A commentary upon the whole Old Testament, added to that of the same author upon the whole New Testament published many years before, to make a compleat work upon the whole Bible. Vols. 2-4. Wherein the divers translations and expositions, literall and mysticall, of all the most famous commentators both ancient and modern are propounded, examined, and judged of, for the more full satisfaction of the studious reader in all things, and many most genuine notions inserted for edification in the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ. A work, the like unto which hath never yet been published by any man, yet very necessary, nor only for students in divinity; but also for every Christian that loveth the knowledge of divine things, or humane, whereof this comment is also full. Consisting of IV parts. I Upon the Pentateuch, or five books of Moses. II Upon the historical part, from Joshua to Esther. III Upon Job, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and Solomons Song. IV Upon all the prophets both great and small. By John Mayer, doctor of divinity.

CHAP. XVIII.

IN the third year of Hosheah, Hezekiah began, &c.] If this shall seem to be re∣pugnant to chap. 10. 1. where it is said, Ahaz his father began anno 17 of Pekah, * 1.1 who reigned 20 years, and so he reigned but three years in his time, then he con∣tinued 13 more, for his whole reign was of sixteen years, and Hosheah got the crown immediately after Pekah, wherefore he reigned in Hosheah his time also thirteen years, and so Hezekiah could not begin till his fourteenth year. How this may be reconciled see before, upon ch. 17. 1. The age of Hezekiah when he began to reign was 25, the time of his reign 29, his mothers name was Abi, the daughter * 1.2 of Zechariah. His praise is, that he did altogether like David, he brake down the high places, where other kings had permitted sacrificing, and brake in pieces the brazen image which Moses had made because they burnt incense unto it; and it is * 1.3 said, that he did so excellently, that there was never any king of Iudah like unto him, before or after him. Touching his mother, some think, that she was daughter to Zechariah, the son of Iehoiadah, slain in the time of Ioas king of Iudah, for repro∣ving his wickednesse. But that was so long before, the reign of Amaziah of 29, and of Azariah 52, and of Iotham 16 coming between, together 97 years, that there is no probability of it. Ierom therefore conjectureth, that she was his grand∣childe, * 1.4 coming of a sonne of his own name, which is not unlikely, and if so, he had most probably a good mother, although a bad father. Others hold this Zecha∣riah her father, to have been the last king of Israel of the race of Iehu, but then most probably he should have been so set forth; and to put this out of doubt, Iosephus * 1.5 saith, that he was a Zechary of Ierusalem. Whereas it is said, that Hezekiah brake * 1.6 downe images, and cut down the grove, for so it is in the Hebrew and not groves, as in Vulg. Lat. (although a figure called Enallage numeri is there thought by Wol∣phius * 1.7 to be used, grove being put for groves) it is to be understood, that some escaped his hands, remaining still for Iosiah to have the honour of cutting and break∣ing them downe, as appeareth, 2 King. 23. 13. where he is said to have polluted the high places set up by Solomon to Ashterosh and Chemosh and Milcom, and to have broken their images, &c. and these are said to have beene before Ierusalem, and therefore not suffered to stand now, because in some obscure corner out of sight, but because haply they were unfrequented, untill the dayes of Manasseh, the father of Iosiah, who exceeded in idolatries of all sorts, as is shewed, 2 King. 21. Thus also Tostatus, these images either were not now worshipped, or the people, being taken with the pleasantnesse of the place would not suffer them to * 1.8 be beaten downe, so that the king could not doe it without danger of sedition, but I rest in the former of these, because to a godly king the people were never so un∣dutifull to crosse him in any of his godly designes, but rather have most readily joyned with him.

And if idolatry had beene there after Solomons time committed, it is to bee thought, that neither Asa, nor Iehoshaphat would have suffered them to stand in their times. For I cannot encline to that conjecture of one, who thinketh, that Solomon upon his repentance beat them downe; and whereas it is said, which Solomon made, it is to be understood, the like unto which he made and upon the same foundations, because these words, [which Solomon made] cannot with rea∣son be expounded, the like to which others made. And that he did not demolish them hath been already shewed and brought by Eucherius as an argument of his finall impenitency, 1 King. 11. 7. But touching the superexcellency ascribed unto * 1.9 him above all other kings of Iudah before or after him: If it be demanded how this can be truly said, seeing Iosiah did rather exceed both in polluting those high places, which he suffered to remaine, in keeping a passeover in such manner as no king ever did before him, 2 King. 23. 22. in rooting out Wizzards, and removing all abominations v. 24. Whereupon it is said, that he was such a king, as that there was never king like unto him, v. 25. To this Wolphius answereth by saying, that * 1.10

we must take it according to the meaning and not stand strictly upon the words, it being not intended here to deprive other godly kings of their due commenda∣tions, but most highly to commend these two, as the most excellent of all others. Hezekiah for his beginning so soone, viz. anno 1. the first moneth of his reigne, 2 Chron. 29. 3. and that not being deterred by the state wherein he found the king∣dome, viz. altogether corrupted by idolatries, and that by his father. 2. For his most eminent confidence in God shewed herein, and in his breaking in pieces the bra∣zen Serpent, which was in so high estimation then amongst the people, that they worshipped it. 3. For Gods favour constantly gracing him unto his end by mira∣culously delivering Ierusalem upon his praying from the proud king of Ashur, smi∣ting his hoast by his Angel, and hearing him in his most dangerous sicknesse to re∣store him to health againe, and to adde fifteene yeares more to his dayes, and for a signe to shew a miracle almost, as at the request of Ioshuah upon the Sunne going back, as then it stood still. For in these three even Iosiah himselfe came short of Hezekiah, in that he began not his reformation, till anno 18 of his reigne, neither did he finde his state so corrupted, seeing Manasseh his father was converted and reformed all things most materiall before his end. 2. He had no image to breake downe so dangerous for the causing of tumult amongst the people, as the brazen image, which Moses himselfe had set up, and therefore Hezekiah in doing this did much endanger himselfe, as one that might be thought for this fact to be against God. 3. He was cut off by a violent death, in going out against Pharaoh Necho, non consulting with the Lord first about it.

Yet Iosiah excelled even Hezekiah, first in ridding the land of all abhominations both the high places built by Solomon, and the altar at Bethel. Secondly, in the sin∣gular passeover, which he kept. Thirdly, in his hearts melting within him for the sinnes of the people, when he heard the law read, and bringing them into a cove∣nant with the Lord; in which respects it is truly said of him, that there was no king like unto him before or after, and for that he lived without all scandall, so as David himself did not, nor Hezekiah, who was visited for his unthankfulnesse after his great deliverance, and heard an harsh prophesie for his correspondency with the king of Assyria, and his vain-glory in shewing his Legats his treasures. And as tru∣ly it is said likewise of Hezekiah, for the three things before spoken of, which were most notable in him. For the brazen serpent, see Numb. 21. 9. by Gods own command it was set up, and had been hitherto preserved, as a monument of the cures wrought hereby. But in the days of Abaz, by the superstitious incense was offered unto it, as thinking vertue to be therein. But Hezekiah brake it, and called it Nehushtan, that is, their brasse, and therefore without all vertue, and unworthy of adoration, seeing not thereby, but by Gods power cures were through it done. And hereby we are taught, that whatsoever is an occasion of offence ought to be abolished; such as is the crosse it self, although sometime Constantine thereby pre∣vailed.

Touching Gods being with Hezekiah in all his enterprises, and his smiting of the Philistims set forth here v. 7, 8. because his pious acts were the first, that he began with, as is noted 2 Chron. 29. 3. and these followed as blessings hereupon, we must here leave the history of the Kings, and bring in 2 Chron. 29. 3, 4, &c. where * 1.11 is shewed, what he first did after that he was king. In the first year, the first month he opened the house of the Lord, and called the Priests and Levites together, wil∣ling them to sanctifie themselves and the Lords house, recounting unto them, how their fathers had carried themselves indignly, shutting up the Lords house, and not offering to him, &c. This godly king, to give example to all others, began first with the worship of God, which is the principall thing in a kingdome, and if it be rightly intended, that which bringeth with it all other blessings, as a very fountain and well-spring thereof. Ierom saith, that by tradition he did this not only the first * 1.12 moneth, but the first day thereof. He opened the doors of the Lords house, which A∣haz his father had shut up, ch. 28. 24. and this is most consonant with v. 17. He caused the Priests and Levites to assemble in the East street, that is, saith Lyra, in * 1.13 the Priests court, where stood the altar of burnt offerings, and was on the East side

