, that his citie Ierusalem and the temple might be spared. For Ier. 24. 5. Iehoiakin and the Iews, who were carried away with him, are said to have been sent away by the Lord, and to have been beloved as good figs, and chosen to have good done unto them, whereas they that were car∣ried away afterwards under Zedekiah were as evill figs, that could not be eaten, and therefore condemned to dispersion and destruction. It was long indeed, before this good was fulfilled to Iehoiakin, and his captived subjects, but now at the end of 37 years it was performed. For although nothing be said of his subjects here, but of him onely, yet it cannot be thought, but he faring thus well, they participated with him in the comfort. And for the story before going of Nebuchadnezzar, and of his body being cut in pieces and given to the vultures, there seemeth to be some ground for it, Esa. 14. 19, 20. where it is threatned, that he should not, as all other kings, enjoy the honour of a sepulture, but his dead corps should be cast out. Evil∣merodach is by some expounded Iunior Merodach, by others foolish Merodach, be∣cause he was drawn, as some suppose, by Daniel, who was gracious at the court of the king of Babylon, to do for Iehoiakin and his people, according to the word of the Lord by the prophet Ieremiah, for this prophane men count simplicitie. But if for this reason he had been so called, the pen-man of the Scripture would not in following such unworthy authors so have called him. I hold therefore rather with the former reason, that he was Merodach the younger, because there was another of the same name before.

And here is an end of the history of the kings of Iudah, who came of David, but not an end of his posterity, which continued untill Christ, the promised seed of Da∣vid, as is declared Matth. 1. 12. where twelve generations more are named after Je∣chonias, the first whereof are Shealtiel and Zerubabel, but 1 Chron. 3. 17. Shealtiel, Pedaiah, and Zerubabel. But of this Genealogie see enough upon Matth. 1.

To conclude, I have in explaining the history of the Kings, so interlaced the Chronicles also, from Saul and David, cha. 10, 11. throughout, that both those books are with the same labour explained also, and the seeming differences reconciled, so that here is nothing passed over but onely genealogies from Adam to Abraham, and from Abraham to Ishmael, and to Isaac, and Iacob, and his issue; and the capti∣vitie and their return from it. All which was done by Ezra, as Iunius saith, toge∣ther with the following supplement of the history of the Kings of Iudah, being for the most part omitted in the history of the Kings, or so briefly delivered, that the reader could not thereby onely be acquainted with many memorable things con∣cerning them and their times. And the genealogies being for the most part such, as in divers places of the holy Scripture have been already set forth, and containing one∣ly names, shall not need to be any further insisted upon. Wherefore leaving these books, I will hasten towards the book called Ezra, and shew so farre as I can finde any light, what followed after the last captivitie under Zedekiah, to the Iews re∣turn therefrom, and at and about their return, and after before the comming of CHRIST.

Onely whereas some think it not probable, that the Chronicles were written by

Ezra, because nine genealogies are mentioned after Zorubbabel, unto which Ezra could not live. I grant indeed, if Ezra had been contemporanean with Zorubba∣bel, he could not in the course of nature have lived so long, but forsomuch as he came after Zorubbabel about 78 years, as is shewed, ch. 7. For he was anno 1^o. of Cyrus, and Ezra, anno 7^o. of Artaxerxes Longimanus, and for ought we know, might live 30 or forty years after, and if so he attained to above 100 years after Zoro∣babels coming to Ierusalem, and if he grant that he had a son then, he also might have a sonne soon after his coming thither, so that here are two generations, and who doubts but that in a hundred years and odde there might be seven generations more, seeing Kings amongst the Iews may be noted to have begotten at thirteen or fourteen years of age, so prolifious were that people, by Gods singular blessing to make good his promise to Abraham. But if Ezra lived not altogether so long, this argueth not, that the book was not written by him, no more then that Deuterono∣my was not written by Moses; because his death and something after it is therein recorded. For as that was done by another hand, as God in his providence appoint∣ed; so might two or three genealogies be by some other added to Ezraes, and yet the book may be said to be written by him.

And it is thought that the books of the Chronicles, were written last of all others of the old testament, yea, after the books called Ezra; because by the Hebrews they are placed after it.

Notes

• V. 1.
• V. 2.
• Vatablus. Theodoret.
• Procopius.
• Pausan. in Elia∣cis. l. 5.
• P. Martyr.
• V. 3.
• Tostatus.
• Adricom.
• V. 4.
• P. Martyr.
• V. 8.
• V. 9.
• Cald. paraph. praeditus capillis. S. Capillo ob∣longo & horrido. Sept. Joseph. pi∣losus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Esau.
