Of the advancement and proficience of learning; or, The partitions of sciences· Nine books. Written in Latin by the most eminent, illustrious, and famous Lord Francis Bacon Baron of Verulam, Vicount St. Alban, Councellor of Estate, and Lord Chancellor of England. Interpreted by Gilbert Watts.

CAP. VII. The Dignity of Learning from humane Arguments and Testimonies. I. Naturall Inventours of New Arts for the Commodities of Mans life, consecrated as Gods. II. Politicall, Civill Estates and af∣faires advanced by Learning. § The best and happiest times under Learned Princes and others. § Exemplified in the immediat suc∣ceeding Emperors, from the death of Domitian. III. Military, The concurrence of Armes and Learning. § Exemplified in Alex∣ander the Great. § Iulius Caesar the Dictator. § Xenophon the Philosopher.

AS for Humane Testimonies and Arguments, it is so large a field, as in a discourse of this compendious nature and brevity, it is fit rather to use choice, than to imbrace the variety of them.

I. First therefore in the degrees of Honor amongst the Heathens, it was the highest, to attain to a Veneration and Adoration as a God; this indeed to the Christians is as the forbidden fruit; but we speak now separately of Humane Testimony. Therefore, (as we were saying) with the Heathens, that which the Grecians call Apotheosis; and the Latines Relatio inter Divos; was the supreme Honour which man could attribute unto Man: specially, when it was given, not by a formall Decree or Act of Estate, (as it was used amongst the Roman Emperors,) but freely by the assent of Men and inward beliefe. Of which high Honour there was a certain degree and midle terme: For there were reckoned above Humane Honours, Honours Heroicall; and Di∣vine; in the Distribution whereof, Antiquity observed this order. Founders of States; Lawgivers; Extirpers of Tyrants; Fathers of their Country, and other eminent Persons in Ci∣vile Merit, were honour'd with the title of Worthies only, or Demi-Gods; such as were Theseus, Minos, Romulus, and the like: on the other side such as were Inventors and Authors of new Arts; and such as endowed mans life with new Commodities, and accessions were ever consecrated among the Greater and En∣tire

Gods; which hapned to Ceres, Bacchus, Mercury, Apollo, and others, which indeed was done justly and upon sound judgement: For the merits of the former, are commonly con∣fined within the circle of an Age, or a Nation, and are not unlike seasonable and favoring showers, which though they be profitable and desirable, yet serve but for that season only wherein they fall, and for a Latitude of ground which they water: but the benefices of the latter, like the influences of the Sunne, and the heavenly bodies, are for time, perma∣nent, for place, universall: those again are commonly mixt with strife and perturbation; but these have the true chara∣cter of Divine presence, and come in Aura leni without noise or agitation.

II. Neither certainly is the Merit of Learning in Civile affaires, and in repressing the inconveniences which grow from man to man, much inferior to the other which relieve mans neces∣sities, which arise from Nature. And this kind of merit was lively set forth in that fained relation of Orpheus Theatre, where all beasts and birds assembled, which forgetting their proper naturall appetites of Prey, of Game, of Quarrell, stood all sociably and lovingly together, listning unto the Aires and accords of the harpe; the sound whereof no soo∣ner ceased; or was drown'd by some lowder noise, but eve∣ry beast returned to his own nature. In which Fable is ele∣gantly described, the nature and condition of men, who are tossed and disordered with sundry savage and unreclaim'd desires, of Profit, of Lust, of Revenge; which yet as long as they give eare to precepts, to the perswasion of Religion, Lawes, and Magistrates, eloquently and sweetly coucht in Bookes, to Sermons and Haranges, so long is society and peace maintaind; but if these instruments be silent, or that seditions and tumults make them not audible, all things dissolve and fall back into Anarchy and Confusion.

§ But this appeareth more manifestly, when Kings or Persons of Authority under them, or other Governors in States, are endowed with Learning: For although he might be thought partiall to his own profession that said Than should People or

States be happy when either Kings were Philosophers or Philosophers Kings; yet so much is verified by experi∣ence, that under wise and Learned Princes and Governors of State, there hath bin ever the best and happiest times. For how∣soever Kings may have their errors and imperfections; that is, be liable to Passions and depraved customes, like other mē, yet if they be illuminated by Learning, they have certain anticipate notions of Religion, Policy, and Morality, which preserve and refrain them from all ruinous and peremptory errors and excesses, whispering evermore in their eares, when Councellors, and Servants stand mute and silent. So likewise Senators and Councellors which be Learned, doe pro∣ceed upon more safe and substantiall principles, than Councellors which are only men of experience: Those seeing dangers a farre off, and repulsing them betimes; whereas these are wise only neere at hand, seeing nothing, but what is imminent and ready to fall upon them, and than trust to the agility of their wit, in the point of dangers, to ward and avoid them.