of the courts of the Lords house, which is said to be 100 cubits square, as the other courts also were. And here he exhorted them to sanctifie themselves, that is, by washing their bodies and clothes, and then to sanctifie the temple, by cleansing it from all the foulnesse growing therein so long a time; Ierom saith, by carrying out * 1.14 the images set up there, and all their appurtenances. But seeing the doors were kept shut, I see not how images could come to be set up there. And to stir them up the more, he commemorateth the wrath of God executed against Iudah, * 1.15 in slaughtering many of them, and giving others to be carried away captive, both men and women, of which see ch. 28. 5, 6, 7, 8. Then he telleth them, that he * 1.16 meant to enter into a covenant with God, which how it was performed I finde not expressed, but onely that sacrifices were offered for them all, and praises sung, and then both king and people bowed themselves and worshipped, which was im∣plicitly * 1.17 a covenanting, according to that saying Psal. 50. 5. which hath made a co∣venant with me by sacrifice, and this he propoundeth to do, that the Lord might turn from the fierceneste of his wrath, as being a speciall means to move him so to do. Then the Priests and Levites gathered themselves together, and it is shewed, of what families the Levites were, viz. of Chaath, Gershom, and Merari, Elisa∣phan, Asaph, Heman, and Ieduthun. Of which, the three former are well known * 1.18 to have been the sonnes of Levi. Elisaphan was the sonne of Huzziel, the sonne of Amram, the sonne of Kaath, Exod. 6. 20. and Numb. 3. 30. he is called prince of the Chaathites. Of the other three mention is made in the Psalms, as of chief singers, to whom therefore many Psalms were committed, and by some of them * 1.19 endited. Heman was a prince of the family of Gershom, 1 Chron. 3. 43. Asaph of the family of Merari, v. 39. And Ieduthun, was a skilfull Musitian next unto them, 2 Chron. 5. 12. where these three are named together in Solomons time, as being of the same faculty. Now the order of proceeding in cleansing and sanctify∣ing was this, the Priests cleansed the house of the Lord, bringing all the filth to the door, and there the Levites took and carried all into the brook Kedron, and this work being begun the first day of the first moneth, was finished in eight dayes, and in eight more the courts, with all their appurtenances were cleansed and sanctified also. From whence we may gather, that Hezekiah began his reign in the very be∣ginning * 1.20 of the year, and the same day that he began to reign, spake unto the Le∣vites to set upon this work; and that they without any deferring began the same day, that they were spoken unto. A most excellent harmony and consent in the [Note.] greatest diligence about things pertaining to religion, worthy the imitation both of prince and people in all ages. This work being finished, they certifie the king thereof, and of their cleansing of the altar for burnt offerings, and all the utensils thereof, which Ahaz had removed and cast aside, setting up an altar like that at * 1.21 Damascus in the room of it, as was before shewed. Wherefore, without doubt that altar was broken down by them, and carried away with the other filth, the al∣tar of the Lord being set again in the proper place.

The good king hearing what they had done, delayed no time, but rising early in * 1.22 the morning, called together the princes, and causing seven bullocks, seven lambs, seven rams, and seven kids, to be brought to the Lords house, he commanded the Priests to offer them upon the altar, for sinne, for the kingdome, for the sanctuary, and for Iudah, which they did accordingly. For the kingdome saith Lyra, was for * 1.23 the king and the princes, for Iudah was for all the people of the land, and for the sanctuary, was for the Priests and Levites who ministred therein. But because Le∣vit. 4. one bullock is appointed for the Priest sinning, and one for the whole con∣gregation, and a kid for a prince, so that this may seem to be an exceeding of the prescript rule of the law, he answereth, that Numb. 15. 24. unto the bullock, in case the whole congregation sinneth, a kid is added, whereby it may be gathered, that the meaning of Levit. 4. is, that so much must be offered at the least, but when the sinne is greater, more must be added. And at this time, because sinne had ex∣ceeded in the dayes of wicked Ahaz, the beasts brought and offered are many more, viz. a full number (for such is the number of seven) of all sorts that were fit for sacrifice, and not of the two prescribed in that law onely. Innius by the sanctu∣ary * 1.24

understandeth it properly, because being polluted it had need again to be sancti∣fied, as at the first consecration, which was with bloud, Levit. 8. 15. so likewise Pel∣lican, * 1.25 and this seemeth to be the best, because the altar was sprinkled with bloud, before the sacrifices for sinne were offered. And by the kingdome and Iudah, may be understood all the whole body of that state, consisting of King, Clergy, and Laity.

And the goats were set before the King, and the whole congregation, and they * 1.26 laid their hands upon them.] That is, the king, and some of them representing the rest, laid on their hands as was appointed, when sacrifices were offered for sinne, Levit. 4. and thus they confessed their sinnes, shewing by their thus doing, that they were worthy to dye, but besought the Lord to accept of the bloud of this beast, whereby Christ his bloud was figured out, and to save them.

And the Priests killed them, and sprinkled their bloud upon the altar, to make an ex∣piation * 1.27 for all Israel, &c.] Such was the piety and charity of this king, as that he would have sacrifices offered not onely for his owne kingdome of Iudah, but also for all Israel, although under another king. And that the sacrifices now offered might be made with the greatest grace and praise to God, he addeth also musicke * 1.28 by instruments and voice of the Levites as was used in Davids time, as God com∣manded by his prophets, Gad and Nathan.

The sacrifices at this time offered were 70. buls, 100. rams, 200. lambs, 600. oxen, and 3000. sheepe, which was a great matter considering the poverty, to * 1.29 which the kingdome was brought by Ahaz; and that these offerings were given by the men of Iudah onely. And these were sacrifices of praise, as those before going for sinne. And being so many it is said, that the priests being fewer could not flea them all, wherefore the Levites did helpe them: and the reason, why there * 1.30 were fewer priests sanctified, was because the Levites were more upright in heart to sanctifie themselves, then the priests, for this is the true reading according to the Hebrew, and not as the Vulg. Lat. hath it, more belonged to the sanctifying of the * 1.31 Priests then of the Levites. Another reason why these fewer priests could not doe all, was because the fat also of every beast was to be taken off to be burnt upon the altar, which required the helpe of many hands.

HEzekiah that godly king having made this preparation, which was necessary * 1.32 in the first place, now taketh into his consideration the great neglect of keep∣ing the Passeover, and although the first moneth of the yeare was past wherein it ought to have beene kept, yet he would not deferre it, till another yeare, but ra∣ther keepe it the second moneth, beleeving that God would accept of his piety herein, although the circumstance of time were not precisely observed, seeing this could not at this time be for the case, wherein the altar and temple were in the first moneth, the sanctifying of which must take up many dayes. And yet he did not this without warrant, but as was allowed, Numb. 9. 10, 11. Here are also two other reasons of this, viz. because there were not a sufficient number of the priests sanctified to minister at this solemnity, and because the people of Israel could not suddenly be gathered together unto it from all parts, as all the males ought to be. * 1.33 And be endevoured to have them all at Ierusalem, not onely of his owne kingdom of Iudah, but also of Israel under Hoshea, and therefore he sent letters to them of Ephraim and Manasseh and to all Israel to invite them unto it. For although their * 1.34 king were wicked, yet the golden calves set up by Ieroboam being now taken away by the Assyrians, as hath beene already shewed, he did not evil, as other kings, his predecessours, by worshipping idols, or keeping his subjects from go∣ing * 1.35 to Ierusalem to worship, as they had done, so that if they would, they might freely come to this Passeover. And such was his charity, that he desired to doe, what he could for the reconciling of Gods favour unto them as well as to his owne kingdome, that no more of them might be caryed away captive into Assyria, as some had beene before, 2 King, 15. 29. which is expressed, v. 6, 7, 8. And in this ex∣ample we are taught how we should be affected to and seeke the good of our bre∣thren [Note.] in other kingdomes, as well as in our owne. At what time this was done, all are not agreed: for Cajetan will have it to be the yeare after the captivity by * 1.36

