L. Colonel John Lilburne revived.: Shewing the cause of his late long silence, and cessation from hostility against alchemy St. Oliver, and his rotten secretary; as also of the report of his death. With an answer in part, to the pestilent calumniation of Cap: Wendy Oxford (Cromvvels spie upon the Dutch, and upon the English royallists, sojonrning [sic] in the United Provinces) closely couched in a late delusive pamphlet of the said Oxfords, called The unexpected life, & wished for death, of the thing called parliament in England All vvhich, vvith many historicall passages, giveing light into the unvvorthy practises of the English grandees, is contained in three letters (The first to a friend in the United Provinces, The second to a friend in Scotland. And the third, to the honourable, Colonel Henry Martin, in England VVritten by L. Colonel John Lilburne.

The copy of the forementioned Letter to Scotland thus followeth.

Deare friend.

I Had thought the strength of your aire in Scotland, would have breathed ere now as far as Bridges in Flanders, but it may be the viewing of the finenes of your gallant new Forts, and other fine Monuments of that rare Nation, with the im∣braces of your lately married delight, hath so taken up your time, that you have had no leasure to think of an exiled and banished man in Flanders. I confesse I partly know it by experience, that divers moneths after marriage are most commonly a time of dotage, and many times proves so, even in the most solidest persons, and therefore for once I will excuse your negligence and remisnesse. I confes had it not been so great a journey from Ayre to London, and so unseasonable a time in the depth of winter, and so irrational to desire too suddenly to take you away from the enjoyment of your new delight and joy, I should have presumed often ere now to have prest you with all that little Rhetorique that my dull pen can expres, to hasten your return to London, to have lent my honest Besse your wonted assistance, and to have helped her efectually to have solicited my businesse with my Tyrannicall adversaries there, who through her own ungrounded desire, to have me again in England upon such sneaking terms as my Soul abhorres, and in my poor opinion no way becomes a man of a gallant Ennobled and Heroick minde, who never was engaged in any thing in his life to the purpose, but he deliberately and wisely looked into every crevis of the businesse, before he too much ingaged in it, that it was both just and honest in the sight of God and man, and then was never fearfull to play a game at all, even life to the utmost, nay for a man that by vertue of that power and assisting strength that is a∣bundantly given him from the Lord God Almighty, that therby he is by faith suffici∣ently able to make him incounter with a Denn of the most fiercest Lyons in the world or a Legion of the most dreadfullest men and devils in Earth and hell: Nay upon such tearms (as upon my conscience in the presence of God I speak it) as in my own opi∣nion, can no way be for the safety of my life, which can now never be secure so long as Cromwels absolute Tirannie lasteth, upon any promises that he can make either be∣fore God or man. For in short, by too large experience I judge him to be as false as the Devill himself, and who I wil never trust again while I breath, let him sweare and protest never so much. I say my poor wife out of her over-earnest-desire in Engeland to enjoy my company, hath made therby her self a burthen to her self, and forced me to the greatest use of my braines and patience, that ever I was put unto in my life, to deal with her with that tendernes (with a Salvo to my owne peace) that doth become a man of conscience, gratitude and humanitie, to an object so deare in my affections, severall yeares before from me she knew any thing of it, and who now for about 12. years, hath many times with a good proportion of strength & resolution, gon through so many miseries with me, with so much affection as she hath done; and when she was last with childe, with it, her sicknes and grief, her condition was so sad, that truely I scarse knew how gently enough to handle her, and seriously betwixt the struglings of care and tendernesse, my indeared affection to her made me to have of her, and the strong beatings and compulsions of that voice of God that constantly speakes in my

inlivened and awakened conscience, my Soul was many times almost rent in pieces, and in which condition for a length of time I would not be againe for all the Gold in the world.