• Tostat Jo. Hi∣crosol. clothed with Badgers skinnes. Lyra. P. Martyr.
• Vatablus.
• Procopius.
• V. 10.
• Theodoret per∣spicuum est eos quinquagenarios & qui cis pare∣bant convenisse cum scopo & instituto cius qui eos misit, &c.
• V. 11, 12. P. Martyr.
• Act. 5. Acts. 13. 11.
• Numb. 16.
• V. 13.
• So likewise Johan. Hiero∣sol. and that he turned Disciple to Elliah, and had the gift of prophesying bestowed upon him.
• V. 15.
• V. 17.
• Hebraei. Lyra. Junius.
• P. Martyr.
• Pellican.
• V. 1.
• Josh. 5.
• Gen. 28.
• H. B. Patriarks travels.
• P. Martyr.
• Cyprian. Tertull. Epiphan.
• Irenaeus. Athan. Isidor. Procop.
• Gregorius. Rupertus.
• Ambros. Hieronym.
• 1 Cor. 15.
• Heb. 9. 8.
• P. Martyr.
• V. 2.
• P. Martyr.
• V. 3.
• Theodoret.
• V. 4, 5. V. 7.
• V. 8.
• Tostatus. V. 9.
• P. Martyr. Cypr. despir. sanet. Elijae spi∣ritum duplicem recepit Elish non quod in duas substantias idem spir. sit divisus, sed quod populo christiano, cujus typum Elis. gere∣bat accepto Sp. sancto data est potestas in opere & sermone, &c. Vatablus.
• Tertull. lib. 3. cont. Marcinom. De Mirab. S. Scripturae Aug. tract. in Johan. Damianus; in signis miraculo∣rum, non in ex∣cellentia merito∣rum.
• V. 10.
• 2 King. 5. P. Martyr.
• V. 11, 12.
• 1 Cor. 4. 15.
• V. 13.
• 1 King. 19. 19.
• P. Martyr.
• Chrysost. Hom. 2. ad populum Antioch.
• V. 4.
• Tostatus. Ne novus pro∣pheta S. propheti∣co recens accepto, alicui vanitati vel inani laetitiae snccuberet, sed ut ad Deum in ora∣tione recurreret, &c. Cald. paraph. Ambros. in Ps. 37.
• V. 15.
• V. 16, 17.
• Pellican saith, that they would goe to seek him out of their curiosity.
• V. 18.
• V. 19.
• Pellican. P. Martyr.
• Josephus. De bel Jud. l. 5. c 4. Hunc fontem a∣liquando ferunt non solum terrae atquo lignorum structus sed eti∣am soeminarum partum obtunde. re solit us, cun∣ctaque pariter morbo & peste corrumpere.
• Junius.
• V. 22.
• V. 23.
• P. Martyr.
• Suetomius.
• V. 24.
• The Allegory.
• Glos. ordin.
• V. 1.
• V. 2, 3.
• Pellican.
• Pellican.
• V. 4.
• V. 7.
• P. Martyr.
• Josephus.
• V. 9, 10. V. 11, 12.
• Lyra.
• V. 13.
• V. 13.
• Theodoret.
• V. 14.
• V. 15.
• P. Martyr.
• Junius.
• Theodoret. Procopius.
• V. 16.
• V. 18, 19.
• V. 20.
• Lyra.
• P. Martyr.
• V. 21. Lyra. V. 22, 23.
• 24, 25.
• P. Martyr.
• V. 26, 27.
• Lyra. Josephus first broached it, and is followed by Theodoret, Tostatus, and fa∣voured by the Septuagint; where it is there was great repentance in Israel, instead of great indig∣nation.
• Junius.
• P. Martyr.
• Plutarch. paral. c. 66.
• Deut. 13.
• V. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7.
• Josephus. Theodoret.
• Levit. 25. 39. P. Martyr.
• Aul. Gellius lib. 20. c. 1.
• Lyra.
• Ps. 34. Ps. 14. 7.
• V. 8. P. Martyr.
• Patriarks tra∣vels.
• Lyra.
• V. 10.
• V. 11. 12.
• Lyra.
• P. Martyr.
• V. 15.
• Gen 15. 11.
• V. 16.
• Lyra.
• Procop. declarat ipsum conditorem universi per os ipsius locutum fuisse & ob hanc causam certam promissionem fe∣cit. V. 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25.
• P. Martyr.
• V. 23.
• V. 24.
• P. Martyr.
• V. 25.
• P. Martyr. Pellican.