Salmanasar, when they had no king of their owne to hold them at home. But see∣ing that was the seventh yeare of Hezekiah and this the first, he is in a manifest er∣rour. Wherefore Iosephus, Genebrard and Tostatus doe all agree, that it was before * 1.37 that captivity, which was not, till the sixth yeare of Hezekiah; the good King hoping by this meanes, that they might finde favour to be spared for time to come from being carryed away; and those, who were carried away before, might in their captivity have more comfort. The messengers sent were mocked of some in Manasseh, Ephraim and Zabulon. Josephus addeth, that they took both them and the prophets, who exhorted them to goe up, and slew them. But some in Asher, * 1.38 Manasseh and Zabulon humbled themselves and went to this Passeover. The time was now almost come of giving Israel over into the hands of their enemies for their sinnes, and of their utter extirpation: therefore to prepare unto this, they are first given over, as their wicked hearts lead them, to the contempt of all good∣nesse, and then the judgement soone followed. They that humbled themselves and came, were, as Pellican conceiveth, of those seven thousand that never bowed * 1.39 their knees to Baal, that is, of their posterity; for their time was expired long before this. And it is not to be doubted, but that these escaped the better, when the Assyrians came, coming again haply into Iudah, where so godly a king was, to be out of that danger, when they had first returned to their possessions and in their owne countrey destroyed idols, as chap. 31. 1. Touching Iudah it is said, that God * 1.40 gave them one heart to doe all of them, as they were commanded touching the passeover and in shewing their zeale against idolatry by breaking downe the idols altars, &c. as the Priests and Levites had cleansed the temple, so they cleansed both the city and countrey from all idolatrous pollution. Then the Passeover was * 1.41 kept and the Priests and Levites, who were not yet sanctified, were ashamed and sanctified themselves, that they might be fit to doe their duty at this great solem∣nity, * 1.42 and so they offered the burnt offerings. That, which made them ashamed was to see the readinesse and zeale of the people, to whom they ought to have been leaders. Yet it is said, that a multitude of the people were uncleane, for which cause the Levites were enforced to kil the paschal lambs for them, that they might thus be sanctified. They were for necessities sake now allowed to eat the * 1.43 Passeover, although they were uncleane, as is shewed, v. 18. that is, by touching some unclean thing, or by a dead body, the order of sanctifying, after which, had now been neglected a long time, and haply, for want of teaching, unknown unto them: but to kill the Passeover in this case none were permitted, but the Levites, who were sanctified, did it for them. Because, as Lyra saith, It is a greater work * 1.44 and unto it more holinesse is required, to kill the Passeover, then to eat of it, as in a priest that consecrateth the Sacrament, then in such, as receive it. All such in∣deed as eate the Passeover, must be sanctified from their uncleannesse, Levit. 7. 20. there being one common law against eating any of the holy things by such as were uncleane, and the penalty set therefore, death and cutting off from his people: for which it is said, v. 18. that there were many uncleane of Manasseh, Issachar, * 1.45 &c. which did eat, not according to the law, for whom Hezekiah prayed, that God would forgive this and accept of them notwithstanding, who ate the Passe∣over with a perfect heart, and it is said, that God heard him and healed the people, that is, according to Iunius, sanctified them by the vertue of his Spirit: the Vulg. * 1.46 Lat. (placatus est erga eos) was pacified towards them, respecting more the sense, then the words. But the word (healed) is used because uncleannesse is as a sick∣nesse in those that participate of holy things, endangering their lives by reason of the penalty before spoken of; so that God being pacified and his wrath stayed by the prayer of Hezekiah, this malady might well be said metaphorically to have been healed.

But how was it known, that God was pacified? The Rabins, saith Lyra, an∣swer, * 1.47 that commonly when any presumed to eate of the holy things of the Lord in his uncleannesse, they were stricken with death, and therefore because these were not thus smitten, it appears, that Gods wrath against this sinne was pacified But this he approveth not, because, if there had been such danger it had been a

tempting of God to adventure in this case to eate the passeover, and delivering his owne opinion, he saith, They were dispensed withall for necessities sake and for the good and hearty devotion, with which they came. For touching the first of these, David in case of necessity did eat the shewbread which otherwise it was unlawfull for him to doe; and for the second, it is faith and uprightnesse of heart, that maketh the doing of holy duties acceptable to God, although they be not at sometimes performed strictly according to the rule of his law.

Which reasons indeed are good for the Lords accepting of them, and pardoning their errour, but they do nothing satisfie the question propounded, viz. how it was known, that God was pacified, and therefore I rest in that, which Lyra except∣eth against, because however at other times, when there was no necessity, Gods wrath might break out against such, as ate in their uncleannesse, yet in this case of necessity, the king might well hope of his fatherly indulgence, to spare a poor ignorant people, that now began again to return with all their hearts unto him, al∣though in outward things, which never really defiled, they did not altogether ac∣cording to the law, seeing they were as a people newly converted, and therefore such as it could not be expected at their hands, that they should exactly keep this solemnity at the first. For both David before spoken of, did that which was dan∣gerous in eating the shew-bread in his necessitie, and all the Hebrews in omitting circumcision all the time of their being in the wildernesse, yet sinne was not im∣puted unto them.

To make it then the more probable, that such as at other times ate of the holy things in their uncleannesse were punished with death, S^t. Paul saith of the un∣worthy * 1.48 receivers amongst the Corinthians. For this cause there are many amongst you sick and weak, and many a sleep, that is, dead. For God hath at all times been most severe out of the case of necessitie, against those, that have transgressed the ex∣ternall rites of the law, as we may see in Vzzah, and in the men of Bethshemesh. * 1.49 Whence we may learn, that the heart indeed is the principall thing that God look∣eth [Note.] after: but however the heart be affected, there is danger to any, that presu∣meth to eat of the holy things of the Lord in the uncleannesse of sin, which he will never dispense withall, although he did sometime with legall uncleannesse. Yet seeing there is place for repentance for this and for all other sins, except that against the holy Ghost, upon prayer, pardon and reconciliation may be attained, as it was at this time by Hezekiah. Touching the case of necessity here often spoken of, it is to be known, that this was now the Israelites case. They came farre to the passe∣over, had kept none a long time, and had not now the liberty of another moneth, as the unclean, Num. 9. therefore must either eat it as they were, or else misse the taking of it haply for ever, to their greater danger.

Then they kept the passeover with joy seven dayes, the Levites playing with * 1.50 musick, and these being ended, they agreed at the kings motion to keep it seven dayes more: for he offered a thousand bullocks, and seven thousand smaller cattle, and the Princes a thousand bullocks, and ten thousand smaller cattle, which could * 1.51 not all be spent in the former seven dayes. And these, it is to be understood, were eucharisticall sacrifices, wherewith all the people were feasted, whom Hezekiah desired to hold longer, that by hearing more of the law, they might be the more confirmed therein: for which cause, neither he nor the Princes spared for any char∣ges, whereby they might draw them to stay with delight. This indeed, saith Pelli∣can, * 1.52 was more, then the law required, but not against it, seeing as free-will offer∣ings, besides those enjoyned were greatly accepted of, so to take time for the of∣fering of them to the praise of God, could not but be highly accepted of also. And it must be taken, as coming from their superabundant joy for that feast, now kept again by all Israel together, so as it had not been since the dayes of Solomon, be∣cause * 1.53 they of the ten tribes were never hitherto permitted to come to Ierusalem, from the beginning of Ieroboams reign, and for a long time in the reign of Ahaz, the kingdome of Iudah had been debarred by his shutting up of the doors of the house of the Lord. How it was accepted of before God, is shewed v. 27. where * 1.54 it is said, that the Priests and Levites blessed the people, and their prayer came into the holy habitation of heaven.

Then all the children of Israel, that were in Ierusalem, went out and brake down the images, &c.] That is, when they had heard the law against them, they returned not home, till they had first done these zealous acts. And because Hezekiah doubt∣lesse exhorted them so to do, and by his authority set them to this work within his dominions, it is said of him 2 King. 18. 4. that he did all this, and brake in pieces also the brazen serpent. For the history of the Kings omitting altogether the narra∣tion of his passeover, cometh immediately to this of his demolishing idolatry, but here it is set forth in the due order, together with those that were employed about it. He began then so soon as he came to the crown, to purge the house of the Lord, and this being done, proceeded, as the time required, to the celebration of the passe∣over, from which the people by him called unto it, being set on fire with a holy zeal, went out and purged all other parts from the filth of idolatry, even as farre as Ephraim and Manasseh in the kingdome of Israel, of which tribes some of them were. For although ch. 30. 10, 11. no mention is made but of some of Asher, Ma∣nasseh and Zabulon, that came at Hezekiahs invitement to the passeover, others of Ephraim, Manasseh and Zabulon, being set forth as mocking, yet v. 18. Ephraim and Issachar are mentioned, as being there also. If it shall seem strange, that the subjects of another king should presume to do these things without his licence, within his kingdome, It is to be considered, that Hosheah then king, was but an usurper, that by murthering of his master attained the kingdome, and therefore the subjects thereof did as if they had no lawfull king, being also haply permitted by him to do in these things, what they would, so that he might be suffered to sit in the throne; for which cause, as was said before 2 King. 17. 2. he is reported not to be so bad as other kings of Israel before him for idolatry, being rather A∣thiest then idolater. Here is then no warrant for subjects and private persons, to run of their own heads, to the pulling down of images set up by publike authority, especially living under a lawfull king, to whom every soul must be subject, and to * 1.55 his councell, but when the king that reigneth is indifferent, such zeal is hereby warrantable, as stirreth up the people to the pulling of them down. Otherwise it is to be expected, till God shall move his or their hearts to appoint it to be done, as he did the heart of Iehu before, and of Iosiah after.