And in the second place, when she was lately with me, she was so oppressed with sicknes, and the death of my litle Babe, that my most intire affection to her com∣pelled me to deale with her as if she had been a Suckinge Babe, till she got strength; and then béyond any bounds of reason, prest me so far to indeavour again in her way to get into England, that I was forced to tell het to this purpose. Vict. that my pre∣sent banishment was as delightsome to me as my wedding day, and nothing in the world could more rejoyce my heart then when I was gott out of England in Safety from Cromwell sir reconcilable malice and blood thirstines, and Seeing she forced me so farr, I must do more then Ever I had thought to have don in my life, and truly tell her, that now England was toe litle, to hold Cromwell in the possession of his beastely and grosse Tyrannie, and me in the earnest pursuite of my just freedome, and therefore I ptayed her, as she loved my life, and her own welfare, not to expose me to such hazerdous and dangerous new temptations, which whilst I was in England I was scarce able to resist, being satisfied in my own conscience that Cromwel was grown as perfect a bloody devouring Wolf, as any was in the world, and justifiably both be∣fore God and man might be dealt with as such a one, having inclosed himself with such a strong unovercomable power of the Sword, as no law can possiblie lay hold of him, for all his visible murders, rapines and treasons; protesting further unto her, that if it had not been for the strong affection I bare unto her and my poore babes, (whom willingly I would not leave beggers when I did) and for that I had some grounded assurance in my own spirit, that I should live to see his downfall, and the full restauration of our English Liberties and freedomes, and my self be an actor or instrument to procure it without so apparent hazard to my life as such an Act would be: I had with my own right hand at the house doore avowedly ended the quarrel be∣twixt him and me, and the rest of the free-born people of England, with a Paper of reasons in my left hand, ready to be sent unto the Speaker, and with severall others in my pocket to justifie to the whole world, the lawfulnesse and justnesse of such an action, both by the laws of God, nature, and Nations, and therefore her company by reason of her unreasonable, and not to be satisfied importunity, was a burthen un∣to me, and I longed [I must confesse] to be quit of it, and in hast upon those tearmes, shall not defire to enjoy it again; yet professing most truely unto you thus much, that her company and societie [if I could injoy it with security as not being opprest with those most unpleasant importunities, of submitting or acting in things which my own reason and judgement is point black against] is more delightfull to me, and more to be desired by me, then all the delights in this world besides. And therefore that we might part with as little disgust of Spirit as possible could be, and that I might stoop to her as low as possible I could, and give her all the satisfaction that my intire and un∣shaken affection to her, and the utmost of my braines could possible imagine [stil with a Salvo to my own peace and tranquillitie of minde which I protest seriously in the presence of God, I value at that high rate, and by above twice seven yeares expe∣rience,

finde it so full of sweetnesse, and soul-satisfying content, that I had rather a thousand times over part with my life, then part with it, for to die to me is gaine, which ever since 1637. was never one moment more dreadfull to me, then to eate and drink when I am hungry) I engaged to her to petition the Parliament in my own way of Law, and reason, for the takeing off my whole Sentence, that so, if it were possible, my little estate might once again be free, which I should willingly and absolutely surrender into her hands, to settle, with the advise of her owne friends, and doe what they would with, so that I might be left to my self, to mannage my own present businesse, as a master workman, or a poore instrument, in the hands of the Almighty, to the purpose, to chastize that hypocriticall and Alchemy Saint Oliver Cromwell, betwixt whom and my self without a new Representative (so undeniably the people of Englands due, as in my late printed epistle to him, I have undeniably proved) it is impossible to have any medium come life come death.