§ Which felicity of times under Learned Princes (to keep still the law of brevity by using the most selected and e∣minent examples) doth best appear, in the Age which pas∣sed from the death of Domitianus the Emperor, untill the raigne of Commodus, comprehending a succession of sixe Princes, all Learned, or singular favourers and advancers of Learning, and of all ages (if we regard temporall happinesse) the most florish∣ing that ever Rome saw, which was then the Modell and Epitome of the world: A matter revealed and prefigur'd unto Domitian in a dream, the night before he was slaine, for he seem'd to see grown behind upon his shoulders a neck and a head of gold; which Divination came indeed accordingly to passe, in those golden times which succeeded; of which we will make some particular, but brief commemoration. Nerva was a Learned Prince, an inward acquaintance, and even a Disciple to Apollonius the Pythagorean; who also almost ex∣pired in a verse of Homers,

Telis Phaebetuis, lachrimas ulciscere nostras.

Trajan was for his Person not Learned, but an admirer of

Learning, and a munificent benefactor to the Learned, a Founder of Libraries, and in whose Court (though a war∣like Prince) as is recorded, Professors and Preceptors were of most credit and estimation. Adrian was the most curious man that lived, and the insatiable inquirer of all variety and secrets. Antoninus had the patient and subtile wit of a Schoole-man, in so much as he was called Cymini-Sector, a Carver, or a divider of Cummin-seed: And of the Divi fratres, Lucius Commodus was delighted with a softer kind of Learn∣ing; and Marcus was surnam'd the Philosopher. These Prin∣ces as they excel'd the rest in Learning, so they excel'd them like∣wise in virtue and goodnesse. Nerva was a most mild Empe∣rour, and who (if he had done nothing else) gave Trajan to the World. Trajan, of all that raigned, for the Arts, both of Peace and Warre, was most famous and renowned: the same Prince enlarged the bounds of the Empire; the same, temperately confin'd the Limits and Power thereof; he was also a great Builder in so much as Constantine the Great, in e∣mulation was wont to call him, Parietaria, Wall-Flower, be∣cause his name was carved upon so many walls. Adrian was Times rivall for the victory of perpetuity, for by his care and munificence in every kind, he repaired the decaies and ruines of Time. ANTONINUS, as by name, so nature, a man exceeding Pious; for his nature and inbred goodnesse, was beloved and most acceptable to men of all sorts and degrees; whose raigne, though it was long, yet was it peacefull and happy. Lucius Commodus (exceeded indeed by his brother) excel'd many of the Emperours for goodnesse. Marcus for∣med by nature to be the pattern and Platforme of virtue, a∣gainst whom that Iester in the banquet of the Gods had no∣thing to object, or carpe at, save his patience towards the humors of his wife. So in this continued sequence of sixe Princes, a man may see the happy fruits of Learning in Soveraignty, Pain∣ted forth in the greatest Table of the world.

III. Neither hath Learning an influence or operation upon Civill merit and the Arts of Peace only, but likewise it hath no lesse Power and Efficacy in Martiall and Military

virtue, as may notably be represented in the examples of A∣lexander the Great; and Iulius Caesar the Dictator, mention'd, by the way before, but now in fit place to be resumed; of whose Military virtues and Acts in warre, there needs no note or recitall, having bin the wonders of the world in that kind; but, of their affection and propension towards Learning, and peculiar perfection therein, it will not be impertinent to say some thing.