Having thus purged both the Lords house and the whole land, as remained to be * 1.56 done in the next place, Hezekiah appointeth the Priests and Levites thenceforth to attend upon offering sacrifices, and singing praises unto God. And because this could not be done without many helps, who must all have due maintenance, he both renewed all the divisions of them in their courses, as they had been set by Da∣vid, * 1.57 and also stirred up the people to bring in the first fruits and tithes, whereupon they were to live, which they did aboundantly. And the king for his part, to free the people from that great charge, undertook at his own costs, to maintain the con∣tinuall morning and evening sacrifices, those of the Sabbath and new Moons, and * 1.58 of other feasts which the Lord had appointed, of the laws touching which, see Le∣vit. 23. Exod. 29. 39. Numb. 28. &c. The first fruits and tithes due to the ministers * 1.59 of God he calleth their parts, because they had none other part or portion in the land, but these were by law appointed unto them, that they might attend upon the office, by the same law commanded them, and not be distracted by seeking out for maintenance; that is, saith Lyra, upon reading, studying, and teaching, and officia∣ting * 1.60 in the temple. And good reason there is, that Gods ministers in all times [Note.] should have maintenance sufficient without trouble, seeing that even amongst the heathen, they who attended upon divine worship, were alwayes provided for by the care of others, as in Egypt, when that great famine was, which compelled all others to sell their lands to buy food, the Priests yet even then had no want, where∣by they might be compelled to do likewise. The first fruits and tithes, that here∣upon were brought in, were of corn, wine, oyl, honey, and all things which the * 1.61 earth bringeth forth, these came in now aboundantly. But as Pellican noteth, no tithe * 1.62 of money, yet tithes might be converted into money, and thus Gods mini∣sters were supplied with all things necessary for their sustenance, as they ought to be. And this people shall rise up in judgement against, and condemn many of these [Note.]

times, who will not pay tithe of all things, but keep back sundry of the smaller, saying, that the minister hath enough of the other. Such are worse, not onely then * 1.63 these Iews, but then the Pharisee, who said, that he payed tithe of all that he had. They also of Iudah gave the tithe of their heards, and of their flocks, and their holy * 1.64 tithes, or tithes of holy things. That is, most probably, of calves, whitemeat, wool and lamb, the tithes of holy things, saith Lyra, according to the Hebrews, were the * 1.65 tithe of the tithes, which the Levites paid unto the Priests, Numb. 18. 26. but be∣cause they were not paid by the people, but by the Levites, after they had recei∣ved them of the people, they cannot, I take it, be meant here, but rather such tithes, as over and above the tithes ordinarily appointed to be paid, any did volun∣tarily vow to give; because there it is said, v. 8. these oblations of the holy things of the children of Israel shall be the Priests. And here it is said, the tithes of the holy things. Whereunto the vulgar Latin, for more expression, addeth, which they vowed to the Lord their God. Because amongst the oblations of this kinde assigned to the priests, things vowed are also mentioned, v. 14.

In the third moneth they began the heapes, and in the seventh they finished them.] * 1.66 So that immediately after the passeover in the second moneth, they began to gather and bring in their tithes from all parts, that is, about our mid May, at what time their harvest began, the time of the year concurring with the exhortation made to move them unto it. And because after their corn harvest their other fruits coming of the vine, olive and pomegranate followed, which were not all ended, till the seventh moneth, at the beginning thereof, viz. the midst of our September, they were thus long in making their heaps.

Then Hezekiah came and saw the heapes, &c.] For which he and his princes * 1.67 blessed God, and understanding by Azarias the high priest, that these heaps remai∣ned over and above their necessary sustenance, that attended upon the service of the * 1.68 Lords house, he commanded to provide barns to lay them into, and this being done, all that provision was laid up in them, and committed to the custody of cer∣tain Levites, who should distribute them duly amongst their brethren, both in their service about the temple, and to them in the countrey, and all their families, that none might have any want, either men, women or children belonging unto them. Whether these barnes or places of receipt were now new built or no, it is not said, but it is most probable, that they onely prepared, and repaired and made clean, ha∣ving been made before by Solomon, when the temple was built, seeing rooms were then made all along by the sides of the temple, 1 King. 6. 5.

But what is meant v. 6. by saying, besides the males of their kinne from three * 1.69 yeares old and so forth] Answ. These are spoken of inclusively, as being some of those, that were with the holy things to be maintained, because they that enter into the house of the Lord are immediately spoken of in particular, and their age is * 1.70 set from twenty yeares old and upward. Lest therefore it should be thought, that others, who under that age, should not have allowance made for them, this paren∣thesis comes in, besides those of three yeares, &c. that is, who shall be provided for as well from that age to twenty, as from twenty and upward. If it be demanded further, what should the females then live upon, and male children under three? Answ. This distinction is made, because by the law of God some of the holy things might be eaten onely by the males, Levit. 6. 11. and Numb. 18. 10, 11. it is shewed what the males might eat of, and what both sonnes and daughters. None but the males then should have portions out of those allowed unto them, and with the other both males and females, and such as were under three yeres of both sexes should be susteined. Thus Hugo; but Lyra saying, according to the * 1.71 Vulg. Lat. that these are to be excepted, makes it doubtfull, wherewith such little ones should be susteined. But because v. 18. it is expresly said, their little ones, their wives, sonnes and daughters, it is plaine, that the meaning here is ac∣acording to that, which hath been said. If it be further demanded, why the age of three yeares of the males is spoken of, and then from twenty and upward, see∣ing that in numbering the Levites it is begun at a moneth, and twenty five years is the soonest, that they began to serve, and thirty. It is answered, indeed the

numbering of them from a moneth old is appointed, Numb. 3. 15. but that was because, as is there said, v. 13. they were taken for all the first born of the children of Israel; and a numbering from thirty to fifty, chap. 4. 3. 23. 33. of such as were able to carry burthens, when they travelled with the tabernacle: and chap. 8. 24. from twenty five to fifty, of such as were able to keepe the watch of the tabernacle and to attend there, that they might in five yeares more be better pre∣pared to doe the full office of Priests and Levites at thirty. But there is likewise a numbering of them from twenty yeares old and up ward, 2 Chron. 13. 23. a rea∣son whereof being yielded, v. 24, 25. viz. because God had given the children of Israel rest, so that the Levites should not need to carry the tabernacle any more from place to place, it is concluded v. 26. that according to the last appointment of David they were numbered from twenty, although v. 2. of the same Chapter it had beene said, that the Levites were even in Davids time at the first numbered from thirty and upward. Hezekiah therefore in ordering the distributions here to be made to them of twenty years old and upward followeth his father David, who was assisted by the Prophets, Gad and Nathan, as is expressed, 2 Chron. 29. 25. and not the way of accounting first appointed in Numbers. Yet it is to be held with Iunius, that they were not admitted to exercise their full ministery, till thirty years of age, at what time both Christ and Iohn Baptist first began their preaching. But at twenty they began happly to be instructed in things pertaining to ther office, at twenty five to execute it in part, and at thirty fully. Touching those of three yeares old and upward to twenty, they are most probably distinguished from such as were under, because although ordinarily they entered not into the tabernacle till twenty, yet sometimes extraordinarily they did, when they were very young and tender, as Samuel, whom his mother brought thither so soone as she had weaned him, 1 Sam. 1. and it is not improbable, but that some others gave their children to God likewise upon extraordinary occasion, as Hannah did.

Having thus taken in the memorable acts of Hezekiah omitted, 2 King. 18. but supplied, 2 Chron. 29. 30, 31. as hath been shewed: I will now return again to 2 King. 18. 7. The Lord was with him, and whither soever he went he was prospered, as * 1.72 more briefly it is concluded, 2 Chron. 31. 21. And he rebelled against the King of Assyria and served him not: that is, he refused to pay tribute unto him, as his father Ahaz had bound himselfe to doe, chap. 16. 7. neither would he and his kingdome be subject to him any more. But how may this be justified, seeing he could have his kingdome no otherwise then his father left it unto him, therefore if he hold it as tributary to this king, his sonne ought to have held it so likewise, seeing the fa∣thers covenant made in this case bindeth the sonne also, and that which he did be∣ing called rebelling against him intimateth it to have beene unlawfull. To this Wol∣phius * 1.73 answereth, that Ahaz his father did either covenant to be his servant, that he might be under his protection for ever, or else for certaine yeares, or as long as he lived. If for ever, he saith, it bound both him and his, and this fact of Hezechiah cannot be justified: but if for certaine yeares onely, or for his time alone, Heze∣chiah was now free. but he rather thinketh, that by his rebelling is meant nothing else, but his ordering of matters concerning Religion contrary to his liking, which he might lawfully do, seeing the higher power is to be obeyed in God and for God and not against him, as Origen saith, upon these words, He that resisteth the power, * 1.74 resisteth the Ordinance of God; this is not to be understood of such higher powers as persecute the faith, for in such case that saying must rather be taken up, We ought rather to obey God then men. And Tertullian upon these words, [Give to Caesar the things of Caesar, and to God the things of God.] saith, this is well oppo∣sed, otherwise what shall be left for God, if all be Caesars? Paulinus Tr••••••••••sis, Lucifer Sardiniae, and Dionysius Mediolanens. being required to write against Athanasius an Orthodox Bishop by Constantius an Arrian Emperour, answered, * 1.75 that the kingdome was not his, but Gods, of whom he received it, and that he is to be feared, lest he suddenly take away that, which he even now gave him. Tra∣jan also is reported to have said to a certain Praefectus Praetorii, when he gave him