But thirdly, after she had past her promise to send me speedily over my bookes, to inable me the more masculinely to compleat such a petition, and after shee and I had seriously and solemnely agreed upon the Mode or Methode to manage it in, and I had told her the heades upon what I would compose it of; yet through chil∣dishnesse, weakenesse, or womannishnesse, she in England falles off from all, and takes new counsell, from some friends (wise enough in themselves, yet I am confi∣dent unto whom she never declared what I had said unto her, as is above exprest) and enters into new paper skirmishes with me, something filled with womannish passion and anger, which yet by reason of the sicknesse of my children (which I knew might not a little trouble her afflicted minde) I bore with her in, with all the patience that possible I could, and tooke so much paines in readeing, studying and writeing large Epistles to her, to satisfie her with reason, that I have sometimes therewith almost made my self Blinde, and which I serious∣ly protest, to be hired with gold to doe the like againe, in so short a time, I would not be tyed to doe it for a thousand poundes; the fruits of which in part the world with some new additions, had seen ere now, had she not with sad∣nesse sent me word of the continuance of my Daughters dangerous sicknesse, which made me out of meere compassion (and because I would not justly be judged, apparently guiltie of totally over-whelming her) forbeare these ma∣ny weekes the printing thereof, although long since, I had sent severall sheets into the Vnited Provinces on purpose to be printed. but finding no satisfaction from her, (especially about sending me my bookes) but dodgeing with me for these three or foure moneths together about them, and thereby necessitateing me to resolve that if speedily I doe not receive them from her, to procure money, and hire a messen∣ger, to goe to England and buy them all over anew, and bring them to me. so that in the conclusion of all, through her own folly, she hath forced me to bid her set her heart at rest, for I am now totally and positively resolved, if I can avoid it, never to see England, so long a CROMWELS most hatefull and de∣testable beastely Tyrannie lasteth, unlesse it be in a way to pursue him, as the grandest Tyrant and Traytor, that ever England bredd, or the people therof

ever redd or heard of. And therefore once again in good earnest sound Trumpets and Drumms, and have at thee Oliver once again with all my might, for the liberties of the free-born blades of England, by the agreement of the people! but withall I with this sent her word, that seeing Haselridge and Cromwel, &c. pretends much compassion pittie, and affection to her, that if by her own pitition, she wil endeavour to strive for her self and her childeren (and let me alone to shift in the world for my self) and get of the sentence upon my estate, I have engaged to her and will stand to it to signe and seale any thing by way of further settling of it upon her and her children, that she and my adversaryes themselves rationally will have me, provided in the manageing of my busines she doe it soe, as that it is like the action of the wife of J. Lilburn, and that to the General, nor Haselridge, nor none besides, she by promise &c. ingage not for me in any thing, that is dishonourable to me. for I assure her before hand, I wil keep and perform nothing in that kinde she promiseth to them in my behalf, notwithstanding which, if she should doe that which is unworthy my wife, I am confident it would take such a deep impression upon my Spirit, that notwithstanding my now entire affection to her, I should never owne her again as the wife of my bosome while I breathed, al∣though I should force my self thereby to live in a voluntarie Widdowhood all my dayes, which truly in my present apprehensions of it, would be a condition almost as upleasant to me, as to live under Cromwels bloody tiranny. And in her last Letter to me she tels me she is now vigorously going about her said petition. the consequence of which nor nothing else can make me delay any longer from speedily and effectual∣ly endeavouring to appeare in print again: because one of Tho: Scotts Spyes whom he sent over on purpose to contrive my murder, [as I have too evident and apparent cause to judge] hath lately published a Book at the Hague called [the unexpected life and wished for death of the thing called Parlament in England,] wherein he incites all the Princes and Potentates of Europe to rise up in armes as one man against them, and to extirpate them from the earth as a pack of the bloodiest, wickedest, and faith∣lessest Tyrants that ever breathed, and to Re-inthrone his gracious Soveraigne Charles the Second in his three Kingdomes. The book is dated from his Lodging at Delf, the first of September 1652. but I could never get sight of it, untill a little before Christ∣mas hollydaies, and reading it over and over very seriously, I clearly perceived that in the 20. 21. 22. pages of it; the wicked and lying Villaine, hath layn a notable and close designe to have me murthered. I having already (for his former villanous pra∣ctises in that kinde acted upon me in Amsterdam) by Scotts instigation as Cromwels chief Agent) put him in Print in my late printed Epistle to Cromwel in May last, intitu∣led [As you were] Page 1. 2. by the name of Capt. Wendy Oxford, where I positively accuse him as being a Spye in pay for Cromwel and Scot among the Hollanders and Caviliers. but the impudent knave takes no notice of the accusation, to make any de∣fence against it, it being too true, and too evident to be denied, and too easie for me as he very wel knows punctually to prove, and which in a Letter to an eminent person in the Hague, I have already proffered to prove face to face before the States General themselves, but he being at Amsterdam discovered by me to be in truth what he was