• Lyra.
• V. 27.
• P. Martyr. Lyra.
• Pellican.
• V. 28. V. 29.
• Junius.
• P. Martyr.
• V. 30.
• The Allegory.
• Tostatus.
• V. 37.
• V. 38. Patriarks tra∣vels.
• V. 39. V. 40.
• V. 41.
• P. Martyr.
• Vallefii sacra Philosophia.
• Pellican.
• Lyra. The Allegory.
• V. 42. V. 43. Lyra.
• Junius. Adricom.
• Theod. qu. 19. in 4. Reg. I is be-nedictionem im∣pertiit, ut illos centum exsatia∣ret, &c. The Allegory. Rabanus.
• Pellican.
• P. Martyr.
• Serrarius.
• V. 2.
• V. 4.
• P. Martyr.
• V. 7.
• V. 5. H. B. Patri∣arkes travels.
• V. 8.
• V. 9.
• P. Martyr.
• Lyra.
• V. 11, 12, 13, 14.
• Benjam. Judaeus
• 1 Pet. 2. 18:
• Quot habes ser∣ves tot hostes ha∣bes
• P. Martyr.
• V. 14. Lyra.
• The Allegory. P. Martyr.
• V. 15.
• Matth. 8.
• Act. 8.
• P. Martyr.
• Lyra.
• 2 Cor. 12. 14.
• 1 Tim. 5. 8.
• P. Martyr.
• V. 17.
• Junius.
• Lyra.
• Hugo Card.
• Pellican.
• P. Martyr.
• The Allegocy.
• Matth. 4
• V. 19, 20.
• Lyra.
• Pellican.
• P. Martyr.
• V. 21.
• V. 24.
• V. 26.
• V. 27.
• Hugo Cardin.
• P. Martyr. The Mystery of Gehazi.
• V. 1.
• Tostatus.
• P. Martyr.
• V. 3.
• V. 5.
• V. 6.
• Tertull. lib. 3. cont. Marcion. Lib. cont. Ju∣daeos. c. 12.
• V. 8.
• Josephus.
• P. Martyr.
• V. 10. Lyra.
• V. 11.
• V. 13.
• V. 15.
• V. 16.
• V. 17.
• Hieronym. P. Martyr.
• Adrichom.
• V. 18.
• V. 19.
• Lyra. P. Martyr. Tostatus.
• V. 19.
• Josephus.
• V. 20, 21, 22, 23.
• Prov. 25, 21.
• P. Martyr.
• The Mystery. Lyra.
• Psal. 34.
• V. 24.
• V. 25. Pellican.
• Lyra.
• P. Martyr.
• Josephus.
• Chald. paraph.
• Patriarks travels.
• V. 26.
• V. 27. Josephus.
• 28, 29.
• V. 30.
• P. Martyr.
• Lyra.
• V. 30.
• V. 32. Josephus.
• P. Martyr.
• Abulens.
• Theod. qu. 23. in 4. Reg. Hoc quidem non fecit sed minatus est se cuminteremp∣turum, ut qui ne∣gligeret vel spon∣te despiceret summam cala∣mitatem, sed sta∣tim ductus paeni∣nitentia accurrit caedem repri∣mens. Josephus. V. 33.
• V. 1.
• Jo••ephus.
• P. Martyr.
• Tostatus.
• V. 8.
• P. Martyr.
• Sallianus.
• V. 14. Junius.
• V. 15.
• V. 16.
• Josephus.
• P. Martyr.
• Lyra.
• Junius.
• P. Martyr.
• David Kimhi.
• V. 3, 4.
• P. Martyr.
• V. 7.
• Chron. Heb.
• Josephus.
• V. 8, 9.
• V. 9.
• V. 10. Junius.
• Kimhi.
• P. Martyr
• Lyra.
• V. 11.
• V. 13. Fulfilled 2 Kin. 10. 32.
• P. Martyr.
• 1 Sam. 24. 15.
• Lyra.
• V. 14, 15.
• P. Martyr.
• Pagninus. Josephus. Chald. Paraph.
• V. 16.
• Tostatus. Vatablus.
• 2 Ch. 21. 4.
• Tradit. Hebr.
• Lyra.
• V. 6.
• P. Martyr.
• V. 7.
• V. 8.
• Josh. 15. Pellican. Lyra.
• V. 10.
• V. 12.
• P. Martyr.
• V. 13.
• V. 14. V. 15.
• V. 16. V. 17. V. 18. V. 19.
• V. 20.
• 2 Chron. 22. 1.