a sword and belt, If I shall rule justly, use it for me, if unjustly, against me. And another Emperour said, He did not desire, that his wills should have any power against right; but if they seeme to fight against right, to have them abrogated, would be most pleasing unto him. Thus he bringing many arguments to the same purpose, and concluding, that it is Catachresticos called a rebelling. But because these words are added, [and served him not] it is plaine, that not any act of refor∣mation in the worship of God is meant, but his casting off the Assyrian yoake, which I doubt not, but he might justly doe, what contract soever his father had made with that King. For although he being an idolatour fled to his patronage and trusted in an arme of flesh, covenanting therefore to pay him tribute, it was not necessary, that Hezechiah, who trusted not in man, but in God should also doe likewise. Wherefore by the word [rebelled] here is not meant any unlawfull act, but onely, as the next words explaine, he would not serve him, as his father had done; and so did God defend him against that mighty king, that he could never by all his power be brought to the like servile condition, but lived a free and glorious king, bringing his enemies under his feet.

Therefore, that his prosperity might the more appear, it is said, v. 8. He smote the Philistims even to Azzah and the coasts thereof, from the tower of the keepers to * 1.76 the fenced city.] The like phrase unto which see before ch. 17. 9. These towers some expound by cottages, where vine-dressers and shepheards shelter themselves. Theodoret by towers, on which fires were made, Vatablus by strong towers, the * 1.77 meaning is, that he smote them in all places, whether solitary or frequented by peo∣ple howsoever they were fortified. Azzah, otherwise called Gaza, was one of the five Lordships of the Philistims. Into this warre against the Philistims, Hezekiah entred to revenge the wrongs by the Philistims done in the time of his father unto his kingdome, 2 Chron. 28. 18. And because the Assyrim king came not till anno 14 of his reign, and this appears to have been done before anno 4. at what time Is∣rael was carried away captive into Ashur, some think, that this his expedition against * 1.78 the Philistims, was before his revolt from the obedience of the Assyrian kings, and that his rebelling against them was after the Israelitish captivity, seeing it is most probable, that if he had rebelled sooner, the Assyrian king would not have re∣turned, when he had subdued Israel, without fighting against him. Wherefore they hold, that he being lifted up with the victory against the Philistims, began to refuse the paying of tribute to Assyria, hoping that he should be able now to with∣stand any power through Gods help, that should come against him. But before this victory they think, that for some time he paid it. But to me it seemeth by these arguments not so probable, as therefore to yield a neglect of order in the sacred historian, who placeth his rebelling against the king of Ashur first, and then his smiting of the Philistims. Because if upon this reason it be held, that his rebelling was not till after his victory over the Philistims, animating him thus to do, for the like reason it must be held, that there is a disorder also in relating this victory be∣fore the carrying of Israel away captive, seeing if it were before, then he was be∣fore lifted up thereby to rebell, which according to this reason could not be, sith it was so long before the Assyrian king came to chastise him for it. And if he had at any time paid him tribute, it would not have been said, that he served him not without some addition touching the time, when, for otherwise it is as much as if it had been said, he never served him. Againe, if he at any time served him, there was a time after he was king, that he had not such confidence in God, where∣upon he neglected man, the contrary to which seemeth to be most true, in that he was very godly from the first moneth of the first year, as appeareth before at large. But why then did the king of Ashur forbear so long to come against him, and to take his opportunity to be revenged? Answ. It was Gods singular providence over him, whilest he was busied in setling things touching religion, that he should not be disturbed, and when the Assyrian hoste came against Israel, his men being made courageous by their victory over the Philistims, it might haply not be thought a fit time, without first returning and encreasing his forces, for the Assyrian king to set upon him. Being returned and carrying away the people of Israel, and putting

others in their places, thus strengthening himself in those parts, he thought bap∣ly to come again with a greater puissance, but he was prevented by death: for we read no more of Salmanasars coming to warre, but of Sennacherib, which im∣plyeth, that he died. And who knoweth, what troubles his successour might have at home, before he could enjoy the kingdome quietly, or whether he were of that warlike disposition at the first to prepare for this warre? Thus then time might passe away, and nothing be done till anno 14 of Hezekiah, although the provocation were made anno 1^o. Touching the Philistims now subdued, they were a warlike people, and therefore the greater was Hezekiahs glory to smite and bring them under, as Plutarch doth hence praise the Romans above Alexander, because he sub∣dued Asiaticks, that were weaker and more effeminate, but these the Germans, Spaniards, Brittans. &c. most valiant nations.

In the fourth year of Hezekiah, which was the seventh year of Hosheah, came Sal∣manasar, &c.] How this is to be reconciled to chap. 17. 1. where the beginning * 1.79 of Hosheah his reign is in the twelfth of Ahaz, and therefore it was his eight or ninth year, and not his seventh, when it was the fourth of Hezekiah, seeing A∣haz reigned sixteen, how the time of Hosheah two wayes counted, maketh a seem∣ing difference, in comparing the time of his predecessour and his together, see be∣fore upon chap. 17. 1. Here the same thing is againe declared, which was said be∣fore, chap. 17. 6. The reason whereof, as Pellican thinketh may be, that the great * 1.80 favour of God, whereby he now protected godly Hezekiah and his kingdome when danger was so neare might be manifested, and so in what a safe condition a [Note.] godly king and state are, when the wicked goe to ruine, as Hoshea now did toge∣ther with his people.

In the fourteenth of Hezechiah came Sennacherib king of Assyria against all the defenced cities of Iudah and took them, &c.] After the prosperity of Hezechiah set * 1.81 forth, now followeth his adversity by the invasion of the Assyrians. He had re∣volted from their obedience, in which his father lived, and therefore they come now to be revenged upon him and prevaile very much. Then he sent to Sa••••••che∣rib * 1.82 at Lachish, one of the strong cities of Iudah, saying, I have sinned, but go from me, and whatsoever thou shalt lay upon me I will beare; and three hundred ta∣lents of silver, and thirty talents of gold being imposed upon him, he payd it out of the treasures of the Lords house, and with the ornaments thereof pulling off the plates of gold upon the doores, which he had formerly fastened there. Lyra think∣eth, * 1.83 that the sinnes of his father Ahaz and of the people in his time were the cause of his adversity, and that when Hezechiah confessed to the king of Ashur, that he had sinned, he meant that sinning of others against the Lord, which yet he taketh to himselfe, as being now king. Pellican, that the hearts of the people were to * 1.84 idolatry even in the time of this godly king, which soone appeared in that imme∣diately after his death in the time of Manasseh they fell away most fouly again; and for this cause God now brought the Assyrians against them, sparing the king. And by his sinning, which he accknowledgeth, he understandeth that against the Assyrian king in refusing to serve him. And Wolphius will have it a sinne indeed * 1.85 in Hezechiah to refuse to serve the king of Ashur, because that he was by his fa∣ther bound unto it, of which enough already, and because he made a league with Tirhakah the king of Egypt and Ethiopia, trusting to which he withdrew his obe∣dience from the Assyrian, and that contrary to the warning given him, and the in∣vectives made by the Prophet Esay against it. Thus he; but looking into Esay I finde nothing spoken against Hezechiah for trusting to the Egyptians and Ethio∣pians helpe, but against the Philistines: one of those chiefe cities the king of As∣syria fought against, viz. Ashdod, but they comforting themselves in expectation of helpe from this king, are by the prophets threatened, and by the signe of his going naked shewed that the Egyptians and Ethiopians being subdued by the As∣syrians should be so carryed away out of their owne countrey to their shame. And concluding, v. 6. he saith, Then shall the inhabitants of that countrey say, Behold, thus is it with our hope, to which we fled for helpe, &c. that is, not as some would have it, whom Wolphius followeth, the inhabitant of the countrey of Iudea, but of

Palestine, as Iunius rightly expoundeth it, and the whole course of the history di∣recteth * 1.86 seeing here is nothing said of Iudea, but of Palestine onely, whereas this may seeme to belong to another kings time, and not to Sennacheribs, seeing he is called Sargon, king of Assyria, v 1. It is to be understood, as Ierome hath it and * 1.87 others after him, that the same king had both these names Sennacherib and Sargon, as is also intimated in that Thartan said to be a captain of Sennacheribs, 2 King. 18. 17. is said to be a captaine of Sargon, Esa. 20. But let us proceed to Esa. 22. there Iudah is threatened with a dismall time, and upbraided by keeping in the waters and strengthening the wall, v. 9, 10, 11. and not looking to the Lord by fasting and prayer to seeke unto him: of which practices for fortification against the coming of the enemy, see 2 Chron. 32. 3, 4, 5, &c. But what is all this to prove a confede∣ncy with the king of Egypt and Ethiopia? verily nothing; or to the taxing of He∣zechiah, as if the Lord were offended with him for revolting from the king of As∣syria? For he is not once named, but Shebnah who is threatened and the people of the city, who when they were thus strengthened, were secure.