and thereby in danger not onely to loose his large Salarie, (as being no farther use∣full to Scott) but it might probably be his life also, to gull and cheat the Credulous Cavaliers and Dutch men, and the better to take them off from the conceit of his be∣ing a Spie. I beleeve with the advice or consent of Tho: Scott himself, he hath publi∣shed his said Book, for his Wife, alias his Whore [as she is avowedly by divers repor∣ted to be] hath severall times since I came into these parts, gone and come, to and from England, from Mr. Scott. and I could name her the City and the Person, where she either begged or borrowed money the first time she went, to beare her charges thither. and I could also tell her of a Message that that very Person from whom she had the said monie, immediately after brought me to Bridges from her pretended Husband. And the knave to be revenged to the purpose of me, knowing the Kings partie to be so madd against al those that were actors in the taking away of the late Kings life, that about 18 of them in the Hage in May 1649. beset the house of Doctor Dorislaus, the Parlaments Agent there, and slew him therefore, although at most he was but one of the petty under actors, prosecutors, or Lawyers to pleade against the late King at his tryall, and if one of the inferior prosecutors of him, in the Cavaliers thoughts deserve forcibly in his own lodgeing to be stabd and murdred, then what in their opinion, must one of the chief complotters and layers of the designe deserve? But in the foresaid pages he accuseth the people nicknamed Levellers, to be the prin∣cipall contrivers of the Kings death, and me by name to be one of the principallest a∣mong them. and therefore if I have any affection left to my own life and being, (not∣withstanding all my Wives irrationall perswasions to be quiet and silent] or any reason left in me to judge of things, it behooves me well to look about me, and not too long delay to publish my Vindication in this particular; Especially considering besides, the attempts that have been upon me, by this very Rogues underhand meanes at Am∣sterdam, as I have too cleare cause to judge, which are partly mentioned in my al∣ready printed books.

At my coming from Holland to Bridges to meet my Wife, I was certainly infor∣med that as I past through that City at my first coming out of England [where I lodg∣ed but two nights] ther was a conspiracie to have stabd or pistold me there, the actors in it, as my information told me, were to have been a Major or such an officer of the late Kings, and two of the Duke of Lorraigns soldiers, that were hired for that pur∣pose, [as I have too much ground to feare by the foresaid Oxford] and the first of the three came into my Lodging [though unknown to me] to view my person and coun∣tenance, that so when the intended blow should be given me, they might not be mis∣taken in my person, and thereby destroy another for me. and upon a jealousie of a person in the world, asking the reason of his earnestnesse to know me, the intention was discovered and prevented, and the said Cavilier for his intended rashnes could render no other reason for it, but that I had been a devilish or zealous Parlamentier, & an active man against the King in the late warr. which actions and sayings makes it e∣vident to me, that my Friends that petitioned for me to the Parliament, upon the 20 of January 1651. English stile, before I came out of England [which Petition is re∣corded in my Apologie to the people of the Netherlands Pag. 53. 54. 55. 56] were no false Prophets, in that assertion of theirs, there laid down, viz. that my banishment

in relation to my person considering my affection to Parliaments, and my zeale to, and for publique freedome, renders all forraigne nations so unsafe to me, as that in effect [as they say] I am bannished into a wildernesse, exposed naked to the furie of Beares and Lions. Whose affection to me [I meane the said peritioners] even in that one particuler alone, I can never in my own thoughts, value at too high a rate, but especialy the contrivers of it, whom I very wel know.

But the said book of Oxford, I could never gett asight of, till about tenn days before Christmas last that a freind brought it me from Amsterdam, since which time I have been allarumd from severall places and persons, that I know wish me well, either speedily to answer that book or look to my self. and I must confesse, as soon as I red it, I apprehended my owne danger sufficiently, and apprehended that Cromwel and Scot [by whose consent or at least the one of them, I am as confidently perswaded, as that I am a man, it is published & doubt not but by the assistance of God in the answering thereof, to render cleare and evident reasons, for the evinceing the truth of my perswasions or belief] had three things in their eye, one of the which they judged would necessarily follow upon the publishing of that book.