• Heb. Chron. c. 17
• P. Martyr. Lyra. Hierou. Hebr. 1 Sam. 13. 1.
• Vatablus. Azor. Gordon. Sa.
• P. Martyr.
• Lyra.
• V. 3, 4.
• V. 5, 6.
• V. 7, 8. V. 9.
• Josephus.
• Patriarks tra∣vels.
• V. 1.
• P. Martyr.
• Chron. Hebr. c. 18. Epiphan. Hieronym.
• P. Martyr. Theodoret.
• V. 5.
• V. 6. V. 7. V. 8.
• V. 11.
• D. Kimhi. P. Martyr.
• Pellican. Lyra. Scholast. hist.
• Pellican.
• P. Martyr. Lyra. Junius. V. 12.
• Josephus. Comestor.
• V. 13.
• Josephus.
• Eng. tr. On the top of the stairs
• P. Martyr.
• V. 14. Coniuratio est multorum simul jurantium & pactum aliquod jureiurand. roborantium. Tostatus.
• Josephus.
• V. 15. P. Martyr.
• V. 16.
• V. 17.
• V. 19. V. 20.
• V. 21.
• V. 22.
• V. 23.
• Josephus.
• Lyra.
• Josephus. P. Martyr.
• V. 25.
• V. 26.
• D. Kimhi.
• Pellican.
• V. 27.
• Lyra.
• H. B. Patri∣arkes travels.
• P. Martyr.
• Josephus.
• V. 28.
• V. 30. Josephus. Tostatus. Vatablus.
• 1 King. 16. 10.
• V. 32.
• Lyra.
• P. Martyr.
• V. 34.
• V. 35, 36, 37.
• Hugo Cardin. The Allegory.
• P. Martyr.
• V. 1.
• Junius.
• V. 3.
• Lyra. P. Martyr.
• V. 5. V. 6. V. 7. V. 8. V. 9.
• V. 10. P. Martyr.
• Rom. 13. 1.
• V. 11.
• Lyra.
• P. Martyr.
• V. 12.
• Junius.
• V. 13.
• Josephus. Tostatus.
• Lyra.
• V. 15. 1 Chron. 2. 55.
• Judg. 4. 11. Judg. 1. 16.
• Josephus.
• V. 17.
• V. 18. V. 19. V. 20. V. 21.
• P. Martyr.
• Augustine.
• Lyra.
• Hugo Cardin.
• Pellican.
• Tostatus.
• Ephes. 4. 25.
• P. Martyr.
• V. 25.
• V. 26. V. 27.
• P. Martyr.
• Junius.
• Vatablus.
• Josephus.
• P. Martyr.
• V. 29. V. 30.
• Heb. 11. 6.
• R. Solomon. Tostatus. Lyra.
• V. 31.
• V. 32.
• 2 King. 8. 13.
• V. 33.
• V. 34, 35.
• V. 1.
• P. Martyr.
• Deut. 17.
• V. 2.
• 2 Chron. 22. 11.
• Josephus.
• R. Solomon. P. Martyr.
• V. 3. V. 4.
• 2 Chron. 23. 1, ••.
• P. Martyr.
• V. 5.
• 1 Chron. 24. 1 Chron. 23. 2.
• Junius. P. Martyr.
• 2 Chron. 23. 4, 5
• V. 6. V. 9.
• V. 7.
• Exod. 32.
• 1 Tim. 3.
• V. 12.
• P. Martyr.
• V. 14. Vulg. lat. stan∣ding upon his tribunall. Josephus. V. 15. V. 16.
• Lyra.
• P. Martyr.
• V. 17.
• V. 17.
• 2 Chron. 15. 12.
• Lyra.
• V. 19.
• V. 20.
• The Allegory. Rabanus.
• V. 1, 2.
• V. 3.
• V. 4.
• 1 King. 15. 14. V. 5.
• Lyra. Exod. 30. 12.
• Wolsius supplens Martyris com∣ment.
• 2 Chron. 24. 5.
• Junius in Exod. 30. 12.
• 2 Chron. 24. 4.
• Josephus.
• 2 Chron. 24. 7.
• Hieron. ttadit. Hebr.
• Junius.
• V. 7.
• V. 9.
• Wolphius.
• V. 10. V. 11, 12.
• 2 Chron. 24. 11.
• V. 16.
• V. 13, 14.
• Wolsius. Rabanus.
• V. 16.
• Sallianus.
• Pellican. An Allegory.
• 2 Chron. 24. 14, 15, 16.
• Hieronym.
• Lyra. R. Solomon.
• Act. 12.
• Josephus.
• 2 Chron. 24. V. 19.