And whereas Esa. 30. a threatening is denounced for their trusting in Egypt, it is not to be understood of the time of Hezechiah as Iunius well observeth, but of * 1.88 Zedekiah, who was long after, although this were prophesied, as also the streight be∣sieging of the city of Ierusalem, ch. 29. 1, 2, 3. in the dayes of Hezechiah, but hap∣pened not, till after wards, as in some passages here following appeareth. Where∣fore Hezechiah brought not this judgement upon his kingdome by any sin, which he had committed, as Wolphius would have it: but rather according to others, it came for the hollow heartednesse and wickednesse of the people having so godly a king and so holy a prophet as Isaiah: for that they did most of them conforme to the Ordinances of God onely externally, their hearts being bent a cleane contrary way. Hezechiah then sent to Sennacherib, saying, [I have sinned] onely by way of humbling himselfe before so mighty a King, who taxed him of sinne and rebel∣lion against him, if haply by this meanes he might stop his further proceedings in destroying his countrey, and specially Ierusalem. And this he did not out of any distrust in God, seing, he was before for his trusting in him commended above all others, 2 King. 18. 5. but because the people were wicked, and had committed in his father Ahaz his time so great abominations, he feared, as he might justly do, some great judgement to be now in coming against them. Moreover, how he comforted himselfe and others in God, and what a confidence he had in him, see 2 Chron. 32. 7, 8. where his exhortation to the citizens of Ierusalem is set forth: Be * 1.89 ye valiant and feare not, neither be dismayed with the feare of the king of Ashur, and the multitude with him, for he is more that is with us, then with him, &c. which speech is said to have beene cordiall to the people, v. 6. And it is said, v. 1. that after the godly orders before spoken of firmely settled by Hezekiah, came Sennacherib, * 1.90 intimating, that his coming was onely or chiefly to exercise his faith and to make it the more glorious, when as by so great a power coming against him he being tryed quailed not, but encouraged others, and finally so miraculously prevailed against him, by his fervent prayers bringing downe destruction upon his army and him also.

But whereas, 2 King. 18. 13. it is said, that he came against all the defenced cities of Iudah and took them, here it is said onely that he invaded Iudah and pitched his tents against the defenced cities thereof, thinking to subdue them to himselfe. The meaning of that 2 King. 18. 16. that he presumed soon that he should take them, neither did the Iews themselves make any other account, by reason of his unresist∣able forces, wherefore the writer of the Chronicles, to make it more plain saith, that he thought, or as it is in the Hebrew, he said, meaning in his heart, that he would, &c. For 2 Chron. 32. 9. it is plainly said, that he was besieging Lachish, * 1.91 when he sent messengers to Hezekiah, and therefore all the cities of Iudah were not taken, neither when it is said, that he came against them all, is it to be under∣stood, that he did so any otherwise, but in purpose and resolution, because he could not so do, they being very many, but he must necessarily begin with some * 1.92 first, and most probably, he having taken some of lesse strength, proceeded to

besiege Lachish, a city that might not be so easily subdued. And if he had taken any, then those words 2 King. 18. 13. must be understood, he took some of them, when it is said, he took them; but others which he had not wonne, he laid siege unto, as he came at any of them. Iosephus relating this history saith, that Sanneherib bring∣ing * 1.93 with him the whole strength of Asia, divided his army into two parts, one of which he sent with his captain Tartan, against Azotus or Ashdod of the Phili∣stims, of which see Esa. 20. and with the other he came against ludah, so likewise Chron. Hebr. c. 13. In the same hour that he came against Iudah he sent Tartan a against Azotus. Thinking, because he had forces sufficient, with one part of them to keep the Philistims, who were at this time subject to Hezekiah from coming to help him, and withall to stop the passage of the Egyptians and Ethiopians, whom he most feared, whilest he was busied in the Iewish warres. Whether this were so or not, certain it is, that about this time the Philistims were overcome by him, and not long after the Egyptians under Tirhakah, according to Esa 20. Hezekiah his sending to pacifie the Assyrian king, which was the first thing done on his part af∣ter his coming into this countrey, being sufficiently set forth 2 King. 18. is in the Chronicles omitted. And what he did after that, he sought by so great a price to buy his peace, but was by the perfidious king notwithstanding come against, is one∣ly set down, as being omitted in the Kings. But how it happened that when he submitted himself for the safeguard of his countrey, as a provident king, to pay such a masse of silver and gold, he had the Assyrian forces yet bent against him, is left untouched in both. Iosephus saith, and we may easily conjecture the same, that * 1.94 Sanneherib promised by oath, that if Hezekiah did pay unto him so much silver and gold, he would depart with all his power, and not invade his land any further, but he sware this deceitfully, intending first to draw from him what treasure he could, and then to go against him and subdue his whole kingdome. This being perceived by Hezekiah, he consulted with his people about using the best means that he could, to keep off so great an army from lying near to Ierusalem, and for this end, with the help of his people, he dammed up all the fountains of water thereabouts, * 1.95 and stopped the course of that, which ran from the city through the midst of the countrey, that is, into other parts; and this Lyra conjectureth, that he did by dig∣ging * 1.96 a great head or pond to receive that water, and when that was full and ran over, making it a passage under the ground, that the Assyrians might have no be∣nefit by it, and for want of water be forced eftsoons to depart from thence, see 2 Chron. 32. 30. And then having also repaired the wall, which had been broken by Ioas king of Israel in the dayes of Amaziah, 2 King. 14. 13, 14. and built an * 1.97 outer wall for more strength, he called the people together and made that oration unto them so cordiall and comfortable, v. 6, 7. And if the wall remained broken from the dayes of Amaziah till this time, it lay in ruine above 98. years, that is, 52 in the reign of Vzziab, 16 under Iotham, 16 Ahaz, and 14 to this year of Hezekiah, which is a marvell, considering that Vzziah is said to have had a prospe∣rous time, and to have built towers in Ierusalem, 2 Chron. 26. 9. yet indeed no∣thing is spoken of his repairing the broken wall, so that it might probably remain in the same state, in which Amaziah his father left it, Vzziah haply intending after his towers building to do it, but being prevented by the judgement of leprosie, which befell him, left it, and so it continued, till this time, yet not in that length broken, but being almost all rebuilt before, now in the time of this danger it was with speed finished, and another such wall added, as they were able in that short∣nesse of time to make. Thus Hezekiah did now, and thus he expressed his sure trust and confidence in God, which sheweth, that he sent not to compound before, out of any base fear, but that he might use the most effectuall ordinary means, if haply so, this tyrant would have been moved to depart, to save the shedding of much bloud of his people. If he shall seem to have committed sacriledge (which he ought not to have done) in that he took away the treasures and ornaments of the temple; I answer, that the present necessity was a dispensation unto him, neither is it sacrilege in any king, but warantable by this example to do the like in the like case, having a minde to give again as much to the house of God, when he shall be able, as

he taketh away, for necessity hath no law, and so precious are mens lives in Gods sight, that to save them he is not unwilling, that his rights should be taken, seeing the faithfull are his living temples, in which he dwelleth by his Spirit.

