A discourse for a king and Parliament: in four sections. Demonstrating I. The inconsistency of a free-state with the scituation of this countrey, and constitution of the people. II. Mischiefs incident to the continuance of their endeavours that act in order thereunto. III. The advantages probably attending a composure with the King of Scots. IV. Resolves to the grand objections that seeme to obstruct it. By a moderate and serious pen.

SECT. II. Mischiefs incident to our endeavours for a Free-State.

THough we cannot fix a settlement of a State, yet possibly by Artifice and Contrivance some may continue a Rotation in disorder: As Boys at Foot-ball, now one, then another trip∣ping up the heels, and carrying away the Ball: Some perhaps that out-run their fellows, may hit the mark, and suck the sweet, till being full-gorg'd, they grow Lazy; and some em∣pty ones that are more active, mount their Roomes. In the mean time, we their tributaries are attacht with these mis∣chiefs.

1. We shall constantly live under the affrights of an invasion from abroad; for while any of that Royal Line survive, we may well judge that they contrive a Restauration: And our States∣men have bin so kind to Him, as not to give his Home-party a full oblivion; but against true policy and president, do conti∣nue them disabled, and so in discontent. Hence is it, that we must be alwayes jealous not assured of our next Neigh∣bour, till an equal sufferance begets an equal sence.

2. While we groan under this fear, 'tis of necessity that we continue a considerable Force at Land and Sea; which lying idle, will corrupt as standing water in a Pool, and endanger a new combustion, as they are blown up by their present Master: However like our old Lord-Danes, they will be burthensome to the Country by their Quartering, and consequently odious: Or otherwise to keep the Souldiery in action, we must either affright them, upon the discovery of a new-fain'd-plot, or engage them in a forraign War; To this are the united Provinces in∣forc't, to prevent Kingship in the Prince of Orange; though their scituation secures their Burgher ships much stronglier than

can ours; for their Dominion consists chiefly in strong Carisons, Fortified Townes, and those in a small circuit; should one or more of them be surprized by a busie Army, the rest will take the Alarm, and prevent their progress by the force of Walls and Bulwarks, not to be mastered but by Seiges tedious, and more expensive, than ten such Princes can advance: But in England an open continent, he that Commands the field, Rules the purse; for London is too rich to have courage, and will more readily submit to the will of the Commander, than to the modesty of his Army.

3. While we have such fears, and such an Army, we must continue contribution, besides those great Customes and Excise, which impoverish us, though not so sensibly, yet more bitterly than the Tax; for the commodity being charged, the price is raised, and the buyer even almost in every thing that he eats, drinks, or wears, payes the account. I remember when Mr. Pym that grand Patriot, upon necessity but mentioning the word Excise in the House of Commons, was by a young spirit, and not without applause, called to the Barre. What then we esteemed Poyson, we take now as Physick; but in that Age it seem'd impossible that a free-born English-man could have swal∣lowed it. 'Twas begot in the Low-Countries with their State which makes them Free; that is, in Purse, not in Priviledge: for no English King dar'd ever demand, what they are inforc't to pay. Now consider we what benevolences, Sequestrati∣ons, five and twentieth parts, a Tax of fifty subsidies at once, Fines and Compositions, Sales of Kings, Bishops, Deans and Chapters, and Delinquents Lands, the two parts of Papists, nay a share of our very charities to the distressed, besides con∣stant contributions that have been levied: How has it all been devoured by the Armies, whose belly indeed has no bottome! yet what Arrears to them do we owe? what a Debt have we contracted? 'tis judged not less than Three Millions! Lessen the Army we dare not; then must we supply it in proportion, or permit free-quarter which is worse; for the Souldier must live, and he cannot by the aire. Whence shall we acquire this vast Sum? not less certainly can our constant charge be, than two millions by the year, besides the interest of the great debt which swells dayly; we have the ill luck that none will Rebel, that

we may have Lands to Sequester, none to fell; Customs sink, and so will the Excise. All for the future (if the Army conti∣nue) must be extorted by contribution from the starveling Coun∣tries. But I doubt, as there is little Will to it, so there is less ability; Their patience has bin exercised to the height; Take heed; Nescit plebs jejunatimere, as ambition has no bounds, so ne∣cessity has no Barre.