• V. 18.
• Caietan.
• Tostatus. Genebrard. Josephus. Lyranus.
• Junius. 2 Chron. 18. 1. •• Chron. 11. 8.
• V. 19.
• V. 20.
• Tostatus. Wolphius. Chron. Hebr. ••enebrard. Josephus.
• Junius. Vatablus.
• Hieron. tradit. Heb. in 2 Chr.
• Matth. 23. 35. Junius. Hugo Cardin.
• Junius.
• Genebrard.
• 2 Chron. 24. 23.
• Hieron.
• Vatablus.
• Lyra.
• 2 Chron. 24, 25, 26.
• 2 Kings 12. 21.
• Junius.
• Josephus.
• Wolphius.
• V. 25.
• Lyra.
• 2 Chron. 21. 17.
• 2 Chron. 24. 27.
• Junius.
• V. 1. V. 2. V. 3.
• V. 4, 5.
• Lyra.
• Junius. Wolphius.
• Tostatus. Chap. 14. 27.
• Josephus.
• V. 6.
• V. 7.
• V. 8. Wolphius.
• V. 9. V. 10. Junius. Wolphius.
• V. 11, 12, 13.
• V. 24. Seder Olam.
• Wolphius.
• 2 Kings 6.
• V. 15.
• Lyra.
• V. 17, 18, 19.
• Wolphius.
• 1 King. 20. 26.
• The Mystery.
• Mattb. 23. 13. Rabanus.
• V. 20. Josephus.
• Esiphan in vita Elishae. Bed. in Marty∣ro. Isidor. de vita & morte Sanct. Adrichomius. Tostatus.
• Wolphius. Xenophon.
• V. 21.
• Chald paraph. Tostatus.
• Ambros. in Luc. lib. 1. Chrys. hom. 58. in in Matth. Euscb. lib. 4. c. 15.
• The mystery. Ambrosius. Rabanus.
• V. 22.
• V. 22. V. 23. V. 24. V. 25.
• Wolphius.
• V. 1.
• V. 3.
• 2 Chron. 25. 2.
• V. 4.
• V. 5.
• Deut. 24. 16.
• Rom. 13.
• The murtherers of kings pu∣nished.
• V. 7. 2 Chron. 25. 5.
• 2 Chron. 17. 14.
• H. B. Patriarkes travels.
• Junius.
• Lyra.
• Beda.
• Wolsius.
• Vatablus.
• Josephus.
• 2 Chron. 25. 13.
• Junius.
• Lyra.
• 2 Chron. 25. 14.
• Lib. de hebr. quaest.
• Lyra.
• 2 Chron. 25. 15.
• Hugo Cardin.
• V. 8.
• 2 Chron. 25. 17.
• Josephus.
• V. 9. Wolphius.
• Lyra.
• V. 10. 11, 12, 13, 14. 2 Chron. 25. 20.
• V. 11.
• Josephus.
• V. 15. 16.
• V. 17.
• 2 Chron. 25. 27.
• V. 19.
• Hieron. de Hebr. qu.
• Wolphius.
• Junius.
• V. 20. Hieronym. trad. Hebr.
• V. 21. 2 King. 15. 30. He is also cal∣led Vzziah. 2 Chron. 26. 3.
• V. 22.
• Chap. 15. 1.
• Wolphius.
• Junius.
• Tostatus.
• 2 Kings. 15. 2, 3, 4.
• 2 Chro. 26. 4, 5.
• Hieronym. de tradit. Hebr.
• 2 Chron. 26. 6.
• Adrichom.
• Josephus.
• Junius.
• Stephanus. Hieronym.
• Josephus.
• Hieronym.
• Junius.
• 2 Chron. 26. 10.
• V. 11, 12.
• V. 15.
• Josephus.
• V. 16.
• 2 Kings 15. 5.
• Josephus.
• Chrisost. Hom. de verb. Esa.
• Hugo Card.
• Jam. 4. 6.
• V. 20.
• Procop. in Esa. 6.
• V. 22. Junius. Lyra. 2 Chron. 15. 6. it is said, are they not writ∣ten in the book of the Chroni∣cles of the kings of Iudah. Pellican. V. 23.
• 2 King. 14.
• V. 25.
• Epiphan. Hieronym.
• V. 26.
• V. 27.
• Vatablus.
• V. 28.
• 2 Sam. 8. 5.
• V. 8.
• V. 10. Josephus. Lyra.
• Wolphius.
• V. 11.
• V. 13, 14.
• Patriarks tra∣vels.
• Josephus.
• V. 16.