After this preparation made for defence and an oration full of faith unto the people to stirre them up to beleeve, Sennacherib being still at the siege of Lachish * 1.98 sent messengers to Hezekiah, 2 King. 18. 17. He sent Tarthan, Rabsaris and Rab∣shakeh with a great army. But how could this be, seeing he with all his domina∣tion laid siege to Lachish? the Vulg. Lat. [he with all his army] It is to be under∣stood of that part, the leading whereof he tooke upon himselfe: as may be ga∣thered from that, which hath been already said about this dividing of his forces in∣to two parts, whereof he committing one to Tarthan according to Esa. 20. And he sent these men with this great company to terrifie the Iewes, that they might deliver the city of Ierusalem unto him, and not yet to lay siege unto it; neither in∣deed ever did he, according to the Prophesie of Esay, 2 King. 19. 32. but lost his army, and was himself destroyed for attempting it in so insolent a manner. Touch∣ing the reason why Sennacherib sent against Hezekiah after the composition before spoken of made with him; Pellican himselfe thinketh, that Hezekiah made ac∣count, * 1.99 that when he paid so great a summe of silver and gold, the Assyrian would not have expected also a yearly tribute from him, but he requiring this, Hezekiah by the perswasion of Gods Prophets refused & so rebelled the second time against him, whereupon he sent, as here followeth; but for as much as no such thing is said in the text, this is uncertaine, and it is rather to be held, as was before said, that when he had received the money, he would not depart, but most injuriously would have the city delivered unto him also, and this being denyed, he sent thus to threa∣ten and expostulate with the people. Amongst the persons of note sent, Rabsha∣keh in particular is the mouth, v 19. and it seemeth, v. 26. that he spake in the He∣brew tongue. The Rabbins, as Ierome hath it, upon this, say, that he was the son * 1.100 of the Prophet Esay, who fell from the true religion and ranne away to the Assy∣rians, and therefore was now employed by them; but the ground hereof is so weake, that it is not worth the confuting, viz. because Esay had another sonne called Iasub, signifying Left: but it followeth not from hence, that he had his name for this reason. And they adde, that by the menaces of Rabshakeh, Shebnah, one of them, who was sent by Hezekiah to speake to the Assyrian Embassadours, was so terrified, that he betrayed part of the city Ierusalem into their hands, and for this the Prophet Esay speaketh so bitterly against him, Esa. 22. 15, 16, &c. and threateneth his putting out and placing Eliakim in his roome by a decree not to be altered.

But although he were thus threatened, yet it no where appeareth, that this was the ground or cause, but rather his relying upon outward meanes, and not trusting in God; and for his betraying of any part of the city, there is nothing to intimate it, but rather the contrary; both because he went with Hilkiah after this to the Pro∣phet Esay, and it was by him promised that he should not enter this city or doe any hostile act against it, 2 King. 19. 32. Iunius upon Esay 22. 15. saith, that Shebnah, * 1.101 who was now over the house, held that Office in the dayes of wicked Ahaz, father to Hezekiah, being, as his old master, wicked in heart, and secretly a favou∣rer of wicked idolaters, and an hinderer of reformation, yet he could not at the first be outed by reason of his greatnesse, onely since the time of Esay his prophe∣sying against him, he was put from that Office and made the Kings Scribe, that so he might have lesse power and Eliakim placed in his roome. For which both here and Esa. 36. 3. Eliakim is said to be over the house, and Shebnah the Scribe or principall Secretary to the King, haply his age being pretended, which made him unfit to hold that place any longer; and this being an honourable place, and because it was of little paines, fit for a man now grown old, Esay 36. 2. Because Rabshakeh was the onely speaker, he onely is mentioned, as sent by Sennacherib.

Now for the speech of Rabshakeh, some parts of it onely are set forth, 2 Chron. * 1.102 32. 9, 10, &c. because it is conteined at large in this place, v. 19, ••0, 21. and Esa. 36. we have the same set forth verbatim, from whence most probably both this and the

whole 19. chapter, and 20. to v. 19. was taken and inserted here, which maketh this history of Hezekiah king of Iudah so compleat as that the writer of the Chro∣nicles had nothing left him to adde hereunto, as his manner hath hitherto beene touching all other kings of Iudah, but onely before this conflict with Sennacherib as hath been already shewed, and after his recovery from his dangerous sicknesse, from v. 25. of 2 Chron. 32. to v. 31. where some remarkable passages more are set forth then in Kings.

The place, where Rabshakeh stood, was at the conduit of the upper fishpoole, as the way lay to the fullers field, a place neare Ierusalem, where Fullers used to wash and dry their clothes, being a plaine place neare to the wals of the city. Here * 1.103 Sennacheribs messengers call to the king, but he not thinking it safe to come out unto them in person, who were so false hearted, (for the person of the King is not to be hazarded) nor yet to stand with his honour to deale any otherwise with the king of Assyria, then he dealt with him, viz. by messengers, sent his servants to speak with the servants of that king, Eliakim governour of the house, Shebnah the Scribe, and Ioas Recorder. Concerning which offices enough hath been said be∣fore upon 2 Sam. 20. 24, 25, 26.

For the speech of Rabshakeh, v. 19. Say to Hezekiah, thus saith the great king, * 1.104 the King of Assyria, What is that trust in which thou trustest, &c,] Which was spoken out of intollerable pride in respect of the king of Ashurs unresistable strength, as thinking it vaine for Hezekiah to trust either in God or man to be saved out of his hands. For so he goeth on, to beat him from all confidence, in the king * 1.105 of Egypt, calling him a broken staffe of reed; not that Hezekiah sought help from Egypt, as Pellican noteth, but because he was his next neighbour; and it is the * 1.106 manner of kings in time of danger to seek to some neighbour king for aid: where∣fore Rabshakeh presuming also, that he did so, as Hosheah the last king of Israel had done before, propounds this as true, when it was false, and Hezekiah was not so prophane as to doe thus, seeing if he had done it, some record in the Sacred Hi∣story would have beene made thereof. Yet Wolphius holdeth, that he did, but without ground, as I have made it appeare before by examining the prophesie of * 1.107 Esay: the allegory of a broken staffe of reed was very apt both for the situation of Egypt in a low reedy ground, and because a reed leaned upon giveth a man a fall, and hurteth his hand by piercing it. 2. He proceedeth to shew, that if he trusted in God, this was vaine, seeing he had broken down his high places and altars in other places, restreining all his worship to one place at Ierusalem onely. And this be * 1.108 spake after the manner of an heathen. (which sheweth, that he was no lew) for they thought that it tended greatly to the honour and glory of their gods to set up altars and temples to them in many places, and that to breake downe any formerly set up was a dishonour which could not, but greatly incense them. But he was herein deceived, for when one stately temple was by Solomon built to the honour of the true God, to shew, that he was one onely and his religion one, he forbade sacrificing in any other place. 3. He propounds to his consideration, how much he * 1.109 was overmatched, seeing he had not men enough to manage two thousand warre horses, and he had so many to spare, if he would, for him, and yet too great a power for him to encounter, although he had Egypt on his side. 4. Which might more him most, he saith, that God bade him come against that countrey and destroy it. * 1.110 This, saith Wolphius, he spake from their owne principles, viz. that nothing comes to passe without Gods providence, and according to Esa. 10. 5. where Ashur is called the rod of Gods anger against Ierusalem: but that it should not remaine long upon it. And accordingly the king thereof at this time distressed it, and probably took some other parts belonging to the king Hezekiah, that reigned in Ierusalem, but that he should destroy the countrey can not from thence be truly gathered.

Eliakim hearing his oration, together with his fellowes, besought him to speak * 1.111 unto them in the Syriack tongue, and not in the Iewes tongue in their hearing, who were upō the wal, lest they should be terrified by his words. Lyra saith, not only the Rabbins, but also our doctours commonly gather, that Rabshakeh was a Iew, be∣cause * 1.112 he spake Hebrew; but this is no argument, seeing it seemeth, he could have

spoken Syriack also; and Lyra himself noteth, that men near the king learned more languages commonly, that they might be the fitter to entertain forraign embassadours. But why would they have him to speak in the Syriack tongue? and not rather in the Assyrian or Chaldee? seeing he came from the king of Assyria. Sol. The Syrians, Chaldeans, and Assyrians, used all one and the same tongue, as Wolphius noteth, and the Iews language not differing much from it, but as one * 1.113 dialect in the Greek tongue from another, came afterwards in their captivity ea∣sily to be turned into it, their own being forgotten. But whereas they sought from hence to move this Rabshakeh to speak unto them in this tongue, that it might not be understood of the people, which he said, he condemneth as most foolish, ab∣surd, and pernicious, because it could not but be conceived, as it fell out indeed, that he would by this motion be more provoked then stayed, from speaking what∣soever he could devise, to stir up the people to revolt from the obedience of Heze∣kiah, and their saying so, shewed a fear in them of the peoples fidelity towards their king, and was enough to stir them up to a jealousie against him, that he would have them kept hood-winked, that they might not know their danger, till it came upon them, which could not but greatly exasperate them. Yet that such an asper∣sion might not be cast upon Eliakim, or Ioas, who were good men, he conceiveth that this was the devise of wicked Shebnah, purposely to provoke Rabshakeh to rail the more, and to lay open that, whereby the people might be moved to yield up the city, and yet he thought, that by making this motion he should be concei∣ved to be very godly, and a great lover of his countrey, when he secretly medita∣ted the betraying of it into the Assyrians hands. And if otherwise it came from E∣liakim, he imputeth it to his fear, which made him speak unadvisedly; thus he. * 1.114 But others blame them not for thus saying, because either that the people might by this means be provoked to shoot at him from the wall, or would be overmuch terrified, was to be feared. I hold with those that lay no blame upon these messen∣gers of Hezekiah, for making this motion, because they thought haply, that he spake in the Iews language, as supposing that they understood none other, and it irked them, that all the people should hear their good king thus traduced, making no doubt, but that his errand being to the king, he would hereupon be moved to alter his language, as having in commission not to speak to any other, but to com∣missioners sent from the king, however it fell out to the contrary.