First, that either I would not answer it, and then undeniably they would have had a great part of their end, and be in hopes my silence would tacitly grant the truth of it, and thereby would speedily cost me a Stabb or the like, by some of the Kings madd blades. or, Secondly, if I did answer it, and doe it flatteringly, then I should therby lose my interest in England, amongst my friends there, which is the thing they so much desire, that so thereby I might be rendered, but a single man, uncapable by vertue thereof, any more to wound or shake their Tyrannie; or Thirdly, if I answer it home & throughly, to the full justification of my former actions in the warrs, then they hope I shall so provoke and inrage the Kings party here thereby, as that from their hands, for my so doing, I shall be in as much danger from them, as if I were totally silent. for its apparent to me, these or some of these considerations must be his, and his set∣ters on ends, in taxing me with that notorious falshood, I being very well known & clearly long since published in England, that I said more to the Grandees teethes, a∣gainst their intended taking away the Kings life [I am confident of it] then all the Caviliers put together in one, avowedly durst have done. and after it was done [being all his triall and execution, 200 miles from London, at my coming home] I runn more apparent hazards, in Speaking, and publikquely in the face of the Sunne, acting against the essence and being of all manner of High Courts of justice, then all the Ca∣valiers in England put together again in one man, durst avowedly doe. and in my zea∣lous manageing my publique testimonie, in bearing wittnes against all the Murders, committed by the said high Court of justice, I am confident, I clearely gave an ap∣parent and evident testimonie, that if I had had two sons of my own, that had sate as Judges therein, and if I had had the chief judiciall power of the Nation in my hand, as once that famous and renowned consull Lucius Brutus had in Rome; I should un∣doubtedly have acted by his president, & have given sentence of death my self against my own two Sonnes, as grand Subverters (by being of, and sitting in the high Court of Justice) of the fundamentall securities, of all English mens lives, liberties, and pro∣perties, viz. juries (tryalls by which are as equally & justly due, to the grossest wick∣edst English man whoever, in all cases whatsoever, as to the justest and semingest righ∣teous English man that breathes) and have seen their heads chopt off as he did there∣fore

who being Consul, or chief Magistrate of Rome did passe sentence of death a∣gainst his own two Sons, and see both their heades chopt off in his presence, for con spiring to overthrow and betray the liberties of that famous common-wealth into the hands of its adversaries, as you may reade in Plutarks History, in the life of worthy Publicola, fol. 101.102.103. And that I was thus zealous against all their proceedings whatsoever, by a high Court of justice, the understanding Author of the three parts of the most remarkable, & notable history of Independency, doth abundantly & suf∣ficiently witnes for me, in his second part thereof, Pag. 32.61.129.133.135.136.138 154.156.161.162.165.166.168.178.179.180.181.197.201.151.257.263. and in his first part, though he often useth my name, yet he neither speakes contemptuously nor reproachfully of me, as there you may reade, Pag. 35.50.63.98.114.120. & the said Author was Cavalier sufficient, even in the highest, as his book plentifully wit∣neses for him, and was as great an enemy to all the Kings judges and the high Court of Justice as could be, as his putting his judges names [in his 2 part, Pag. 103.269.] in red letters, and his Commentaries upon their names, and acts, doe plentifully witnes; as also his bitter and resolute assertions and protestations against them, and their setters up, in his 2. part, Fol. 177.266.267. where he expresseth himself thus, viz. This king∣dome of the Brambles now set up, viz. (Oliver Cromwel, and his purged little party in the House) being onely able to scratch and teare, not to protect and govern, I further declare and protest, that this combined trayterous faction, have forced an Interreg∣num, and Justicium upon us, an utter suspension of all lawfull government, Magistra∣cie, Laws, and Judicatories, so that we have not de jure, any lawes in force to be exe∣cuted, any Magistrates or judges lawfully constituted to execute them; any court of justice wherein they can be judicially executed, any such instrument of the law, as a lawfull great Seal, nor any authority in England that can lawfully condemn & execute a thief, murderer, or any other offender, without being themselves called murderers by the law; all legall proceedings being now Coram non judice: not can this remaining faction in the house of Commons, shew any one president, law, reason or au∣thoritie whatsoever, for their aforesaid doings, but only their own irrationall tyranni∣call votes, and the swords of their Army. and also (saith he) our words were free under Monarchie, though now not free under our new free State, so were they under the Romans, Tacitus an 1. subfinem speaking of treasons, facta arguebantur dicta impune erant. These horrible tyrannies considered [saith he] and being destitute of all other lesse desperate relief, I do here solemnly declare and protest, before that God that hath made me a man and not a beast, a free man, and not a slave; that, if any man what∣soever, that takes upon him the reverend name & title of a judge, or justice, shal give sentence of death upon any friend of mine, upon this [before mentioned] or any other illegall act, of this piece of a house of Commons; I will, and lawfully may (the insla∣ving scare-crow doctrine, of all time-serving, State-flatteriing Priests and Ministers not∣withstanding) follow the example of Sampson, Iudith, Iael and Ehud: and by poyson, poniard, pistoll, or any other meanes whatsoever, secret or open, prosecute to the death the said Judge or Justice, and all their principall abettors; and I doe hereby invite and exhort all generous free-borne Englishmen, to the like resolutions, and to enter into League, defensive and off nsive; and Sacramentall associ∣ations [seaven or eight in a company, or as many as can well confide in