• Josephus.
• Wolphius.
• V. 17.
• V. 18. V. 19.
• Tostatus.
• V. 23.
• V. 25.
• Lyra.
• Wolphius.
• Josephus.
• V. 27.
• V. 28.
• 1 Chron. 5. 26. Lyra.
• Josh. 16. 6.
• J••sh. 19. 36, 37.
• Josephus.
• V. 30.
• Junius.
• Wolphius.
• Lyra.
• Josephus.
• V. 32.
• V. 33.
• V. 34.
• 2 Chron. 27. Josephus.
• V. 35.
• Vatablus. Rabanus. Lyra.
• 2 Chron. 27. 3. Junius.
• V. 5.
• V. 36. V. 37.
• V. 1, 2, 3, 4.
• Wolphius.
• V 5. 1 Chron. 28. 5.
• Josephus.
• Procop. Hicron. 2. in Esa 7. Theod. in 2 Chron. 28. Hebr. Chron. Dionysius.
• 2 Kings 16. 7.
• 2 Chron. 28. 5.
• Hierouym. qu. Hebr.
• Lyra.
• Hieronym. trad. Hebr.
• 2 Chron. 28. 12, 13.
• V. 16. 2 Kings 16. 5. 7.
• V. 8, 9.
• Josephus. Chron. Hebr. c. 22.
• V. 10.
• 2 Chron. 28. 20, 21.
• Junius.
• Lyra.
• Hugo Card.
• Glos. ordin.
• 2 Kings. 16. 10, 11, &c. Pellican.
• Tostatus. Theodoret in 4 Keg.
• V. 14.
• Pellican. Lyra.
• Adrichom.
• Pellican. The Allegory.
• 2 Chron. 28. 17, 18.
• The sinnes of Ahaz summed Theodoret in 4 Reg.
• V. 19. 20.
• V. 1.
• Pellican.
• Wolphius.
• Junius.
• V. 2. Hebr. Chron. c. 22.
• Wolphius.
• V. 3.
• V. 4, 5, 6.
• Tostatus.
• Lyra.
• Esa. 7. 8. ex∣pounded. Chron. Hebr.
• Junius.
• V. 6.
• Genebrard.
• V. 7.
• V. 13.
• V. 16.
• V. 17. V. 18. V. 19.
• V. 20. V. 21, 12.
• V. 9.
• Wolphius.
• V. 24.
• Berosus.
• Josephus.
• Uran. in Ar∣abicis.
• V. 25.
• Levit. 25.
• 1 King. ••8.
• Chap. 18.
• Act. 16. 30.
• V. 34.
• V. 30.
• Wolphius.
• V. 1.
• V. 2. V. 3.
• V. 4. V. 5.
• Jerom.
• Josephus.
• V. 4.
• Wolphius.
• Tostatus.
• V. 5.
• Wolphius.
• 2 Chro. 29. 3, 4.
• Hieronym. trad. Hebr.
• Lyra.
• Hieronym. de tradit. Hebr.
• V. 8, 9.
• V. 10.
• V. 27, 28, 29.
• V. 12, 13, 14.
• Psa. 73. 77. 78. of Asaph, Psal. 88. to Heman.
• V. 16, 17.
• V. 18, 19.
• V. 20, 21.
• Lyra.
• Junius.
• Pellican.
• V. 23.
• V. 24.
• V. 25.
• V. 32.
• V. 34.
• V. 35.
• 2 Chron. 30. V. 1, 2.
• Deut. 16.
• V. 6.
• 2 King. 17. 2.
• Cajetan.
• Josephus. Tostatus. Genebrard.
• V. 10. Josephus. V. 11.
• Pellican.
• V. 12.
• V. 14.
• V. 15.
• V. 17.
• Lyra.
• V. 18.
• Junius.
• Lib. de qu. hebr. Lyra.
• 1 Cor. 11. 30.
• 2 Sam. 6. 1 Sam. 6.
• V. 21.
• V. 23. V. 24.
• Pellican.
• V. 26.
• V. 27.
• Rom. 13.
• V. 2.
• 1 Chron. 24.
• V. 3.
• V. 4.
• Lyra.
• V. 5.
• Pellican.
• Luk. 18.
• V. 6.
• Lyra.
• V. 7.
• V. 8.
• V. 11, 12.
• V. 16.
• V. 17.
• Hugo Card. Lyra.
• 2 King. 18. 7.
• Wolphius.
• Origen. lib. 9. in Rom.
• The higher powers to be obeyed how far forth.
• V. 8.
• Theodoret. Vatabulus.