§ Alexander was bred and taught under Aristotle, (cer∣tainly a great Philosopher) who dedicated diverse of his Books of Philosophy unto him: he was attended with Ca∣listhenes, and diverse other Learned persons that followed him in Campe, and were his perpetuall associates, in all his Travailes and Conquests. What Price and Estimation he had Learning in, doth notably appear in many particulars; as in the envy he expressed towards Achille's great fortune, in this, That he had so good a Trumpet of his Actions & provesse as Homers verses. In the judgement he gave touching the precious Cabinet of Darius, which was found amongst the rest of the spoiles; whereof, when question was mov'd, what thing was wor∣thy to be put into it, and one said one thing, another, ano∣ther, he gave sentence for Homers works. His reprehensorie letter to Aristotle, after he had set forth his Book of Nature, wherein he expostulates with him, for publishing the se∣crets or mysteries of Philosophy, and gave him to under∣stand, That himselfe estimed it more to excell others in Learn∣ing and Knowledge, than in Power and Empire. There are many other particulars to this purpose. But how excellently his mind was endowed with Learning, doth appear, or rather shine in all his Speeches and answers, full of knowledg & wis∣dome; whereof though the Remaines be small, yet you shal find deeply impressed in them, the foot-steps of all sciences in Moral knowledge; Let the speech of Alexander be observed touching Diogenes, & see (if yee please) if it tend not to the true estate of one of the greatest questions in morall Philosophy? Whether the enjoying of outward things, or the contemning of them, be the greater happinesse. For when he saw Diogenes contented

with so litle, turning to those that stood about him, that mock't at the Cyniques condition, he said, Jf I were not A∣lexander, J could wish to be Diogenes. But Seneca, in this com∣parison, preferres Diogenes, when he saith, Plus erat quod Diogenes nollet accipere, quam quod Alexander posset dare, There were more things which Diogenes would have refused, than those were which Alexander could have given. Jn Naturall know∣ledge, observe that speech that was usuall with him, That he felt his mortality chiefly in two things, sleep, and Lust: which speech, in truth, is extracted out of the depth of Naturall Philosophy, tasting rather of the conception of an Aristotle, or a Democritus, than an Alexander; seeing as well the indi∣gence, as redundance of nature, design'd by these two Acts, are, as it were, the inward witnesses and the earnest of Death. In Peesy, let that speech be observed, when upon the bleed∣ing of his woundes, he called unto him one of his Flatterers, that was wont to ascribe unto him divine honor; look (saith he) this is the blood of a man, not such liquor as Homer speaks of, which ranne from Venus hand, when it was pierced by Diomedes: with this speech checking both the Poets, and his flatterers, and himselfe. Jn Logique observe that reprehension of Dia∣lectique Fallacies, in repelling and retorting Arguments, in that saying of his wherein he takes up Cassander, confuteing the informers against his father Antipater. For when Alex∣ander hapned to say, Doe you think these men would come so farre to complain, except they had just cause? Cassander an∣swered, Yea, that was it that made them thus bold, because they hoped the length of the way would dead the discovery of the aspersi∣on; See (saith the King) the subtlety of Aristotle wresting the matter both waies, Pro and Contra. Yet the same Art which he reprehended in another, he knew well how to use him∣selfe, when occasion required, to serve his own turne. For so it fell out that Calisthenes, (to whom he bare a secret grudge, because he was against the new ceremony of his a∣doration) being mov'd, at a banquet, by some of those that sate at table with him, that for entertainment sake (being he was an eloquent man) he would take upon him some

Theme, at his own choice, to discourse upon, which Cali∣sthenes did, and chuscing the Praises of the Macedonian Nation, performed the same with the great applause of all that heard him: whereupon Alexander, nothing pleased, said, That upon a good subject it was easy for any man to be elo∣quent, but turne, said he, your stile, and let us hear what you can say against us. Calisthenes undertook the charge, and performed it, with that sting & life, that Alexander was faine to interrupt him, saying; An ill mind also as well as a good cause might infuse eloquence. For Rhetorique, whereto Tropes and Ornaments appertaine; see an elegant use of Metaphor, wherewith he taxed Antipater, who was an Jmperious and Tyrannous Governor. For when one of Antipaters friends commended him to Alexander for his moderation, and that he did not degenerate, as other Lief-tenants did, into the Persian Pride, in useing Purple, but kept the ancient Ma∣cedon habit, But Antipater (saith Alexander) is all Purple within. So likewise that other Metaphor is excellent; when Parmenio came unto him in the plain of Arbella; and shewed him the innumerable multitude of enimies which viewed in the night, represented, by the infinite number of lights, a new Firmament of starres; and thereupon advised him to assaile them by night, I will not, said Alexander, steale a vi∣ctory. For matter of Policy, weigh that grave and wise di∣stinction, which all ages have imbraced, whereby he diffe∣renced his two chief friends, Ephestion and Craterus, when he said, That the one loved Alexander, and the other loved the King, Describeing a Difference of great import, amongst even the most faithfull servants of Kings, that some in sincere affection love their Persons, others in duty love their Crowne. Observe how excellently he could taxe an error, ordinary with Counsillors of Princes, who many times give counsill, according to the modell of their own mind and fortune, and not of their Masters. For when Darius had made great offers to Alexander. I, said Parmenio, would accept these con∣ditions, if J were as Alexander: said Alexander, surely so would I, were I as Parmenio. Lastly, weigh that quick and acute re∣ply,