Rabshakeh utterly refusing to hearken to this motion, takes oceasion hereupon to * 1.115 traduce it, as if he that made it, cared not to what miseries the poor people were exposed, saying, hath my lord sent me to speak to thy lord and to thee these words, and not to the people, that they might eat their own dung? &c. Hereby intimating a long siege, which they must necessarily endure, and at the last be forced to yield, and therefore that they should provide best for their own good, to do it now at the first.

Then he spake with a loud voice to the people, Let not Hezekiah deceive you, * 1.116 for he shall not be able to deliver you, &c.] That is, to make you abide quietly in the city, and to hold it against Sanneherib. For neither is his power sufficient to secure you in thus doing, neither can his God in whom he would have you to trust, defend you from him. Because other gods, as experience had already shewed, could not save their people; viz. the gods of Hamath and Arphad, Sephervaim, Hevah, and Ivah, nor the gods of Samaria. Of Hamath and Sephervaim and He∣nah, see before ch. 17. 24. Arphad, saith Iunius, was a countrey in the upper part * 1.117 of Assyria. Ivah, called Ingilines in Epiphanius, in Mesopotamia. Of Samaria, it hath been shewed, how that was taken by the Assyrians, ch. 17. and 18. 10. He therefore moveth them in time to provide for their own good, by coming forth with a present to Sanneherib, as Iunius rendreth it, by doing that which might be profitable for them, saith the vulgar Latin, but in the Hebrew it is, make a covenant with him, that is, by voluntary submitting and making oath unto him to be his sub∣jects. Then he promiseth on Sanneheribs behalf, if they would do so, that they * 1.118 should remain in safety in their own land, living as they had done in times past, eve∣ry one in his possession, till that he should remove them to one like their own most

fruitfull, that is, at his return out of Egypt, Gloss. Ordin. For so he had already dealt with the Israelites their brethren, and with the Syrians, who were removed into other countries, in policy to keep them the better under. And thus he con∣cludeth, that they might live, but otherwise dye, because neither Hezekiah nor his God could save them. But herein he blasphemed the living God, as also his Lord Sanneherib doth ch. 19. 12. in comparing dumb idols, the work of mens hands with him, for such were the gods of the gentiles, and therefore his judge∣ment was not long delayed. To this railing and blasphemous oration, no man made any answer, for so the king had commanded, lest Rabshakeh should be provoked to * 1.119 blaspheme the more, according to Lyra. They had a most wise and godly king, who * 1.120 would have the answering of this reserved to himself, and therefore they did bet∣ter to obey him in silence, then to be moved by Rabshakeh to answer, so Pellican. * 1.121 But not onely for this cause, saith Wolphius, and that reason rendred by Lyra, was this silence enjoyned, but also lest liberty of answering being left unto the people, something might rashly have been uttered, whereby the enemy might have had advantage given him, to gather the disposition of the people, or the state of the ci∣ty; And lastly, to shew his contempt of the Assyrian King, and how much he slight∣ed him for the vile speeches of his messenger, as a dog or swine, before whom pearls and holy things are not to be cast. And to teach us to answer such in their ca∣lumnies [Note.] with silence, whom we have no hope to amend by speaking; And the strict obedience of the people to their king in this case is worthy the imitation of all subjects, as being the safest way in times of greatest danger, the king being wise and godly, and carefull to preserve the kingdome. Then they that were sent, retur∣ned * 1.122 with their garments rent unto the king, relating all unto him. For thus in sor∣row the Iews commonly used to do for blasphemy, or some great misery, as hath been sometimes noted before, and in the high Priest, supposing that Christ had blasphemed.

Notes

• * 1.1

  V. 1.
• * 1.2

  V. 2. V. 3.
• * 1.3

  V. 4. V. 5.
• * 1.4

  Jerom.
• * 1.5

  Josephus.
• * 1.6

  V. 4.
• * 1.7

  Wolphius.
• * 1.8

  Tostatus.
• * 1.9

  V. 5.
• * 1.10

  Wolphius.
• * 1.11

  2 Chro. 29. 3, 4.
• * 1.12

  Hieronym. trad. Hebr.
• * 1.13

  Lyra.
• * 1.14

  Hieronym. de tradit. Hebr.
• * 1.15

  V. 8, 9.
• * 1.16

  V. 10.
• * 1.17

  V. 27, 28, 29.
• * 1.18

  V. 12, 13, 14.
• * 1.19

  Psa. 73. 77. 78. of Asaph, Psal. 88. to Heman.
• * 1.20

  V. 16, 17.
• * 1.21

  V. 18, 19.
• * 1.22

  V. 20, 21.
• * 1.23

  Lyra.
• * 1.24

  Junius.
• * 1.25

  Pellican.
• * 1.26

  V. 23.
• * 1.27

  V. 24.
• * 1.28

  V. 25.
• * 1.29

  V. 32.
• * 1.30

  V. 34.
• * 1.31

  V. 35.
• * 1.32

  2 Chron. 30. V. 1, 2.
• * 1.33

  Deut. 16.
• * 1.34

  V. 6.
• * 1.35

  2 King. 17. 2.
• * 1.36

  Cajetan.
• * 1.37

  Josephus. Tostatus. Genebrard.
• * 1.38

  V. 10. Josephus. V. 11.
• * 1.39

  Pellican.
• * 1.40

  V. 12.
• * 1.41

  V. 14.
• * 1.42

  V. 15.
• * 1.43

  V. 17.
• * 1.44

  Lyra.
• * 1.45

  V. 18.
• * 1.46

  Junius.
• * 1.47

  Lib. de qu. hebr. Lyra.
• * 1.48

  1 Cor. 11. 30.
• * 1.49

  2 Sam. 6. 1 Sam. 6.
• * 1.50

  V. 21.
• * 1.51

  V. 23. V. 24.
• * 1.52

  Pellican.
• * 1.53

  V. 26.
• * 1.54

  V. 27.
• * 1.55

  Rom. 13.
• * 1.56

  V. 2.
• * 1.57

  1 Chron. 24.
• * 1.58

  V. 3.
• * 1.59

  V. 4.
• * 1.60

  Lyra.
• * 1.61

  V. 5.
• * 1.62

  Pellican.
• * 1.63

  Luk. 18.
• * 1.64

  V. 6.
• * 1.65

  Lyra.
• * 1.66

  V. 7.
• * 1.67

  V. 8.
• * 1.68

  V. 11, 12.
• * 1.69

  V. 16.
• * 1.70

  V. 17.
• * 1.71

  Hugo Card. Lyra.
• * 1.72

  2 King. 18. 7.
• * 1.73

  Wolphius.
• * 1.74

  Origen. lib. 9. in Rom.
• * 1.75

  The higher powers to be obeyed how far forth.
• * 1.76

  V. 8.
• * 1.77

  Theodoret. Vatabulus.
• * 1.78

  Sallianus.
• * 1.79

  V. 9.
• * 1.80

  Pellican.
• * 1.81

  V. 13.
• * 1.82

  V. 14.
• * 1.83

  Lyra.
• * 1.84

  Pellican.
• * 1.85

  Wolphius.
• * 1.86

  Junius.
• * 1.87

  Hieronym. in Esa. 20.
• * 1.88

  Junius.
• * 1.89

  2 Chron. 22.
• * 1.90

  V. 1.
• * 1.91

  Josh. 15. 39.
• * 1.92

  Josh. 15.
• * 1.93

  Josephus.
• * 1.94

  Josephus.
• * 1.95

  2 Chron. 32. 2, 3, 4.
• * 1.96

  Lyra.
• * 1.97

  Junius.
• * 1.98

  V. 9. 2 King. 18. 17.
• * 1.99

  Pellican.
• * 1.100

  Hieron. de tra∣dit. hebr.
• * 1.101

  Junius.
• * 1.102

  V. 19.
• * 1.103

  Pellican.
• * 1.104

  V. 19.
• * 1.105

  V. 21.
• * 1.106

  Pellican.
• * 1.107

  Wolphius.
• * 1.108

  V. 22.
• * 1.109

  Levit. 17. 3. 4. Deut. 16. 5. V. 23, 24.
• * 1.110

  V. 26. Wolphius.
• * 1.111

  V. 26.
• * 1.112

  Lyra.
• * 1.113

  Wolphius.
• * 1.114

  Pellican. Lyra.
• * 1.115

  V. 27.
• * 1.116

  V. 28.
• * 1.117

  Junius.
• * 1.118

  V. 31. V. 32.
• * 1.119

  V. 36.
• * 1.120

  Lyra.
• * 1.121

  Pellican. Wolphius.
• * 1.122

  V. 37.