• Sallianus.
• V. 9.
• Pellican.
• V. 13.
• V. 14.
• Lyra.
• Pellican.
• Wolphius.
• Junius.
• Hieronym. in Esa. 20.
• Junius.
• 2 Chron. 22.
• V. 1.
• Josh. 15. 39.
• Josh. 15.
• Josephus.
• Josephus.
• 2 Chron. 32. 2, 3, 4.
• Lyra.
• Junius.
• V. 9. 2 King. 18. 17.
• Pellican.
• Hieron. de tra∣dit. hebr.
• Junius.
• V. 19.
• Pellican.
• V. 19.
• V. 21.
• Pellican.
• Wolphius.
• V. 22.
• Levit. 17. 3. 4. Deut. 16. 5. V. 23, 24.
• V. 26. Wolphius.
• V. 26.
• Lyra.
• Wolphius.
• Pellican. Lyra.
• V. 27.
• V. 28.
• Junius.
• V. 31. V. 32.
• V. 36.
• Lyra.
• Pellican. Wolphius.
• V. 37.
• V. 1.
• Gloss. ordin.
• Lyra.
• Sallianus.
• V. 3.
• Lyra. Wolphius.
• Pellican.
• V. 6.
• V. 7.
• Lyra. Wolphius.
• Tostatus.
• Junius.
• V. 8.
• Tostatus. Lyra. Pellican.
• Junius. Josephus.
• Genebrard. S. Sulpitius.
• V. 10.
• Lyra.
• V. 12.
• Junius.
• Wolphius.
• V. 14.
• Lyra.
• Pellican.
• V. 20.
• V. 21. Lyra.
• V. 22.
• V. 23.
• Lyra.
• Wolphius.
• V. 24.
• V. 25.
• Lyra.
• Wolphius.
• Chald. paraph.
• Hierom. in Esa.
• V. 27.
• Psal. 39. V. 28. Wolphius.
• V. 29.
• Lyra.
• V. 30.
• Lyra. V. 31.
• Junius. Pellican.
• Sallianus.
• Pellican.
• V. 32.
• Lyra. Hieron. in Esa. lib. 11.
• Wolphius.
• V. 35.
• Wolphius. Lyra.
• V. 36.
• Lyra.
• Wolphius. Hieronym.
• Wolphius.
• Theodoret in 4. Reg. Qui adver us deum, qui ipsum fece∣rat, rabie fuit percitus, ab iis, qui ex ipso pro∣creati suerant interficitur. 2 Chron. 32. 23
• Pellican.
• V. 1.
• Pellican.
• Lyra.
• Wolphius.
• Josephus.
• Wolphius.
• Lyra.
• V. 2.
• Phil. 1. 23.
• Hieron. in Esa.
• Cypr. lu Esa.
• Wolphius.
• V. 4, 5.
• Junius.
• Pellican.
• V. 6.
• Aug. de Gen. ad lit. c. 6. let. 17
• Gregor. Moral. lib. 12. in Job.
• V. 8. Lyra. Wolphius.
• Basil. interro∣gat. 55. in Reg.
• Hieronym.
• Valles. c. 39. de Sacra philosoph.
• V. 8. Hieronym. lib. 2. cont. Pelagium. Author mirab. S. S. Lyra. Dionysius. Tostatus.
• V. 9, 10, 11.
• Pellican.
• Lyra.
• Wolphius.
• Procop▪ i•• Esa 39. Hierom. in Esa.
• Burgensis.
• Rabanus.
• Thule.
• Wolphius.
• 2 Chron. 32. 25.
• V. 12.
• Funcii Chrono.
• Genebrard.
• Eccles. hist.
• Eccles. hist.
• V. 13.
• Lyra.
• Hieronym. in Esa.
• Prov. 16. 4.
• V. 14.
• H. B. Patriarks travels.
• Junius.
• Josephus.
• Pellican.
• Wolphius.
• Hierom. in Esa.
• V. 18.
• V. 20.
• 2 Chro. 32. 27.
• V. 28.
• V. 1: Aug. de civit. lib. 18. c. 24.
• Wolphius.
• V. 2.
• V. 3. V. 4.
• 2 Chro. 24. 17.
• V. 5. Vatablus.
• V. 6.
• V. 7.
• V. 9.
• V. 10. 11.
• V. 12. 13.
• V. 6.
• Wolphius.
• V. 16.
• Epiphan. lib. de prophet. vita & interitu.
• Lyra.
• V. 17.
• 2 Chro. 33. 11. V. 12.
• Josephus Lyra.