which he made to his friends asking him, what he would reserve for himselfe giving away so many and great guifts? Hope, said he; as one who well knew that when all accounts are cast up aright, Hope is the true portion and inheritance of all that resolve upon great enterprizes. This was Iulius Caesar's portion when he went into Gaull, all his estate being exhau∣sted by profuse Largesses. This was likewise the portion of that noble Prince, howsoever transported with Ambiti∣on, Henry Duke of Guyse, of whom it was usually said, That he was the greatest usurer in all France, because that all his wealth was in names, and that he had turned his whole estate into obligations. But the admiration of this Prince whil'st I re∣present him to my selfe, not as Alexander the Great, but as Aristotles Scholler, hath perchance carried me too farre.

§ As for Iulius Caesar the excellency of his Learning, needs not to be argued, either from his education, or his compa∣ny, or his answers; For this, in a high degree, doth declare it selfe in his own writings, and works, whereof some are ex∣tant, some unfortunately perish't. For first, there is left un∣to us that excellent History of his own warres, which he entitled only a COMMENTARY; wherein all succeeding times have admired the solid waight of matter; and lively images of Actions and Persons, exprest in the greatest propriety of words, and perspicuity of Narration, that ever was. Which endowments, that they were not infused by nature, but ac∣quired by Precepts and instructions of Learning, is well wit¦nessed by that work of his entitled DE ANALOGIA, which was nothing else but a Grammaticall Philosophy, wherein he did labour, to make this, vox ad Placitum, to become vox ad Licitum, and to reduce custome of speech, to congruity of speech; that words, which are the images of things, might accord with the things themselves, and not stand to the Ar∣bitrement of the vulgar. So likewise we have by his edict, a reformed computation of the year, correspondent to the course of the Sunne; which evidently shewes, that he accounted it his equall glory, to finde out the lawes, of the starres in hea∣ven; as to give lawes to men on earth. So in that Book of

his entitled ANTI-CATO; it doth easily appear, that he did aspire, as well to victory of wit, as victory of warre; underta∣king therein a Conflict against the greatest Champion with the Penne, that then lived, Cicero the Oratour. Againe in his Book of APOPHTHEGMES, which he collected, we see he estimed it more honour, to make himselfe but a paire of Tables, or Codicills, wherein to register the wise and grave sayings of others; then if his own words were hal∣lowed as Oracles, as many vain Princes by custome of Flattery, delight to doe. But if I should report diverse of his Speeches, as I did in Alexander, they are truly such, as Salomon notes, Ʋerba Sapientum sunt tanquam aculei, & tanquam clavi in altum defixi: wherefore I will here only pro∣pound three, not so admirable for elegancy, as for vigor and efficacy: As first, it is reason he be thought a maister of words, that could with one word appease a mutiny in his army: the occasion was this; The Romans, when their Generalls did speak in their Army, did use the word, Milites, when the Magistrates spake to the people, they did use the word, Quirites: Caesars souldiers were in a tumult, and seditiously prayed to be cassed, not that they so ment, but by expostu∣lation thereof, to draw Caesar to other conditions; He, no∣thing daunted and resolute, after some silence began thus, Ego, Quirites, which word did admit them already cassee∣red; wherewith the souldiers were so surprized, and so a∣mazed; as they would not suffer him to goe on in his speech; and relinquishing their demands of Dismission, made it now their earnest suit, that the name of Milites, might be again restored them. The second speech was thus; Caesar did ex∣treamly affect the name of King; therefore some were set on, as he passed by, in popular acclamation to salute him King: he finding the crie weak and poore, put off the matter with a jest, as if they had mist his sur-name, Non Rex sum, (saith he) sed Caesar; indeed such a speech as if it be exactly searcht, the life and fulnesse of it can scarce be exprest. For first it pretended a refusall of the name, but yet not serious: again, it did carry with it an infinite confidence, and magna∣nimity;