one another) to defend, and revenge mutually one anothers persons, lives, limbs, and liberties as a foresaid, against this and all other illegall and tyrannous usurpations. And in his third part of his said history of independency, he sufficiently shows his en∣mitie against them by arraigneing the high Court of Iustice, or Cromwels new Slaughter house in Engeland (as he calls it) with the authoritie that constituted it, & ordained it; and by law convicting and condemning them both, of usurpation, trea∣son, tyrannie, theft, and murder. in which third part of his said historie are the nota∣blest things against the illegallitie and being of a high Court of Iustitie, that ever I redd in my life. all which three parts bound up together, are openly and avowedly to be sold at the Hague, and of which the said false Knave Oxford, in the 15. page of his said booke declares he is not ignorant of, for there, speaking of the late Earle of Essex, he setts downe his Character, compleatly transcribing it, out of the first part of the said historie of independencie pag. 25.

And the Apostle Paul declares Act. 17.28: & Titus 1.12 13. that there is no better testimonie in the world, to witnes against a man then the testimonie of one of his owne party, and that the considerations aforesaid towards my person (and not a designe to make the Parlement rationally odious (as he would seem by his booke to doe to Forraigne Nations) is Oxford designe, is to me very evident by the sim∣plicitie and Falshood of Oxfords said booke, which upon my life I dare aver and easilye undertake to proove undeniably that it hath above halfe a dozen if not a∣bove halfe a score lyes and falshoods in only one lease. and therefore when any peece of a rationall and pertinent answer, is published against it, its effects in that particuler cease. But if by books it had been his designe indeed to have don the Parlement a mischeife with a witnes, he then should either have gotten the said most notable three parts, of that most mischeiuous booke to them that ever was pend in the world against them; and which was done by a learned man in the knowledge of the lawes of England, and one commonly reputed one of their owne members, and therby imme∣diately furnished with the true and certaine knowledge of abundance of matter of fact, contained in it, which one without doores could have but by heare say, translated and published in Severall languages, or else have got divers thousands of them disperst in England; where 3. yeares agoe to my knowledge, one single booke of one single part of them, hath been sold for 10. sh. & 20 apiece. and tenn or twenty thousand of the last part against the high court of Iustice (which in it selfe is but a short booke) well dispersed in England & its territories by the operation of it, in a very few moneths after, would pussell Cromwel and his grandees there more, I am confident of it, then van Tromp and all his fleet at Sea, which yet many letters out of Engeland say is not a little.