• Junius. 1 Sam. 13. 6. Hierom. in tradit. Hebr.
• Chrysost. opus imperf. in Math. Hom. 1.
• Cyril. in Esa. 22. Greeser.
• Josephus.
• V. 13.
• Hieronym.
• Chrisost.
• Chron. Heb.
• V. 19.
• V. 14.
• Josephus.
• V. 17. V. 18. 19.
• 2 King. 21. 18.
• Junius.
• V. 19.
• 2 Chron. 33. 23.
• 2 Chron. 33. 15.
• Chrisost. opus imperf. Chron. Heb.
• 2 King. 21. 23.
• V. 24. V. 26.
• V. 1.
• V. 2.
• 2 Chro. 34. 3.
• V. 4, 5.
• V. 6. V. 7.
• 2 King. 23. 4.
• Junius.
• Bethel 〈…〉〈…〉. miles from Je∣rusalem. H. B.
• Wolphius.
• 2 King. 23. 5.
• V. 6.
• Junius. Lyra.
• Junius.
• Wolphius. Lyra.
• 2 Cor. 6. 16. V. 10.
• Pellican.
• V. 11.
• Wolphius.
• Junius.
• V. 12.
• V. 13.
• V. 15.
• Junius.
• Joh. 16. 1.
• V. 17.
• Lyra.
• Tostatus. R. Solomon.
• V. 19.
• 2 King. 22. 3.
• 2 Chron. 34. 8.
• V. 9.
• 11. Junius.
• V 12. Pellican.
• V. 14.
• Sallianus.
• Exod. 25. 16. Deut. 17.
• Deut. 27. 8.
• Act. 15.
• Nehem. 8. ••al. 2. 7. Deut. 6.
• 2 King. 22. 8.
• Hieronym.
• R. Solomon.
• Hieron. de quest. bebr. Lyra. Wolphius.
• Hieron. lib. 2. cont. Pelagium.
• V. 15.
• V. 16, 17.
• V. 18.
• 2 Chron. 36. 2.
• Lyra.
• V. 1, 2.
• Exod. 24.
• Jer. 3. 10.
• V. 21.
• 2 Chron. 39. 1, 2.
• V. 3.
• Hieronym. in trad. Heb.
• Cajetan.
• Junius.
• Pellican.
• Job. 17. 17.
• V. 4.
• Pellican.
• V. 7.
• V. 13.
• V. 14.
• V. 15.
• V. 18.
• Lyra.
• Josephus.
• 2 King. 13. 22.
• V. 25.
• V. 26.
• Pellican.
• Lyra.
• Hugo Card.
• Eccles. 10. 1. V. 29. H. B. Patr. travels.
• 2 Chron. 35. 21, 22.
• 25.
• 2 King. 23. 30.
• Junius.
• Wolphius.
• V. 34.
• Genebrard.
• Ezech. 19. 5.
• Jer. 22. 13.
• V. 1.
• Vatabulus.
• Berosus.
• V. 2.
• V. 3. Junius.
• Ezek. 36. 9.
• V. 6. V. 8.
• 2 Chro. 36. 9.
• Junius.
• V. 10, 11, 12.
• Josephus.
• V. 9.
• V. 12.
• Junius.
• Wolphius.
• Joseph. Antiq. l. 10. 9.
• Josephus.
• Wolphius.
• V. 13.
• V. 14.
• Wolphius.
• Junius.
• V. 17.
• Lyra.
• V. 1, 2. How great the army besieging Jerusalem was, see Jer. 34. 1.
• V. 4.
• Josephus.
• V. 6. Wolphius.
• Josephus.
• 2 Chron. 36. 14.
• Junius.
• 2 King. 25. 8.
• Wolphius. Junius.
• Wolphius.
• Jer. 29. 10.
• Funcii Chrono
• V. 9
• Athanas. in Sy∣nopsi.
• Dan. 9.
• Joseph. l. 11. c. 1. Theodoret in Dan.
• Nehem. 8.
• 2 Chro. 36. 17.
• V. 11.
• V. 13.
• V. 18.
• V. 22.
• 1 Sam. 7. 15. V. 26.
• Jer. 40. 10.
• Chap. 40. 11.
• Chap. 40. 4, 5, 6.
• V. 25.
• Josephus.
• Hieronym. Cyrillus.
• V. 29. Jer. 41. 5.
• Jer. 41. 10.
• Chap. 42.
• Chap. 43.
• 2 Chron. 36. 20.
• 2 King. 25. 30.
• Wolphius.
• 1 Chron. 3. 19, 20, &c.
• Ezra 7.