4. Pay; How is it possible they should, if Trade fails; Our subsistence in the Country, hangs sensibly on commerce in the City. Observe it in one commodity; How can the Gentle∣man expect his Rent, when his Tenant cannot sell his Wool? If wool be not sold, how can the poor (millions of poor) be set on work? If the poor be not set on work, they must steal, or starve; If the Cloathyer can vent no Cloth, how can he buy the Wool? If the Merchant have not a free and well-orde∣red Trade, how can he buy cloth? The miscarriages of these times has spoyled the Trade of our Cloth beyond the seas; so that unless we return into order, and awe our Neighbours to a sutable correspondence, 'tis not recoverable. For other trades how they sink, may be evident from the dayly ruptures that are spoken of; and more fully from the 2000. sail that we have lost fince the Spanish War. Now, the commodities we have thence we take in upon retaile from our Officious Neighbour, who knows handsomly to foment the difference, and reap the ad∣vantage. Our gold walks beyond Sea more freely than in Eng∣land. Forraign Trade we pay for dear; Home-commodities we sell cheap. 'Tis not possible but the wealth of England sinks in value considerably every year: No Trade can be, till there be a settlement; No settlement, while we dance every day to a new Whistle. There are ten models in proposal, and every faction is with blood ready to avow his way the best. While we thus stagger, we may shortly expect to be accosted with the same dilemna, that a poor labourer put upon my Tenant the other day, from whose fold, week after week he had stoln a sheep; he freely confest the Theft, and told him, work he had none, nor could get any, though he offered to labour at less value than he was wont; worth he was no more than his earthen pot; steal he must; hang him he might, but he his wife and five children would not starve, while they had hands to take.

5. Were it possible to keep down the spirit of the English, which has been so imbitter'd by the violent instruments of our Statists, what shall we think of Ireland, who already Act in a sence altogether averse to our new model? Nay, what of Scot∣land, a free people, no way in Vassalage to us, unless upon the account of our late Conquest: Can we think those two Kingdomes will truckle under this? Certainly, they wait but opportunity, and when it comes, 'twil cost us dear: Their in∣terest undoubtedly is Kingship, whereby they may possibly hope to have an influence upon the sweets of our Court. While thus we are imbroyl'd with fears and Wars to subdue our tribu∣taries, our purses and blood must be at the expense, and our enemies abroad will work their interests.

6. Was not the maintenance of our fundamental Laws, the pretence of our quarrel? Found we not the spirit of the Nation rowz'd up upon the found of the Trumpet? Popery, was it not decry'd? and Religion, Protestant Religion adjudg'd to be in danger? were we not call'd up to the Battel upon the account of Zeale with a Curse ye Meroz? Now if we truck on in the search for a Free-state; as for Religion, so much of it as we may call Protestant, must of necessity turn to Wantonness; for our divisions are so great already, that we dare not exaspe∣rate by advancing Discipline. Nay, indeed we cannot if we dar'd; for the most active of our Statists (if they have any Re∣ligion) 'tis that of the Sectary, which they own as the maine supporter of their Model, whose interest it is, to give Licenti∣ousnesse to all. As for Laws, those which we adored for the excellency and antiquity, must of necessity be alter'd in our Freedomes of person and estate, wherein true liberty is princi∣pally concern'd: Thus, if we have a free-state in the way of a House of Commons alwayes, or a Council in the interval; that Soveraign Court will take power to impose Taxes, and to imprison persons: Now by the Law of England no free-man could be taxed or imprest, but by Act of Parliament solemn∣ly and regularly past by the three estates, and he intrusted the elected to consent only so far as by Common Council of the three estates should be agreed: In passing whereof, the Commons were as the Tribunes of the people, as their Bulwark against high payments and impressures demanded by the Prince; To

whose occasions they would not contribute, unless well satisfi∣ed of the necessity and disbursement; which granted, they had the same concernment therein with the whole people, that is, To pay, and to be imprest. Now when the Commons are grown So∣veraign, who shall we call upon to be our Tribunes? for the same persons that have the power to raise, have in effect the priviledge to disburse. And how little will they value those small shares which they pay in their Rents, when they shall assuredly receive large salaries by their imployments? For believe it, though eve∣ry Statesman has not preferment, yet the most considerable will be in pay, and those are leaders to the rest. Upon this account it is, that while a Parliament sits, we shall be in constant pay; for the leaders will strain for a design, rather than want a preferment; And we the people may perhaps complain of the Reiterated bur∣then; but to whom shall we appeal? As for our persons, by our known Lawes, we could not be imprison'd, but by a regular pro∣ceeding in a course of justice, or a full Act of Parliament. An ar∣rest there ought to be, and thereupon a Bayl, unless the cause ap∣pear'd not baylable by the Warrant; when the accused had free∣dome to make defence upon perusal of his charge; if injustice or malice appear'd in that prosecution, his reparation was ready and usual. Otherwise than thus, could not a House of Commons ori∣ginally proceed, unless possibly upon their own members, which is disputable; but an impeachment must be drawn, and a trial had before the Lords as a Court of Justice. Should the King, or the Council commit an English man, it was upbraided as an Act of Tyranny. What becomes of this eminent freedom under a free∣state, when upon slight suggestions of a spightful Neighbor that is in power, the Serjeant at Armes seizes us with his exorbitant fees! No bayl, no Habeas Corpus, no regular way of justice to do us right. And there possibly, after a twelvemonth, if we have good friends, and can humble our selves to our potent Adversary, may we get discharg'd, but without amends or knowing of our Crime: And this course must be continued upon Reason of State. Lo thus while we cajol our selves with the name of Freedom, we lose the thing, and become free only to be made slaves.