My deare faithfull friend, I have been the more large and plaine in unbowelling my Soul in my present condition to you (who in tymes by past I have found so much truth, faithfullnes, and simpathizeing in; and so much willignes, readines, & activitie to be a fellow Soliciter, and helper to my wife in her former greatest straites, espe∣cially in my Guildhall busines in 1649.) on purpose if it be possible and savour not of toe much unreasonablenes, to create in you a serious apprehension of that ex∣traordinary steed, you may stand me and my poor wife and babes in, in reference

to our estate onely by as speedie repaireing to London to helpe her & me [and where yet I have something of instructions about it more to say unto you when you come thether, then is fitt to be put in this hazardable to miscarry paper] as possible the par∣ting with your own delightfull injoyments will permitt you, and the season of the weather will rationally afford you safetie to travell in. which will be the greatest ob∣ligation that ever you put upon me in your life, and probably of the greatest con∣se quence to me, of any action that ever you did in your dayes, and of which journey I am confident hereafter, you will have no cause to repent. So with my heartie and af∣fectionate respects presented to your whole selfe, with my true love to all the honest Sea-green blades, that in your quarters shall aske for me; I committ you to the prote∣ction of the most high and shall rest,

Your faithfull and very loveing Freind and Servant. JOHN LILBVRNE.

Bridges in Flanders Saterday the 18 Ianuary 1653 new, or the 8 Ianuary 1652 & 3. English stile.

POSTSCRIPTVM.

I hear by a letter from London, there is likely to happen a strange thing, viz: a re∣surrection from the dead, or a conjunction of severall honest blades of formerly dis∣jointed interests, once more vigourously to act againe, for their known, full, and de∣clared libertyes. and I perceived this is occasioned by van Trumps late beating of Blake. If such good effects follow such kind of actions; I wish he would come and doe as much for you in Scotland, provided it would make you rise againe from your dead condition, in most unworthily and basely turneing your backs, upon all your printed promises, and solemne ingagements in reference to the peoples liberties, thereby ren∣dring your selves, the scorne and contempt of all Europe, and also therby haveing gi∣ven too just occasion to the nations round about you, to Iudge you lesse faithfull and your oathes and promisses lesse to be regarded, then Turks, Pagans, and infidels with abundance of whom [as History doth fully witnes,] their solemne & Publique faith, hath often times been more valued then their lives, or all other earthly relations. the so open, palpable, and not to be hid, or covered over or pleaded for breach of it in you, undoubtedly wil be the visible occasion of the hazard of a totall ruine of the English na∣tion, which must needs and unavoidebly fall upon you, if speedily you doe not mani∣fest your repentance, by a speedy settleing the nation upon that just fundation or prin∣ciples of rightiousnes, you have so often before God and the World solemnely de∣clared for; as the only and alone Iustifiable ground and reason, to warrant you either before God or man, for breaking all the setled and legally established power and Ma∣gistracy in England, as you have done; and as the only and Iustifiable reason, to acquit you before God and man, of being reputed absolute, and willfull murderers, of all those persons, of what kinde or sort soever, you have slayne with your Swords, Sterved or adjudged to death in the 3. nations: and which is the only Iustifiable reason, that can acquit you in the thoughts of any rationall man in the world from rendring [by your most reproachfull and perjured actions] religion and the power of godlines, more reproachfull and contemptible, in the Eyes of the Sonnes of men then ever

the foolish & ridiculous actions, Fathred upon and said to be conmitted, at Munster, in Germanie, by Iohon of Leyden & Knipperdolling: whom in folly, murder, madnes, & ridiculousnes: you have, visibily in the face of all the world outstripped, and already made good, the truth of the worst of the Kings sayings against you, or the sharpest & bitterest of his penns against your, and who, in History to future ages, must leaue be∣hinde you, the blackest name that ever the sonns of men did, and for whom noe defence or excuse or a shadow of a bare figg-leafe covering can be made for you, without the speedy doeing the thing aforesaid, to the full performing all your promises made for good unto the English people. therefore woe, woe, woe, unto you, if speedily, and effectually you doe it not, before once againe you have made England an Aceldama or feild of Blood, as by the breach of your solemne faith, publique oathes, and promises you have 3 or 4 severall times already done since it was in your power [as clearly it was in 1647] rationally to have made it the freest and happiest nation in the world, and thereby Iustifie your fore Fathers in all their wickednes, yea and by many degrees farr out strip the worst of those you have destroyed for the Capitallest offences. that so upon your heads as Christ saith (Math: 23.29 to 36.) might come all the righ∣teous Bloud shed upon the Earth, from the Blood of righteous Abel even unto this very day.

Farewell.

JOHN LILBVRN.