as if the Appellation Caesar. had bin a more eminent Title, than the name of King; which hath come to passe, and remaineth so till this day. But, that which most made for him, this speech by an excellent contrivance, advanced his own purpose; for it did closely insinuate, that the Senate and People of Rome, did strive with him about a vaine sha∣dow, a name only, (for he had the power of a King already) and for such a name, whereof mean families were invested; for the Sur-name Rex, was the title of many families; as we also have the like in our Dialect. The last speech, which I will mention in this place, was this; When Caesar, after the warre was declared, did possesse himselfe of the City of Rome, and had broke open the inner Treasury, to take the mony there stored up, for the service of the warre, Metellus, for that time Tribune, withstood him; to whom Caesar, If thou dost persist, (saith he) thou art dead; presently taking himselfe up, he added, Young man, it is harder for me to speak this, than to doe it; Adolescens, durius est mihi hoc dicere quam fa∣cëre; A speech compounded of the greatest terror, and the greatest clemency, that could proceed out of the mouth of man. But, to pursue Caesars Abilities in this kind no farther, it is evident, that he knew well his own perfection in Learn∣ing, as appears, when some spake, what a strange resoluti∣on it was in Lucius Scylla to resigne his Dictature; he scoffing at him, answered, That Scylla could not skill of Letters, and therefore knew not how to Dictate.

§ Now it were time to leave this point touching the strict concurrence of Military virtue and Learning, (for what example in this kind, can come with any grace, after Alex∣ander and Caesar?) were it not that J am transported with the height and rarenesse of one other particular instance, as that which did so suddenly passe from scorne to wonder; and it is of Xenophon the Philosopher, who went from Socrates schoole into Asia with Cyrus the younger, in his expedition against King Artaxerxes. This Xenophon, at that time was very young, and never had seen the warres before; neither had than, any command in the Army, but only followed

the warre as a voluntary, for the love and conversation of Proxenus his friend. He was by chance present when Fa∣linus came in message from the great King, to the Grecians, after that Cyrus was slain in the field, and the Grecians, a handfull of men, having lost their Generall, left to them∣selves in the midst of the Provinces of Persia, cut off from their Country by the interception of many miles, and of ve∣ry great and deep rivers. The Message did import that they should deliver up their Armes, and submit themselves to the Kings mercy: to which message before publique answer was made, diverse of the Army, conferr'd familiarly with Falinus, amongst whom Xenophon hapned to say thus, why, (said he) Falinus we have now but these two things left, our Armes and our Ʋirtue, if we yeeld up our Armes, how shall we make use of our virtue? whereto Falinus smiling said, If I be not deceived Young Gentleman you are an Athenian, and study Philosophy, and it is pretty that you say, but you are much abused, if you think your Ʋirtue can withstand the Kings Power; here was the scorne, the wonder followeth. This young Scholler or Philosopher, after all the Captaines and Commanders were murthered by treason, conducted ten thousand Foot, through the heart of all the Kings high Countreys, from Babilon to Grecia, in despite of all the Kings forces; to the astonishment of the world, and the encouragement of the Grecians in time succeeding, to make invasion upon the Persian Monarchy and to subvert it. Which indeed soone after, Jason the Thessalian conceiv'd and design'd; Agesilaus the spartane attempted and commenced; Alexander the Macedonian at last atchieved, all being stirred up, by this brave leading Act of that young Scholler.

Notes

• Herodia. l. 4 Dio. Reli∣qui.
• Philost. in Orph.
• Plato de Rep. 5.
• Suet. in Dom parag 23.
• Nerva tuis Dion. l. 68. Plin. Pan.
• Dion. in A∣driano.
• Dion. in Anton. P.
• Plin. Pan. Aur. vict. c. 13.
• Xyphil. ex Dion. Trajan.
• Capitol. In Ant. P.
• § In Vero. In M. Ant.
• Iuliani Cae∣sares.
• Plut. in Alexand.
• Plut. ut supra.
• Vt supra.
• Vt supra.
• De Ben. 5.
• Plut. in Alexand.
• Vt supra ex Hom. II.
• Plut. in Alexand.
• Plutarch. ut supra.
• Plutarch. Dict. Not.
• Plut. in A∣lexan.
• Vt supra.
• Plut. in Alex.
• Vt supra.
• S. FRAN. BACON. Apol.
• Cic. de cla. Orat. Cic. de O∣rat. l. 3. Suet. in Iul.
• Suet. in parag. 56.
• Parag. 56.
• Suet. in parag. 48.
• Plut. in Caesar.
• Eccles. 12.
• Suet. in Iul. parag. 70.
• Suet. parag. 79.
• Plut. in Caesar.
• Suet. in Iul. §. 77.
• Xen. Hist. de Exp. Cyri.
• Hist. de Cy. Ex. l. 2.